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Ware, William, 1797-1852 [1837], Letters of Lucius M. Piso, from Palmyra, to his friend Marcus Curtius at Rome, volume 2 (C. S. Francis & Co., New York) [word count] [eaf409v2].
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Front matter Covers, Edges and Spine

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Preliminaries

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Title Page LETTERS
OF
LUCIUS M. PISO,
FROM PALMYRA,
TO HIS FRIEND
MARCUS CURTIUS, AT ROME.
NEW-YORK:
C. S. FRANCIS, 252 BROADWAY.
BOSTON,
JOSEPH H. FRANCIS 128 WASHINGTON STREET.
1837.

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Acknowledgment

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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by
C. S. Francis.
in the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New-York.

Main text

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LETTERS FROM PALMYRA. LETTER X.

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As I returned from the worship of the Christians to
the house of Gracchus, my thoughts wandered from the
subjects which had just occupied my mind, to the condition
of the country, and the prospect now growing more
and more portentous of an immediate rupture with
Rome. On my way I passed through streets of more
than Roman magnificence, exhibiting all the signs of
wealth, taste, refinement, and luxury. The happy, lighthearted
populace were moving through them, enjoying at
their leisure the calm beauty of the evening, or hastening
to or from some place of festivity. The earnest tone of
conversation, the loud laugh, the witty retort, the merry
jest, fell upon my ear from one and another as I passed
along. From the windows of the palaces of the merchants
and nobles, the rays of innumerable lights
streamed across my path, giving to the streets almost the
brilliancy of day; and the sound of music, either of
martial instruments, or of the harp accompanied by the

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voice, at every turn arrested my attention, and made me
pause to listen.

A deep melancholy overcame me. It seemed to me
that the days of this people were numbered, and that the
Gods intending their ruin had first made them mad.
Their gayety appeared to me no other than madness.
They were like the gladiators of our circuses, who,
doomed to death, pass the last days of life in a delirium
of forced and frantic joy. Many of the inhabitants I
could not but suppose utterly insensible to the dangers
which impend — or ignorant of them; but more I believe
are cheerful, and even gay, through a mad contempt
of them. They look back upon their long and uninterrupted
prosperity — they call to mind their late glorious
achievements under Odenatus and their queen — they
think of the wide extent of their empire — they remember
that Longinus is their minister, and Zenobia still
their queen — and give their fears to the winds. A
contest with Rome, they approach as they would the
games of the amphitheatre.

The situation of their city, defended as it is by the
wide stretching deserts, is indeed enough of itself to inspire
the people with a belief that it is impregnable. It
requires an effort, I am aware, to admit the likelihood of
an army from the far west first overcoming the dangers
of the desert, and then levelling the walls of the city,
which seem more like ramparts of Nature's making, so
massy are they, than any work of man. And the Palmyrenes
have certainly also some excuse in the wretched
management of our generals, ever since the expedition of
Valerian, and in the brilliancy of their own achievements
for thinking well of themselves, and anticipating,
without much apprehension for the issue, a war with us.
But these and the like apologies, however they may

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serve for the common people, surely are of no force in
their application to the intelligent, and such as fill the
high places of the kingdom. They know that although,
upon some mere question of honor or of boundary, it
might be very proper and politic to fight a single battle
rather than tamely submit to an encroachment, it is
quite another thing when the only aim of the war is to
see which is the stronger of the two — which is to be
master. This last, what is it but madness — the madness
of pride and ambition in the queen — in the people
the madness of a love and a devotion to her, unparalleled
since the world began. A blindness as of death has
seized them all.

Thinking of these things, and full of saddest forebodings
as to the fate of this most interesting and polished
people, I reached the gate of the palace of Gracchus.
The inmates, Gracchus and Fausta, I learned from
Milo were at the palace of the queen, whither I was instructed
by them to resort at the request of Zenobia
herself. The chariot of my host soon bore me there.
It was with pleasure that I greeted this unexpected good
fortune. I had not even seen the queen since the day
passed at her villa, and I was not a little desirous, before
the ambassadors should receive their final answer, to
have one more opportunity of conversing with her.

The moment I entered the apartment where the queen
was with her guests, I perceived that all state was laid
aside, and that we were to enjoy each other with the
same social ease as when in the country, or as on that
first evening in the gardens of the palace. There was
on this occasion no prostration, and no slave crouched at
her feet; and all the various Persian ceremonial in which
this proud woman so delights, was dispensed with. The
room in which we met was vast, and opening on two of

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its sides upon those lofty Corinthian porticos, which add
so greatly to the magnificence of this palace. Light
was so dispersed as to shed a soft and moon-like radiance,
which, without dazzling, perfectly revealed every person
and object, even to the minutest beauties of the paintings
upon the walls, or the statuary that offered to the eye the
master-pieces of ancient and modern sculpture. The
company was scattered; some being seated together in
conversation, others observing the works of art, others
pacing the marble floors of the porticos, their forms crossing
and recrossing the ample arched door-ways which
opened upon them.

`We feared,' said the queen, advancing toward me as
I entered, `that we were not to be so happy as to see
you. My other friends have already passed a precious
hour with me. But every sacrifice to the affections, be it
ever so slight, is a virtue, and therefore you are still an
object of praise, rather than of censure.'

I said in reply that an affair of consequence had detained
me, or I should have been earlier at the house of
Gracchus, so as to have accompanied Fausta.

Fausta, who had been sitting with the queen, now
came forward, Julia leaning on her arm, and said, `And
what do you imagine to be the affair of consequence that
has deprived us of Piso's company?'

`I cannot tell, indeed,' replied Zenobia.

`Julia at least,' said Fausta, `will applaud him, when
she hears that he has just come from an assembly of
Christians. May I ask, Lucius, what new truth you
have learned with which to enlighten us? But your
countenance tells me I must not jest. There — let me
smooth that brow and make my peace. But in seriousness,
I hope your Mediterranean friend rewarded you for
the hour you have given him, and deprived us of?'

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`I wish,' I could not but reply, `that but one out of
every thousand hours of my life had been as well rewarded,
and it would not have been so worthless. The
Princess may believe me when I say that not even the
Bishop of Antioch could have done better justice to the
Christian argument. I have heard this evening a Christian
of the name of Probus, whose history I related,—and
which you may remember — at the tables, within a few
days after my arrival in Palmyra. He is in opinion a
follower of Paul, so I am informed, though not — you
Julia will be glad to learn it — in his manner of life.
What the differences are which separate the Christians
from one another in their belief, I know not. I only
know that truth cannot take a more winning shape than
that in which it came from the lips of Probus, and it was
largely supported by the words of the founder of the religion.
I think you may justly congratulate your city and
your subjects,' I continued, addressing Zenobia, `upon
the labors and teaching of a man like Probus. The
sentiments which he utters are such as must tend to the
strength of any government which relies for its support,
in any sense, upon the social and personal virtues of the
people. In implanting the virtues of justice, temperance,
and piety, and in binding each heart to every other, by
the bonds of a love which this religion makes itself almost
to consist in, it does all that either philosophy or religion
can do for the harmony and order of society, the safety
of governments, and the peace of the world.'

`You speak with the earnestness of a deep persuasion,
Roman,' replied the Queen, `and I shall not forget the
name and office of the person whom you have now named
to me. I hear with pleasure of the arrival of any teacher
of truth in my kingdom. I have derived so much myself
from the influences of letters and philosophy, that it is no

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far-off conclusion for me to arrive at, that my people must
be proportionally benefited by an easy access to the
same life-giving fountains. Whatever helps to quicken
thought, and create or confirm habits of reflection, is so
much direct service to the cause of humanity. I truly
believe that there is no obstacle but ignorance, to prevent
the world from attaining a felicity and a virtue, such as
we now hardly dream of — ignorance respecting the first
principles of philosophy and religion. Knowledge is not
less essential to the increase and elevation of virtue, than
it is to the further advances of truth, and the detection of
error. Prove the truth, and mankind will always prefer
it to falsehood. So too, demonstrate wherein goodness
consists, and the road that leads to it, and mankind will
prefer it to vice. Vice is a mistake, as well as a fault;
I do not say as often. I fear that the Christian teachers
are occupying themselves and their disciples too much
about mere speculative and fanciful distinctions, while
they give too little heed to that which alone is of any
consequence, virtue. In this, Longinus,' turning towards
the philosopher, who had now joined us, `I think they
affect to imitate the commentators and living expositors
of the great Plato. I have heard from Paul of Samosata
accounts of differences among Christians, where the
points were quite too subtle for my understanding to
appreciate. They reminded me of the refinements of
some of the young adventurers from Athens, who occasionally
have resorted here for the purpose of elucidating
the doctrines of your great master — pseudo-philosophers
and tyros, I perceive you are waiting to term them.
Is it so, that you denominate Polemo, the Athenian, who,
as I learn is now here with the benevolent design of
enlightening my people?'

`He is a man,' replied Longinus, `hardly worthy to be

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named in this connection and this presence at all. I
have neither met him nor heard him, nor do I desire to
do so. It is through the mischievous intermeddling of
such as he that the honorable name and office of philosopher
are brought into contempt. It requires more intellect
than ever enlightens the soul of Polemo, to comprehend
the lofty truth of Plato. I trust that when it
has been my pleasure to unfold the sense of that great
teacher, it has not been found to be either unprofitable,
nor unintelligible?'

Zenobia smiled and said, `I must confess that at times,
as I have ever frankly stated, my mind has been a little
tasked. There has been but an approach to a perfect
idea. But I do not say that a perfect conception has not
been presented. So that when this has happened, Longinus
being the teacher, and Zenobia and Julia the pupils,
I cannot doubt that when the task is entrusted to less
cultivated minds — the task both of teaching and learning—
it must frequently end in what it might be rash to
term light or knowledge.'

`I grieve, O Queen,' replied Longinus, smiling in his
turn, `that both you and the Princess should have possessed
so little affinity for the soul-purifying and elevating
doctrines of the immortal Plato — that you, Queen, should
have even preferred the dark annals of Egyptian and Assyrian
history and politics, and the Greek learning; and
you, Princess, should have fixed your affections upon this,
not new-found philosophy, but new-invented religion, of
the Christians. I still anticipate the happiness to lead
you both into the groves of the academy, and detain you
there, where and where only are seats that well become
you.'

`But is it not,' I ventured here to suggest, `some objection
to the philosophy of Plato as the guide of life, that

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it requires minds of the very highest order to receive it?
Philosophy, methinks, should be something of such potency,
yet at the same time, of such simplicity, that it should not
so much require a lofty and elevated intellect to admit it,
as tend, being received readily and easily by minds of a
humbler order, to raise them up to itself. Now this, so
far as I understand it, is the character of the Christian philosophy—
for philosophy I must think it deservedly called.
It is admitted into the mind with ease. But once being
there, its operation is continually to exalt and refine it —
leading it upwards forever to some higher point than it
has hitherto arrived at. I do not deny an elevating power
to your philosophy when once an inmate of the soul — I
only assert the difficulty of receiving it on the part of the
common mind.'

`And the common mind has nothing to do,' replied the
Greek, `with Plato or his wisdom. They are for minds
of a higher order. Why should the man who makes my
sandals and my cloak be at the same time a philosopher?
Would he be the happier? In my opinion, it would but
increase his discontent. Every stitch that he set would
be accompanied by the reflection. “What a poor employment
is this for a soul like mine, imbued with the best
wisdom of Greece,” and if this did not make him miserable
at his task, it would make him contemptible when
he should forsake it to do the work of some Polemo —
who, it may safely be presumed, has made some such exchange
of occupation. No. Philosophy is not for the many,
but the few. Parts there are of it which may descend
and become a common inheritance. Other parts there
are, and it is of these I speak, which may not.'

`Therein,' I rejoined, `I discern its inferiority to christianity,
which appeals to all and is suited to all, to lowest
as well as highest, to highest as well as lowest.'

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`But I remember to have been told,' said the Greek, in
reply, `that Christian teachers too have their mysteries —
their doctrines for the common people, and their refinements
for the initiated.'

`I have heard not of it;' I answered, `if it be so I
should lament it. It would detract from its value greatly
in my judgment.'

`Where your information fails, Piso, mine perhaps may
serve,' said Julia, as I paused at fault. `It is indeed
true, as has been hinted by Longinus, that some of the
Christian doctors, through their weak and mistaken ambition
to assimilate their faith the nearest possible to the
Greek philosophy, have magnified the points in which the
least resemblance could be traced between them; and
through the force of a lively imagination, have discovered
resemblances which exist only in their fancies. These
they make their boast of, as showing that if Platonism be
to be esteemed for its most striking peculiarities, the very
same, or ones nearly corresponding, exist also in christianity.
Thus they hope to recommend their faith to the
lovers of philosophy. Many have by these means been
drawn over to it, and have not afterward altered any of
their modes of life, and scarce any of their opinions —
still wearing the philosopher's robe and teaching their
former doctrines, slightly modified by a tincture of christianity.
However the motive for such accommodation
may be justified, it has already resulted, and must do so
more and more to the corruption and injury of christianity.
This religion, or philosophy, whichever it should be called,
ought, however,' continued the Princess, addressing particularly
the Greek, `certainly to be judged on its own
merits, and not by the conduct or opinions of injudicious,
weak, or dishonest advocates. You are not willing that
Plato should be judged by the criticisms of a Polemo?

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But insist that the student should go to the pages of the
philosopher himself, or else to some living expositor
worthy of him. So the Christian may say of christianity.
I have been a reader of the Christian records, and I can
say, that such secret and mysterious doctrines as you
allude to, are not to be found there. Moreover, I can
refer you, for the same opinion, to Paul of Antioch — I
wish he were here — who, however he may depart from
the simplicity of the Christian life, maintains the simplicity
of its doctrine.'

`You have well shown, my fair pupil,' replied the philosopher,
`that the imputation upon christianity, of a
secret and interior doctrine for the initiated alone is unjust,
but therein have you deprived it of the very feature
that would commend it to the studious and inquisitive.
It may present itself as a useful moral guide to the common
mind, but scarcely can it hope to obtain that enthusiastic
homage of souls imbued with the love of letters,
and of a refined speculation, which binds in such true-hearted
devotion every follower of Plato to the doctrine of
his divine master.'

At this moment Zabdas and Otho entered the apartment,
and drawing near to our group to salute the queen,
our conversation was broken off. I took occasion, while
this ceremony was going through, to turn aside and survey
the various beauty and magnificence of the room, with
its rare works of art. In this I was joined by Longinus,
who, with a taste and a power which I have seen in no
other, descanted upon the more remarkable of the pictures
and statues, not in the manner of a lecturer, but with a
fine perception and observance of that nice line which
separates the learned philosopher from the polite man of
the world. He was both at once. He never veiled his
learning or his genius, and yet never, by the display of

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either, jarred the sensibilities of the most refined and cultivated
taste.

When we had in this way passed through the apartment,
and were standing looking toward where Zenobia
sat engaged in earnest conversation with Gracchus and
Zabdas, Longinus said,

`Do you observe the restlessness of the queen, and that
flush upon her cheek? She is thinking of to-morrow and
of the departure of the ambassadors. And so, too, is it
with every other here. We speak of other things, but
the mind dwells but upon one. I trust the queen will not
lose this fair occasion to gather once more the opinions of
those who most love and honor her. Piso, you have seen
something of the attachment of this people to their queen.
But you know not the one half of the truth. There is not
a living man in Palmyra, save only Antiochus, who would
not lay down his life for Zenobia. I except not myself.
This attachment is founded in part upon great and admirable
qualities. But it is to be fully explained only
when I name the fascinations of a manner and a beauty
such as poets have feigned in former ages, but which
have never been realized till now. I acknowledge it, —
we are slaves yoked to her car, and ask no higher felicity
or glory.'

`I wonder not,' said I; `though a Roman, I have hardly
myself escaped the common fate; you need not be surprised
to see me drawn, by-and-by, within the charmed
circle, and binding upon my own neck the silken chains
and the golden yoke. But see, the queen asks our audience.
'

We accordingly moved toward the seat which Zenobia
now occupied, surrounded by her friends, some being
seated and others standing without order around her.

`Good friends,' she said, `I believe one thought fills

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every mind present here. Is it not better that we give it
utterance? I need the sympathy and the counsel of those
who love me. But I ask not only for the opinions of those
who agree with me, but as sincerely for those of such
as may differ from me. You know me well in this, that
I refuse not to hearken to reasons, the strongest that
can be devised, although they oppose my own settled
judgment. Upon an occasion like this it would ill become
the head of a great empire, to shut out the slenderest ray
of light, that from any quarter might be directed upon the
questions which so deeply interest and agitate us. I believe
that the great heart of my people goes with me in
the resolution I have taken, and am supported in by my
council; but I am well aware, that minds not inferior to
any in strength, and hearts that beat not less warmly
toward their country and toward me than any others, are
opposed to that resolution, and anticipate nought but disaster
and ruin from a conflict with the masters of the
world. Let us freely open our minds each to other, and
let no one fear to offend me, but by withholding his full
and free opinion.'

`We who know our queen so well,' said Gracchus,
`hardly need these assurances. Were I as bitterly opposed
to the measures proposed as I am decidedly in favor of
them, I should none the less fearlessly and frankly declare
the reasons of my dissent. I am sure that every one here
experiences the freedom you enjoin. But who will need
to use it? For are we not of one mind? I see, indeed,
one or two who oppose the general mind. But for the rest,
one spirit animates all, and, what is more, to the farthest
limits of the kingdom am I persuaded the same spirit
spreads, and possesses, and fills every soul. The attempt
of Aurelian to control us in our affairs, to dictate to us
concerning the limits of our empire so far removed, is felt

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to be a wanton freak of despotic power, which if it be not
withstood in its first encroachment, may proceed to other
acts less tolerable still, and which may leave us scarcely
our name as a distinct people — and that covered with
shame. Although a Roman by descent, I advocate not
Roman intolerance. I can see and denounce injustice in
Aurelian as well as another. Palmyra is my country and
Zenobia my queen, and when I seek not their honor, may
my own fall blasted and ruined. I stand ready to pledge
for them in this emergency, what every other man of Palmyra
holds it his privilege to offer, my property and my
life, and if I have any possession dearer than these, I am
ready to bring and lay it upon the same altar.'

The eyes of Zenobia filled at the generous enthusiasm
of her faithful councillor — and, for Fausta, it was only
a look and sign of the queen that held her to her seat.

Longinus then, as seemed to be his place, entered at
length into the merits of the question. He did not hesitate
to say that at the first outbreak of these difficulties
he had been in favor of such concessions to the pride of
Rome, as would perhaps have appeased her and cast no
indignity upon Palmyra. He did not scruple to add that
he had deeply disapproved and honestly censured that rash
act of the young princes in assuming the garb and state
of Cæsars. He would rather leave to Rome her own titles
and empire, and stand here upon a new and independent
footing. It was a mad and useless affront deeply wounding
to the pride of Aurelian, and the more rankling as it
was of the nature of a personal as well as national affront.
He withheld not blame too from that towering ambition
that, as he said, coveted the world because the gods had
indeed imparted a genius capable to rule the world. He
had exerted all his powers to moderate and restrain it, by
infusing a love of other than warlike pursuits. But, said

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he, the Gods weave the texture of our souls, not ourselves;
and the web is too intensely wove and drenched in too
deep a dye for us to undo or greatly change. The eagle
cannot be tamed down to the softness of a dove and no art
of the husbandman can send into the gnarled and knotted
oak the juices that shall smooth and melt its stiffness into
the yielding pliancy of the willow. I wage no war with
the work of the gods. Besides, the demands of Rome
have now grown to such a size that they swallow up our
very existence as a free and sovereign state. They leave
us but this single city and province out of an empire that
now stretches from the Nile to the Bosphorus — an empire
obtained by what cost of blood and treasure I need not
say, any more than by what consummate skill in that art
which boasts the loftiest minds of all ages. He went
on to say, that Palmyra owed a duty not only to herself
in this matter, but to the whole East especially, and
even to the world. For what part of the civilized world
had not been trampled into the dust by the despotism of
almighty Rome. It was needful to the well-being of nations
that some power should boldly stand forth and check
an insolence, that suffered no city or kingdom to rest in
peace. No single people ought to obtain universal empire.
A powerful nation was the more observant of the eternal
principles of honor and justice for being watched by another,
its equal. Individual character needs such supervision—
and national as much. Palmyra was now an imposing
object in the eye of the whole world. It was the second
power. All he wished was, that, for the sake of the world's
peace, it should retain this position. He deprecated conquest.
However another might aspire to victory over Aurelian—
to new additions from the Roman territory, he had
no such aspirations. On the other hand, he should deplore

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any success beyond the maintenance of a just and honorable
independence. This was our right, he said, by inheritance,
and as much also by conquest, and for this he
was ready, with the noble Gracchus, to offer to his sovereign
his properties, his powers, and his life. If my poor
life, he closed with saying, could prolong by a single year
the reign of one who, with virtues so eminent and a
genius so vast, fills the throne of this fair kingdom, I
would lay it at her feet with joy, and think it a service
well done for our own and the world's happiness.'

No sooner had Longinus ended, than Otho, a man of
whom I have more than once spoken to you, begged to
say a few words.

`My opinions are well known,' he began with saying,
`and it may be needless that I should again, and especially
here, declare them, seeing that they will jar so rudely
with those entertained by you, my friends around me.
But sure I am, that no one has advocated the cause and
the sentiments which Zenobia cherishes so fondly, with a
truer, deeper affection for her, with a sincerer love of her
glory, than I rise to oppose them with — `We know it,
we know it, Otho,' interrupted the Queen. `Thanks,
noble queen, for the fresh assurance of it. It is because
I love, that I resist you. It is because I glory in your
reign, in your renown, in your virtues, that I oppose an
enterprise that I see with a prophet's vision will tarnish
them all. Were I your enemy, I could not do better
than to repeat the arguments that have just fallen from
the lips of the head of our councils, set off with every
trick of eloquence that would send them with a yet more
resistless power into the minds not only of those who are
assembled here, but of those, your subjects, wherever over
these large dominions they are scattered. To press this

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war is to undermine the foundations of the fairest kingdom
the sun shines upon, and unseat the most beloved
ruler that ever swayed a sceptre over the hearts of a devoted
people. It can have no other issue. And this is
not, O noble Queen, to throw discredit upon former
achievements, or to express a doubt of powers which have
received the homage of the world. It is only, with open
eyes to acknowledge what all but the blind must see and
confess, the overwhelming superiority in power of every
kind of the other party. With a feeble man upon the
Roman throne, and I grant that upon the outskirts of her
empire, a brave and determined opposition might obtain
great advantages, and conquer or re-conquer provinces
and cities, and bring disgrace upon Roman generals.
But this must be a transitory glory — the mere shooting
of an evening star — ending in deeper gloom. For what
is Rome? Is it the commander of a legion, or the resident
governor of a dependent kingdom, or even Cæsar himself?
And have you dealt with Rome when you have dealt with
Balista, or Heraclianus, or Probus? Alas! no. Rome
still stands omnipotent and secure. The lion has been
but chafed — and is still a lion, with more than his former
fury — one hair has been drawn — his teeth, his limbs,
his massy weight, his untouched energies remain. Rome
has been asleep for thirteen long years. Any empire but
Rome— which is immortal — would have slept the sleep of
death under the dastardly, besotted Gallienus. But Rome
has but slumbered, and has now awaked with renovated
powers, under the auspices of a man whose name alone
has carried terror and dismay to the farthest tribes of the
German forests. Against Aurelian, with all the world at
his back!—and what can any resistance of ours avail? We
may gain a single victory — to that, genius and courage
are equal, and we possess them in more than even Roman

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measure — but that very victory may be our undoing or
it will but embitter the temper of the enemy, call forth a
new display of unexhausted and inexhaustible resources,
while our very good success itself will have nearly annihilated
our armies — and what can happen then but ruin,
absolute and complete. Roman magnanimity may spare
our city and our name. But it is more likely that Roman
vengeance may blot them both out from the map of the
world, and leave us nought but the fame of our Queen,
and the crumbling ruins of this once flourishing city by
which to be remembered by posterity.

These are not the councils of fear — of a tame and
cowardly spirit. I may rebut that imputation without
vanity, by referring to the siege of Ctesiphon and the
reduction of Egypt. The generous Zabdas will do me
justice — nay, you all will — why am I apprehensive?
Bear with me a moment more — “say on, say on, noble
Otho, said the Queen, and many other voices at the same
time.” — The great Longinus has said, continued he,
that it is needful that there be one empire at least in the
world to stand between Rome and universal dominion.
I believe it. And that Palmyra may be — or continue to
be that kingdom, I counsel peace — I counsel delay —
temporary concession — negotiation — anything but war.
A Roman emperor lives not forever — and let us once
ward off the jealousy of Aurelian, by yielding to some of
his demands, and resigning pretensions which are nothing
in reality, but exist as names and shadows only, and
long years of peace and prosperity may again arise, when
our now infant kingdom may shoot up into the strong
bone and muscle of a more vigorous manhood, and with
reason assert rights, which now it seems but madness —
essential madness to do. Listen, great Queen! to the
counsels of a time-worn soldier, whose whole soul is

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bound up in most true-hearted devotion to your greatness
and glory. I quarrel not with your amibition, or your love
of warlike fame. I would only direct them to fields
where they may pluck fresh laurels, and divert them
from those where waits — pardon me, my royal mistress—
inevitable shame.'

Soon as Otho had given a single sign of pause, Zabdas,
like a war-horse, sprang upon his feet, `Were not the
words,' said he, `which we have just heard, the words of
Otho, I should cry out treason! treason! — But Otho —
is Otho. What nation would ever, O Queen, outgrow
its infancy, were a policy like this now descanted upon,
to guide its councils? The general who risks nothing can
win nothing. And the nation that should wait till absolutely
sure of victory before unsheathing the sword would
never draw it, or only in some poor skirmish, where
victory would be as disgraceful as defeat. Besides, although
such a nation were to rise by such victories, if victories
those may be called, won by a thousand over an hundred,
who would not blush to own himself a citizen of it?
Greatness lies not in pounds weight of flesh, but in skill,
courage, warlike-genius, energy, and an indomitable will.
A great heart will scatter a multitude. The love of freedom,
in a few brave spirits, overthrow kingdoms. It was
not, if I rightly remember, numbers by which the Persian
hosts were beaten upon the plains of Greece. It was
there something like three hundred to a million — the
million weighed more than the three hundred, yet the
three hundred were the heavier. The arm of one Spartan
fell like a tempest upon the degenerate Persians, crushing
its thousands at a single sweep. It was a great heart and
a trusting spirit, that made it weigh so against mere human
flesh. Are we to wait till Palmyra be as multitudinous
as Rome, ere we risk a battle? Perhaps Rome will

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grow as fast as Palmyra — and how long must we then
wait? I care not, though Aurelian bring half Europe at
his back, there sits a throned spirit — whether of earth
or not, I cannot tell, but as I think more than half divine—
who will drive him back shattered and bleeding, the
jest and ridicule of the observing world. She who, by
the force of pure intellect, has out of this speck in the
desert made a large empire, who has humbled Persia, and
entered her capital in triumph, has defeated three Roman
armies, and wrested more provinces than time will allow
me to number, from the firm grasp of the self-styled mistress
of the world, this more than Semiramis is to be
daunted forsooth, because a Roman soldier of fortune
sends his hirelings here and asks of her the surrender of
three-fourths of her kingdom — she is to kneel and cry
him mercy — and humbly lay at his royal feet the laurels
won by so much precious blood and treasure. May the
sands of the desert bury Palmyra and her Queen, sooner
than one humiliating word shall pass those lips, or one
act of concession blast a fame to this hour spotless as the
snows of Ararat, and bright as the Persian God. Shame
upon the man who, after the lessons of the past, wants
faith in his sovereign. Great Queen, believe me, the
nation is with you. Palmyra, as one man, will pour out
treasure to the last and least dust of gold, and blood to
the last drop, that you may still sit secure upon that
throne, and stretch your sceptre over a yet wider and undishonored
empire.'

`Let not the Queen,' resumed Otho, as Zabdas ceased,
`let not the Queen doubt my faith' —

`I doubt it not, good Otho,' she replied, `heed not the
sharp words of the impetuous Zabdas, in his zeal for the
art he only loves and for his Queen, he has thrust his

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lance hither and thither at all adventures, but, as in the
sports of the field, he means no injury.'

`Zabdas intends no wrong I am well assured,' rejoined
Otho. `I would only add a word, to show upon what I
ground my doubt of good success, should Aurelian muster
all his strength. It cannot be thought that I have
lost my faith in the military genius and prowess of either
Zenobia or Zabdas, with both of whom, side by side, I have
fought so many times, and by their conduct mounted up to
victory. Neither do I doubt the courage of our native Palmyrenes,
or their devotion to the interests of their country.
They will war to the death. But should a second army be
to be raised — should the chosen troops of the city and its
neighboring territories be once cut off, upon whom are
we then to rely? Where are the auxiliaries whom we can
trust? What reliance can be placed upon Arabs, the Armenians,
the Saracens, the Cappadocians, the Syrians? Is
our empire so old, and so well moulded into one mass, so
single in interest and affection, that these scattered tribes,
formerly hostile to each other and to us, many — most of
them at different times subject to Rome, may be depended
upon as our own people? Have we legions already
drawn from their numbers, disciplined, and accustomed
to our modes of warfare? Truly, this war with Rome
seems to be approached much as if it were but some passing
show of arms, some holiday pastime. But the gods
grant that none of my forebodings turn true.'

The words of the sober-minded and honest Otho found
no echo in the bosoms of those who heard him, and he
ceased, when I believe he would willingly have gone on to
a closer and sharper opposition. Others followed him, each
one present eagerly pressing forward to utter, were it but
one word, to show his loyalty, and his zeal in the service
of his Queen.

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When all, or nearly all, had in this manner manifested
their attachment and declared their opinions, the Queen
turned to me, saying, that as I had there heard so much
of what I could not approve, and perhaps had power to
disprove, it was right that if I wished, I should also express
my opinions — nay, it would be esteemed as a favor
by herself, and she was sure also by all her friends, if I
would freely impart any knowledge I might possess, by
which any error might be corrected, or false impressions
dissipated.

Being thus invited, I not unwillingly entered into the
questions that had been agitated, and with earnestness
and sincerity, and with all the power I could bring to
bear, labored to expose the imminent hazard to the very
existence of the kingdom, which was run by this rash encounter
with the countless hosts of Rome. I revealed a
true picture of the resources of our country, and sketched,
as I could so well do in their proper colors, the character of
the fierce Aurelian; and, in a word, did all that a Roman
could do for Rome, and a Palmyrene for Palmyra. I
remembered what Otho had told me of the courtesy and
willingness with which any company of genuine Palmyrenes
would listen to me, and shrunk not from any statement
however harsh and grating to their national vanity,
but which seemed to me to convey wholesome truth. It
appeared to me, indeed, too late to work any change in
minds so pledged already to an adopted opinion, but I
resolved to leave nothing untried, however unlikely, to
turn them from a bent that must end in irretrievable ruin.
I was encouraged too, and urged on to more than a common
effort, by the imploring countenance of the Princess
Julia, who, in that expressive manner, begged me to use
all frankness and boldness in my communications. Otho
had, it is true, with great power and unshrinking fidelity,

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advocated the cause of peace, and laid bare the true motives
to the war, but still it appeared to me that much
might be said by a Roman and a stranger, that would
carry with it more weight than as coming from a citizen,
however loved and respected. To you, my friend, I need
enter into no detail — you will easily imagine what it
was, as a Roman, I should urge upon such an occasion,
and in such a presence. I shall always remember with
satisfaction I am sure, whatever the issue of this difference
may be, my efforts to preserve peace between two
nations, whose best interests must be advanced not by
enmity and war, but by the closest alliance of friendly
intercourse.

I was heard with attention and respect, and afterwards
with sincerity thanked, not only by the opposers of the
present measures, but by their advocates also — they were
glad to know the worst that could be said against the
cause they had espoused. A brief silence ensued as I
ended, and the eyes of all were instinctively turned upon
Zenobia, the ruling spirit — the maker of the kingdom —
its soul — its life-blood — its head, and bright, peerless
crown.

`It was my wish,' said Zenobia, answering the general
expectation, `before the final decision of the senate and
the council, to receive from my friends, in social confidence,
a full expression of their feelings, their opinions,
their hopes, and their fears concerning the present posture
of our affairs. My wish has been gratified, and I
truly thank you all, and not least those my friends — as a
philosopher, should I not term them my best friends —
who, with a generous trust in me and in you who are on
my part, have not shrunk from the duty, always a hard
one, of exposing the errors and the faults of those they
love. After such exposure — and which at more length

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and with more specification will, I trust, be repeated in the
hearing of the senate and the council — it cannot be said
that I blindly rushed upon danger and ruin — if these
await us — or weakly blundered upon a wider renown, if
that, as I doubt not, is to be the event of the impending
contest. I would neither gain nor lose, but as the effect
of a wise calculation and a careful choice of means.
Withhold not now your confidence, which before you
have never refused me. Believe that now as ever before,
I discern with a clear eye the path which is to conduct
us to a yet higher pitch of glory. I have long anticipated
the emergency that has arisen. I was not so ignorant of
the history and character of the Roman people, as to suppose
that they would suffer an empire like this, founded,
too, and governed by a woman, to divide long with them
the homage of the world. With the death of the ignoble
son of Valerian, I believed would close our undisputed
reign over most of these eastern provinces. Had Claudius
lived, good as he was, he was too Roman in his mould
not to have done what Aurelian now attempts. I prepared
then, for the crisis which has come not till now.
I am ready now. My armies are in complete discipline—
the city itself so fortified with every art and muniment
of war as safely to defy any power that any nation may
array before its walls. But were this not so — did the
embassy of Aurelian take us by surprise and unprepared,
should a people that respects itself, and would win or keep
the good opinion of mankind, tamely submit to requisitions
like these? Are we to dismember our country at the behest
of a stranger — of a foreigner — and a Roman? Do
you feel that without a struggle first for freedom and independence,
you could sink down into a mean tributary of
all-ingulphing Rome, and lose the name of Palmyrene? I
see by the most expressive of all language, that you would

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rather die. Happy are you, my friends, that this is not
your case — you are ready for the enemy — you shall
not lose your name or your renown — and you shall not
die. I and my brave soldiers will at a distance breast the
coming storm — your ears shall not so much as hear its
thunder — and at the worst, by the sacrifice of our lives,
yours and your country's life shall be preserved.

`I am advised to avert this evil by negotiation, by delay.
Does any one believe that delay on our part will
change the time-engendered character of Rome? If I
cease to oppose, will Rome cease to be ambitious? Will
fair words turn aside the fierce spirit of Aurelian from his
settled purpose? Will he — so truly painted by the Roman
Piso — who looks to build an undying name, by bringing
back the empire to the bounds that compassed it under
the great Antonines, let slip the glory for a few cities now
in hand? and others promised? or for the purple robe
humbly pulled from our young Cæsars' shoulders? Believe
it not. The storm that threatens might be so warded
off perhaps for a day — a month — a year — a reign — but
after that it would come, and, in all reasonable calculation,
with tenfold fury. I would rather meet the danger at its
first menace, and thereby keep both our good name, (which
otherwise should we not sully or lose?) and find it less too
than a few years more would make it.

`I am charged with pride and ambition. The charge
is true, and I glory in its truth. Who ever achieved any
thing great in letters, arts, or arms who was not ambitious?
Cæsar was not more ambitious than Cicero. It
was but in another way. All greatness is born of ambition.
Let the ambition be a noble one, and who shall
blame it. I confess I did once aspire to be queen not only
of Palmyra, but of the East. That I am. I now aspire to
remain so. Is it not an honorable ambition? Does it not

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become a descendant of the Ptolemys and of Cleopatra? I
am applauded by you all for what I have already done.
You would not, it should have been less. But why pause
here? Is so much ambition praiseworthy? and more
criminal? Is it fixed in nature that the limits of this empire
should be Egypt on the one hand, the Hellespont and
the Euxine on the other? Were not Suez and Armenia
more natural limits? Or hath empire no natural limit,
but is broad as the genius that can devise, and the power
that can win. Rome has the West. Let Palmyra possess
the East. Not that nature prescribes this and no
more. The gods prospering, and I swear not that the
Mediterranean shall hem me in upon the West, or Persia
on the East. Longinus is right — I would that the world
were mine. I feel within the will and the power to bless
it, were it so.

`Are not my people happy? I look upon the past
and the present, upon my nearer and remoter subjects,
and ask nor fear the answer — whom have I wronged?
what province have I oppressed? what city pillaged?
what region drained with taxes? whose life have I unjustly
taken, or estates coveted or robbed? whose
honor have I wantonly assailed? whose rights, though
of the weakest and poorest, have I trenched upon? I
dwell where I would ever dwell, in the hearts of my
people. It is writ in your faces, that I reign not more
over you than within you. The foundation of my throne
is not more power than love. Suppose now, my ambition
add another province to our realm? Is it an evil? The
kingdoms already bound to us by the joint acts of ourself
and the late royal Odenatus, we found discordant and at
war. They are now united and at peace. One harmonious
whole has grown out of hostile and sundered parts.

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At my hands they receive a common justice and equal
benefits. The channels of their commerce have I opened,
and dug them deep and sure. Prosperity and plenty are
in all their borders. The streets of our capital bear testimony
to the distant and various industry which here seeks
its market. This is no vain boasting — receive it not so,
good friends. It is but truth. He who traduces himself
sins with him who traduces another. He who is unjust to
himself, or less than just, breaks a law as well as he who
hurts his neighbor. I tell you what I am and what I have
done, that your trust for the future may not rest upon
ignorant grounds. If I am more than just to myself, rebuke
me. If I have overstepped the modesty that became
me, I am open to your censure, and will bear it. But I
have spoken, that you may know your Queen — not only
by her acts, but by her admitted principles. I tell you then
that I am ambitious — that I crave dominion, and while
I live will reign. Sprung from a line of kings, a throne
is my natural seat. I love it. But I strive, too, — you
can bear me witness that I do — that it shall be, while I
sit upon it, an honored, unpolluted seat. If I can, I
will hang a yet brighter glory around it.

And as to pride—what if my woman's nature, that nature
the gods implanted, and I have received from royal ancestors,
loves the pomp and show of power? What if the
pride which dwells in all high natures, gratifies itself in
me by planting its feet upon an Indian princess, as its only
fitting footstool, who' —. Suddenly at this point of her
discourse the Queen broke off, and advancing from where
she stood — she had risen from her seat in the ardor of
her address — greeted with native courtesy and grace the
Roman ambassadors, who, in company with others of
their train, we now saw to enter the apartments.

The company, upon this, again resolved itself into many

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separate groups, and returned to such private topics as
each one liked, Zenobia devoting herself to Varro and
Petronius.

By-and-by, at the striking up of music, we moved to
another apartment, the banqueting hall — the same Egyptian
room in which I had before partaken the hospitalities
of the Eastern Queen, where tables, set out with the most
lavish magnificence, and bending beneath the most tempting
burdens, awaited our approach. A flood of light was
poured from the ceiling, and reflected back again from
the jewelled wine cups and embossed gold of Demetrius.

But I cannot pretend to describe this sumptuous feast.
I will only say, that the Queen, seated between the
Roman ambassadors, gave the evening to them. And
what with the frequent cups in which she pledged them
and the fascinating charms of her beauty and her conversation,
I fear there was but little of the Roman in
them when they rose to depart. In this more peaceful
way has Zenobia won provinces and cities, as well as
at the head of her armies. Farewell.

LETTER XI.

From my late letters to Portia, and which, without
doubt, you have before this read, you have learned with
certainty, what I am sure the eye of Lucilia must before
have clearly discerned, my love of the Princess Julia.
I have there related all that it can import my friends to
know. The greatest event of my life — the issues of
which, whether they are to crown me with a felicity the

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gods might envy, or plunge me in afflictions divine compassions
could not assuage, I have there described with
that careful concern for your fullest information, touching
all that befalls me, by which you will bear me testimony,
I have been actuated during my residence in this Eastern
capital.

You will not be surprised to learn that my passion is
opposed by the Queen. It was in the same apartment
of the palace where I first saw this wonderful woman,
that at a late interview with her — at her command — I
was enjoined to think no more of an alliance with her
house.

I was, as you may easily imagine, not a little disturbed
in anticipation of an interview with such a person, on
such an occasion. Fausta assured me that I might rely
upon the Queen's generosity, and could look to receive
only the most courteous reception, whatever her decision
might be on my suit. `I fear greatly for your success,'
said she, `but pray the Gods both for your and the
Princess's sake my fears may not come true. Julia lives
in her affections — she cannot, like me, become part of
the world abroad, and doubly live in its various action.
She loves Zenobia indeed with the truest affection, but
she has given her heart to you Lucius, and disappointment
here would feed upon her very life. She ought not
to be denied. She cannot bear it. Yet Zenobia, devoured
by ambition, and holding so little sympathy with
human hearts in their mutual loves — all the world to
them — may deny her — nor ever half conceive the
misery she will inflict upon a being she loves and even
reveres. Press your cause, Lucius, with a manly boldness.
The Gods succeed you.'

The Queen received me graciously, but with a fixed
and almost severe countenance. She expressed herself

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obliged to me for the early knowledge of what otherwise
she had not so much as suspected. `Living myself,'
said she `far above any dependence upon love for my
happiness, I am not prone to see the affection in others.
The love which fastens upon objects because they are
worthy, I can understand and honor. But that mad and
blind passion, which loves only because it will love, which
can render no reason for its existence but a hot and capricious
fancy, I have had no experience of in my own
heart, and where I see it I have no feeling for it but one
of disapprobation or contempt. If it be but the beauty of
Julia which has bewitched thy fancy, Roman, amuse
thyself with a brief tour of pleasure, either to Antioch or
Alexandria, and other objects will greet thee, and soon
drive her from thy thoughts.'

I assured her that my regard was not only of this kind.
That indeed, her transcendant beauty had first won me,
but that other qualities retained me. That the bond
which held me was as much friendship as love, and I
might say as much reverence as friendship.

`The greater the pity, Roman,' rejoined the Queen in
a voice somewhat stern, but yet melancholy, `the greater
the pity. In truth, I had hoped yours was but the love
of the painted image, and might, without pain, be transferred
to another, painted but as well. Yet had I reflected
upon the sentiments I have heard from thee, I
might have judged thee nobler. But, Piso, this must not
be. Were I to look only to myself and Julia, I might
well be pleased with a tie that bound us to one whom I
have so weighty reasons to respect and honor. But to do
this I have no right. I am not my own, but the State's.
Julia is no daughter of mine, but the property of Palmyra.
Marriage is one of the chief bonds of nations, as
of families. Were it not a crime in me, with selfish

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regard to my own or my daughter's pleasure, to bestow her
upon a private citizen, of whatever worth, when, espousing
her to some foreign prince, a province or a kingdom
may be won or saved?'

`But,' I ventured to remark, `are the hearts of princes
and princesses to be bartered away for power or territory?
are the affections to be bought and sold? Is the question
of happiness to be no question in their case?'

`By no means the principal one. It is not necessarily
a sacrifice, but if necessary the sacrifice must be made.
The world envies the lot of those who sit upon thrones.
But the seat is not without its thorns. It seems all summer
with them. But upon whom burst more storms, or
charged with redder fury? They seem to the unreflecting
mind to be the only independent — while they are
the slaves of all. The prosperous citizen may link himself
and his children when, and with whom he likes,
and none may gainsay him. He has but to look to himself
and his merest whim. The royal family must go
and ask his leave. My children are more his than mine.
And if it be his pleasure and preference that my daughters
ally themselves to an Indian or a Roman prince,
their will is done not mine — theirs is the gain, mine the
loss. Were it just that when joining hands though not
hearts, two nations could be knit together in amity, the
royal house should refuse the sacrifice? Roman, I live
for Palmyra. I have asked of the gods my children, not
for my own pleasure, but for Palmyra's sake. I should
give the lie to my whole life, to every sentiment I have
harbored since that day I gave myself to the royal
Odenatus, were I now to bestow upon a private citizen,
her, through whom we have so long looked to ally ourselves
by a new and stronger bond to some neighboring
kingdom. Julia, Roman — you have seen her, you

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know her, you can appreciate her more than human qualities—
Julia — is the destined bride of Hormisdas. By
her, on Sapor's death, do we hope to bind together by
chains never to be afterward sundered, Persia and Palmyra,
who, then leagued by interest and affection, may
as one kingdom stand up with the more hope against the
overwhelming force of Rome. Were I justified to forego
this advantage for any private reason? Can you doubt,
were I not constrained to act otherwise, whether I
should prefer some nobleman of Palmyra — or thee —
that so I might ever dwell within the charmed influence
of one, from whom to part will be like the pang of
death?'

`But the princess,' I again urged.

`That is scarcely a question,' she rejoined. `She may
be a sacrifice; but it will be upon her country's altar.
How many of our brave soldiers — how many of our great
officers, with devoted patriotism throw away their lives
for their country. You will not say that this is done for
the paltry recompence, which at best scarce shields the
body from the icy winds of winter, or the scorching rays
of summer. And shall not a daughter of the royal house
stand ready to encounter the hardships of a throne — the
dangers of a Persian court, and the terrors of a royal
husband, especially when by doing so, fierce and bloody
wars may be staid, and nations brought into closer unity?
I know but little of Hormisdas; report speaks well of
him. But were it much less that I know, and were report
yet less favorable, it were not enough to turn me from my
purpose. Palmyra married to Persia, through Julia married
to Hormisdas, is that upon which I and my people
dwell.'

`Better a thousand times,' I then said, `to be born to
the lot of the humblest peasant — a slave's is no worse.'

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`Upon love's calendar,' said the queen, `so it is. But
have I not freely admitted, Roman, the dependency, nay,
slavery of a royal house? It would grieve my mother's
heart, I need scarce assure thee, were Julia unhappy.
But grief to me might bring joy to two kingdoms.'

I then could not but urge the claims of my own family,
and that by a more powerful and honored one she could
not ally herself to Rome — and might not national interest
be as well promoted by such a bond, as one with
the remoter East — I was the friend too of Aurelian,
much in his confidence and regard.

Zenobia paused, and was for a few moments buried in
thought. A faint smile for the first time played over her
features as she said in reply, `I wish for your sake and
Julia's it could be so. But it is too late. Rome is resolved
upon the ruin of Palmyra — she cannot be turned
aside. Aurelian for worlds would not lose the glory of
subduing the East. The greater need of haste in seeking
a union with Persia. Were Sapor dead to-day, to-morrow
an embassy should start for Ecbatana. But think not,
Piso, I harbor ill will toward you, or hold your offer in
contempt. A Queen of the East might not disdain to join
herself to a family, whose ancestors were like yours.
That Piso who was once the rival, and in power — not indeed
in virtue — the equal of the great Germanicus, and
looked, not without show of reason, to the seat of Tiberius—
and he who so many years, and with such honor
reigned over the city its unequalled governor — and thou
the descendant and companion of princes — an alliance
with such might well be an object of ambition with even
crowned heads. And it may well be — seeing the steps
by which many an emperor of Rome has climbed upon
his precarious seat, that the coming years may behold
thee in the place which Aurelian fills, and were I to

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pleasure thee in thy request, Julia empress of the world!
The vision dazzles! But it cannot be. It would be sad
recreancy to my most sacred duty, were I, falling in love
with a dream, to forsake a great reality.'

`I may not then' — I began —

`No Piso, you may not even hope. I have reasoned
with you because I honor you. But think not that I hesitate
or waver. Julia can never be yours. She is the
daughter of the state, and to a state must be espoused.
Seek not therefore any more to deepen the place which
you hold in her affections. Canst thou not be a friend,
and leave the lover out? Friendship is a sentiment
worthy godlike natures—and is the true sweetener of the
cup of life. Love is at best but a bitter sweet; and when
sweetest, it is the friendship mingled with it that makes
it so — and it wastes away with years. Friendship is
eternal. It rests upon qualities that are a part of the
soul. The witchery of the outward image helps not to
make it, nor being lost as it is with age, can dissolve it.
Friendship agrees too with ambition, while love is its
most dreaded rival. Need I point to Antony? If Piso,
thou wouldst live the worthy heir of thy great name — if
thou wouldst build for thyself a throne in the esteem of
mankind — admit friendship, but bar out love. And I
trust to hear that thou art great in Rome — greater even
than thine ancestor Galba's adopted son. Aim at even
the highest, and the arrow, if it reach it not, will hit the
nearer. When thou art Cæsar send me an embassy.
Then perhaps —'

She closed with that radiant smile that subdues all to
her will, her manner at the same time giving me to understand
that the conversation was ended, her own sentence
being left playfully unfinished.

I urged not many things which you may well suppose it

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came into my mind to do, for I neither wished, nor did I
feel as if I had a right, at an hour of so much public inquietude,
to say aught to add to the burden already
weighing upon her. Besides, it occurred to me, that
when within so short a time great public changes may
take place, and the relations of parties be so essentially
altered, it was not worth while to give utterance to sentiments,
which the lapse of a brief period might show to
have been unnecessary and unwise. I may also add that
the presence of this great woman is so imposing, she
seems in the very nature and form the gods have given
her, to move so far above the rest of her kind, that I
found it impossible both to say what I had intended
to say, and to express what I did say with the ease and
propriety which are common to me, on ordinary or other
extraordinary occasions. They are few, I believe, who
possess themselves fully in her presence. Even Longinus
confesses a constraint.

`It is even as I apprehended,' said Fausta, as I communicated
to her the result of my interview with the
Queen. `I know her heart to have been set upon a foreign
alliance by marriage with Julia, and that she has been
looking forward with impatience to the time when her
daughters should be of an age, to add in this way new
strength to the kingdom. I rather hoped than had faith,
that she would listen to your proposals. I thought that,
perhaps, the earnestness of the Princess with the Queen's
strong affection for her, together with the weight of your
family and name, might prevail. But, then, I have asked
myself, if it were reasonable to indulge such a hope.
The Queen is right, in stating as she did, her dependence—
in some sort — upon the people. It is they as well as
she, who are looking forward to this Persian marriage.
I know not what discontents would break out were

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Hormisdas postponed to Piso — Persia to Rome. My position,
Lucius, I think a sadder one than Zenobia's. I
love Julia as dearly as Zenobia, and you a great deal
more than Zenobia does, and would fain see you happy,
and yet I love Palmyra I dare not say how much — nor
that — if by such an act good might come to my country,
I could almost wish that Julia should live in Persia.'

I have within me a better ground of hope, than is
guessed either by the Queen or Fausta, but yet can name
it not. I mention this to you, and pass to other things.

The city has to day been greatly moved, owing to the
expected audience of our ambassadors before the council,
and their final answer. The streets are thronged with
multitudes not engaged in the active affairs of traffic, but
standing in larger or smaller crowds talking, and hearing
or telling news, as it arrives from the palace, or from
abroad.

The die is cast. The ambassadors are dismissed. The
decision of the council has been confirmed by the senate,
and Varro and Petronius have, with their train, departed
from the city. War, therefore, is begun. For it was the
distinct language of the embassy, that no other terms need
be proposed, or would be accepted, beside those offered by
them. None others have been offered on the part of Palmyra.
And the ambassadors have been delayed rather
to avoid the charge of unreasonable precipitancy, than in
the belief that the public mind would incline to, or permit
any reply more moderate than that which they have
borne back to the emperor.

It is understood that Aurelian, with an army, perfectly
equipped, stands waiting, ready to start for Asia
on the arrival of the ambassadors, or their couriers. From
your last letters I gather as much. How, again I ask —
as I have often asked both myself and the principal persons

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here — how is it possible there should be but one issue
to this contest? Yet from language which I heard in
the senate, as well as in the private apartments of the
Queen, there is a mad confidence, that after a battle or
two on the outskirts of the kingdom, in which they shall
conquer as always heretofore, an advantageous peace will
end the contest. In the senate, scarce a voice was
raised for concession; its mere mention was enough to
bring down the most bitter charges of a want of patriotism—
a Roman bearing — a sordid regard to the interests
of commerce over those of honor — a poor and
low-minded spirit. Such as had courage to lift up a
warning voice, were soon silenced by the universal clamor
of the opposite party; and although the war was opposed
by some of the ablest men in the kingdom, men inferior
to none of those who have come more especially within
my notice, and whom I have named to you, yet it is termed
a unanimous decision, and so will be reported at
Rome.

The simple truth is, however, that with the exception
of these very few, there is no independent judgment in Palmyra—
on great national questions. The Queen is all
in all. She is Queen, council and senate. Here are the
forms of a republican deliberation with the reality of a
despotic will. Not that Zenobia is a despotic prince, in
any bad sense of the term, but being of so exalted a character,
ruling with such equity and wisdom, moreover,
having created the kingdom by her own unrivalledgies
and genius, it has become the habit of the people to
defer to her in all things — their confidence and love are
so deep and fervent, that they have no will nor power now,
I believe, to oppose her in any measure she might propose.
The city and country of Palmyra proper are her
property, in as real a sense, as my five hundred slaves, on

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my Tiburtine farm, are mine. Nor is it very much otherwise
with many of the nearer allied provinces. The
same enthusiasm pervades them. Her watchfulness over
their interests — her impartiality — her personal oversight
of them, by means of the frequent passages she makes
among them — have all contributed to knit them to her
by the closest ties. With the more remote portions of
the empire it is very different, and it would require the
operation of but slight causes, to divide from their allegiance
Egypt, Armenia, and the provinces of Asia Minor.

How is not this rashness — this folly to be deplored!
Could the early councils of Longinus have been but heeded,
all had been well. But he is now as much devoted to
the will and interests of Zenobia as any in the kingdom,
and lends all the energies of his great mind to the
promotion of her cause. He said truly, that he, like
others, is but a slave yoked to her car. His opinion now
is, that no concessions would avail to preserve the independent
existence of Palmyra. The question lies between
war, and a voluntary descent to the condition of a Roman
province. Nothing less than that will satisfy the
ambition and the pride of Rome. The first step may be
such as that proposed by Varro — the lopping off of the
late conquered provinces, leaving Zenobia the city, circumjacent
territory, and Syria. But a second step would
soon follow the first, and the foot of Aurelian would plant
itself upon the neck of Zenobia herself. This he felt
assured of, both from observation upon the Roman character
and history — upon the personal character of Aurelian,
and from private advices from Rome. He is
now, accordingly, the moving spirit of the enterprise —
going with all his heart and mind into every measure of
the Queen.

I am just returned from a singular adventure. My

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a single bound — as the iron entered him, and trampling
to death one of his drivers, dashed forward to wreak his vengeance
upon the first object that should come in his way.
That, to the universal terror and distraction of the gathered,
but now scattered and flying crowds, was the chariot of
the Queen. Her mounted guards, at the first onset of the
maddened animal, put spurs to their horses, and by quick
leaps escaped. The horses attached to the chariot, springing
forward to do the same, urged by the lash of the charioteer,
were met by the elephant with straightened trunk
and tail, who, in the twinkling of an eye, wreathed his
proboscis around the neck of the first he encountered, and
wrenching him from his harness, whirled him aloft and
dashed him to the ground. This I saw was the moment
to save the life of the Queen, if it was indeed to be saved.
Snatching from a flying soldier his long spear, and knowing
well the temper of my horse, I put him to his speed,
and running upon the monster as he disengaged his trunk
from the crushed and dying Arabian for a new assault, I
drove it with unerring aim into his eye, and through that
opening on into the brain. He fell as if a bolt from heaven
had struck him. The terrified and struggling horses of
the chariot were secured by the now returning crowds,
and the Queen with the Princesses relieved from the
peril which was so imminent, and had blanched with
terror every cheek but Zenobia's. She had stood the
while — I was told — there being no exertion which she
could make — watching with eager and intense gaze my
movements, upon which she felt that their safety, perhaps
their lives, depended.

It all passed in a moment. Soon as I drew out my
spear from the dying animal, the air was rent with the
shouts of the surrounding populace. Surely, at that moment
I was the greatest — at least the most fortunate

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man in Palmyra. These approving shouts, but still more
the few words uttered by Zenobia and Julia, were more
than recompense enough for the small service I had performed;
especially, however, the invitation of the Queen:

`But come, noble Piso, leave not the work half done,
we need now a protector for the remainder of the way.
Ascend, if you will do us such pleasure, and join us to
the palace.'

I needed no repeated urging, but taking the offered
seat — whereupon new acclamations went up from the now
augmented throngs — I was driven, as I conceived, in a
sort of triumph to the palace, where passing an hour,
which, it seems to me, held more than all the rest of my
life, I have now returned to my apartment, and relate
what has happened for your entertainment. You will not
wonder that for many reasons my hand trembles, and my
letters are not formed with their accustomed exactness.

Again I am interrupted. What can be the meaning
of the noise and running to and fro which I hear. Some
one, with a quick, light foot approaches.

It is now night. The palace is asleep; but I take
again my pen to tell you of the accomplishment of the
dear object for which I have wandered to this distant spot.
Calpurnius is arrived.

The quick, light foot by which I was disturbed was
Fausta's. I knew it, and sprung to the door. She met
me with her bright and glowing countenance bursting
with expression, `Calpurnius!' said she, `your brother is
here' — and seizing my hand drew me to the apartment
where he sat by the side of Gracchus. Isaac, with his
inseparable pack, standing near.

I need not, as I cannot, describe our meeting. It was
the meeting of brothers — yet of strangers, and a confusion
of wonder — curiosity — vague expectation — and doubt

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— possessed the soul of each. I trust and believe, that
notwithstanding the different political bias which sways
each, the ancient ties which bound us together as brothers
will again unite us. The countenance of Calpurnius,
though dark and almost stern in its general expression,
yet unbends and relaxes frequently and suddenly, in a
manner that impresses you forcibly with an inward humanity
as the presiding though often concealed quality of
his nature. I can trace faintly the features which have
been stamped upon my memory — and the form too —
chiefly by the recollected scene of that bright morning,
when he, with our elder brother and venerable parent,
gave us each a last embrace, as they started for the tents
of Valerian. A warmer climate has deepened the olive
of his complexion, and at the same time added brilliancy
to an eye, by nature soft as a woman's. His Persian
dress increases greatly the effect of his rare beauty, yet I
heartily wish it off, as it contributes more, I believe, than
the lapse of so many years, to separate us. He will not
seem and feel as a brother, till he returns to the costume
of his native land. How great this power of mere dress
is upon our affections and our regard, you can yourself
bear witness, when those who parted from you to travel in
foreign countries, have returned metamorphosed into
Greeks, Egyptians, or Persians, according to the fashions
that have struck their foolish fancies. The assumed and
foreign air — chills the untravelled heart as it greets them.
They are no longer the same. However the reason
may strive to overcome what seems the mere prejudice of
a wayward nature, we strive in vain — nature will be uppermost—
and many, many times have I seen the former
friendships break away and perish.

I could not but be alive to the general justness of the
comparison instituted by Isaac, between Calpurnius and

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Julia. There are many points of resemblance. The
very same likeness in kind that we so often observe between
a brother and sister — such as we have often
remarked in your nephew and niece, Drusus and Lavinia—
whose dress being changed, and they are changed.

No sooner had I greeted and welcomed my brother,
than I turned to Isaac and saluted him, I am persuaded
with scarcely less cordiality.

`I sincerely bless the Gods,' said I, `that you have
escaped the perils of two such passages through the desert,
and are safe in Palmyra. May every wish of your
heart, concerning your beloved Jerusalem, be accomplished.
In the keeping of Demetrius will you find not only the
single talent agreed upon in case you returned, but the
two which were to be paid had you perished. One such
tempest upon the desert, escaped, is more and worse than
death itself, met softly upon one's bed.'

`Now, Jehovah be praised,' ejaculated Isaac, `who himself
has moved thy heart to this grace. Israel will feel
this bounty through every limb, it will be to her as the
oil of life.'

`And my debt,' said Calpurnius, `is greater yet, and
should in reason be more largely paid. Through the
hands of Demetrius I will discharge it.'

`We are all bound to you,' said Fausta, `more than
words can tell or money pay.'

`You owe more than you are perhaps aware of to the
rhetoric of Isaac,' added Calpurnius. `Had it not been
for the faithful zeal and cunning of your messenger, in
his arguments not less than his contrivances, I had hardly
now been sitting within the walls of Palmyra.'

`But then again, noble Roman,' said Isaac, `to be
honest I ought to say what I said not — for it had not
then occurred — in my letter to thy brother, how, by my

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indiscretion, I had nearly brought upon myself the wrath,
even unto death, of a foul Persian mob, and so sealed thy
fate, together with my own. Ye have heard, doubtless,
of Manes the Persian, who deems himself some great
one, and sent of God. It was noised abroad ere I left
Palmyra, that for failing in a much boasted attempt to
work a cure by miracle upon the Prince Hormisdas, he
had been strangled by order of Sapor. Had he done so
his love of death-doing had at length fallen upon a proper
object, a true child of Satan. But as I can testify, his
end was not such, and is not yet. He still walks the
earth, poisoning the air he breathes, and deluding the
souls of men. Him I encountered one day, the very day
I had despatched thy letter, in the streets of Ecbatana,
dogged at the heels by his twelve ragged apostles, dragging
along their thin and bloodless limbs, that seemed
each step ready to give way beneath the weight — little
as it was — they had to bear. Their master, puffed up
with the pride of a reformer — as forsooth he holds himself—
stalked by at their head, drawing the admiration
of the besotted people by his great show of sanctity, and
the wise saws which every now and then he let drop for
the edification of such as heard. Some of these sayings
fell upon my ear, and who was I to hear them and not
speak? Ye may know that this false prophet has made
it his aim to bring into one the Magian and Christian superstitions,
so that by such incongruous and deadly mixture,
he might feed the disciples of those two widely
sundered religions, retaining — as he foolishly hoped —
enough of the faith of each to satisfy all who should receive
the compound. In doing this he hath cast dirt
upon the religion of the Jew, blasphemously teaching
that our sacred books are the work of the author of evil,
while those of Christ are by the author of good. With

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more zeal, it must be confessed than wisdom, seeing
where I was, and why I was there, I resisted this father
of lies, and withstood him to his face. `Who art thou,
bold blasphemer,' I said, `that takest away the Godhead?
breaking into twain that which is infinite and indivisible?
Who art thou, to tread into the dust the faith
of Abraham, and Moses, and the prophets, imputing their
words, uttered by the spirit of Jehovah, to the great
enemy of mankind? I wonder, people of Ecbatana,
that the thunders of God sleep and strike him not to the
earth as a rebel — nay, that the earth cleaveth not beneath
him and swalloweth him not up, as once before the
rebels Korah, Dathan, and Abiram,' and much more in
the same mad way, till while I was yet speaking, those
lean and hungry followers of his set upon me with violence,
crying out against me as a Jew, and stirring up
the people, who were nothing unwilling, but fell upon me,
and throwing me down, dragged me to a gate of the city,
and casting me out as I had been a dead dog, returned
themselves, like dogs to their vomit — that accursed dish
of Manichean garbage. I believed myself for a long
while surely dead; and in my half conscious state, took
to myself, as I was bound to do, shame for meddling in
the affairs of Pagan misbelievers — putting thy safety at
risk. Through the compassion of an Arab woman,
dwelling without the walls, I was restored and healed —
for whose sake I shall ever bless the Ishmaelite. I doubt
not, Roman, while I lay at the hut of that good woman,
thou thoughtest me a false man?'

`I could not but think so,' said Calpurnius,' `and after
the strong desire of escape which you had at length kindled,
I assure you I heaped curses upon you in no stinted
measure.'

`But all has ended well and so all is well,' said Fausta,

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`and it was perhaps, too much to expect, Isaac, that
you should stand quietly by and hear the religion of your
fathers traduced. You are well rewarded for what you
did and suffered, by the light in which your tribe will
now regard you — as an almost-martyr, and owing to no
want of will or endeavor on your part, that almost did
not end in quite. Hannibal, good Isaac, will now see to
your entertainment.'

`One word if it please you,' said Isaac, `before I
depart. The gentile despises the Jew. He charges
upon him usury and extortion. He accuses him of avarice.
He believes him to subsist upon the very life-blood
of whomsoever he can draw into his meshes. I
have known those who have firm faith that the Jew feeds
but upon the flesh and blood of Pagan and Christian
infants, whom, by necromantic power, he beguiles from
their homes. He is held as the common enemy of man —
a universal robber — whom all are bound to hate and oppress.
Reward me now with your belief, better than even
the two gold talents I have earned, that all are not such.
This is the charity, and all that I would beg; and I beg it
of you — for that I love you all and would have your esteem.
Believe that in the Jew there is a heart of flesh as
well as in a dog. Believe that some noble ambition visits
his mind as well as yours. Credit it not — it is against
nature — that any tribe of man is what you make the
Jew. Look upon me, and behold the emblem of my
tribe. What do you see? A man bent with years and
toil — this ragged tunic his richest garb — his face worn
with the storms of all climates — a wanderer over the
earth — my home — Piso, thou hast seen it — a single
room, with my good dromedary's furniture for my bed at
night, and my seat by day; this pack — my only apparent
wealth. Yet here have I now received two gold talents

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of Jerusalem! — what most would say were wealth
enough, and this is not the tythe of that which I possess.
What then? Is it for that I love obscurity, slavery, and
a beggar's raiment, that I live and labor thus, when my
wealth would raise me to a prince's state? Or is it
that I love to sit and count my hoarded gains? Good
friends, for such you are — believe it not. You have
found me faithful and true to my engagements? believe
my word also. You have heard of Jerusalem, once the
chief city of the East, where stood the great temple of
our faith, and which was the very heart of our nation,
and you know how it was beleaguered by the Romans,
and its very foundations rooted up, and her inhabitants
driven abroad as outcasts, to wander over the face of the
earth, with every where a country, but no where a home.
And does the Jew, think you, sit down quietly under
these wrongs? Trajan's reign may answer that. Is
there no patriotism yet alive in the bosom of a Jew?
Will every other toil and die for his country, and not the
Jew? Believe me again, the prayers which go up morning,
noon and night, for the restoration of Jerusalem, are
not fewer than those which go up for Rome or Palmyra.
And their deeds are not less — for every prayer there are
two acts. It is for Jerusalem! that you behold me thus
in rags, and yet rich. It is for her glory that I am the
servant of all and the scorn of all, that I am now pinched
by the winters of Byzantium, now scorched by the heats
of Asia, and buried beneath the sands of the desert. All
that I have and am is for Jerusalem. And in telling you
of myself, I have told you of my tribe. What we do and
are is not for ourselves, but for our country. Friends,
the hour of our redemption draweth nigh. The Messiah
treads in the steps of Zenobia! And when the East
shall behold the disasters of Aurelian — as it will — it

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will behold the restoration of that empire, which is destined
in the lapse of ages to gather to itself the glory and
dominion of the whole earth.'

Saying these words, during which he seemed no longer
Isaac the Jew, but the very Prince of the Captivity himself,
he turned and took his departure.

Long and earnest conversation now ensued, in which we
received from Calpurnius the most exact accounts of his
whole manner of life, during his captivity — of his early
sufferings and disgraces, and his late honors and elevation,
and gave, in return, similar details concerning the history
of our family and of Rome, during the same period of
time. I will not pretend to set down the narrative of
Calpurnius. It was delivered with a grace which I can
by no means transfer to these pages. I trust you may
one day hear it from his own lips. Neither can I tell
you how beautiful it was to see Fausta hanging upon his
words, with an attention that made her insensible to all
else — her varying color and changing expression, showing
how deeply she sympathised with the narrator. When
he had ended, and we had become weary of the excitement
of this first interview, Fausta proposed that we should
separate to meet again at supper. To this we agreed.

According to the proposal of Fausta, we were again,
soon as evening had come, assembled around the table of
the princely Gracchus.

When we had partaken of the luxuries of the feast, and
various lighter discourse had caused the time to pass by
in an agreeable manner, I said thus, turning to my
brother:

`I would, Calpurnius, that the temper of one's mind
could as easily be changed as one's garments. You now
seem to me, having put off your Persian robes, far more
like Piso than before. Your dress, though but in part
Roman and part Palmyrene, still brings you nearer.

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Were it wholly Roman it were better. Is nothing of the
Persian really put off, and nothing of the Roman put on,
by this change?'

`Whatever of the Persian there was about me,' replied
Calpurnius, `I am free to say I have laid aside with my
Persian attire. I was a Persian not by choice and preference,
I need scarcely assure you, but by a sort of necessity—
just as it was with my costume. I could not procure
Roman clothes if I would. I could not help, too,
putting off the Roman — seeing how I was dealt by —
and putting on the Persian. Yet I part with whatever of
the Persian has cleaved to me without reluctance — would
it were so that I could again assume the Roman — but
that can never be. But Isaac has already told you all.'

`Isaac has indeed informed me, in his letter from Ecbatana,
that you had renounced your country, and that it
was the expectation of war with Rome that alone had
power to draw you from your captivity. But I have not
believed that you would stand by that determination.
The days of republican patriotism, I know, are passed,
but even now, under the empire, our country has claims,
and her children owe her duties.'

`The figure is a common one,' Calpurnius answered,
`by which our country is termed a parent, and we her
children. Allow it just. Do I owe obedience to an unjust
or tyrannical parent? to one who has abandoned
me in helplessness — or exposed me in infancy? Are not
the natural ties then sundered?'

`I think not,' I replied; `no provocation or injury can
justify a parricidal blow. Our parent is our creator — in
some sense a God to us. The tie that binds us to him is
like no other tie; to do it violence, is not only a wrong,
but an impiety.'

`I cannot think so,' he rejoined. `A parent is our

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creator, not so much for our good as his own pleasure.
In the case of the Gods, this is reversed. They have
given us being for our advantage, not theirs. We lie under
obligation to a parent, then, only as he fulfils the
proper duties of one. When he ceases to be virtuous, the
child must cease to respect. When he ceases to be just,
or careful, or kind, the child must cease to love. And
from whomsoever else, then, the child receives the treatment
becoming a parent, that person is to him the true
parent. It is idle to be governed by names rather than
things. It is more, it is mischievous and injurious.'

`I still am of opinion,' I replied, `that nature has ordained,
what I have asserted to be an everlasting and
universal truth, by the instincts which she has implanted.
All men, of all tribes, have united in expressions of horror
against him who does violence to his parents. And have
not the poets truly painted, when they have set before us
the parricide, forever after the guilty act, pursued by the
Furies, and delivered over to their judicial torments.'

`All instincts,' he replied, `are not to be defended.
Some animals devour their own young as soon as born.
Vice is instinctive. If it be instinctive to honor and love,
and obey a vicious parent, to be unresisting under the
most galling oppression, then, I say, the sooner reason
usurps the place of instinct, the safer for mankind. No
error can be more gross or hurtful, than to respect vice
because of the person in whom it is embodied, even though
that person be a parent. Vice is vice — injustice is injustice—
wrong is wrong — wheresoever they are found—
and are to be detested and withstood. But I might
admit that I am in an error here — and still maintain my
cause, by denying the justice of the figure by which our
country is made our parent, and our obligations to her
made to rest on the same ground. It is mere fancy — it

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is a nullity — unless it be true, as I think it is, that it has
been the source of great mischiefs to the world, in which
case it cannot be termed a nullity, but something positively
pernicious. What age of the world can be named,
when an insane devotion to one's country has not been
the mother of war upon war, evil upon evil, beyond the
power of memory to recount. Patriotism, — standing for
this instinctive slavery of the will — has cursed as much
as it has blessed mankind. Men have not reasoned, they
have only felt. They have not inquired, is the cause of
my country just — but is it her cause? That has ever
been the cry in Rome. “Our country! our country!
right or wrong — our country!” It is a maxim good for
conquest and despotism — bad, for peace and justice. It
has made Rome mistress of the world, and at the same
time the scourge of the world, and trodden down into
their own blood-stained soil the people of many a clime,
who had else dwelt in freedom. I am no Roman in this
sense — and ought never to have been. Admit that I am
not justified in raising my hand against the life of a parent—
though if I could defend myself against violence no
otherwise, I should raise that hand — I will never allow
that I am to approve and second with my best blood, all
the acts of my country, but when she errs am bound —
on the other hand — to blame, and, if need be, oppose?
Why not? What is this country? Men like myself.
Who enact the decrees by which I am to be thus bound?
Senators, no more profoundly wise, perhaps, and no
more irreproachably virtuous than myself. And do I owe
their judgments a dearer allegiance — and which I esteem
false — than I do to my own, which I esteem right and
true. Never. Such patriotism is a degradation and a
vice. Rome, Lucius, I think to have dealt by me and
the miserable men who, with me, fell into the hands of

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Sapor — after the manner of a selfish, cold-hearted, unnatural
parent, and I renounce her, and allegiance to her.
I am from this hour a Palmyrene — Zenobia is my mother,
Palmyra my country.'

`But,' I could not but still urge, `should no distinction
be made between your country and her emperor? Is the
country to rest under the imputation which is justly, perhaps,
cast upon its men? That were hardly right. To
renounce Gallienus, were he now emperor, were a defensible
act. But why Rome or Aurelian?'

`I freely grant, that had a just emperor been upon the
throne — a man with human feelings — the people, had
he projected our rescue or revenge, would have gone
with him. But how is their conduct to be defended during
the long reign of the son of Valerian? Was such a
people as the people of Rome to conform their minds and
acts to a monster like him? Was that the part of a great
nation? Is it credible, that the senate and the people together,
had no power to compel Gallienus to the performance
of his duties to his own father, and the brave legions
who fell with him? Alas! they, too, wanted the will.'

`Oh not so, Calpurnius,' I rejoined; `Gallienus wished
the death or the captivity of his father, that he might
reign. To release him, was the last act that wretch
could have been urged to do. And could he, then, have
been made to interpose for the others? He might have
been assassinated — but all the power of Rome could not
have compelled him to a war, the issue of which might
have been, by the rescue of Valerian, to lose him his
throne.'

`Then he should have been assassinated. Rome owed
herself a greater duty than allegiance to a beast in human
form.'

`But, Calpurnius, you are now at liberty. Why

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consider so curiously whence it comes? Besides, you have,
while in Persia, dwelt in comfort, and at last even in
magnificence. The Prince himself has been your companion
and friend.'

`What was it,' he replied, `what was it, when I reflected
upon myself, but so much deeper degradation, to
find that in spite of myself, I was every day sinking deeper
and deeper in Persian effeminacy. What was it but the
worst wretchedness of all to feel as I did, that I, a Roman
and a Piso, was losing my nature as I had lost my country.
If any thing seemed to turn my blood into one hot
current of bitterness and revenge, it was this. It will
never cool till I find myself, sword in hand, under the
banners of Zenobia. Urge me no more. It were as hopeful
an endeavor to stem the current of the Euphrates,
as to turn me from my purpose. I have reasoned with
you because you are a brother — not because you are a
Roman.'

`And I,' I replied, `can still love you — because you
are a brother, nor less because you are also a Palmyrene.
I greet you as the head of our house, the elder heir of an
illustrious name. I still will hope, that when these troubles
cease, Rome may claim you as her own.'

`No emperor,' he answered, `unless he were a Piso,
I fear, would permit a renegade of such rank ever to
dwell within the walls of Rome. Let me rather hope,
that when this war is ended, Portia may exchange Rome
for Palmyra, and that here, upon this fair and neutral
ground, the Pisos may once more dwell beneath the same
roof.'

`May it be so,' said Gracchus; and let not the heats of
political opposition change the kindly current of your
blood, or inflame it. You, Lucius Piso, are to remember
the provocations of Calpurnius, and are to feel that there

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was a nobleness in that sensibility to a declension into
Persian effeminacy that, to say the least, reflects quite as
much honor upon the name of Piso, and even Roman, as
any loyalty to an emperor like Gallienus, or that senate,
filled with his creatures. And you, Calpurnius Piso,
are to allow for that instinctive veneration for every thing
Roman which grows up with the Roman, and even in
spite of his better reason, ripens into a bigotry that deserves
the name of a crime rather than a virtue — and
are to consider, that while in you the growth of this false
sentiment has been checked by causes, in respect to
which you were the sport of fortune, so in Lucius it has
been quickened by other causes over which he also was
powerless. But to utter my belief, Lucius I think, is
now more than half Palmyrene, and I trust yet, if committed,
as he has been, to the further tuition of our patriot
Fausta, will be not only in part, but altogether of our
side.'

`In the mean time, let us rejoice,' said Fausta, `that
the noble Calpurnius joins our cause. If we may judge
by the eye, the soft life of a Persian Satrap has not quite
exhausted the native Roman vigor.'

`I have never intermitted,' replied Calpurnius, `martial
exercises. Especially have I studied the whole art of
horsemanship, so far as the chase and military discipline
can teach it. It is in her cavalry, as I learn, that Zenobia
places her strength. I shall there, I trust, do her good
service.'

`In the morning,' said Fausta, `it shall be my office to
bring you before our Queen.'

`And now, Fausta,' said Gracchus, `bring your harp,
and let music perfect the harmony which reason and philosophy
have already so well begun — music, which for
its power over our souls, may rather be held an

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influence of the Gods — a divine breathing — than any thing
of mortal birth.'

`I fear,' said Fausta, `as she touched the instrument—
the Greek, and not the Jewish harp — `I shall still
further task your philosophy — for I can sing nothing else
than the war-song, which is already heard all through the
streets of Palmyra, and whose author, it is said — is no
less than our chief spirit, Longinus. Lucius, you must
close your ears.'

`Never while your voice sounds, though bloody treason
were the only burden.'

`You are a gentle Roman.'

Then, after a brief but fiery prelude, which of itself,
struck by her fingers, was enough to send life into stones,
she broke forth into a strain, abrupt and impassioned, of
wild Pindaric energy, that seemed the very war-cry of a
people striking and dying for liberty. Her voice, inspired
by soul too large for mortal form, rang like a trumpet
through the apartment, and seemed to startle the Gods
themselves at their feast. As the hymn moved on to its
perfect close, and the voice of Fausta swelled with the
waxing theme, Calpurnius seemed like one entranced —
unconsciously he had left his seat, and there, in the midst
of the room, stood before the divine girl, converted to
a statue. As she ceased, the eyes of Calpurnius fell
quickly upon me, with an expression which I instantly interpreted,
and should have instantly returned, but that we
were all alike roused out of ourselves by the loud shouts
of a multitude without the palace, who apparently had
been drawn together by the far-reaching tones of Fausta's
voice, and who, as soon as the last strings of the harp
were touched, testified their delight by reiterated and enthusiastic
cries.'

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`When Zabdas and Zenobia fail,' said Calpurnius,
`you, daughter of Gracchus, may lead the armies of your
country by your harp and voice — they would inspire not
less than the fame of Cæsar or Aurelian.'

`But be it known to you, Piso,' said Gracchus, `that
this slight girl can wield a lance or a sword, while centaur-like,
she grows to the animal she rides, as well as
sweep these idle strings.'

`I will learn of her in either art,' replied my brother.
`As I acknowledge no instinct which is to bind me to an
unjust parent, but will give honor only where there is
virtue, so on the field of war I will enlist under any leader
in whom I behold the genius of a warrior, be that leader
man or woman, boy or girl.'

`I shall be satisfied,' said Fausta, `to become your
teacher in music, that is, if you can learn through the
force of example alone. Take now another lesson.
Zenobia shall teach you the art of war.'

With these words she again passed her fingers over her
harp, and after strains of melting sweetness, prolonged
till our souls were wholly subdued to the sway of the
gentler emotions, she sang in words of Sappho the praise
of love and peace, twin-sisters. And then as we urged,
or named to her Greek or Roman airs which we wished
to hear, did she sing and play till every sense was satisfied
and filled.

It needs not so much sagacity as I possess to perceive
the effect upon my brother of the beauty and powers of
Fausta. He speaks with difficulty when he addresses
her, and while arguing or conversing with me or Gracchus,
his eye seeks her countenance, and then falls as it
encounters hers, as if he had committed some crime.
Fausta, I am sure, is not insensible to the many rare and
striking qualities of Calpurnius. But her affections can

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be given only where there is a soul of very uncommon
elevation. Whether Calpurnius is throughout that which
he seems to be, and whether he is worthy the love of
a being like Fausta I know not yet, though I am
strong in faith that it is so. In the mean time, a mutual
affection is springing up and growing upon the thin soil
of the fancy, and may reach a quick and rank luxuriance
before it shall be discovered that there is nothing more
substantial beneath. But why indulge a single doubt?
only, I suppose, because I would rather Rome should fall
than that any harm come to the heart of Fausta.

It was a little after the noon of this day that the ambassadors,
Petronius and Varro, passed from out the gates
of Palmyra, bearing with them a virtual declaration of
war.

The greatest excitement prevails. The streets are already
filled with sights and sounds admonitory of the
scenes which are soon to be disclosed. There is the
utmost enthusiasm in every quarter, and upon every face
you behold the confidence and pride of those, who, accustomed
to conquest, are about to extend their dominion
over new territories, and to whom war is a game of pleasure
rather than a dark hazard, that may end in utter
desolation and ruin. Intrenched within these massy
walls, the people of this gay capital cannot realize war.
Its sounds are afar off — it has ever been so — beyond
the wide sweep of the deserts — and will be so — so they
judge now, and they are scarcely turned for a moment, or
by the least remove, from their accustomed cares or
pleasures.

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LETTER XII.

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I lament to hear of the disturbance among your slaves,
and of the severity with which you have thought it necessary
to proceed against them. You will bear me witness
that I have often warned you that the cruelty with which
Tiro exercised his authority, would lead to difficulties, if
not to violence and murder. I am not surprised to learn
his fate. I am indeed very free to say that I rejoice at it.
I rejoice not that you are troubled in your affairs, but
that such an inhuman overseer as Tiro, a man wholly unworthy
the kindness and indulgence with which you have
treated him, should at length be overtaken by a just retribution.
That the poison took effect upon his wife and
children I sincerely regret, and wish that some other
mode of destruction had been chosen, and whose effects
could have been safely directed and limited, for I do not
believe that the least ill-will existed toward Claudia and
her little ones. But rest satisfied, I beseech you, with
the punishments already inflicted. Enough have been
scourged, put to the torture, and crucified. Let the rest
escape. Remember your disposition — now indulgent —
now tyrannical — and lay a restraint upon your passions
if you would save yourself from lasting regrets. It is
some proof that you are looking to yourself more than formerly,
that so many have been imprisoned to wait a further
deliberation—and that you are willing first to ask my
opinion. Be assured that further crucifixions would serve
only to exasperate those who survive, and totally alienate
them from you, so that your own life, instead of being the
more safe, would be much less so. They will be driven

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to despair, and say that they may as well terminate their
wretched lives in one way as another, and so end all at
once by an assault upon yourself and Lucilia, which,
while it destroyed you, and so glutted their revenge, could
do no more than destroy them — a fate which they dread
now — but which at all times, owing to their miseries,
they dread much less than we suppose, and so are more
willing than we imagine to take the lives of their masters
or governors, not caring for death themselves. A well-timed
lenity would now be an act of policy as well as of
virtue. Those whom you have reprieved, being pardoned,
will be bound to you by a sort of gratitude —
those of them at least who put a value upon their lives —
and now that Tiro is fairly out of the way, and his
scourgings at an end, they will all value their lives at a
higher rate than before.

But let me especially intercede for Laco and Cælia,
with their children. It was they, who, when I have been
at your farm, have chiefly attended upon me; they have
done me many acts of kindness beyond the mere duties
of their office, and have ever manifested dispositions so
gentle, and so much above their condition, that I feel
sure they cannot be guilty of taking any part in the
crime. They have been always too happy to put their
all at risk by such an attempt. Be assured they are innocent;
and they are too good to be sacrificed merely
for the effect. There are others — wretches in all respects—
who will serve for this — if enough have not already
suffered.

When will sentiments of justice assert their supremacy
in the human mind? When will our laws and institutions
recognise the rights inherent in every man, as man,
and compel their observance. When I reflect that I
myself possess upon one only of my estates, five hundred

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slaves, over whom I wield despotic power, and that each
one of these differs not from myself, except in the position
into which fortune and our laws have cast him, I look
with a sort of horror upon myself, the laws, and my country
which enacts and maintains them. But if we can
not at once new-model our institutions and laws, we can
do something. By a strict justice, and by merciful treatment,
we can mitigate the evils of their lot who are within
our own power. We can exercise the authority and
temper of fathers — and lay aside in a greater degree
than we do, the air and manner of tyrant. When upon
the fields of every farm, as I ride through our interior, I
hear the lash of the task-master, and behold the cross
rearing aloft its victim, to poison the air with fœtid exhalations,
and strike terror into all who toil within their
reach, I hate my country and my nature, and long for
some power to reveal itself, I care not of what kind nor
in what quarter, capable to reform a state of society,
rotten as this is to its very heart.

You, yourself, advocate as you are for the existing order
of things, would be agitated alternately by horror and compassion,
were I to relate to you the scenes described to
me by Milo, as having a thousand times been witnessed
by him when in the service of Gallienus. To torture
and destroy his slaves, by the most ingenious devices
of cruelty, was his daily pastime. They were purchased
for this very end. When I see you again, I will give to
you instances with which I could not soil these pages.
Antiochus, were he in Rome, would be a monster of the
same stamp. But all this is, as I have often mentioned,
a necessary accompaniment of such power as the laws
confer upon the owner.

And now, that war has actually broken out between
Palmyra and Rome, you will wish to know what part I

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intend to take. Your letters imply, that in such an event
you would expect my immediate return. But this pleasure
must, for the present at least, be deferred. I am too
deeply interested in too many here, to allow me to forsake
them in a time of so much anxiety, and, as I think, of
peril too. Zenobia's full consent I have already obtained.
Indeed, she is now desirous that I should remain. The
services that I have accidentally rendered her, have increased
the regard with which she treats me. I confess,
too, that I am less unwilling to remain than I was, out of
a rooted disapprobation of the violent course of Aurelian.
I cannot, as Calpurnius has done, renounce my country;
but I can blame our emperor. His purposes are without
a color of justice. Nor are they only unjust and iniquitous—
they are impolitic. I can enter fully into and defend
the feelings and arguments of Palmyra in this direction.
Her cause is in the main a just one. She has done
somewhat, indeed, to provoke a sensitive and jealous mind—
but nothing to warrant the step which Aurelian is
taking. And when I counsel peace, and by concessions
too, I do it not because I hold it right that such concessions
should be made, but because I deem it frantic on
the part of Zenobia, to encounter the combined power of
Rome, under such a soldier as Aurelian. My sympathies
are accordingly enlisted in behalf of this people as a people—
my heart is closely bound to both the house of
Gracchus and of Zenobia — and, therefore, I cannot
leave them. I shall not bear arms against my country —
I think I would sooner die — but in any case of extremity,
I shall not wear a sword in vain, if by using it I can save
the life or honor of persons dear to me. I am firm in the
belief, that no such extremity will ever present itself —
but should it come, I am ready for it. I cannot but hope
that a battle — one or more — upon the outskirts of the

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empire, will satisfy the pride of Aurelian, and convince
the Queen, that to contend for empire with him, and
Rome at his back, is vain, and that negotiation will therefore
end what passion has begun. I shall expect no other
issue than this. Then, having done all here, I shall return
to Italy — if the Queen relents not — to pass an
unhappy life upon the Tiburtine Farm.

Preparations of every kind for the approaching contest
are going forward with activity. The camp of the Queen
is forming without the walls upon a wide and beautiful
plain, stretching towards the south. One army will be
formed here chiefly consisting of cavalry — in which lies
the strength of the Queen, and another in the vicinity of
Antioch — where a junction will be effected, and whence
the whole will move either toward the Bosphorus or Egypt,
according to the route which, it shall be learned, Aurelian
intends to pursue.

During these few days that have elapsed since the
departure of the ambassadors, the stir and confusion incident
to such a time, have continually increased. In the
streets, I meet scarce any who are not engaged in some
service connected with the army. Troops of soldiers are
forming — exercising at their arms — and passing from
the city as they are severally equipped to join the camp.
The shops of the armourers resound with the blows of an
innumerable body of artisans, manufacturing or repairing
those brilliant suits of steel, for which the cavalry of
Zenobia are distinguished. Immense repositories of all
the various weapons of our modern warfare prepared by the
Queen, against seasons of emergency, furnish forth arms
of the most perfect workmanship and metal, to all who
offer themselves for the expedition. Without the walls,
in every direction, the eye behold clouds of dust raised
by different bodies of the Queen's forces, as they pour in

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from their various encampments to one central point.
Trains of sumptuary elephants and camels, making a part
of every legion as it comes up, and stretching their long
lines from the verge of the plain to the very walls, contribute
a fresh beauty and interest to the scene.

Within the camp, whatever the tumult and confusion
may be without, every thing is conducted with the most
admirable order, and with the observance of a discipline
as exact, if not as severe, as that of Vespasian, or Aurelian
himself. Here are to be seen the commanders of the
chief divisions of the army inspecting the arms and equipments
of each individual soldier, and not with less diligence,
inquiring into the mettle and points of the horse
he rides. Every horse, pronounced in any way defective,
is rejected from the service and another procured. The
Queen's stable has been exhausted in providing in this
manner substitutes for such as have been set aside as unworthy.

Zenobia herself is the most active and laborious of all.
She is in every place, seeing with her own eyes that every
arrangement and provision ordered to be made is completed,
and that in the most perfect manner. All the
duties of a general are performed by her, with a freedom,
a power, and a boldness, that fills one with astonishment
who is acquainted with those opposite qualities which
render her, as a woman, the most lovely and fascinating
of her sex. She is seen sometimes driving rapidly through
the streets in an open chariot, of the antique form; but
more frequently on horseback, with a small body of attendants,
who have quite enough to do to keep pace with
her, so as to catch from her the orders which she rapidly
issues, and then execute them in every part of the camp
and city. She inspires all who behold her with her own
spirit. In every soldier and leader you behold something

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[figure description] Page 065.[end figure description]

of the same alertness and impetuosity of movement which
are so remarkable in her. She is the universal model.
and the confidence in the resources of her genius is universal
and boundless. `Let our courage and conduct,'
they say, `be only in some good proportion to our Queen's,
and we may defy Rome and the world.' As the idea of
nought but conquest ever crosses their minds, the animation
and even gayety that prevail in the camp and throughout
the ranks is scarcely to be believed, as it is, I doubt
not, unparalleled in the history of war. Were she a goddess,
and omnipotent, the trust in her could not be more
unwavering.

I have just encountered Calpurnius returning from the
palace of the Queen, whither he has been to offer his
services during the war, in any capacity in which it might
please her to employ him.

`What was your reception?' said I.

`Such as Fausta had assured me of. She gives me a
hearty welcome to her camp, and assigns me a legion of
horse. And, in addition, one more charge, dearer and
yet more anxious a thousand fold.'

`May I know it?' said I, `but readily surmising the
nature of it.'

`It is,' he replied, with visible emotion, `it is Fausta
herself.'

`It is fixed then, that she accompanies the Queen?'

`She entreats, and the Queen consents.'

`Would that she could be turned from this purpose,
but I suppose the united power of the East could not do
it. To be near Zenobia, and if evil should befall her, to
share it — or to throw herself as a shield between the
Queen and death — is what she pants for more than
for renown, though it should be double that of Semiramis.
'

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`Lucius, have you urged every reason, and used all the
power you possess over her, to dissuade her?'

`I have done all I have dared to do. The decisions
of some minds, you know, with the motives which sway
them, we too much revere to oppose to them our own.
Girl though Fausta be, yet when I see by the lofty expression
of her countenance, her firm and steadfast eye,
that she has taken her part, I have no assurance sufficient
to question the rectitude of her determination, or
essay to change it. I have more faith in her than in
myself.'

`Yet it must never be;' said my brother with earnestness,
`she could never support the fatigues of such a
campaign, and it must not be permitted that she should
encounter the dangers and horrors of actual combat. I
have learned that at the palace, which, while it has dismissed
the most painful apprehensions of one sort, has
filled me with others more tolerable, but yet intolerable.
How, Lucius, has it happened that your heart, soft in
most of its parts, on one side has been adamant.'

`The way of the heart,' I said, `like the way of Providence,
is mysterious — I know not. Perhaps it was that
I knew her longer in Rome and more closely than you,
and the sentiment always uppermost toward her has been
that of a brother's love. Her's toward me has never been
other than the free, unrestrained affection of a sister.
But you have not seen the Princess?'

`I have not.'

`That will complete the explanation. The Queen rejects
me; but I do not despair. But to return to Fausta.
As no force could withhold her from the army, I thank
the Gods that in you she will find a companion and defender,
and that to you the Queen has committed her.
Fail her not, Calpurnius, in the hour of need. You do

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not know, for your eye has but taken in her outward form,
what a jewel, richer than Eastern monarch ever knew, is
entrusted to your care. Keep it as you would your own
life — nay, your life will be well given for its safety.
Forgive me, if in this I seem to charge you as an elder.
Remember that you I do not know, Fausta I do. Of
you I scarcely know more than that you are a Piso,
and that the very soul of honor ought to dwell within you.
The Queen's ready confidence in you, lays you under obligations
heavy as injunctions from the Gods to fidelity.
If, as you journey on toward Antioch, the opportunities of
the way throw you together, and your heart is won by
your nearer knowledge of her sweet qualities as well
as great ones, as your eye has already been, ask not,
seek not for hers, but after a close questioning of yourself,
whether you are worthy of her. Of your life and the
true lineaments of your soul — you know every thing —
she knows nothing — but she is more free and unsuspicious
than a child, and without looking further than the
show and color of honesty and truth, will surrender up her
heart where her fancy leads, trusting to find according to
her faith — and to receive all that she gives. Brother
though you be, I here invoke the curses of the Gods upon
your head, if the faintest purpose of dishonest or deceptive
dealing have place within you.'

`Your words,' said Calpurnius in reply — a wholesome
and natural expression of indignation spreading over his
countenance, which inspired more confidence than any
thing he could say — `your words, Lucius, are earnest and
something sharp. But I bear them without complaint, for
the sake of the cause in which you have used them. I
blame you not. It is true, I am a stranger both to yourself
and Fausta, and it were monstrous to ask confidence before
time has proved me. Leave it all to time. My conduct

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under this trust shall be my trial. Not till our return
from Antioch will I aim at more than the happiness to
be her companion and guard. The noble Otho will be
near us, to whom you may commit us both.'

`Brother,' I rejoined, `I doubt you not; but where
our treasure is great, we are tormented by imaginary
fears, and we guard it by a thousand superfluous cares.
What I have said has implied the existence of doubts
and apprehensions. But in sober truth they were forced
into existence. My nature from the first, has been full
of trust in you; but this very promptness to confide, my
anxious fears converted to a fault, and urged suspicion
as a duty. Your countenance and your words have now
inspired me with an assurance, not, I am certain, to be
ever shaken, in your virtues. It shall be my joy to impart
the same to Gracchus. Fausta shall be left free to
the workings of her own mind and heart.'

I should not have been justified, it seems to me, in saying
less than this, though I said it with apprehensions,
many and grave, of a breach between us, which perhaps
time might never heal. It has ended in a deep and
settled conviction that the character of Calpurnius is
what it at first appears to be. Persian duplicity has
made no lodgment within him, of that I am sure. And
where you feel sure of sincerity, almost any other fault
may be borne.

The army has taken up its march, and the city is deprived
of its best and bravest spirits — Zenobia and
Fausta, those kindred souls are gone. How desolate is
this vast palace! The loss of Gracchus and Fausta
seems the loss of all. A hundred attendant slaves
leave it still empty.

A period of the most active preparation has been closed
to-day, by the departure of as well appointed an army as

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ever issued from the Prætorian camps. It was a spectacle
as beautiful as my eyes ever beheld — and as sad.
Let me set before you the events of the day. As I descended
to the apartment where we take together our
morning meal, and which we were now for the last time
to partake in each other's company, I found Fausta
already there, and surveying with sparkling eyes and a
flushed cheek, a suit of the most brilliant armour, which
having been made by the Queen's workmen, and by her
order, had just now been brought and delivered to her.

`I asked the honor,' said the person with whom she
was conversing, `to bring it myself, who have made it with
the same care as the queen's, of the same materials, and
after the same fashion. So it was her order to do. It
will set, lady, believe me, as easy as a riding dress,
though it be all of the most impenetrable steel. The
polish too, is such, that neither arrow nor javelin need be
feared, they can but touch and glance. Hercules could
not indent this surface. Let me reveal to you diverse
secret and perfect springs and clasps, the use of which
you should be well acquainted with. Yet it differs not
so much from that in which you have performed your
exercises, but what you will readily comprehend the manner
of its adjustment.'

He then went through with his demonstrations and departed.

`This is beautiful indeed,' I said, `as I surveyed and
handled parts of the armour, the eye can hardly bear it
when the rays of the sun fall upon it. But I wish it was
fairly back again in the shop of the armourer.'

`That would be,' said Fausta, `only to condemn me to
an older and worse one, and if you should wish that away
too, it would be only to send me into the ranks defenceless.
Surely that you would not do?'

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`The Gods forbid. I only mean that I would rather
these walls, Fausta, should be your defence. You were
not made, whatever you may think, to brave the dangers
of the desert, and the horrors of a war. Do you remember
at the amphitheatre you hid your eyes from the cruel
sights of the arena? I doubt not your courage. But it
is not after your heart.'

`From the useless barbarities of the circus I might
indeed turn away my eyes, and yet I think with perfect
consistency, strike my lance into the heart of a man who
came against my country or my Queen, nor even blench.
But do not suppose that it is with any light or childish joy
that I resolve to follow in the steps of Zenobia, even to
the field of slaughter. I would far rather sit here in the
midst of security and peace, making mimic war upon my
embroidery, or tuning my voice and harp, with Gracchus
and you to listen and applaud. But there is that within
me that forbids my stay. I am urged from within by a
voice which seems as the voice of a god, to do according
to my strength, for what may be the last struggle of our
country against the encroachments and ambition of
Rome. You may deem it little that a woman can do?'

`I confess I am of opinion that many a substitute could
do Palmyra a better service than even the arm of Fausta.
A woman may do much and bravely, but a man may do
more.'

`Therein, Lucius, am I persuaded you err. If it were
only that in the language of Zabdas, I added so many
pounds weight of bone and flesh, by adding myself to the
Queen's troops, I would stay at home. There are heavier
arms than mine — for mine are slight — and sturdier
limbs, for mine, in spite of the sports of the field, are still
a woman's. But you know nothing of Palmyra if you
know not this, that her victories have been won, not by

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the arm, but by the presence of Zenobia; to be led to
the onset by a woman, and that woman Zenobia — it is
this that has infused a spirit and an enthusiasm into our
soldiery that has rendered them irresistible. Were it a
thousand against ten thousand, not a native Palmyrene
would shrink from the trial, with Zenobia at their head.
I am not Zenobia, Lucius, but what she can do for an
army, I can do for a legion. Mark the sensation, when
this morning Zenobia presents herself to the army, and
even when Fausta wheels into the ranks, and acknowledge
that I have uttered a truth.'

`There must be truth in what you say, for were I in
your train, I can feel how far I should follow you and
when forsake you. But what you say, only fills me with
new apprehensions, and renders me the more anxious to
detain you. What but certain death awaits you if you
are to lead the way?'

`And why should I not die? — as well as another?
And is it of more consequence that Fausta, the daughter
of Gracchus should die upon a bed of down, and beneath
silken canopies, than that the common soldier should,
who falls at her side? How could I die better than at
the head of a legion, whom, as I fell, I saw sweeping on
like a tempest, to emulate and revenge my death?'

`But Gracchus — has he another Fausta or another
child?'

Her eyes were bent to the ground, and for a few moments
she was buried in thought. They were filled with
tears as she raised them and said,

`You may well suppose, Lucius, having witnessed, as
you have, what the love is which I bear Gracchus, and how
his life is bound up in mine, that this has been my heaviest
thought. But it has not prevailed with me to change
my purpose, and ought not to do so. Could I look into

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futurity, and know that while I fell upon the plains of
Antioch, or on the sands of the desert, he returned to
these walls to wear out childless and in solitude, the remnant
of his days, my weakness, I believe, would yield,
and I should prefer my parent to my country. But the
future is all dark. And it may as well be, that either we
shall both fall — or both return; or that he may fall and
I survive. It is unworthy of me, is it not, then, to consider
so anxiously such chances? The only thing certain
and of certain advantage is this — I can do my country,
as I deem it, a signal service, by joining her forces in this
hour of peril. To this I cleave, and leave the rest to the
disposal of the Gods. But come, urge me no more, Lucius,
my mind is finally resolved, and it but serves to
darken the remaining hours. See, Gracchus and Calpurnius
are come — let us to the tables.'

This last meal was eaten in silence, save the few required
words of courtesy.

`Soon as it was over, Fausta, springing from her seat,
disappeared, hastening to her apartments. She returned
in a few moments, her dress changed and prepared for
her armour.

`Now, Lucins, she exclaimed, `your hour of duty has
come, which is to fit upon me this queenly apparel. Show
your dexterity, and prove that you, too, have seen the
wars, by the grace with which you shall do your service.'

`These pieces differ not greatly,' I said, `from those
which I have worn in Gaul and Germany, and were they
to be fastened upon my own limbs, or a comrades, the task
were an easy one. I fear lest I may use too rough a
hand in binding on this heavy iron.'

`O, never fear — there, that is well. The Queen's
armourer has said truly; this is easy as a robe of silk.

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Now these clasps — are they not well made? will they not
catch?'

`The clasps are perfect, Fausta, but my eye is dim.
Here — clasp them yourself,' and I turned away.

`Lucius, Lucius, are you a Roman, with eyes so
melting? Julia were a better hand-maid. But one thing
remains, and that must be done by no other hand than
yours — crown me now, with this helmet.'

I took it from her and placed it upon her head, saying, as
I did it, `The Gods shield you from danger, dear Fausta,
and when you have either triumphed or suffered defeat,
return you again to this happy roof. Now for my services,
allow me this reward' — and for the first time since she
was a girl, I kissed her forehead.

She was now a beautiful vision to behold as ever lighted
upon the earth. Her armour revealed with exactness
the perfection of her form, and to her uncommon beauty
added its own, being of the most brilliant steel, and frequently
studded with jewels of dazzling lustre. Her sex
was revealed only by her hair, which, parting over her
forehead, fell toward either eye, and then was drawn up
and buried in her helmet. The ease with which she
moved showed how well she had accustomed herself,
by frequent exercises, to the cumbrous load she bore.
I could hardly believe, as she paced the apartment,
issuing her final orders to her slaves and attendants
who pressed around, that I was looking upon a woman
reared in all the luxury of the East. Much as I had
been accustomed to the sight of Zenobia, performing the
part of an emperor, I found it difficult to persuade myself,
that when I looked upon Fausta, changing so completely
her sex, it was any thing more than an illusion.

Gracchus and Calpurnius now joined us, each, like
Fausta, arrayed in the armour of the Queen's cavalry.

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`Fausta,' said Gracchus, hastily, `the hour is come
that we were at the camp, our horses wait us in the court-yard—
let us mount. Farewell, Lucius Piso,' continued
he, as we moved toward the rear of the palace, `would
you were to make one of our company, but as that cannot
be, I bequeath to you my place, my honors, and my house.
Be ready to receive us with large hospitality and a philosophic
composure, when we return loaded with the laurels
of victory, and the spoils of your countrymen. It is
fortunate, that as we lose you we have Calpurnius, who
seems of the true warrior breed. Never, Lucius, has my
eye lighted upon a nobler pair than this. Observe them.
The Queen, careful of our Fausta, has given her in
special charge to your brother. I thank her. By his
greater activity and my more prudent counsel, I trust, to
bring her again to Palmyra with a fame not less than
Zenobia's.'

`I can spare the fame,' I replied, `so I see her once
more in Palmyra, herself unharmed and her country at
peace.'

`Palmyra would no longer be itself without her,' rejoined
the fond father.

We were now in the court-yard, where we found the
horses, fully caparisoned, awaiting their riders. Fausta's
was her favorite Arab, of a jet black color, and of a fierce
and fiery temper — hardly to be managed by the Saracen,
whose sole office it was to attend upon him, while in the
hands of Fausta, though still spirited almost to wildness,
he was yet docile and obedient. Soon as her feet were
in the stirrups, although before it had been difficult to
hold him, he became quiet and calm.

`See the power of woman,' said Gracchus, `were Antiochus
here, he would look upon this as but another proof

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[figure description] Page 075.[end figure description]

that the Gods are abandoning Palmyra to the sway of
women.'

`It is,' said Fausta, `simply the power of gentleness.
My Saracen operates through fear, and I through love.
My hand laid softly upon his neck, gains more a thousand
fold than the lash laid hardly upon his back.'

Mounting my horse, which Milo stood holding for me,
we then sallied out of the court-yard gate toward the
camp.

The city itself was all pouring forth upon the plains in
its vicinity. The crowds choked the streets as they
passed out, so that our progress was slow. Arriving at
length, we turned toward the pavilion of the Queen,
pitched over against the centre of the army. There we
stood, joined by others, awaiting her arrival — for she
had not yet left the palace. We had not stood long, before
the braying of trumpets and other warlike instruments
announced her approach. We turned, and looking toward
the gate of the city, through which we had but now passed,
saw Zenobia, having on either side Longinus and Zabdas,
and preceded and followed by a select troop of horse, advancing
at her usual speed toward the pavilion. She was
mounted upon her far-famed white Numidian, for power an
elephant, for endurance a dromedary, for fleetness a very
Nicœan, and who had been her companion in all the battles
by which she had gained her renown and her empire.

Calpurnius was beside himself: he had not before seen
her when assuming all her state. `Did eye ever look
upon aught so like a celestial apparition? It is a descent
from other regions; I can swear 't is no mortal — still
less a woman. Fausta — this puts to shame your eulogies,
swollen as I termed them.'

I did not wonder at his amazement, for I myself shared
it, though I had seen her so often. The object that

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[figure description] Page 076.[end figure description]

approached us truly seemed rather a moving blaze of light
than an armed woman, which the eye and the reason declared
it to be, with such gorgeous magnificence was she
arrayed. The whole art of the armourer had been exhausted
in her appointments. The caparison of her steed,
sheathed with burnished gold, and thick studded with
precious stones of every various hue, reflected an almos
intolerable splendor as the rays of a hot morning sun
fell upon it. She too herself being clothed in armour
of polished steel, whose own fiery brightness was doubled
by the diamonds — that was the only jewel she wore —
sown with profusion all over its more prominent parts,
could be gazed upon scarcely with more ease than the
sun himself, whose beams were given back from it with
undiminished glory. In her right hand, she held the long
slender lance of the cavalry; over her shoulders hung a
quiver, well loaded with arrows, while at her side depended
a heavy Damascus blade. Her head was surmounted
by a steel helmet, which left her face wholly uncovered,
and showed her forehead, like Fausta's, shaded by the
dark hair, which, while it was the only circumstance that
revealed the woman, added to the effect of a countenance
unequalled for a marvellous union of feminine beauty,
queenly dignity, and masculine power. Sometimes it has
been her usage upon such occasions, to appear with arms
bare and gloved hands; they were now cased, like the
rest of the body, in plates of steel.

`Calpurnius,' said Fausta, `saw you ever in Persia
such horsemanship? See now, as she draws nearer, with
what grace and power she moves. Blame you the enthusiasm
of this people?'

`I more than share it,' he replied, `it is reward enough
for my long captivity, at last to follow such a leader.
Many a time, as Zenobia has in years past visited my

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[figure description] Page 077.[end figure description]

dreams, and I almost fancied myself in her train, I little
thought that the happiness I now experience was to become
a reality. But, hark! how the shout of welcome
goes up from this innumerable host.'

No sooner was the Queen arrived where we stood, and
the whole extended lines became aware of her presence,
than the air was filled with the clang of trumpets and the
enthusiastic cries of the soldiery, who waved aloft their
arms and made a thousand expressive signs of most joyful
greeting. When this hearty salutation, commencing
at the centre, had died away along the wings, stretching
one way to the walls of the city, and the other
toward the desert, Zenobia rode up nearer the lines,
and being there surrounded by the ranks which were in
front, and by a crowd of the great officers of the army,
spoke to them in accordance with her custom. Stretching
out her hand, as if she would ask the attention of
the multitude — a deep silence ensued, and in a voice
clear and strong, she thus addressed them — `Men
and soldiers of Palmyra! Is this the last time that
you are to gather together in this glittering array,
and go forth as lords of the whole East? Conquerers in so
many wars, are you now about to make an offering of
ourselves and your homes to the emperor of Rome? Am
I, who have twice led you to the gates of Ctesiphon,
now to be your leader to the footstool of Aurelian? Are
you thinking of any thing but victory? Is there one in all
these ranks, who doubts whether the same fate that once
befel Probus shall now befall Aurelian? If there be, let
him stand forth! Let him go and intrench himself within
the walls of Palmyra. We want him not. — (The soldiers
brandished and clashed their arms.) — Victory, soldiers,
belongs to those who believe. Believe that you can do
so, and we will return with a Roman army captive at our

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[figure description] Page 078.[end figure description]

chariot wheels. Who should put trust in themselves, if
not the men and soldiers of Palmyra? Whose memory is
long enough to reach backward to a defeat? What was
the reign of Odenatus but an unbroken triumph? Are you
now, for the first time, to fly or fall before an enemy?
And who the enemy? Forget it not — Rome! and Aurelian!
the greatest empire and the greatest soldier of the
world. Never before was so large a prize within your
reach. Never before fought you on a stage with the
whole world for spectators. Forget not, too — that defeat
will be not only defeat, but ruin! The loss of a battle will
be not only so many dead and wounded, but the loss of
empire! For Rome resolves upon our subjugation. We
must conquer, or we must perish; and forever lose our
city, our throne, and our name. Are you ready to write
yourselves subjects and slaves of Rome! — citizens of a
Roman province? and forfeit the proud name of Palmyrene? —
(Loud and indignant cries rose from the surrounding
ranks.) — If not, you have only to remember
the plains of Egypt and of Persia, and the spirit that burned
within your bosoms then, will save you now, and bring
you back to these walls, your brows bound about with the
garlands of victory. Soldiers! strike your tents! and
away to the desert!'

Shouts long and loud, mingled with the clash of arms,
followed these few words of the Queen. Her own name
was heard above all. `Long live the great Zenobia,'
ran along the ranks from the centre to the extremes, and
from the extremes back again to the centre. It seemed
as if, when her name had once been uttered, they could
not cease — through the operation of some charm — to
repeat it again and again, coupled, too, with a thousand
phrases of loyalty and affection.

The Queen, as she ended, turned toward the Pavilion,

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where dismounting, she entered, and together with her,
her councillors, the great officers of the army and empire,
her family and friends. Here was passed an hour in the
interchange of the words and signs of affection between
those who were about to depart upon this uncertain enterprise,
und those who were to remain. The Queen
would fain inspire all with her light, bold, and confident
spirit, but it could not prevail to banish the fears and
sorrows that filled many hearts. Julia's eyes never
moved from her mother's face, or only to rest on Fausta's
whose hand she held clasped in her own. Zenobia often
turned towards her with a look, in which the melting
tenderness of the mother, contended but too successfully
with the calm dignity of the Queen, and bore testimony
to the strong affection working at the heart. She would
then, saying a word or two, turn away again, and mingle
with those who made less demand upon her sympathies.
Livia was there too, and the flaxen-haired Faustula —
Livia, gay even, through excess of life — Faustula sad
and almost terrified at the scene, and clinging to Julia as
to her haven of safety. The Cæsars were also there, insignificant
as always — but the youngest, Vabalathus,
armed for the war — the others are not to be drawn away
from the luxuries and pleasures of the city. Antiochus,
sullen and silent, was of the number too — stalking with
folded arms apart from the company, or else arm in arm
with one of his own color, and seeming to be there rather
because he feared to be absent, than because he derived
any pleasure from the scene. It was with an effort, and
with reluctance, that he came forward from his hiding
places, and with supreme awkwardness, yet with an air
of haughtiness and pride, paid his court to the queen.
As he retreated from his audience, the Queen's eye
sought me, and approaching me she said, `Piso, I am not

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prone to suspicion, and fear is a stranger to my heart.
But I am told to distrust Antiochus. I have been warned
to observe him. I cannot now do it, for I depart while
he remains in Palmyra. It has been thrown out that he
has designs of a treasonable nature, and that the Princess
Julia is connected with them. He is an object too contemptible
to deserve my thought, and I have not been
willing so much as to name the circumstance to any of
the council. He may prove an amusing and interesting
subject for your contemplation while we are gone.'

This was said in a partly serious, partly trifling vein.
I answered her, saying, `that I could not but fear lest
there might be more foundation for the warnings that had
been given her than she was disposed to allow. He was
indeed insignificant and contemptible in character, but
he was malignant and restless. Many an insect, otherwise
every way despicable — is yet armed with a deadly
sting. A swarm may conquer even the monarch of the
forest. Antiochus, mean as he is, may yet inflict a secret
and fatal wound; and he is not alone. There are those
who affect him. I believe you have imposed no task
which as a Roman, I may not innocently perform. Rest
assured that if watchfulness of mine may avert the
shadow of an evil from your head, it shall not be wanting.
I would that you yourself could look more seriously upon
this information, but I perceive you to be utterly incredulous.
'

`It is so indeed,' she replied. `It were better for me
perhaps were it otherwise. Had I heeded the rumors
which reached me of the base Mæonius, Odenatus had
now perhaps been alive and at my side. But it is against
the grain of my nature. I can neither doubt nor fear.'

Sounds from without now indicated that the camp was
broken up, and the army in motion. The moment of

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separation had come. The Queen hastily approached her
daughters, and impressing a mother's kisses upon them,
turned quickly away, and springing upon her horse, was
soon lost to sight as she made her way through the ranks,
to assume her place at their head. Fausta lingered long
in the embraces of Julia, who, to part with her, seemed
as if about to lose as much more as she had just lost in
Zenobia.

`These our friends being now gone, let us,' said the
Princess, `who remain, together ascend the walls of the
city, and from the towers of the gate observe the progress
of the army so long as it shall remain in sight.'

Saying this, we returned to the city, and from the
highest part of the walls watched the departing glories
of the most magnificent military array I had ever beheld.
It was long after noon before the last of the train of
loaded elephants sank below the horizon. I have seen
larger armies upon the Danube, and in Gaul. But never
have I seen one that in all its appointments presented so
imposing a spectacle. This was partly owing to the
greater proportion of cavalry, and to the admixture of
the long lines of elephants with their burdens, their
towers and litters — but more, perhaps to the perfectness
with which each individual, be he on horse or foot, be he
servant, slave or master, is furnished, respecting both
arms, armour, and apparel. Julia beheld it if with sorrow,
with pride also.

`Between an army like this,' she said, `so appointed,
and so led and inflamed, and another like that of Rome
coming up under a leader like Aurelian, how sharp and
deadly must be the encounter. What a multitude of this
and that living host, now glorious in the blaze of arms,
and burning with desires of conquest, will fall and perish,
pierced by weapons, or crushed by elephants, nor ever

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hear the shout of victory. A horrid death, winding up
a feverish dream. And of that number how likely to be
Fausta and Zenobia.'

`Why sister,' said Faustula, whom I held, and in pointing
out to whom the most remarkable objects of the
strange scene I had been occupied, `why does our mother
love to go away and kill the Romans? I am sure she
would not like to kill you,' looking up in my face, `and
are not you a Roman? She will not let me hurt even
a little fly or ant, but tells me they feel as much to be
killed, as if Sapor were to put his great foot on me, and
tread me into the sand.'

`But the Romans,' said Julia, `are coming to take
away our city from us, and perhaps do us a great deal of
harm, and must they not be hindered?'

`But,' replied Faustula, `would they do it if Zenobia
asked them not to do it? Did you ever know any body
who could help doing as she asked them? I wish Aurelian
could only have come here and heard her speak, and
seen her smile, and I know he would not have wanted to
hurt her. If I were a Queen I would never fight.'

`I do not believe you would,' said I, `you do not seem
as if you could hurt any body or any thing.'

`And now is not Zenobia better than I? I think perhaps
she is only going to frighten the Romans, and then
coming home again.'

`O no — do not think so,' said Livia, `has not Zenobia
fought a great many battles before this? If she did
not fight battles, we should have no city to live in.'

`If it is so good to fight battles, why does she prevent
me from quarrelling, or even speaking unkindly. I think
she ought to teach me to fight. I do not believe that
men or women ought to fight any more than children —
and I dare say if they first saw and talked with one

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another before they fought, as I am told to do, they never
would do it. I find that if I talk and tell what I think,
then I do not want to quarrel.— See! is that Zenobia?
How bright she shines! I wish she would come back.'

`Wait a little while, and she will come again,' said
Livia, `and bring Aurelian perhaps with her? Should
you not like to see Aurelian?'

`No, I am sure I should not. I do not want to see
any one that does not love Zenobia.'

So the little child ran on, often uttering truths, too obviously
truths for mankind to be governed by, yet containing
the best philosophy of life. Truth and happiness
are both within easy reach. We miss them, in fact, because
they are so near. We look over them, and grasp
at distant and more imposing objects, wrapped in the
false charms which distance lends.

During the absence of the Queen and Fausta, we have
in agreement with the promise we made, repeated our
visit, more than once, to the retreat of the Christian
Hermit — from whom I have drawn almost all that remains
to be known, concerning the truths of his religion.
Both Julia and Livia have been my companions. Of the
conversations at these visits, I shall hope at some future
time to furnish you with full accounts.

In the meanwhile, Farewell.

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LETTER XIII.

[figure description] Page 084.[end figure description]

These few days having passed in the manner I have
described, our impatience has been relieved by news from
the West. We learn that Aurelian, having appointed
Illyricum as the central point for assembling his forces,
has, marching thence through Thrace, and giving battle
on the way to the Goths, at length reached Byzantium,
whence crossing the Bosphorus, it is his purpose to
subdue the Asiatic provinces, and afterwards advance toward
Palmyra. The army of the Queen, judging by the
last accounts received by her messengers, must now have
reached the neighborhood of Antioch, and there already
perhaps have encountered the forces of the Emperor.

The citizens begin at length to put on the appearance
of those who feel that something of value is at stake.
The Portico is forsaken, or frequented only by such as
hope to hear news by going there. The streets are become
silent and solitary. I myself partake of the general
gloom. I am often at the palace and at the house of
Longinus. The dwelling, or rather should I not term it
the spacious palace of the minister, affords me delightful
hours of relaxation and instruction, as I sit and converse
with its accomplished lord, or wander among the compartments
of his vast library, or feast the senses and imagination
upon the choice specimens of sculpture and painting,
both ancient and modern, which adorn the walls, the ceilings,
the stair-ways, and, indeed, every part of the extensive
interior. Here I succeed in forgetting the world and
all its useless troubles, and am fairly transported into
those regions of the fancy, where the airs are always

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soft and the skies serene, where want is unknown, and
solicitations to vice come not, where men are just, and true,
and kind, and women the goddesses we make them in our
dreams, and the whole of existence is a calm summer's
day, without storm of the inward or outward world. And
when upon these delicious moments the philosopher himself
breaks in, the dream is not dissolved, but stands rather
converted to an absolute reality, for it then shines with
the actual presence of a God. It is with unwillingness
that I acknowledge my real state, and consent to return
to this living world of anxieties and apprehensions in
which I now dwell.

I am just returned from the Palace and the Princess
Julia. While there seated in conversation with her,
Longinus and Livia, a courier was suddenly announced
from Zenobia. He entered, woe stamped upon his features,
and delivered letters into the hands of Longinus.
Alas! Alas! for Palmyra. The intelligence is of disaster
and defeat. The countenance of the Greek grew pale as
he read. He placed the despatches in silence in the hands
of Julia, having finished them, and hastily withdrew.

The sum of the news is this. A battle has been fought
before Antioch, and the forces of the Queen completely
routed. It appears that upon the approach of Aurelian,
the several provinces of Asia Minor, which by negotiation
and conquest had by Zenobia been connected with her
kingdom, immediately returned to their former allegiance.
The cities opened their gates and admitted the armies
of the conqueror. Tyana alone of all the Queen's
dominions in that quarter, opposed the progress of the
Emperor, and this strong-hold was soon by treachery delivered
into his power. Thence he pressed on without
pause to Antioch, where he found the Queen awaiting
him. A battle immediately ensued. At first, the Queen's

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forces obtained decided advantages, and victory seemed
ready to declare for her as always before, when the Gods
decreed otherwise, and the day was lost — but lost in the
indignant language of the Queen, `not in fair and honorable
fight, but through the baseness of a stratagem rather
to have been expected from a Carthaginian than the great
Aurelian.' `Our troops,' she writes, `had driven the enemy
from his ground at every point. Notwithstanding the
presence of Aurelian, and the prodigies of valor by which
he distinguished himself anew, and animated his soldiers,
our cavalry, led by the incomparable Zabdas, bore him
and his legions backwards, till apparently discomfited by
the violence of the onset, the Roman horse gave way and
fled in all directions. The shout of victory arose from
our ranks, which now dissolved, and in the disorder of a
flushed and conquering army, scattered in hot pursuit of
the flying foe. Now, when too late, we saw the treachery
of the enemy. Our horse, heavy-armed, as you know—
were led on by the retreating Romans into a broken
and marshy ground, where their movements were in every
way impeded, and thousands were suddenly fixed immovable
in the deep morass. At this moment, the enemy, by
preconcerted signals, with inconceivable rapidity — being
light-armed — formed; and, returning upon our now
scattered and broken forces, made horrible slaughter of
all who had pushed farthest from the main body of the
army. Dismay seized our soldiers — the panic spread—
increased by the belief that a fresh army had come up
and was entering the field, and our whole duty centered
upon forming and covering our retreat. This, chiefly
through the conduct of Calpurnius Piso, was safely effected;
the Romans being kept at bay while we drew together,
and then under cover of the approaching night, fell back
to a new and strong position.

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`I attempt not, Longinus, to make that better which is
bad. I reveal the whole truth, not softening or withholding
a single feature of it, that your mind may be possessed
of the exact state of our affairs, and know how to form its
judgments. Make that which I write public, to the extent
and in the manner that shall seem best to you.

`After mature deliberation, we have determined to retreat
further yet, and take up our position under the walls
of Emesa. Here, I trust in the Gods we shall redeem
that which we have lost.'

In a letter to Julia, the Queen says, `Fausta has escaped
the dangers of the battle; selfishly, perhaps, dividing
her from Piso, she has shared my tent and my fortunes,
and has proved herself worthy of every confidence that
has been reposed in her. She is my inseparable companion
in the tent, in the field, and on the road, by night and
by day. Give not way to despondency, dear Julia. Fortune,
which has so long smiled upon me, is not now about
to forsake me. There is no day so long and bright, that
clouds do not sail by and cast their little shadows. But
the sun is behind them. Our army is still great and in
good heart. The soldiers receive me, whenever I appear,
with their customary acclamations. Fausta shares this
enthusiasm. Wait without anxiety or fear for news from
Emesa.'

When we had perused and re-perused the despatches
of the Queen, and were brooding in no little despondency
over their contents, Longinus, re-entering, said to me,

`And what, Piso, may I ask, is your judgment of the
course which Aurelian will now pursue? I see not that I
can offend in asking, or you in answering. I have heretofore
inclined to the belief that Rome, having atoned her
injured honor by a battle, would then prefer to convert
Palmyra into a useful ally, by the proposal of terms which

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she could accept — terms which would leave her an independent
existence as formerly — in friendly alliance with,
though in no sense subject to Rome. But neither preceding
the battle at Antioch, nor since, does it appear
that terms have been so much as proposed or discussed.
I can hardly believe that Aurelian, even if victory should
continue to sit upon his eagles, would desire to drive the
Queen to extremities, and convert this whole people into
a united and infuriated enemy. If he be willing to do
this, he little understands the best interests of Rome, and
proves only this, that though he may be a good soldier,
he is a bad sovereign, and really betrays his country while
achieving the most brilliant victories.'

`I am obliged to say,' I replied, `that I have wavered
in my judgment. Sometimes, when I have thought of
policy, of the past services of Palmyra, and of Persia, I
have deemed it hardly possible that Aurelian should have
had any other purpose in this expedition than to negotiate
with Zenobia, under the advantages of an army at his
back — that at the most and worst, a single battle would
suffice, and the differences which exist be then easily adjusted.
But, then, when again I have thought of the
character of Aurelian, I have doubted these conclusions,
and believed that conquest alone will satisfy him — and
that he will never turn back till he can call Palmyra a
Roman province. From what has now transpired at Antioch,
and especially from what has not transpired, I am
strengthened in this last opinion. One or the other must
fall. I believe it has come to this.'

`One or the other may fall at Emesa,' said Livia, `but
no power can ever force the walls of Palmyra.'

`I am ready to believe with you, Princess,' said Longinus,
`but I trust never to see a Roman army before them.
Yet if your last judgment of Aurelian be the true one,

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Piso, it may happen. We are not a power to pour forth
the hordes of Rome or Germany. We have valor, but
not numbers.'

`Ought not,' said Julia, `every provision to be made,
even though there be but the remotest possibility of the
city sustaining a siege.'

`The most fruitful imagination,' replied Longinus,
`could hardly suggest a single addition to what is already
done, to render Palmyra impregnable. And long before
the food now within the walls could be exhausted, any
army — save one of Arabs of the desert — lying before
them, must itself perish. But these things the council
and senate will maturely weigh.'

Longinus departed.

At the same moment that he left the apartment, that
Indian slave whom I have often seen sitting at the feet of
the Queen, entered where we were, and addressing a few
words to the Princess Julia again retreated. I could not
but remark again what I had remarked before, her graceful
beauty, and especially the symmetry of her form and
elasticity of her step. There was now also an expression
in the countenance which, notwithstanding its dark
beauty, I liked not, as I had often before liked it not,
when I had seen her in the presence of Zenobia.

`Princess,' said I, `is the slave who has just departed
sincere in her attachment to Zenobia?'

`I cannot doubt it,' she replied; `at least I have observed
nothing to cause me to doubt it. Thinking herself
injured and degraded by Zenobia, she may perhaps
feel toward her as the captive feels toward the conqueror.
But if this be so, the lip breathes it not. To the Queen
she is, as far as the eye may judge, fondly attached, and
faithful to the trusts reposed in her.'

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`But why,' I asked, `thinks she herself injured and degraded?
is she not what she seems to be, a slave?'

`She is a slave by the chances of fortune and war, not
by descent or purchase. She was of the household of
Sapor, when his tents, wives, and slaves fell into the hands
of Odenatus, and by him, as we learned, had been taken
in his wars with an Indian nation. In her own country
she was a princess, and were she now there, were queen.
Zenobia's pride is gratified by using her for the purposes
she does, nor has it availed to intercede in her behalf.
Yet has it always seemed, as if a strong attachment drew
the fair slave to our mother, and sure I am that Zenobia
greatly esteems her, and, save in one respect, maintains
and holds her rather as an equal than inferior. We all
love her. Others beside yourself have questioned her
truth, but we have heeded them not. Upon what, may I
ask, have you founded a doubt of her sincerity?'

`I can scarcely say,' I rejoined, `that I have ground to
doubt her sincerity. Indeed, I know nothing of her but
what you have now rehearsed, except, that a few days
since, as I retired from the palace, I observed her near
the eastern gate, in earnest conversation with Antiochus.
Soon as her eye caught me, although at a great distance,
she hastily withdrew into the palace, while Antiochus
turned toward the neighboring street.'

Julia smiled. `Ah,' said she, `our cousin, Antiochus,
were he to lose all hope of me, would hasten to throw
himself at the feet of the beautiful Sindarina. When at
the palace, his eyes can hardly be drawn from her
face. I have been told he exalts her above her great
mistress. Were Antiochus king, I can hardly doubt
that Sindarina were queen. His visit to the palace must
have been to her alone. Livia, have you received him
since the departure of Zenobia?'

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Her sister had not seen him. I said no more. But
never have I read aright the human countenance, if in
her there be not hidden design of evil. I knew not before
this interview her history. This supplies a motive
for a treacherous turn, if by it her freedom or her fortune
might be achieved. I have mentioned my suspicions to
Longinus, but he sees nothing in them.

The intelligence thus received has effectually sobered
the giddy citizens of Palmyra. They are now of opinion
that war really exists, and that they are a party concerned.
The merchants, who are the princes of the place, perceiving
their traffic to decline or cease, begin to interest
themselves in the affairs of the state. So long as wealth
flowed in as ever, and the traders from India and Persia
saw no obstruction in the state of things to a safe transaction
of their various businesses and transportation of their
valuable commodities, the merchants left the state to take
care of itself, and whatever opinions they held, expressed
them only in their own circles, thinking but of accumulation
by day, and of ostentatious expenditure by night. I
have often heard, that their general voice, had it been
raised, would have been hostile to the policy that has prevailed.
But it was not raised; and now, when too late,
and these mercenary and selfish beings are driven to some
action by the loss of their accustomed gains, a large and
violent party is forming among them, who loudly condemn
the conduct of the Queen and her ministers, and advocate
immediate submission to whatever terms Aurelian may
impose. This party, however, powerful though it may be
through wealth, is weak in numbers. The people are
opposed to them, and go enthusiastically with the Queen,
and do not scruple to exult in the distresses of the merchants.
Their present impotence is but a just retribution
upon them for their criminal apathy during the early

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stages of the difficulty. Then had they taken a part, as
they ought to have done, in the public deliberations, the
rupture which has ensued might, it is quite likely, have
been prevented. Their voice would have been a loud and
strong one, and would have been heard. They deserve
to lose their liberties, who will not spare time from selfish
pursuits to guard them. Where a government is popular,
even to no greater extent than this, it behooves every individual,
if he values the power delegated to him and
would retain it, to use it — otherwise it is by degrees and
insensibly lost; and once absorbed into the hands of the
few, it is not easily, if at all, to be recovered.

Nothing can exceed the activity displayed on all hands
in every preparation which the emergency demands.
New levies of men are making, and a camp again forming
to reinforce the Queen, at Emesa, or in its neighborhood,
if she should not be compelled to retire upon Palmyra.
In the mean time, we wait with beating hearts
for the next arrival of couriers.

After an anxious suspense of several days all my worst
apprehensions are realised. Messengers have arrived,
announcing the defeat of Zenobia before the walls of Emesa,
and with them fugitives from the conquered army are
pouring in. Every hour now do we expect the approach
of the Queen, with the remnant of her forces. Our intelligence
is in the hand of Zenobia herself. She has
written thus to her minister.

`Septimia Zenobia to Dyonysius Longinus. I am
again defeated. Our cavalry were at first victorious, as
before at Antioch. The Roman horse were routed. But
the infantry of Aurelian, in number greatly superior to
ours, falling upon our ranks when deprived of the support
of the cavalry, obtained an easy victory; while their
horse, rallying and increased by reinforcements from

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Antioch, drove us in turn at all points, penetrating even to
our camp, and completed the disaster of the day. I have
now no power with which to cope with Aurelian. It remains
but to retreat upon Palmyra, there placing our reliance
upon the strength of our walls, and upon our Armenian,
Saracen, and Persian allies. I do not despair,
although the favor of the Gods seems withdrawn. Farewell.
'

The city is in the utmost consternation. All power
seems paralysed. The citizens stand together in knots
at the corners of the streets, like persons struck dumb,
and without command of either their bodies or their
minds. The first feeling was, and it was freely expressed,
`to contend further is hopeless. The army is destroyed;
another cannot now be recruited; and if it
could, before it were effected, Aurelian would be at the
gates with his countless legions, and the city necessarily
surrender. We must now make the best terms we can,
and receive passively conditions which we can no longer
oppose.'

But soon other sentiments took the place of these, and
being urged by those who entertained them with zeal,
they have prevailed.

`Why,' they have urged, `should we yield before that
becomes the only alternative? At present we are secure
within the walls of our city, which may well defy all the
power of a besieging army. Those most skilled in such
matters, and who have visited the places in the world
deemed most impregnable, assert that the defences of
Palmyra are perfect, and surpassed by none; and that
any army, whether a Roman or any other, must perish
before it would be possible either to force our gates or
reduce us by hunger. Besides, what could we expect by
submitting to the conqueror, but national extinction? Our

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city would be pillaged: our principal citizens murdered;
perhaps a general slaughter made of the inhabitants,
without regard to age or sex. The mercies of Rome
have ever been cruel; and Aurelian we know to be
famed for the severity of his temper. No commander of
modern times has instituted so terrible a discipline in his
army, and Rome itself has felt the might of his iron
hand; it is always on his sword. What can strangers,
foreigners, enemies, and rebels, as he regards us, expect?
And are the people of Palmyra ready to abandon their
Queen? to whom we owe all this great prosperity — this
wide renown — this extended empire? But for Zenobia
we were now what we so many ages were, a petty trading
village — a community of money makers — hucksters and
barterers — without arts, without science, without fame,
destitute of all that adorns and elevates a people. Zenobia
has raised us to empire; it is Zenobia who has made
us the conquerers of Persia, and the rival of Rome.
Shame to those who will desert her! Shame to those
who will distrust a genius that has hitherto shone with
greater lustre in proportion to the difficulties that have
opposed it. Who can doubt that by lending her all our
energies and means, she will yet triumph. Shame and
death to the enemies of the Queen and the State!'

Sentiments like these are now every where heard, and
the courage and enthusiasm of the people are rising again.
Those who are for war and resistance are always the
popular party. There is an instinctive love of liberty and
power, and a horror at the thought of losing them, that
come to the aid of the weak, and often cause them to
resist, under circumstances absolutely desperate. Palmyra
is not weak, but to one who contemplates both
parties, and compares their relative strength, it is little
short of madness to hope to hold out with ultimate

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success against the power of Rome. But such is the determination
of the great body of the people. And the
Queen, when she shall approach with her broken and diminished,
and defeated army, will meet the welcome of a
conqueror. Never before in the history of the world,
was there so true hearted a devotion of a whole people to
the glory, interests, and happiness of One — and never
was such devotion so deserved.

The Princess Julia possesses herself like one armed
for such adversities, not by nature, but by reflection and
philosophy. She was designed for scenes of calmness
and peace. But she has made herself equal to times of
difficulty, tumult and danger. She shrinks not from the
duties which her station now imposes upon her, but seems
like one who possesses resolution enough to reign with
the vigor and power of Zenobia. Her two brothers, who
have remained in the city, Herennianus and Timolaus,
leave all affairs of state to her and the council; they preferring
the base pleasures of sensuality in which they
wallow day and night, in company with Antiochus and
his crew. If a deep depression is sometimes seen to
rest upon her spirit, it comes rather when she thinks of
her mother, than of herself. She experiences already,
through her lively sympathies, the grief that will rage in
the soul of Zenobia, should fortune deprive her of her
crown.

`Zenobia,' she has said to me, `Zenobia cannot descend
from a throne, without suffering such as common
souls cannot conceive. A goddess driven from heaven
and the company of the gods, could not endure more.
To possess and to exercise power is to her heaven; to be
despoiled of it, Tartarus and death. She was born for
a throne, though not on one; and how she graces it, you
and the world have seen. She will display fortitude under

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adversity and defeat, I am sure, and to the common
eye, the same soul and vigorous with all its energies,
will appear to preside over her. But the prospect or expectation
of a fall from her high place will rack with
torments such as no mortal can hope to assuage. To
witness her grief, without the power to relieve— I cannot
bear to think of it.'

In Livia there is more of the mother. She is proud,
imperious, and ambitious, in a greater measure even than
Zenobia. Young as she is, she believes herself of a different
nature from others; she born to rule, others to
serve. It is not the idea of her country and its renown
that fills and sways her, but of a throne and its attendant
glories. So she could reign a Queen, with a Queen's
state and homage, it would matter little to her whether it
were in Persia or Palmyra. Yet with those who are her
equals is she free, and even sportive, light of heart, and
overflowing with excess of life. Her eye burns with the
bright lustre of a star, and her step is that of the mistress
of a world. She is not terrified at the prospect before
her, for her confident and buoyant spirit looks down all
opposition, and predicts a safe egress from the surrounding
peril, and an ascent, through this very calamity itself,
to a position more illustrious still.

`Julia,' said she, on one occasion of late, while I sat a
listener, `supposing that the people of Palmyra should
set aside our renowned brothers, and again prefer a woman's
sway, would not you renounce your elder right in
favour of me? I do not think you would care to be a
Queen?'

`That is true,' replied Julia, `I should not care to be a
Queen; and yet, I believe I should reign that you might
not. Though I covet not the exercise of power, I believe
I should use it more wisely than you would, who do.'

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`I am sure,' said Livia, `I feel within me that very
superiority to others, which constitutes the royal character,
and would fit me eminently to reign. He cannot be
a proper slave who has not the soul of a slave. Neither
can he reign well who has not the soul of a monarch.
I am suited to a throne, just as others are by the providence
of the gods suited to uphold the throne, and be the
slaves of it.'

`Were you Queen, Livia, it would be for your own
sake; to enjoy the pleasures which as you imagine, accompany
that state, and exercise over others the powers
with which you were clothed, and receive the homage of
dependent subjects. Your own magnificence and luxurious
state would be your principal thought. Is that being
suited to a throne?'

`But,' said Livia, `I should not be guilty of intentional
wrong toward any. So long as my people obeyed my
laws and supported my government, there would be no
causes of difficulty. But surely, if there were resistance,
and any either insulted or opposed my authority, it would
be a proper occasion for violent measures. For there
must be some to govern as well as others to obey. All
cannot rule. Government is founded in necessity. Kings
and queens are of nature's making. It would be right,
then, to use utmost severity toward such as ceased to
obey, as the slave his master. How could the master obtain
the service of the slave, if there were not reposed in
him power to punish? Shall the master of millions have
less?'

`Dear Livia, your principles are suited only to some
Persian despotism. You very soberly imagine, unless
you jest, that governments exist for the sake of those who
govern — that kings and queens are the objects for which
governments are instituted.'

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`Truly, it is very much so. Otherwise what would the
king or queen of an empire be but a poor official, maintained
in a sort of state by the people, and paid by them
for the discharge of a certain set of duties which must be
performed by some one — but who possesses, in fact, no
will or power of his own — rather the servant of the people
than their master.'

`I think,' replied Julia, `you have given a very just
definition of the imperial office. A king, queen, or emperor
is indeed the servant of the people. He exists not
for his own pleasure or glory, but for their good. Else
he is a tyrant, a despot — not a sovereign.'

`It is, then,' said Livia, `only a tyrant or a despot that
I would consent to be. Not in any bad meaning of the
terms, for you know, Julia, that I could not be cruel or
unjust. But unless I could reign, as one independent of
my people, and irresponsible to them; not in name only,
but in reality above them; receiving the homage due to
the queenly character and office — I would not reign at
all. To sit upon a throne, a mere painted puppet, shaken
by the breath of every conceited or discontented citizen,
a butt for every shaft to fly at, a mere hireling, a slave in
a queen's robe, the mouthpiece for others to speak by,
and proclaim their laws, with no will or power of my own—
no, no. It is not such that Zenobia is?'

`She is more than that, indeed,' replied Julia; `she is
in some sense a despot; her will is sovereign in the
state; she is an absolute prince in fact; but it is through
the force of her own character and virtues, not by the
consent and expressed allowance of her subjects. Her
genius, her goodness, her justice, and her services, have
united to confer upon her this dangerous preeminence.
But who else, with power such as her's, would reign as
as she has reigned? An absolute will, guided by perfect

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wisdom and goodness, constitutes, I indeed believe, the
simplest and best form of human government. It is a
copy of that of the universe, under the providence of the
Gods. But an absolute will, moved only or chiefly by the
selfish love of regal state and homage; — or by a very defective
wisdom and goodness, is, on the other hand, the
very worst form of human government. You would make
an unequalled queen, Livia, if to act the queen were all—
if you were but to sit and receive the worship of the
slaves, your subjects. As you sit now, I can almost believe
you Queen of the East! Juno's air was not more
imperial, nor the beauty of Venus more enslaving. Piso
will not dissent from what I began with, or now end
with.'

`I think you have delivered a true doctrine,' I replied,
`but which few who have once tasted of power will admit.
Liberty would be in great danger were Livia queen. Her
subjects would be too willing to forget their rights, through
a voluntary homage to her queenly character and state.
Their chains would, however, be none the less chains,
that they were voluntarily assumed. That, indeed, is the
most dangerous slavery which men impose upon themselves,
for it does not bear the name of slavery, but some
other; yet as it is real, the character of the slave is silently
and unconsciously formed, and then unconsciously transmitted.
'

`I perceive,' said Livia, `if what you philosophers urge
be true, that I am rather meant by nature for a Persian
or a Roman throne than any other. I would be absolute,
though it were over but a village. A divided and imperfect
power I would not accept, though it were over the
world. But the Gods grant it long ere any one be called
in Palmyra to fill the place of Zenobia.'

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`Happy were it for mankind,' said Julia, `could she
live and reign forever.'

Thus do all differences cease and run into harmony at
the name of Zenobia.

Every hour do we look for the arrival of the army.

As I sit writing at my open window, overlooking the
street and spacious courts of the Temple of Justice, I am
conscious of an unusual disturbance — the people at a
distance are running in one direction — the clamor approaches—
and now I hear the cries of the multitude,
`The Queen, the Queen.'

I fly to the walls.

I resume my pen. The alarm was a true one. Upon
gaining the streets, I found the populace all pouring toward
the gate of the desert, in which direction, it was affirmed,
the Queen was making her approach. Upon reaching it,
and ascending one of its lofty towers, I beheld from the
verge of the horizon to within a mile of the walls, the
whole plain filled with the scattered forces of Zenobia, a
cloud of dust resting over the whole, and marking out
the extent of ground they covered. As the advanced detachments
drew near, how different a spectacle did they
present from that bright morning, when, glittering in steel,
and full of the fire of expected victory, they proudly took
their way toward the places from which they now were
returning, a conquered, spoiled, and dispirited remnant,
covered with the dust of a long march, and wearily dragging
their limbs beneath the rays of a burning sun. Yet
was there order and military discipline preserved, even
under circumstances so depressing, and which usually are
an excuse for their total relaxation. It was the silent,
dismal march of a funeral train, rather than the hurried
flight of a routed and discomfited army. There was the
stiff and formal military array, but the life and spirit of an

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elevated and proud soldiery were gone. They moved with
method to the sound of clanging instruments, and the
long, shrill blast of the trumpet, but they moved as mourners.
They seemed as if they came to bury their Queen.

Yet the scene changed to a brighter aspect, as the army
drew nearer and nearer to the walls, and the city throwing
open her gates, the populace burst forth, and with loud and
prolonged shouts, welcomed them home. These shouts
sent new life into the hearts of the desponding ranks, and
with brightened faces and a changed air, they waved their
arms and banners, and returned shout for shout. As they
passed through the gates to the ample quarters provided
within the walls, a thousand phrases of hearty greeting
were showered down upon them, from those who lined the
walls, the towers, and the way-side, which seemed from
the effects produced in those on whom they fell, a more
quickening restorative than could have been any medicine
or food that had ministered only to the body.

The impatience of the multitude to behold and receive
the Queen, was hardly to be restrained from breaking
forth in some violent way. They were ready to rush upon
the great avenue, bearing aside the troops, that they might
the sooner greet her. When, at length, the centre of the
army approached, and the armed chariot appeared in
which Zenobia sat, the enthusiasm of the people knew no
bounds. They broke through all restraint, and with cries
that filled the heavens, pressed towards her — the soldiers
catching the frenzy and joining them — and quickly detaching
the horses from her carriage, themselves drew her
into the city just as if she had returned victor with
Aurelian in her train. There was no language of devotion
and loyalty that did not meet her ear, nor any sign
of affection that could be made from any distance, from
the plains, the walls, the gates, the higher buildings of the

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city, the roofs of which were thronged, that did not meet
her eye. It was a testimony of love so spontaneous and
universal, a demonstration of confidence and unshaken
attachment so hearty and sincere, that Zenobia was more
than moved by it, she was subdued — and she, who, by
her people, had never before been seen to weep, bent her
head and buried her face in her hands.

With what an agony of expectation, while this scene
was passing, did I await the appearance of Fausta, and
Gracchus, and Calpurnius — if, indeed, I were destined
ever to see them again. I waited long, and with pain,
but the Gods be praised, not in vain, nor to meet with
disappointment only. Not far in the rear of Zenobia, at
the head of a squadron of cavalry, rode, as my eye distinctly
informed me, those whom I sought. No sooner did
they in turn approach the gates, than almost the same
welcome that had been lavished upon Zenobia, was repeated
for Fausta, Gracchus, and Calpurnius. The names
of Calpurnius and Fausta — of Calpurnius, as he who
had saved the army at Antioch, of Fausta as the intrepid
and fast friend of the Queen, were especially heard from
a thousand lips, joined with every title of honor. My
voice was not wanting in the loud acclaim. It reached
the ears of Fausta, who, starting and looking upward,
caught my eye just as she passed beneath the
arch of the vast gateway. I then descended from my
tower of observation, and joined the crowds who thronged
the close ranks, as they filed along the streets of the
city. I pressed upon the steps of my friends, never being
able to keep my eyes from the forms of those I loved so
well, whom I had so feared to lose, and so rejoiced to behold
returned alive and unhurt.

All day the army has continued pouring into the city,
and beside the army greater crowds still of the

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inhabitants of the suburbs, who, knowing that before another
day shall end, the Romans may encamp before the walls,
are scattering in all directions — multitudes taking refuge
in the city, but greater numbers still mounted upon elephants,
camels, dromedaries and horses, flying into the
country to the north. The whole region as far as the eye
can reach, seems in commotion, as if society were dissolved,
and breaking up from its foundations. The
noble and the rich, whose means are ample, gather together
their valuables, and with their children and friends,
seek the nearest parts of Mesopotamia, where they will
remain in safety till the siege shall be raised. The poor,
and such as cannot reach the Euphrates, flock into the
city, bringing with them what little of provisions or
money they may possess, and are quartered upon the inhabitants,
or take up a temporary abode in the open
squares, or in the courts and porticos of palaces and
temples — the softness and serenity of the climate rendering
even so much as the shelter of a tent superfluous.
But by this vast influx the population of the city cannot
be less than doubled, and I should tremble for the means
of subsistence for so large a multitude, did I not know
the inexhaustible magazines of corn, laid up by the prudent
foresight of the Queen, in anticipation of the possible
occurrence of the emergency which has now arrived.
A long time — longer than he himself would be able to
subsist his army, must Aurelian lie before Palmyra ere he
can hope to reduce it by famine. What impression his
engines may be able to make upon the walls, remains to
be seen. Periander pronounces the city impregnable.
My own judgment, formed upon a comparison of it with
the cities most famous in the world for the strength of
their defences, would agree with his.

Following on in the wake of the squadron to which

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Fausta was attached, I wished to reach the camp at the
same time with herself and Gracchus and my brother,
but owing to the press in the streets, arising from the
causes just specified, I was soon separated from, and lost
sight of it. Desirous however to meet them, I urged my
way along with much labor till I reached the quarter of
the city assigned to the troops, and where I found the
tents and the open ground already occupied. I sought
in vain for Fausta. While I waited, hoping still to see
her, I stood leaning upon a pile of shields, which the soldiers,
throwing off their arms, had just made, and
watching them as they were, some disencumbering themselves
of their armour, others unclasping the harness of
their horses, others arranging their weapons into regular
forms, and others, having gone through their first tasks,
were stretching themselves at rest beneath the shadow of
their tents, or of some branching tree. Near me sat a
soldier, who, apparently too fatigued to rid himself of
his heavy armour, had thrown himself upon the ground,
and was just taking off his helmet, and wiping the dust
and sweat from his face, while a little boy, observing his
wants, ran to a neighboring fountain, and filling a vessel
with water, returned and held it to him, saying, `Drink,
soldier, this will make you stronger than your armour.'

`You little traitor,' said the soldier, `art not ashamed
to bring drink to me, who have helped to betray the city?
Beware, or a sharp sword will cut you in two.'

`I thought,' replied the child, nothing daunted, `that
you were a soldier of Palmyra, who had been to fight the
Romans. But whoever you may be, I am sure you need
the water.

`But,' rejoined the soldier, swallowing at long draughts,
as if it had been nectar, the cooling drink, `do I deserve
water, or any of these cowards here, who have been

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beaten by the Romans, and so broken the heart of our
good Queen, and possibly lost her her throne? Answer
me that.'

`You have done what you could I know,' replied the
boy, `because you are a Palmyrene, and who can do
more? I carry round the streets of the city in this palmleaf
basket, date cakes, which I sell to those who love
them. But does my mother blame me because I do not
always come home with an empty basket? I sell what I
can. Should I be punished for doing what I can not?'

`Get you gone you rogue,' replied the soldier, `you
talk like a Christian boy, and they have a new way of
returning good for evil. But here, if you have cakes in
your basket, give me one and I will give you a penny, all
the way from Antioch. See! there is the head of Aurelian
on it. Take care he dont eat you up — or at least your
cakes. But hark you, little boy, do you see yonder that
old man with a bald head, leaning against his shield, go
to him with your cakes.'

The boy ran off.

`Friend,' said I, addressing him, `your march has not
lost you your spirits, you can jest yet.'

`Truly I can, if the power to do that were gone then
were all lost. A good jest in a time of misfortune, is
food and drink. It is strength to the arm, digestion to
the stomach, courage to the heart. It is better than wisdom
or wine. A prosperous man may afford to be melancholy,
but if the miserable are so, they are worse than
dead — but it is sure to kill them. Near me I had a
comrade whose wit it was alone that kept life in me upon
the desert. All the way from Emesa, had it not been
for the tears of laughter, those of sorrow and shame
would have killed me.'

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`But in the words of the little cake urchin, you did
what you could. The fates were opposed to you.'

`If all had done as much and as well as some, we
would have had the fates in our own keeping. Had it not
been for that artifice of the Romans at Antioch, we would
have now been rather in Rome than here, and it was a
women — or girl rather, as I am told — the daughter of
Gaacchus who first detected the cheat, and strove to
save the army, but it was too late.'

`Were you near her?'

`Was I not? Not the great Zabdas himself put more
mettle into the troops than did that fiery spirit and her
black horse. And beyond doubt, she would have perished
through an insane daring, had not the Queen in time
called her from the field, and afterward kept her within
her sight and reach. Her companion, a Roman turned
Palmyrene as I heard, was like one palsied when she was
gone, till when he had been the very Mars of the field.
As it was, he was the true hero of the day. He brought to
my mind Odenatus. 'T was so he looked that day we entered
Ctesiphon. I could wish — and hope, too, — that he
might share the throne of Zenobia, but that all the world
knows what a man hater she is. But were you not
there?'

`No. It could not be. I remained in the city.'

`Ten thousand more of such men as you — and we
would not have fallen back upon Emesa, nor left Antioch
without the head of Aurelian. But alas for it, the men of
Palmyra are men of silk, and love their pleasures too well
to be free. I should call them women, but for Zenobia
and the daughter of Gracchus.'

`Do not take me for one of them. I am a Roman —
and could not fight against my country.'

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`A Roman! and what makes you here? Suppose I
were to run you through with this spear?'

`Give me another and you are welcome to try.'

`Am I so? Then will I not do it. Give a man his
will and he no longer cares for it. Besides, having escaped
with hazard from the clutches of one Roman, I will
not encounter another. Dost thou know that demon
Aurelian? Half who fell, fell by his hand. His sword
made no more of a man in steel armour, than mine would
of a naked slave. Many a tall Palmyrene did he split to
the saddle, falling both ways. The ranks broke and fled
wherever he appeared. Death could not keep pace with
him. The Roman Piso — of our side — sought him over
the field, to try his fortune with him, but the Gods protected
him, and he found him not. Otherwise his body
were now food for hyenas. No arm of mortal mould can
cope with him. Mine is not despicable. There is not
its match in Palmyra. But I would not encounter Aurelian
unless I were in love with death.'

`It is, as you say, I well know. He is reputed in our
army to have killed more with his single arm in battle,
than any known in Roman history. Our camp resounds
with songs which celebrate his deeds of blood. His slain
are counted by thousands, nothing less.'

`The Gods blast him, ere he be seen before the walls
of Palmyra; our chance were better against double the
number of legions under another general. The general
makes the soldier. The Roman infantry are so many
Aurelians. Yet to-morrow's sun will see him here. I
am free to say, I tremble for Palmyra. A war ill begun,
will, if auguries are aught, end worse. Last night
the sky was full of angry flashes, both white and red.
While the army slept over-wrought upon the desert, and
the silence of death was around, the watches heard sounds

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as of the raging of a battle, distinct and clear, dying away
in groans as of a host perishing under the sword and
battle-axe. These horrid sounds at length settled over the
sleeping men, till it seemed as if they proceeded from
them. The sentinels—at first struck dumb with terror and
amazement — called out to one another to know what it
should mean, but they could only confirm to each other what
had been heard, and together ask the protection of the
Gods. But what strikes deeper yet, is what you have
heard, that the Queen's far-famed Numidian, just as we
came in sight of the walls of the city, stumbled, and where
he stumbled, fell and died. What these things forebode,
if not disaster and ruin, 't is hard to say. I need no one
to read them to me.'

Saying thus, he rose and began to divest himself of the
remainder of his heavy armour, saying, as he did it — `It
was this heavy armour that lost us the day at Antioch —
lighter, and we could have escaped the meshes. Now let
me lie and sleep.'

Returning, hardly had I arrived at the house of Gracchus,
when it was announced in loud shouts by the slaves
of the palace, that Gracchus himself, Fausta and Calpurnius
were approaching. I hastened to the portico overlooking
the court-yard, and was there just in season to
assist Fausta to dismount. It was a joyful moment I
need scarce assure you. Fausta returns wholly unhurt.
Gracchus is wounded upon his left, and Calpurnius upon
his right arm — but will not long suffer from the
injury.

It was an unspeakable joy, once more to hear the cheerful
voice of Gracchus resounding in the walls of his own
dwelling, and to see Fausta eased of her unnatural load
of iron, again moving in her accustomed sphere in that
graceful costume, partly Roman and partly Persian, and

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which now hides and now betrays the form, so as to reveal
its beauty in the most perfect manner. A deep sadness,
deeper than ever, sits upon her countenance, whenever
her own thoughts occupy her. But surrounded
by her friends, and her native spirit, too elastic to
be subdued, breaks forth, and she seems her former self
again.

Our evening meal was sad, but not silent.

Gracchus instructed me, by giving a minute narrative
of the march to Antioch — of the two battles — and the
retreat. Calpurnius related with equal exactness the
part which he took, and the services which Fausta,
by her penetrating observation, had been able to render
to the army. They united in bestowing the highest encomiums
upon Zenobia, who herself planned the battle,
and disposed the forces, and with such consummate judgment,
that Zabdas himself found nothing to disapprove
or alter.

`The day was clearly ours,' said Fausta, `but for the
artifice of Aurelian — allowable, I know, by all the rules
of war — by which we were led on blindfold to our ruin.
But flushed as we were by the early and complete success
of the day, is it to be severely condemned that our
brave men followed up their advantages with too much
confidence, and broke from that close order, in which till
then, they had fought, — and by doing so, lost the command
of themselves and their own strength. O, the dulness
of our spirits, that we did not sooner detect the rank
insincerity of that sudden — unexpected retreat of the
Roman horse.'

`The Gods rather be praised,' said Gracchus, `that
your watchful eye detected so soon, what was too well
concerted and acted to be perceived at all, and as the
fruit of it we sit here alive, and Zenobia holds her throne,

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and so many of our brave soldiers are now locked in
sleep beneath their quiet tents.'

`That, I think,' said Calpurnius,' is rather the sentiment
that should possess us. You will hardly believe,
Lucius, that it was owing to the military genius of your
ancient playmate, that we escaped the certain destruction
that had been prepared for us?'

`I can believe any thing good in that quarter, and upon
slighter testimony. I have already heard from the lips of
a soldier of your legion, that which you have now related.
Part of the praise was by him bestowed upon one
Piso, a Roman turned Palmyrene, as he termed him,
who, he reported, fought at the side of the daughter of
Gracchus.'

`He could not have said too much of that same Piso,'
said Gracchus. `Palmyra owes him a large debt of
gratitude, which I am sure she will not be slow to pay.
But let us think rather of the future than of the past,
which, however we may have conducted, speaks only of
disaster.'

I thank you for your assurances concerning Laco and
Cœlia. Your conscience will never reproach you for
this lenity.

LETTER XIV.

The last days of this so lately favored empire draw
near — at least such is my judgment. After a brief day
of glory, its light will set in a long night of utter darkness
and ruin.

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Close upon the rear guard of the Queen's forces followed
the light troops of Aurelian, and early this morning
it was proclaimed that the armies of Rome were in
sight, and fast approaching the city. These armies were
considered too numerous to hazard another battle, therefore
the gates were shut, and we are now beleaguered by
a power too mighty to contend with, and which the Arabs,
the climate and want, must be trusted to subdue. The
circumjacent plains are filled with the legions of Rome.
Exhausted by the march across the desert, they have but
pitched their tents, and now repose.

The Queen displays more than ever her accustomed
activity and energy. She examines in person every part
of the vast extent of wall, and every engine planted upon
them for their defence. By her frequent presence in
every part of the city she inspires her soldiers with the
same spirit which possesses herself; and for herself, to
behold her careering through the streets of the city, reviewing,
and often addressing, the different divisions of
the army, and issuing her commands, she seems rather
like one who is now Queen of the East, and is soon to be
of the world, than one whose dominion is already narrowed
down to the compass of a single city, and may
shortly be deprived even of that. The lofty dignity of
her air has assumed a more imposing greatness still. The
imperial magnificence of her state is noways diminished,
but rather increased, so that by a sort of delusion of the
senses, she seems more a Queen than ever. By her
native vigor and goodness, and by the addition of a most
consummate art, by which she manages as she will, a
people whom she perfectly comprehends, she is at this
moment more deeply intrenched within the affections of
her subjects, and more completely the object of their

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idolatrous homage than ever before. Yet in her secret soul
there is a deep depression, and a loss of confidence in
her cause, which amounts not yet to a loss of hope, but
approaches it. This is seen by those who can observe
her in her more quiet hours, when the glare of public
action and station is off, and her mind is left to its own
workings. But, like those who play at dice, she has
staked all — her kingdom, her crown — her life perhaps
upon a single throw, and having wound herself up to the
desperate act, all the entreaty or argument of the whole
earth could not move her to unclasp the hand that wields
the fatal box. She will abide the throw.

There are still those who use both entreaty and argument
to persuade her even at this late hour to make the
best terms she may with Rome. Otho, though perfectly
loyal and true, ceases not to press upon her, both in public
and in private, those considerations which may have
any weight with her to induce a change of measures.
But it has thus far been to no purpose. Others there are,
who, as the danger increases, become more and more
restless, and scruple not to let their voice be heard in loud
complaint and discontent, but they are too few in proportion
to the whole, to make them objects of apprehension.
It will however be strange if, as the siege is prolonged,
they do not receive such accessions of strength, as to
render them dangerous.

The Emperor has commenced his attacks upon the city
in a manner that shows him unacquainted with its
strength. The battle has raged fiercely all day, with
great loss, we infer, to the Romans, with none we know
to the Palmyrenes.

Early on the morning of the second day it was evident
that a general assault was to be made upon the walls.
The Roman army completely surrounding the city, at

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the same signal approached, and under cover of their
shields, attempted both to undermine and scale them.
But their attempts were met with such vigor, and with
such advantage of action by the besieged, that although
repeated many times during the day, they have resulted
in only loss and death to the assailants. It is
incredible the variety and ingenuity of the contrivances
by which the Queen's forces beat off and rendered ineffectual
all the successive movements of the enemy, in
their attempts to surmount the walls. Not only from
every part of the wall were showers of arrows discharged
from the bows of experienced archers, but from
engines also, by which they were driven to a much
greater distance, and with great increase of force.

This soon rendered every attack of this nature useless
and worse, and their efforts were then concentrated upon
the several gates which simultaneously were attempted to
be broken in, fired, or undermined. But here again, as
often as these attempts were renewed, were they defeated,
and great destruction made of those engaged in them.
The troops approached as is usual, covered completely, or
buried rather, beneath their shields. They were suffered
to form directly under the walls, and actually commence
their work of destruction, when suddenly from the towers
of the gates, and through channels constructed for the
purpose in every part of the masonry, torrents of liquid
fire were poured upon the iron roof, beneath which the
soldiers worked. This at first they endured. The
melted substances ran off from the polished surface of the
shields, and the stones which were dashed upon them
from engines, after rattling and bounding over their
heads, rolled harmless to the ground. But there was in
reserve a foe which they could not encounter. When it
was found that the fiery streams flowed down the slanting

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sides of the shell, penetrating scarcely at all through the
crevices of the well-joined shields, it was suggested by
the ingenious Periander, that there should first be thrown
down a quantity of pitch in a half melted state, by which
the whole surface of the roof should be completely covered,
and which should then, by a fresh discharge of fire, be
set in a blaze, the effect of which must be to heat the
shields to such a degree, that they could neither be held,
nor the heat beneath endured by the miners. This was
immediately resorted to at all the gates, and the success
was complete. For no sooner was the cold pitch set on
fire and constantly fed by fresh quantities from above, than
the heat became insupportable to those below, who suddenly
letting go their hold, and breaking away from their
compacted form, in hope to escape from the stifling heat,
the burning substance then poured in upon them, and
vast numbers perished miserably upon the spot, or ran
burning, and howling with pain, toward the camp. The
slaughter made was very great, and very terrible to
behold.

Nevertheless, the next day the same attempts were renewed,
in the hope, we supposed, that the Queen's missiles
might be expended, but were defeated again in the
same manner and with like success.

These things being so, and Aurelian being apparently
convinced that the city cannot be taken by storm, the
enemy are now employed in surrounding it with a double
ditch and rampart, as defences both against us and our
allies, between which the army is to be safely encamped,
an immense labor, to which I believe a Roman army is
alone competent. While this has been doing, the Palmyrenes
have made frequent sallies from the gates,
greatly interrupting the progress of the work, and inflicting
severe losses. These attacks have usually been

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made at night, when the soldiers have been wearied by
the exhausting toil of the day, and only a small proportion
of the whole have been in a condition to ward off the
blows.

The Roman works are at length completed. Every
lofty palm tree, every cedar, every terebinth, has disappeared
from the surrounding plains, to be converted into
battering rams, or wrought into immense towers, planted
upon wheels, by which the walls are to be approached and
surmounted. Houses and palaces have been demolished,
that the ready hewed timber might be detached and applied
to various warlike purposes. The once beautiful
environs already begin to put on the appearance of desolation
and ruin.

The citizens have awaited these preparations with
watchful anxiety. The Queen has expressed every
where and to all, her conviction that all these vast and
various preparations are futile — that the bravery of her
soldiers and the completeness of her counter provisions,
will be sufficient for the protection and deliverance of
the city.

Another day of fierce and bloody war. At four different
points have the vast towers been pushed to the walls,
filled with soldiers, and defended against the fires of the
besieged by a casing of skins and every incombustible
substance, and provided with a store of water to quench
whatever part might by chance kindle. It was fearful to
behold these huge structures urged along by a concealed
force, partly of men and partly of animals, and drawing
nigh the walls. If they should once approach so near
that they could be fastened to the walls, and so made
secure, then could the enemy pour their legions upon the
ramparts, and the battle would be transferred to the city

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itself. But in this case, as in the assaults upon the gates,
the fire of the besieged has proved irresistible.

It was the direction of Periander, to whose unequalled
sagacity this part of the defence was entrusted, that so
soon as the towers should approach within reach of the
most powerful engines, they should be fired, if possible,
by means of well-barbed arrows and javelins, to which
were attached sacs and balls of inflammable and explosive
substances. These fastening themselves upon every part
of the tower could not fail to set fire to them while yet at
some distance, and in extinguishing which the water and
other means provided for that purpose would be nearly or
quite exhausted, before they had reached the walls. Then
as they came within easier reach, the engines were to
belch forth those rivers of oil, fire, and burning pitch,
which he was sure no structure, unless of solid iron,
could withstand.

These directions were carefully observed, and their success
at every point such as Periander had predicted. At
the gate of the desert the most formidable preparations
were made, under the directions of the Emperor himself,
who, at a distance, could plainly be discerned directing
the work and encouraging the soldiers. Two towers of
enormous size were here constructed, and driven toward
the walls. Upon both, as they came within the play of
the engines, were showered the fiery javelins and arrows,
which it required all the activity of the occupants to ward
off or extinguish, where they had succeeded in fastening
themselves. One was soon in flames. The other, owing
either to its being of a better construction, or to a less
vigorous discharge of fire on the part of the defenders of
the walls, not only escaped the more distant storm of
blazing missiles, but succeeded in quenching the floods
of burning pitch and oil, which, as it drew nearer and

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nearer, were poured upon it in fiery streams. On it moved,
propelled by its invisible and protected power, and
had now reached the wall — the bridge was in the very
act of being thrown and grappled to the ramparts — Aurelian
was seen pressing forward the legions, who, as soon
as it should be fastened, were to pour up its flights of steps
and out upon the walls — when to the horror of all, not
less of the besiegers than of the besieged, its foundations
upon one side — being laid over the moat — suddenly gave
way, and the towering and enormous mass, with all its living
burden, fell thundering to the plain. A shout, as of a delivered
and conquering army, went up from the walls, while
upon the legions below — such as had not been crushed
by the tumbling ruin — and who endeavored to save themselves
by flight, a sudden storm of stones, rocks, burning
pitch, and missiles of a thousand kinds was directed, that
left few to escape to tell the tale of death to their comrades.
Aurelian, in his fury, or his desire to aid the
fallen, approaching too near the walls, was himself struck
by a well-directed shaft — wounded, and borne from the
field.

At the other gates, where similar assaults had been
made, the same success attended the Palmyrenes. The
towers were in each instance set on fire and destroyed.

The city has greatly exulted at the issue of these repeated
contests. Every sound and sign of triumph has
been made upon the walls. Banners have been waved to
and fro, trumpets have been blown, and, in bold defiance
of their power, parties of horse have sallied out from the
gates, and after careering in sight of the enemy, have returned
again within the walls. The enemy are evidently
dispirited, and already weary of the work they have undertaken.

The Queen and her ministers are confident of success,

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so far as active resistance of the attacks upon the walls
are concerned — and, perhaps, with reason. For not
even the walls of Rome, as they are now re-building, can
be of greater strength than these — and never were the
defences of a besieged city so complete at all points. But
with equal reason are they despondent in the prospect of
Aurelian's reducing them by want. If he shall succeed
in procuring supplies for his army, and if he shall defeat
the allies of the Queen, who are now every day looked
for, captivity and ruin are sure. But the Queen and the
citizens entertain themselves with the hope, that Aurelian's
fiery temper will never endure the slow and almost
disgraceful process of starving them into a surrender, and
that finding his army constantly diminishing through the
effects of such extraordinary exertions in a climate like
this, he will at length propose such terms as they without
dishonor, can accept.

Many days have passed in inactivity on both sides —
except that nothing can exceed the strictness with which
all approaches to the city are watched, and the possibility
of supplies reaching it cut off.

That which has been expected has come to pass. The
Emperor has offered terms of surrender to the Queen —
but such terms, and so expressed, that their acceptance
was not so much as debated. The Queen was in council
with her advisers, when it was announced that a herald
from the Roman camp was seen approaching the walls.
The gates were ordered to be opened, and the messenger
admitted. He was conducted to the presence of the
Queen, surrounded by her ministers.

`I come,' said he, as he advanced toward Zenobia,
`bearing a letter from the Emperor of Rome to the Queen
of Palmyra. Here it is.'

`I receive it gladly,' replied the Queen, `and hope that

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it may open a way to an honorable composition of the
difficulties which now divide us. Nichomachus, break
the seals and read its contents.'

The secretary took the epistle from the hands of the
herald, and opening, read that which follows.

`Aurelian, Emperor of Rome and Conquerer of the
`East, to Zenobia and her companions in arms.

`You ought of your own accord long since to have
`done, what now by this letter I enjoin and command.
`And what I now enjoin and command is this, an imme
`diate surrender of the city — but with assurance of life
`to yourself and your friends — you, O Queen, with your
`friends, to pass your days where the senate, in its sov
`ereign will, shall please to appoint. The rights of
`every citizen shall be respected, upon condition that
`all precious stones, silver, gold, silk, horses and camels
`be delivered into the hands of the Romans.'

As the secretary finished these words the Queen broke
forth, —

`What think you, good friends,'— her mounting color
and curled lip showing the storm that raged within —
`What think you? — Is it a man or a God who has
written thus? Can it be a mortal, who speaks in such
terms to another? By the soul of Odenatus, but I think
it must be the God of War himself. Slave, what sayest
thou?'

`I am but the chosen bearer,' the herald replied, `of
what I took from the hands of the Emperor. But between
him and the God just named, there is, as I deem,
but small difference.'

`That 's well said,' replied the Queen, `there 's something
of the old Roman in thee. Friends, she continued,
turning to her councillors, what answer shall we send to
this lordly command? — What is your advice?'

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`Mine is,' said Zabdas, `that the Queen set her foot
upon the accursed scrawl, and that yonder wretch that
bore it be pitched headlong from the highest tower upon
the walls, and let the wind from his rotting carcass bear
back our only answer.'

`Nay, nay, brave Zabdas,' said the Queen, the fury of
her general having the effect to restore her own selfpossession,
`thou wouldst not counsel so. War then
doubles its woe and guilt, when cruelty and injustice bear
sway. Otho, what sayest thou?'

`Answer it in its own vein! You smile, Queen, as if
incredulous. But I repeat — in its own vein! I confess
an inward disappointment and an inward change. I
hoped much from terms which a wise man might at this
point propose, and soil neither his own, nor his country's
honor. But Aurelian — I now see — is not such a one.
He is but the spoiled child of fortune. He has grown too
quickly great to grow well. Wisdom has had no time to
ripen.'

Others concurring, Zenobia seized a pen and wrote
that which I transcribe.

`Zenobia, Queen of the East, to Aurelian Augustus.

`No one before you ever thought to make a letter serve
`instead of a battle. But let me tell you, whatever
`is won in war, is won by bravery, not by letters. You
`ask me to surrender — as if ignorant that Cleopatra
`chose rather to die, than surrendering, to live in the en
`joyment of every honor. Our Persian allies will not fail
`me. I look for them every hour. The Saracens are
`with me — the Armenians are with me. The Syrian
`robbers have already done you no little damage. What,
`then, can you expect, when these allied armies are
`upon you? You will lay aside, I think, a little of that

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`presumption with which you now command me to sur
`render, as if you were already conquerer of the whole
`world.'

The letter being written and approved by those who
were present, it was placed by Nichomachus in the hands
of the herald.

No one can marvel, my Curtius, that a letter in the
terms of Aurelian's should be rejected, nor that it should
provoke such an answer as Zenobia's. It has served
merely to exasperate passions which were already enough
excited. It was entirely in the power of the Emperor to
have terminated the contest, by the proposal of conditions
which Palmyra would have gladly accepted, and by which
Rome would have been more profited and honored than
it can be by the reduction and ruin of a city and kingdom
like this. But it is too true, that Aurelian is rather a
soldier than an Emperor. A victory got by blood, is
sweeter far to him, I fear, than tenfold wider conquests
won by peaceful negotiations.

The effect of the taunting and scornful answer of the
Queen, has been immediately visible in the increased activity
and stir in the camp of Aurelian. Preparations are
going on for renewed assaults upon the walls, upon a
much larger scale than before.

On the evening of the day on which the letter of Aurelian
was received and answered, I resorted, according
to my custom during the siege, to a part of the walls not
far from the house of Gracchus, whence an extended
view is had of the Roman works and camp. Fausta, as
often before, accompanied me. She delights thus at the
close of these weary, melancholy days, to walk forth,
breathe the reviving air, observe the condition of the city,
and from the towers upon the walls, watch the movements

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and labors of the enemy. The night was without moon
or stars. Low and heavy clouds hung, but did not move
over our heads. The air was still, nay, rather dead, so
deep was its repose.

`How oppressive is this gloom,' said Fausta, as we
came forth upon the ramparts, and took our seat where
the eye could wander unobstructed over the plain, `and
yet how gaily illuminated is this darkness by yonder belt
of moving lights. It seems like the gorgeous preparation
for a funeral. Above us and behind it is silent, dark and
sad. These show like the torches of the approaching
mourners. The Gods grant there be no omen in this.'

`I know not,' I replied. `It may be so. To-day has,
I confess it, destroyed the last hope in my mind that there
might come a happy termination to this unwise and unnecessary
contest. It can end now only in the utter defeat
and ruin of one of the parties — and which that shall
be I cannot doubt. Listen, Fausta, to the confused murmur
that comes from the camp of the Roman army, bearing
witness to its numbers, and to those sounds of the
hammer, the axe, and the saw, plied by ten thousand arms,
bearing witness to the activity and exhaustless resources
of the enemy, and you cannot but feel, that at last — it
may be long first — but that at last — Palmyra must give
way. From what has been observed to-day, there is not
a doubt, that Aurelian has provided, by means of regular
caravans to Antioch, for a constant supply of whatever
his army requires. Reinforcements, too, both of horse
and foot, are seen daily arriving, in such numbers as
more than to make good those who have been lost under
the walls, or by the excessive heats of the climate.'

`I hear so,' said Fausta, `but I will not despair. If I
have one absorbing love, it is for Palmyra. It is the land
of my birth, of my affections. I cannot tell you with

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what pride I have watched its growth, and its daily advancement
in arts and letters, and have dwelt in fancy
upon that future, when it should rival Rome, and surpass
the traditionary glories of Babylon and Nineveh. Oh
Lucius, to see now a black pall descending — these
swollen clouds are an emblem of it — and settling upon
the prospect and veiling it forever in death — I cannot
believe it. It cannot have come to this. It is treason to
give way to such fears. Where Zenobia is, final ruin
cannot come.'

`It ought not, I wish it could not,' I replied, `but my
fears are that it will, and my fears now are convictions.
Where, now, my dear Fausta, are the so certainly expected
reliefs from Armenia, from Persia? — Fausta, Palmyra
must fall.'

`Lucius Piso, Palmyra shall not fall — I say it — and
every Palmyrene says it — and what all say, is decreed.
If we are true in our loyalty and zeal, the Romans will
be wearied out. Lucius, could I but reach the tent of
Aurelian, my single arm should rid Palmyra of her foe,
and achieve her freedom.'

`No, Fausta, you could not do it.'

`Indeed I would and could. I would consent to draw
infamy upon my head as a woman, if by putting off my
sex and my nature too, I could by such an act give life
to a dying nation, and what is as much, preserve Zenobia
her throne.'

`Think not in that vein, Fausta. I would not that
your mind should be injured even by the thought.'

`I do not feel it to be an injury,' she rejoined, `it would
be a sacrifice for my country, and the dearer, in that I
should lose my good name in making it. I should be
sure of one thing, that I should do it in no respect for my
own glory. But let us talk no more of it. I often end,

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Lucius, in thinking of our calamities, and of a fatal termination
of these contests to us, with dwelling upon one
bright vision. Misfortune to us will bring you nearer to
Julia.'

`The Gods forbid that my happiness should be bought
at such a price.'

`It will only come as an accidental consequence, and
cannot disturb you. If Palmyra falls, the pride of Zenobia
will no longer separate you.'

`But,' I replied, `the prospect is not at all so bright.
Captive princes are by the usages of Rome, often sacrificed,
and Aurelian — if sometimes generous, is often
cruel. Fears would possess me in the event of a capitulation
or conquest, which I cannot endure to entertain.'

`Oh, Lucius, you rate Aurelian too low, if you believe
he could revenge himself upon a woman — and such a
woman as Zenobia. I cannot believe it possible. No.
If Palmyra falls it will give you Julia, and it will be some
consolation even in the fall of a kingdom, that it brings
happiness to two whom friendship binds closer to me than
any others.'

As Fausta said these words, we became conscious of
the presence of a person at no great distance from us,
leaning against the parapet of the wall, the upper part of
the form just discernible.

`Who stands yonder,' said Fausta. `It has not the
form of a sentinel — besides — the sentinel paces by us
to and fro without pausing. It may be Calpurnius.
His legion is in this quarter. Let us move toward him.'

`No. He moves himself and comes toward us. How
dark the night. I can make nothing of the form.'

The figure passed us, and unchallenged by the sentinel
whom it met. After a brief absence it returned and
stopping as it came before us —

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`Fausta?' said a voice — once heard, not to be mistaken.
'

`Zenobia!' said Fausta, and forgetting dignity, embraced
her as a friend.

`What makes you here?' inquired Fausta — `are
there none in Palmyra to do your bidding, but you must
be abroad at such an hour and such a place?'

`'T is not so fearful quite,' replied the Queen, `as a
battle field, and there you trust me.'

`Never, willingly.'

`Then you do not love my honor?' said the Queen,
taking Fausta's hand as she spoke.

`I love your safety better — no — no — what have I
said — not better than your honor — and yet to what end
is honor, if we lose the life in which it resides. I sometimes
think we purchase human glory too dearly, at the
sacrifice of quiet, peace and security.'

`But you do not think so long. What is a life of indulgence
and sloth. Life is worthy only in what it
achieves. Should I have done better to have sat over my
embroidery, in the midst of my slaves, all my days, than
to have spent them in building up a kingdom?'

`Oh no — no — you have done right. Slaves can embroider.
Zenobia cannot. This hand was made for other
weapon than the needle.'

`I am weary — said the Queen — let us sit' — and
saying so, she placed herself upon the low stone block,
upon which we had been sitting, and drawing Fausta
near her, she threw her left arm round her, retaining the
hand she held clasped in her own.

`I am weary,' she continued, `for I have walked nearly
the circuit of the walls. You asked what makes me
here? No night passes but I visit these towers and battlements.
If the governor of the ship sleeps, the men at the

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watch sleep. Besides, I love Palmyra too well to sleep
while others wait and watch. I would do my share.
How beautiful is this! The city girded by these strange
fires! its ears filled with this busy music. Piso, it seems
hard to believe an enemy, and such an enemy, is there,
and that these sights and sounds are all of death.'

`Would it were not so, noble Queen. Would it were
not yet too late to move in the cause of peace. If even
at the risk of life I' —

`Forbear, Piso,' quickly rejoined the Queen, `it is to
no purpose. You have my thanks, but your Emperor has
closed the door of peace forever. It is now war unto
death. He may prove victor. It is quite possible. But
I draw not back — no word of supplication goes from me.
And every citizen of Palmyra — save a few sottish souls—
is with me. It were worth my throne and my life, the
bare suggestion of an embassy now to Aurelian. But let
us not speak of this, but of things more agreeable. The
day for trouble, the night for rest. Fausta, where is the
quarter of Calpurnius, methinks it is hereabouts.'

`It is,' replied Fausta, `just beyond the towers of the
gate next to us, were it not for this thick night, we could
see where at this time he is usually to be found doing,
like yourself, an unnecessary task.'

`He is a good soldier and a faithful — may he prove as
true to you, my noble girl, as he has to me. Albeit I am
myself a sceptic in love, I cannot but be made happier
when I see hearts worthy of each other united by that
bond. I trust that bright days are coming, when I may
do you the honor I would. Piso, I am largely a debtor
to your brother — and Palmyra as much. Singular fortune! —
that while Rome thus oppresses me, to Romans I
should owe so much — to one, twice my life, to another,

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my army. But where, Lucius Piso, was your heart, that
it fell not into the snare that caught Calpurnius?'

`My heart,' I replied, `has always been Fausta's —
from childhood' —

`Our attachment,' said Fausta, interrupting me, `is
not less than love, but greater. It is the sacred tie of
nature — if I may say so — of brother to sister — it is
friendship.'

`You say well,' replied the Queen. `I like the sentiment.
It is not less than love, but greater. Love is a
delirium, a dream, a disease. It is full of disturbance.
It is unequal — capricious — unjust; its felicity, when at
the highest, is then nearest to deepest misery — a step —
and it is into unfathomable gulfs of woe. While the object
loved is as yet unattained — life is darker than darkest
night. When it is attained, it is then oftener like
the ocean heaving and tossing from its foundations, than
the calm, peaceful lake, which mirrors friendship. And
when lost — all is lost — the universe is nothing. Who
will deny it the name of madness? Will love find entrance
into Elysium? Will heaven know more than friendship?
I trust not. It were an element of discord there where
harmony should reign perpetual.' — After a pause in
which she seemed buried in thought, she added musingly—
`What darkness rests upon the future. Life, like love, is
itself but a dream — often a brief or a prolonged madness.
Its light burns sometimes brightly, oftener obscurely, and
with a flickering ray, and then goes out in smoke and
darkness. How strange that creatures so exquisitely
wrought as we are, capable of such thoughts and acts,
rising by science, and art, and letters almost to the level
of Gods, should be fixed here for so short a time, running
our race with the unintelligent brute — living not so long
as some, dying like all. Could I have ever looked out of

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this life into the possession of any other beyond it, I believe
my aims would have been different. I should not
so easily have been satisfied with glory and power. At
least I think so — for who knows himself. I should then,
I think, have reached after higher kinds of excellence,
such, for example, as existing more in the mind itself
could be of avail after death — could be carried out of the
world — which power — riches — glory — cannot. The
greatest service which any philosopher could perform for
the human race, would be to demonstrate the certainty of
a future existence, in the same satisfactory manner that
Euclid demonstrates the truths of geometry. We cannot
help believing Euclid if we would, and the truths he has established
concerning lines and angles, influence us whether
we will or not. Whenever the immortality of the soul shall
be proved in like manner, so that men cannot help believing
it, so that they shall draw it in with the first elements
of all knowledge, then will mankind become a quite different
race of beings. Men will be more virtuous and more
happy. How is it possible to be either in a very exalted
degree, dwelling as we do in the deep obscure — uncertain
whether we are mere earth and water, or parts of the
divinity — whether we are worms or immortals — men or
Gods — spending all our days in, at best, miserable perplexity
and doubt. Do you remember, Fausta and Piso,
the discourse of Longinus in the garden, concerning the
probability of a future life?'

`We do, very distinctly.'

`And how did it impress you?'

`It seemed to possess much likelihood,' replied Fausta,
but that was all.'

`Yes,' responded the Queen, sighing deeply, `that
was indeed all. Philosophy, in this part of it, is a mere
guess. Even Longinus can but conjecture. And what
to his great and piercing intellect stands but in the

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strength of probability — to ours will, of necessity, address
itself in the very weakness of fiction. As it is, I
value life only for the brightest and best it can give now,
and these to my mind are power and a throne. When
these are lost I would fall unregarded into darkness and
death.'

`But,' I ventured to suggest, `you derive great pleasure
and large profit from study — from the researches of philosophy,
from the knowledge of history, from contemplation
of the beauties of art, and the magnificence of
nature. Are not these things that give worth to life?
If you reasoned aright, and probed the soul well, would
you not find that from these, as from hidden springs, a
great deal of all the best felicity you have tasted, has
welled up? Then — still more, in acts of good and
just government — in promoting the happiness of your
subjects — from private friendship — from affections resting
upon objects worthy to be loved — has no happiness
come worth living for? And beside all this — from an
inward consciousness of rectitude! Most of all this may
still be yours, though you no longer sat upon a throne,
and men held their lives but in your breath.'

`From such sources,' replied Zenobia, `some streams
have issued it may be, that have added to what I have
enjoyed — but of themselves, they would have been
nothing. The lot of earth, being of the low and common
herd, is a lot too low and sordid to be taken if proffered.
I thank the Gods mine has been better. It has been a
throne — glory — renown — pomp and power — and I
have been happy. Stripped of these, and without the
prospect of immortality, and I would not live.'

With these words she rose quickly from her seat, saying
that she had a further duty to perform. Fausta
entreated to be used as an agent or messenger, but could

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not prevail. Zenobia darting from our side, was in a
moment lost in the surrounding darkness. We returned
to the house of Gracchus.

In a few days the vast preparations of the Romans
being complete, a general assault was made by the whole
army upon every part of the walls. Every engine known
to our modern methods of attacking walled cities, was
brought to bear. Towers constructed in the former manner
were wheeled up to the walls. Battering rams of
enormous size, those who worked them being protected
by sheds of hide, thundered on all sides at the gates and
walls. Language fails to convey an idea of the energy,
the fury, the madness of the onset. The Roman army
seemed as if but one being, with such equal courage and
contempt of danger and of death, was the dreadful work
performed. But the Queen's defences have again proved
superior to all the power of Aurelian. Her engines have
dealt death and ruin in awful measure among the assailants.
The moat and the surrounding plain are filled and
covered with the bodies of the slain. As night came on
after a long day of uninterrupted conflict, the troops of
Aurelian, baffled and defeated at every point, withdrew
to their tents, and left the city to repose.

The temples of the gods have resounded with songs of
thanksgiving for this new deliverance, garlands have
been hung around their images, and gifts laid upon their
altars. Jews and Christians, Persians and Egyptians,
after the manner of their worship, have added their
voices to the general chorus.

Again there has been a pause. The Romans have
rested after the late fierce assault to recover strength, and
the city has breathed free. Many are filled with new
courage and hope, and the discontented spirits are
silenced. The praises of Zenobia, next to those of the

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Gods, fill every mouth. The streets ring with songs composed
in her honor.

Another day of excited expectations and bitter disappointment.
It was early reported that forces were seen
approaching from the east, on the very skirts of the plain,
and that they could be no other than the long looked for
Persian army. Before its approach was indicated to those
upon the highest towers of the gates, by the clouds of
dust hovering over it, it was evident from the extraordinary
commotion in the Roman intrenchments, that somewhat
unusual had taken place. Their scouts must have
brought in early intelligence of the advancing foe. Soon
as the news spread through the city the most extravagant
demonstrations of joy broke forth on all sides. Even the
most moderate and sedate could not but give way to expressions
of heartfelt satisfaction. The multitudes poured
to the walls to witness a combat upon which the existence
of the city seemed suspended.

`Father,' said Fausta, after Gracchus had communicated
the happy tidings, `I cannot sit here — let us
hasten to the towers of the Persian gate, whence we may
behold the encounter.'

`I will not oppose you,' replied Gracchus, `but the
sight may cost you naught but tears and pain. persia's
goodwill, I fear, will not be much, nor manifested by
large contributions to our cause. If it be what I suspect—
but a paltry subdivision of her army, sent here
rather to be cut in pieces than aught else — it will but
needlessly afflict and irritate.'

`Father, I would turn away from no evil that threatens
Palmyra. Besides, I should suffer more from imagined,
than from real disaster. Let us hasten to the walls.'

We flew to the Persian gate.

`But why,' asked Fausta, addressing Gracchus on the

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way, `are you not more elated? What suspicion do you
entertain of Sapor? Will he not be sincerely desirous to
aid us?'

`I fear not,' replied Gracchus. `If we are to be the
conquering party in this war, he will send such an army
as would afterward make it plain that he had intended
an act of friendship, and done the duty of an ally. If
we are to be beaten, he will lose little in losing such an
army, and will easily, by placing the matter in certain
lights, convince the Romans that their interests had been
consulted, rather than ours. We can expect no act of
true friendship from Sapor. Yet he dares not abandon
us. Were Hormisdas upon the throne, our prospects
were brighter.'

`I pray the gods that ancient wretch may quickly
perish then,' cried Fausta, `if such might be the consequences
to us. Why is he suffered longer to darken
Persia and the earth with his cruel despotism.'

`His throne shakes beneath him,' replied Gracchus,
`a breath may throw it down.'

As we issued forth upon the walls, and then mounted
to the battlements of the highest tower, whence the eye
took in the environs of the city, and even the farthest
verge of the plain, and overlooked like one's own court-yard,
the camp and entrenchments of the Romans — we
beheld with distinctness the Persian forces within less
than two Roman miles. They had halted and formed,
and there apparently awaited the enemy.

No sooner had Gracchus surveyed well the scene, than
he exclaimed, `The Gods be praised. I have done
Sapor injustice. Yonder forces are such as may well
call forth all the strength of the Roman army. In that
case there will be much for us to do. I must descend
and to the post of duty.'

So saying he left us.

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`I suppose,' said Fausta, `in case the enemy be such
as to draw off the larger part of the Roman army, sorties
will be made from the gates upon their camp.'

`Yes,' I rejoined, `if the Romans should suffer themselves
to be drawn to a distance, and their forces divided,
a great chance would fall into the hands of the city.
But that they will not do. You perceive the Romans
move not, but keep their station just where they are.
They will oblige the Persians to commence the assault
upon them in their present position, or there will be no
battle.'

`I perceive their policy now,' said Fausta. And the
battle being fought so near the walls, they are still as
strongly beleaguered as ever — at least half their strength
seems to remain within their entrenchments. See, see—
the Persian army is on the march. It moves toward
the city. Now again it halts.'

`It hopes to entice Aurelian from his position, so as to
put power into our hands. But they will fail in their object.
'

`Yes, I fear they will,' replied Fausta. `The Romans
remain fixed as statues in their place.'

`Is it not plain to you Fausta,' said I, `that the Persians
conceive not the full strength of the Roman army?
Your eye can now measure their respective power.'

`It is too plain alas!' said Fausta. `If the Persians
should defeat the army now formed, there is another
within the trenches to be defeated afterwards. Now they
move again. Righteous gods interpose in our behalf!'

At this moment indeed the whole Persian army put
itself into quick and decisive motion, as if determined to
dare all — and achieve all for their ally, if fate should so
decree. It was a sight beautiful to behold, but of an
interest too painful almost to be endured. The very

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existence of a city and an empire seemed to hang upon its
issues; and here, looking on and awaiting the decisive
moment, was as it were the empire itself assembled upon
the walls of its capital, with which, if it should fall, the
kingdom would also fall, and the same ruin cover both.
The Queen herself was there to animate and encourage,
by her presence, not only the hearts of all around, but
even the distant forces of the Persians who, from their
position, might easily behold the whole extent of the walls
and towers, covered with an innumerable multitude of
the besieged inhabitants, who, by waving their hands,
and by every conceivable demonstration, gave them to
feel more deeply than they could otherwise have done,
how much was depending upon their skill and bravery.

Soon after the last movement of the Persians, the light
troops of either army encountered, and by a discharge of
arrows and javelins, commenced the attack. Then in a
few moments, it being apparently impossible to restrain
the impatient soldiery, the battle became general. The
cry of the onset and the clash of arms fell distinctly upon
our ears. Long, long, were the opposing armies mingled
together in one undistinguishable mass, waging an equal
fight. Now it would sway toward the one side, and now
toward the other, heaving and bending as a field of ripe
grain to the fitful breeze. Fausta sat with clenched
hands and straining eye, watching the doubtful fight, and
waiting the issue in speechless agony. A deep silence,
as of night and death held the whole swarming multitude
of the citizens, who hardly seemed as if they dared
breathe while what seemed the final scene was in the
act of being performed.

Suddenly a new scene, and more terrific because
nearer, burst upon our sight. At a signal given by Zenobia
from the high tower which she occupied, the gates

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below us flew open, and Zabdas, at the head of all the
flower of the Palmyra cavalry poured forth, followed
closely from this and the other gates by the infantry.
The battle now raged between the walls and the Roman
entrenchments as well as beyond. The whole plain was
one field of battle and slaughter. Despair lent vigor and
swiftness to the horse and foot of Palmyra — rage at the
long continued contest — revenge for all they had lost
and endured, nerved the Roman arm, and gave a double
edge to its sword. Never before, my Curtius, had I beheld
a fight in which every blow seemed so to carry with
it the whole soul, boiling with wrath, of him who gave it.
Death sat upon every arm.

`Lucius!' cried Fausta. I started, for it had been long
that she had uttered not a word.

`Lucius! unless my eye grows dim and lies, which the
Gods grant, the Persians! look! they give way — is it not
so? Immortal Gods forsake not my country!'

`The battle may yet turn,' I said, turning my eyes
where she pointed, and seeing it was so — `despair not,
dear Fausta. If the Persians yield — see Zabdas has
mounted the Roman entrenchments.'

`Yes — they fly,' screamed Fausta, and would madly
have sprung over the battlements, but that I seized and
held her. At the same moment a cry arose that Zabdas
was slain — her eye caught his noble form as it fell backwards
from his horse, and with a faint exclamation `Palmyra
is lost,' she fell lifeless into my arms.

While I devoted myself to her recovery, cries of distress
and despair fell from all quarters upon my ear. And
when I had succeeded in restoring her to consciousness,
the fate of the day was decided — the Persians were
routed — the Palmyrenes were hurrying in wild confusion
before the pursuing Romans, and pressing into the gates.

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`Lucius,' said Fausta, `I am sorry for this weakness.
But to sit, as it were chained here, the witness of such
disaster, is too much for mere mortal force. Could I but
have mingled in that fight! Ah, how cruel the slaughter
of those flying troops! Why do they not turn, and at
least die with their faces toward the enemy. Let us now
go and seek Calpurnius and Gracchus.'

`We cannot yet, Fausta, for the streets are thronged
with this flying multitude.'

`It is hard to remain here, the ears rent, and the heart
torn by these shrieks of the wounded and dying. How
horrible this tumult. It seems as if the world were expiring.
There — the gates are swinging upon their
hinges. They are shut. Let us descend.'

We forced our way as well as we could through the
streets, crowded now with soldiers and citizens — the soldiers
scattered and in disorder, the citizens weeping and
alarmed — some hardly able to drag along themselves,
others sinking beneath the weight of the wounded whom
they bore upon their shoulders, or upon lances as upon a
litter. The way was all along obstructed by the bodies
of men and horses who had there fallen and died, their
wounds allowing them to proceed no further, or who had
been run down and trampled to death in the tumult and
hurry of the entrance.

After a long and weary struggle, we reached the
house of Gracchus — still solitary — for neither he nor
Calpurnius had returned. The slaves gathered around us
to know the certainty and extent of the evil. When they
had learned it, their sorrow for their mistress, whom they
loved for her own sake, and whom they saw overwhelmed
with grief, made them almost forget that they only were
suffering these things who had inflicted a worse injury
upon themselves. I could not but admire a virtue which

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seemed of double lustre from the circumstances in which
it was manifested.

Calpurnius had been in the thickest of the fight, but
had escaped unhurt. He was near Zabdas when he fell,
and revenged his death by hewing down the soldier who
had pierced him with his lance.

`Zabdas,' said Calpurnius, when in the evening we
recalled the sad events of the day, `was not instantly
killed by the thurst of the spear, but falling backwards
from his horse, found strength and life enough remaining
to raise himself upon his knee, and cheer me on, as I
flew to revenge his death upon the retreating Roman.
As I returned to him, having completed my task, he had
sunk upon the ground, but was still living, and his eye
bright with its wonted fire. I raised him in my arms,
and lifting him upon my horse, moved toward the gate,
intending to bring him within the walls. But he presently
entreated me to desist.'

`I die,' said he, `it is all in vain, noble Piso. Lay me
at the root of this tree, and that shall be my bed, and its
shaft my monument.'

`I took him from the horse as he desired.

`Place me,' said he, `with my back against the tree,
and my face toward the entrenchments, that while I live
I may see the battle — Piso, tell the Queen that to the
last hour I am true to her. It has been my glory in life
to live but for her, and my death is a happiness, dying for
her. Her image swims before me now, and over her
hovers a winged victory. The Romans fly — I knew it
would be so — the dogs cannot stand before the cavalry
of Palmyra — they never could — they fled at Antioch.
Hark! — there are the shouts of triumph — bring me
my horse — Zenobia! live and reign forever!'

`With these words his head fell upon his bosom, and

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he died. I returned to the conflict; but it had become
a rout, and I was borne along with the rushing throng
toward the gates.'

After a night of repose and quiet, there has come
another day of adversity. The hopes of the city have
again been raised, only again to be disappointed. The
joyful cry was heard from the walls in the morning, that
the Saracens and Armenians with united forces, were in
the field. Coming so soon upon the fatiguing duty of the
last day, and the Roman army not having received
reinforcements from the West, it was believed that the
enemy could not sustain another onset as fierce as that
of the Persians. I hastened once more to the walls—
Fausta being compelled by Gracchus to remain within
the palace — to witness as I believed another battle.

The report I found true. The allied forces of those
nations were in sight — the Romans were already drawn
from their encampment to encounter them. The same
policy was pursued on their part as before. They
awaited the approach of the new enemy just on the outer
side of their works. The walls and towers as far as the
eye could reach were again swarming with the population
of Palmyra.

For a long time neither army seemed disposed to move.

`They seem not very ready to try the fortune of another
day,' said a citizen to me standing by my side. `Nor do
I wonder. The Persians gave them rough handling.
A few thousands more on their side, and the event would
not have been as it was. Think you not the sally
under Zabdas was too long deferred?'

`It is easy afterward,' I replied, `to say how an action
should have been performed. It requires the knowledge
and wisdom of a God never to err. There were different
judgments I know, but for myself I believe the Queen

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was right. That is, whether Zabdas had left the gates
earlier or later, the event would have been the same.'

`What means that,' suddenly exclaimed my companion,
`see you yonder herald bearing a flag of truce, and proceeding
from the Roman ranks. It bodes no good to
Palmyra. What think you the purpose is?'

`It may be but to ask a forbearance of arms for a few
hours or a day perhaps. Yet it is not the custom of
Rome. I cannot guess.'

`That can I,' exclaimed another citizen on my other
side. `Neither in the Armenians nor yet the Saracens,
can so much trust be reposed as in a Christian or a Jew.
They are for the strongest. Think you they have come
to fight? Not if they can treat to better purpose. The
Romans who know by heart the people of the whole
earth, know them. Mark me they will draw never a
sword. As the chances are now, they will judge the
Romans winners, and a little gold will buy them.'

`The Gods forbid,' cried the other, `that it should be
so, they are the last hope of Palmyra. If they fail us we
must e'en throw open our gates, and take our fate at the
mercy of Aurelian.'

`Never while I have an arm that can wield a sword,
shall a gate of Palmyra swing upon its hinge to let in an
enemy.'

`Food already grows short,' said the first, `better yield
than starve.'

`Thou, friend, art in no danger for many a day, if, as
is fabled of certain animals, thou canst live on thine own
fat. Or if it came to extremities, thou wouldst make a
capital stew or roast for others.'

At which the surrounding crowd laughed heartily,
while the fat man, turning pale, slunk away and disappeared.

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`That man,' said one, `would betray a city for a full
meal.'

`I know him well,' said another, `he is the earliest at
the markets, where you may always see him feeling out
with his fat finger the parts of meats that are kindred to
himself. His soul, could it be seen, would be of the form
of a fat kidney. His riches he values only as they can
be changed into food. Were all Palmyra starved, he,
were he sought, would be found in some deep down vault,
bedded in the choicest meats — enough to stand a year's
siege, and leave his paunch as far about as 't is to-day.
See, the Queen betrays anxiety. The Gods shield her
from harm.'

Zenobia occupied the same post of observation as before.
She paced to and fro with a hasty and troubled step
the narrow summit of the tower, where she had placed
herself.

After no long interval of time, the Roman herald was
seen returning from the camp of the Armenians. Again
he sallied forth from the tent of Aurelian, on the same
errand. It was too clear now that negotiations were going
on which might end fatally for Palmyra. Doubt, fear,
anxiety, intense expectation kept the multitude around
me in breathless silence, standing at fixed gaze, like so
many figures of stone.

They stood not long in this deep and agonizing suspense,
for no sooner did the Roman herald reach the
tents of the allied armies, and hold brief parley with their
chiefs, than he again turned toward the Roman intrenchments
at a quick pace, and at the same moment the tents
of the other party were struck, and while a part commenced a retreat, another and larger part moved as auxiliaries
to join the camp of Aurelian.

Cries of indignation, rage, grief and despair, then burst

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from the miserable crowds, as with slow and melancholy
steps they turned from the walls to seek again their homes.
Zenobia was seen once to clasp her hands, turning her
face toward the heavens. As she emerged from the tower
and ascended her chariot, the enthusiastic throngs failed
not to testify their unshaken confidence and determined
spirit of devotion to her and her throne, by acclamations
that seemed to shake the very walls themselves.

This last has proved a heavier blow to Palmyra than
the former. It shows that their cause is regarded by the
neighboring powers as a losing one, or already lost, and
that hope, so far as it rested upon their friendly interposition,
must be abandoned. The city is silent and sad.
Almost all the forms of industry having ceased, the inhabitants
are doubly wretched through their necessary idleness;
they can do little but sit and brood over their present
deprivations, and utter their dark bodings touching the
future. All sounds of gaiety have ceased. They who
obtained their subsistence by ministering to the pleasures
of others, are now the first to suffer — for there are none
to employ their services. Streets, which but a little while
ago resounded with notes of music and the loud laughter
of those who lived to pleasure, are now dull and deserted.
The brilliant shops are closed, the fountains forsaken, the
Portico solitary — or they are frequented by a few who
resort to them chiefly to while away some of the melancholy
hours that hang upon their hands. And those
who are abroad seem not like the same people. Their
step is now measured and slow, the head bent, no salutation
greets the passing stranger or acquaintance, or only
a few cold words of inquiry, which pass from cold lips
into ears as cold. Apathy — lethargy — stupor — seem
fast settling over all.

They would indeed bury all, I believe, were it not that

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the parties of the discontented increase in number and
power, which compels the friends of the Queen to keep
upon the alert. The question of surrender is now openly
discussed. `It is useless,' it is said, `to hold out longer.
Better make the best terms we can. If we save the city
by an early capitulation from destruction, coming off with
our lives and a portion of our goods, it is more than we
shall get if the act be much longer postponed. Every
day of delay adds to our weakness, while it adds also to
the vexation and rage of the enemy, who the more and
longer he suffers, will be less inclined to treat us with indulgence.
'

These may be said to have reason on their side, but
the other party are inflamed with national pride and devotion
to Zenobia, and no power of earth is sufficient to
bend them. They are the principal party for numbers—
much more, for rank and political power. They will hold
out till the very last moment — till it is reduced to a
choice between death and capitulation — and on the part
of the Queen and the great spirits of Palmyra, death
would be their unhesitating choice, were it not for the destruction
of so many with them. They will, therefore,
until the last loaf of bread is divided, keep the gates shut—
then throw them open, and meet the terms, whatever
they may be, which the power of the conqueror may
impose.

A formidable conspiracy has been detected, and the supposed
chiefs of it seized and executed. The design was
to secure the person of the Queen — obtain by a violent
assault one of the gates — and sallying out, deliver her
into the hands of the Romans, who, with her in their
power, could immediately put an end to the contest.
There is little doubt that Antiochus was privy to it, although
those who suffered betrayed him not, if that were

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the fact. But it has been urged with some force in his
favor, that none who suffered would have felt regard
enough for him to have hesitated to sacrifice him, if by
doing so, they could have saved their own lives or others.'

Zenobia displayed her usual dauntless courage, her clemency,
and her severity. The attack was made upon her,
surrounded by her small body guard, as she was returning,
toward evening, from her customary visit of observation to
the walls. It was sudden, violent, desperate; but the loyalty
and bravery of the guards was more than a match for
the assassins, aided, too, by the powerful arm of the Queen
herself, who was no idle spectator of the fray. It was a
well laid plot; and but for an accidental addition which
was made at the walls to the Queen's guard, might have
succeeded. For the attack was made just at the Persian
gate, and the keeper of the gate had been gained over.
Had the guard been overpowered but for a moment, they
would have shot the gate too quickly for the citizens to
have roused to her rescue. Such of the conspirators as
were not slain upon the spot were secured. Upon examination,
they denied the participation of others than themselves
in the attempt, and died—such of them as were executed—
involving none in their ruin. The Queen would
not permit a general slaughter of them, though urged to
do so. `The ends of justice and the safety of the city,' she
said, `would be sufficiently secured, if an example were
made of such as seemed manifestly the chief movers.
But there should be no indulgence of the spirit of revenge.'
Those, accordingly, were beheaded, the others imprisoned.

While these long and weary days are passing away,
Gracchus, Fausta, Calpurnius, and myself are often at
the palace of Zenobia. The Queen is gracious, as she
ever is, but laboring under an anxiety and an inward

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sorrow, that imprint themselves deeply upon her countenance,
and reveal themselves in a greater reserve of
manner. While she is not engaged in some active
service she is buried in thought, and seems like one revolving
difficult and perplexing questions. Sometimes she
breaks from these moments of reverie with some sudden
question to one or another of those around her, from
which we can obscurely conjecture the subjects of her
meditations. With Longinus, Otho, and Gracchus she
passes many of her hours, in deep deliberation. At
times, when apparently nature cries out for relief, she
will join us as we sit diverting our minds by conversation
upon subjects as far removed as possible from
the present distresses, and will, as formerly, shed the light
of her penetrating judgment upon whatever it is we discuss.
But she soon falls back into herself again, and
remains silent and abstracted, or leaves us and retreats to
her private apartments.

Suddenly the Queen has announced a project which
fills the city with astonishment at its boldness, and once
more lights up hope within the bosoms of the most desponding.

Soon as her own mind had conceived and matured it,
her friends and councillors were summoned to receive it
from her, and pronounce their judgment. Would that I
could set before you, my Curtius, this wonderful woman
as she stood before us at this interview. Never before did
she seem so great, or of such transcendant beauty — if
under such circumstances such a thought may be expressed.
Whatever of melancholy had for so long a time shed
its gloom over her features was now gone. The native
fire of her eye was restored and doubled, as it seemed, by
the thoughts which she was waiting to express. A spirit
greater than even her own, appeared to animate her, and

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to breathe an unwonted majesty into her form, and over
the countenance.

She greeted all with the warmth of a friend, and besought
them to hear her while she presented a view of the
present condition of their affairs, and then proposed what
she could not but believe might still prove a means of final
deliverance — at least, it might deserve their careful consideration.
After having gone over the course that had
been pursued and defended it, as that alone which became
the dignity and honor of a sovereign and independent
power — she proceeded thus:

`We are now, it is obvious to all, at the last extremity.
If no new outlet be opened from the difficulties which environ
us, a few days will determine our fate. We must
open our gates and take such mercy as our conquerors may
bestow. The provision laid up in the public granaries is
nearly exhausted. Already has it been found necessary
greatly to diminish the amount of the daily distribution.
Hope in any power of our own, seems utterly extinct.
If any remain, it rests upon foreign interposition—
and of this I do not despair. I still rely upon Persia.
I look with confidence to Sapor — for further and yet
larger succors. In the former instance, it was apprehended
by many — I confess I shared the apprehension,
that there would be on the part of Persia but a parade of
friendship — with nothing of reality. But you well know
it was far otherwise. There was a sincere and vigorous
demonstration in our behalf. Persia never fought a better
field, and with slightly larger numbers, would have accomplished
our rescue. My proposition is, that we sue
again at the court of Sapor — no — not again, for the first
was a free will offering — and that we fail not — I
would go myself my own ambassador, and solicit — what
so solicited — my life upon it, will not be refused. You

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well know that I can bear with me jewels — gathered
during a long reign — of such value as to plead eloquently
in my cause — since the tithe of them would well repay
the Persian for all his kingdom might suffer for our
sakes.'

`What you propose, great Queen,' said Longinus, as
Zenobia paused, `agrees with your whole life. But how
can we who hold you as we do, sit in our places and
allow you alone to encounter the dangers of such an enterprise.
For without danger it cannot be — from the
robber of the desert — from the Roman — from the Persian.
In disguise and upon the road — you may suffer
the common fate of those who travel where, as now, marauders
of all nations swarm — Sapor may, in his capricious
policy, detain you prisoner — Aurelian may intercept.
Let your servants prevail with you to dismiss this
thought from your mind. You can name no one of all
this company who will not plead to be your substitute.'

There was not one present who did not spring upon
his feet, and express his readiness to undertake the
charge.

`I thank you all,' said the Queen, `but claim, in this
perhaps the last act of my reign, to be set free in your indulgence
to hold an unobstructed course. If in your
honest judgments you confess that of all who could appear
at the court of Sapor, I should appear there as the most
powerful pleader for Palmyra, it is all I ask you to determine.
Is such your judgment?'

`It is,' they all responded — `without doubt it is.'

`Then am I resolved. And the enterprise itself you
judge wise and of probable success?'

`We do. The reasons are just upon which it is founded.
It is greatly conceived, and the Gods giving you
safe conduct to Sapor, we doubt not a happy result.'

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`Then all that remains is, to contrive the manner of
escape from the city and through the Roman camp.'

`There is first — one thing more,' said the Princess
Julia, suddenly rising from her mother's side, but with a
forced and trembling courage, `which remains for me to do.
If there appear any want of maidenly reserve in what I
say, let the cause, good friends, for which I speak and act,
be my excuse. It is well known to you who are familiar
with the councils of the state, that not many months
past Persia sought through me an alliance with Palmyra.
But in me you have hitherto found an uncomplying daughter—
and you a self-willed Princess. I now seek what
before I have shunned. Although I know not the Prince
Hormisdas — reports speaks worthily of him — but of him
I think not — yet if — by the offer of myself I could now
help the cause of my country — the victim is ready for
the altar. Let Zenobia bear with her not only the stones
torn from her crown, but this which she so often has
termed her living jewel, and if the others, first proffered,
fail to reach the Persian's heart — then, but not till then,
add the other to the scale. If it weigh to buy deliverance
and prosperity to Palmyra — though I can never be
happy — yet — I shall be happy if the cause of happiness
to you.'

`My noble child!' said Zenobia, `I cannot have so
startled the chiefs of Palmyra by a new and unthought of
project, as I am now amazed in my turn. I dreamed not
of this. But I cannot hinder you in your purpose. It
ensures success to your country — and to be the instrument
of that, will be a rich compensation for even the
largest sacrifice of private affections.'

`The councillors and senators who were present expressed
a great, and, I doubt not, sincere unwillingness
that so dangerous a service should be undertaken by

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those whom they so loved, and whom beyond all others
they would shield with their lives from the very shadow of
harm. But they were overcome by the determined spirit
both of the Queen and Julia, and by their own secret
conviction that it was the only act in the power of mortals
by which the existence of the empire and city could be
preserved.

At this point of the interview, Calpurnius, whom we had
missed, entered, and learning what had passed, announced
that by a channel not to be mistrusted, he had received
intelligence of a sudden rising in Persia — of the assassination
of Sapor, and the elevation of Hormisdas to the
throne of his father. This imparted to all the liveliest
pleasure, and seemed to take away from the project of
the Queen every remaining source of disquietude and
doubt. Calpurnius, at the same moment, was besought
and offered himself to serve as the Queen's companion
and guide; — the chosen friend of Hormisdas — and
whose friendship he had not forfeited by his flight — no
one could so well as he advocate her cause with the new
king.

`But how is it,' inquired Longinus, `that you obtain
foreign intelligence, the city thus beset?'

`It may well be asked,' replied Calpurnius. `It is
through the intelligence and cunning of a Jew well known
in Palmyra, and throughout the world I believe, called
Isaac. By him was I rescued from Persian captivity, and
through him have I received letters thence ever since the
city has been besieged. He is acquainted with a subterranean
passage — in the time of Trajan, he has informed
me, a public conduit — but long since much
choked and dry, by which one may pass from the city
under and beyond the lines of the Roman intrenchments,
emerging into a deep ravine or fissure, grown thickly

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over with vines and olives. Once it was of size sufficient
to admit an elephant with his rider, now, he says, has it
become so obstructed, and in some places fallen in, that
it is with difficulty that a dromedary of but the common
size can force his way through.'

`Through this, then, the Queen may effect her escape,'
said Longinus.

`With perfect case and security,' rejoined Calpurnius.
`At the outlet, Isaac shall be in waiting with the fleetest
dromedaries of the royal stables.'

`We are satisfied,' said Longinus, `let it be as you say.
The Gods prosper the pious service.'

So ended the conversation.

Of the ancient aqueduct or conduit, you have already
heard from me; it is the same by which Isaac has transmitted
my late letters to Portia — which I trust you have
received and read. To Portia alone — be not offended—
do I pour out my whole soul. From her learn more of
what relates to the Princess.

I returned from the palace of Zenobia overwhelmed
with a thousand painful sensations. But this I need not
say.

Fausta, upon learning of the determination of the
Queen, which had been communicated not even to her—
exclaimed — `There, Lucius, I have always told you
Palmyra brought forth WOMEN! Where in the wide world
shall two be found to match Zenobia and Julia? But
when is the time fixed for the flight?'

`To-morrow night.'

`I will to the palace. These may be the last hours
permitted by the Gods to our friendship. I must not lose
one of them.'

I went not there again.

Late on the evening of the following day Fausta

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returned — her countenance betraying what she had suffered
in parting from those two, her bosom friends. It was
long ere she could possess herself so far as to give to
Gracchus and myself a narrative of what had occurred.
To do it, asked but few words.

`We have passed the time,' she said at length, `as
you might suppose those would about to be separated —
forever; yes, I feel that I have seen them for the last
time. It is like a conviction inspired by the Gods. We
did nought till the hour of attiring for the flight arrived,
but sit, look upon each other — embrace and weep. Not
that Zenobia, always great, lost the true command of herself,
or omitted aught that should be done — but that she
was a woman, and a mother, and a friend, as well as a
Queen and a divinity. But I can say no more.'

`Yet one thing,' she suddenly resumed, `alas! I had
well nigh forgotten it — it should have been said first —
what think you? The Indian slave, Sindarina was to
accompany the Queen, but at the hour of departure she
was missing. Her chamber was empty — the Arabian
disguise, in which all were to be arrayed, lying on her
bed — she herself to be found neither there nor any
where within the palace. Another of the Queen's women
was chosen in her place. What make you of it?'

`Treason! — treachery!' cried Gracchus, and springing
from his seat, shouted for a horse.

`The Gods forgive me,' cried the afflicted Gracchus,
that this has been forgotten. Why, why did I not lay to
heart the hints which you dropped.'

`In very truth,' I replied, they were almost too slight
to build even a suspicion upon. The Queen heeded
them not — and I myself had dismissed them from my
mind not less than yourself.'

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`Not a moment is to be lost,' said Gracchus, `the
slave must be found, and all whom we suspect seized.'

The night was passed in laborious search, both of the
slave and Antiochus. The whole city was abroad in a
common cause. All the loose companions of Antiochus
and the young princes were taken and imprisoned — the
suspected leaders in the affair, after a scrutinizing search—
and public proclamation, could not be found. The inference
was clear — agonizing as clear, that the Queen's
flight had been betrayed.

Another day has revealed the whole. Isaac, who acted
as guide through the conduit, and was to serve in the
same capacity till the party were secure within a Persian
fortress, not far from the banks of the Euphrates, has, by
a messenger — a servant of the palace — found means
to convey a relation of what befel after leaving Palmyra.

`Soon,' he says, `as the shades of evening fell, the
Queen, the Princess Julia, Nichomachus, a slave, and
Calpurnius, arrayed in the garb of Arabs of the desert,
together with a guard of ten soldiers, selected for their
bravery and strength, met by different routes at the mouth
of the old conduit. So noble a company had I never before
the charge of. Thou wouldst never have guessed
the Queen through the veil of her outlandish garment.
She became it well. Not one was more a man than she.
For the Princess, a dull eye would have seen through her.
Entering a little way in utter darkness, I then bid them
stand while I lighted torches. The Queen was near me
the while, and asked me the length of the passage, and
whether the walls were of that thickness as to prevent the
voice from being heard above.

“`Till we reach one particular spot, where the arch is

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partly fallen in,' I said, `we may use our tongues as freely
and as loud as we please — at that place there will be
need of special caution — as it is directly beneath the
Roman intrenchments. Of our approach thereto I will
give timely warning.'

`I took occasion to say, that I was sorry the Queen of
Palmyra should be compelled to pass through so gloomy
a cavern, but doubtless he who was with Deborah and
Judith, would not forsake her who was so fast a friend to
his people, and who, if rumor might be believed, was
even herself one of them. This, Roman, you will doubtless
think bold, but how could one who was full refrain.
I even added, “Fear not, he who watches over Judah
and Israel, will not fail to appear for one by whose arm
their glories are to be restored.” The Queen at that
smiled, and if a countenance may be read, which I hold
it can, as well as a book, it spoke favorable things for
Jerusalem.

`When our torches were kindled, we went on our way—
a narrow way and dark. We went in silence too,
for I quickly discerned that minds and hearts were too
busy with themselves and their own sorrows and fears to
choose to be disturbed. Ah, Roman, how many times
harder the lot of the high than the low. When we drew
nigh to the fissure in the arch, the torches were again extinguished,
and we proceeded at a snail's pace and with a
hyena's foot while we were passing within a few feet of
the then, as I doubted not, sleeping Romans. As we
came beneath the broken and open part, I was startled
by the sound of voices. Soldiers were above conversing.
As we paused through apprehension, a few words were
distinctly heard.

“`The times will not bear it,” muttered one. 'T is a
vain attempt.”

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“`His severity is cruelty,” said another. “Gods, when
before was it heard of, that a soldier, and such a
one, for what every one does whom chance favors,
should be torn limb from limb. The trees that wrenched
Stilcho asunder, ere they grow too stiff, may serve
a turn on `Hand to his sword himself.' He will fatten
on these starved citizens when he climbs over their
walls.”

“`Oh no, by Jupiter,” said the first, “it is far likelier
he will let them off, as he did at Tyana, and we lose our
sport. It is his own soldiers' blood he loves.”

“`He may yet learn,” replied the other, “that soldiers
wear weapons for one purpose as well as another. Hark!
what noise was that?”

“`It is but some rat at work within this old arch.
Come, let us to bed.”

`They moved away, and we, breathing again, passed
along, and soon re-lighted our torches.

`After walking a weary distance from this point, and
encountering many obstacles, we at length reached the long
desired termination. The dromedaries were in readiness,
and mounting them without delay, we ascended the steep
sides of the ravine, and then at a rapid pace sought the
open plains. When they were attained, I considered that
we were out of all danger from the Romans, and had only
to apprehend the ordinary dangers of this route during a
time of war, when freebooters of all the neighboring tribes
are apt to abound. `Here,' I said to the Queen, `we
will put our animals to their utmost speed, as the way
is plain and smooth — having regard only, I added, to
yours and the Princess's strength.' “On, on, in the name
of the Gods,” said they both, “we can follow as fast as
you shall lead.” And on we flew with the speed of the

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wind. The Queen's animals were like spirits of the air,
with such amazing fleetness and sureness of foot did they
shoot over the surface of the earth. The way was wholly
our own. We met none — we saw none. Thrice we
paused to relieve those not accustomed to such speed, or
to the peculiar motion of this animal. But at each resting
place, the Queen, with impatience, hastened us
away, saying, that “rest could be better had at once
when we had crossed the river — and once upon the other
bank, and we were safe.”

The first flush of morning was upon the sky as we
came within sight of the valley of the Euphrates. The
river was itself seen faintly gleaming as we wound down
the side of a gentle hill. The country here was broken,
as it had been for many of the last miles we had rode,
divided by low ridges, deep ravines, and stretches of
wood and bush. So that to those approaching the banks
in the same general direction, many distinct paths offered
themselves. It was here, O Piso, just as we reached the
foot of this little hill, riding more slowly by reason of the
winding road, that my quick ear caught at a distance the
sounds of other hoofs upon the ground beside our own.
My heart sunk within me — a sudden faintness spread
over my limbs. But at the instant I gave the alarm to
our troop, and at greatest risk of life and limb, we put our
beasts to their extreme speed, and dashed toward the
river. I still, as we rode, turning my ear in the direction
of the sound, heard with distinctness the clatter of horses'
hoofs. Our beasts were dromedaries — in that lay my
hope. Two boats awaited us among the rushes on the
river's bank, in the keeping of those who had been sent
forward for that purpose — and off against them, upon the
the other side of the stream, lay a small Persian village

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and fortress. Once off in the boats but ever so short a
distance, and we were safe. On we flew, and on, I was
each moment conscious, came pursuers, whoever they
might be. We reached the river's edge. “Quick for
your lives,” I cried. “The Queen, the Princess, and
four men in this boat. The packages in the other.” In
a moment and less than that, we were in our boat, a troop
of horse at the same instant sweeping like a blast of the
desert, down the bank of the river. We shot into the
stream — but ere the other could gain the water, the
Romans, as we now too plainly saw them to be, were
upon them. A brief but desperate strife ensued. The
Romans were five for one of the others, and quickly
putting them to the sword, sprung into their boat.

“`Pull! pull!” cried the Queen, the first words she
had uttered, “for your lives and Palmyra's.” They
gained upon us. We had six oars, they eight. But the
strength of three seemed to nerve the arm of Calpurnius.

“`Immortal Gods,” cried he, in inexpressible agony,
`they near us,” and straining with redoubled energy, his
oar snapped, and the boat whirled from her course.

“`All is lost,” ejaculated Zenobia.

`A Roman voice was now heard, “Yield you, and your
lives are safe.”

“`Never,” cried Calpurnius, and as the Roman boat
struck against ours, he raised his broken oar, and aiming
at him who had spoken, lost his balance and plunged
headlong into the stream.

“`Save him — save him,” cried the Queen, but they
heeded her not. “It is vain to contend,” she cried out
again, “we yield, but save the life of him who has
fallen.”

`The light was yet not sufficient to see but to a little

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distance. Nothing was visible upon the smooth surface
of the water, nor any sound heard.

“`His own rash fury has destroyed him,” said the Roman,
who we now could discern, bore the rank of Centurion.

“`We seek,” said he, turning toward where the Queen
sat, “we seek Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra.”

“`I am Zenobia,” said the Queen.

“`The Gods be praised therefor,” rejoined the Centurion,
“Our commands are to bear you to the tent of
Aurelian.”

“`Do with me as you list,” replied the Queen, “I am
in your power.”

“`To the shore,” exclaimed the Roman, and our boat
fastened to the other, was soon at the place whence but a
moment before it had parted.

“`Who are these,” asked the Centurion, as we reached
the shore, pointing to the Princess, and the slave and secretary
their attendants. “Our orders extend only to the
person of the Queen.”

“`Divide them not,” I said, willing to spare the Queen
the bandying of words with a Roman soldier, “they are
of the Queen's family. They are a part of herself. If
thou takest one take all to thy Emperor.”

“`So be it; and now to your horses, and once more
over the plain. It shall go hard, but that what we carry
with us will make our fortune with Aurelian.”

`Saying this, the whole troop formed, placing Zenobia
and Julia in the midst, and winding up the banks of the
river, disappeared.

`Such, O unhappy Piso, was this disastrous night.
Surely all was done on our part to secure a successful
issue. I can discern no defect or fault. We could not
have been more fleet. Swifter beasts never trod the sands

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of Arabia. What then? Hath there not been, think
you, foul play? Whence got the Romans knowledge,
not only of our flight, but of the very spot to which we
aimed? I doubt not there has been treachery — and that
of the very color of hell. Look to it, and let not the
guilty go free.

`One word touching thy brother. Despond not. I
cannot think that he is lost. We were but a furlong from
the shore. My belief is, that seeing the capture of the
Queen was certain, and that to him, if taken with her in
arms against his country, death was inevitable, he, when
he fell, rose again at a safe distance, and will yet be found.

`These things I send in haste by a returning servant
of the palace, I remaining both to secure the dromedaries
now wandering at will along the banks of the river, and
to search diligently for Calpurnius, whom I trust to bear
back with me to Palmyra.'

Here, my Curtius, was food for meditation and grief —
the renowned Queen of this brilliant capital and kingdom,
so late filling a throne that drew the admiration of
the world, sitting there in a proud magnificence that cast
into shade Persia itself, is in one short night shorn of all
her power — a captive at the mercy of a cruel foe —
Julia also a captive — my brother so late redeemed, as I
cannot but suppose, dead. I need not, nor can I tell you
with what emotions I read the fatal letter. The same
messenger who delivered it to me had spread through the
city the news of the Queen's captivity. What related to
Calpurnius I determined to conceal from Fausta, since it
was at least possible by communicating it, I might cause
a useless suffering.

Fausta, upon learning the horrors of the night, which
she first did, from the outcries and lamentations in the
streets, seemed more like one dead than alive. She could

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not weep, the evil was too great for tears. And there
being no other way in which to give vent to the grief that
wrung her soul in every feeling and affection, I trembled
lest reason should be hurled from its seat. She wandered
from room to room, her face of the hue of death —
but indicating life enough in its intense expression of inward
pain — and speechless, save that at intervals in a
low tone `Zenobia! Palmyra!' fell from her scarcely
moving lips. To Gracchus and myself, essaying to divert
her from thoughts that seemed to prey upon her very life,
she said, `Leave me to wrestle alone with my grief,
it is the way to strength. I do not doubt that I shall
find it.'

`She is right,' said Gracchus, `to overcome she must
fight her own battle. Our aid but ministers to her
weakness.'

It was not long before she rejoined us, tears having
brought relief to her over-burdened heart.

Her first inquiry now was for Calpurnius. `I have
feared to ask, for if he too is captive, I know that he is
lost. Now I can hear and bear all. How is it Lucius?'

I answered `that he was not a captive, so much was
known; but where he now was, or what had befallen
him, was not known. I had reason to believe that he
would find his way back, through the guidance of Isaac,
to the city.'

`Alas! I read in your words his fate. But I will not
urge you farther. I will live upon all the hope that I
can keep alive. Yet it is not the death of Calpurnius—
nor yet of Zenobia — or Julia, that wrings the
soul and saps its life, like this bitter, bitter disappointment—
this base treason of Antiochus. To be so near
the summit of our best hopes, only to be cast down into
this deep abyss — that is the sting in our calamity that

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shoots deepest, and for which there is no cure. Is there
no other way, father, in which we can explain the capture
of the Queen? Accident — could it not be accident that
threw the troop of Aurelian in their way?'

`I fear not,' said Gracchus.' `When we add what
rumor has heretofore reported of the aims of Antiochus,
but which we have all too much contemned him to believe
him capable of, to what has now occurred, I think we
cannot doubt that he is the author of the evil, seducing
into his plot the Queen's slave, through whom he received
intelligence of every plan and movement.'

`Ah, cruel treachery! How can one join together the
sweet innocent face of Sindarina and such deep hypocricy.
Antiochus surely must have perverted her by magic
arts. Of that I sure. But what fruit can Antiochus
hope his treason shall bear for him? Can he think that
Palmyra will endure his rule?'

`That,' replied Gracchus, `must be his hope. The
party of the discontented we well know to be large, upon
them he feels that he may rely. Then his treason recommending
him to Aurelian, he builds upon his power to
establish him upon the throne, and sustain him there till
his own strength shall have grown, so that he can stand
alone. That the city will surrender upon the news of
the Queen's captivity, he doubtless calculates upon as
certain,'

`May his every hope,' cried Fausta, `be blasted, and a
little of the misery he has poured without stint into our
hearts wring his own, and when he cries for mercy, may
he find none.'

`One hope,' I said here, `if I know aught of the nature
of Aurelian, and upon which he must chiefly found his
project, will sink under him to his shame and ruin.'

`What mean you?' said Fausta eagerly.

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`His belief that Aurelian will reward baseness
though to an enemy. He never did it yet and he
cannot do it. Were there within the thick skull of Antiochus
the brains of a foolish ostrich, he would have read
in the fate of Heraclammon, the rich traitor of Tyana,
his own. If I err not, he has indiscreetly enough thrust
himself into a lion's den. If Aurelian is fierce, his is the
grand and terrific ferocity of the lion.'

`May it be so,' said Fausta. `There were no providence
in the Gods did such villany escape punishment,
still more, did it grow great. But if Aurelian is such as
you describe him, Oh then, is there not reason in the belief
that he will do gently by her. Were it compatible
with greatness, or generosity, and these, you say, belong
to the Emperor, to take revenge upon an enemy, thrown
by such means into his power — and such an enemy—
and that, too, a woman — Julia too! — O immortal
Gods, how bitter past drinking is this cup!'

`Yet must you — must we not lean too confidently
upon the dispositions of Aurelian. He is subject, though
supreme, to the state — nay, and in some sense to the
army, and what he might gladly do of his own free and
generous nature, policy and the contrary wishes, and
sometimes requisitions of his troops, or of the people, compel
him to forbear. The usage of Rome toward captive
princes has been, and is, cruel. Yet the Emperor does
much to modify it, giving it, according to his own temper,
a more or less savage character. And Aurelian has displayed
great independence in his acts, both of people and
soldiers. There is much ground for hope — but it must
not pass into confident expectation.'

`You, Lucius, in former days, have known Aurelian
well before fortune raised him to this high

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eminence. You say you were his friend. Could you
not' —

`No. I fear with scarce any hope of doing good. My
residence here during all these troubles will, I doubt not,
raise suspicions in the mind of Aurelian which it will not be
easy to allay. But whenever I shall have it in my power
to present myself before him, I shall not fail to press upon
him arguments, which if he shall act freely, cannot, I
think, but weigh with him.'

`Ought not the city now,' said Fausta, addressing
Gracchus, `to surrender, and, if it can do no better,
throw itself upon the mercy of Aurelian? I see not now
what can be gained by longer resistance, and would not
a still protracted refusal to capitulate, and when it must
be without the faintest expectation of ultimate success,
tend merely and with certainty to exasperate Aurelian,
and perhaps embitter him toward the Queen?'

`I can scarcely doubt that it would,' replied Gracchus.
`The city ought to surrender. Soon as the first flood of
grief has spent itself, must we hasten to accomplish it if
possible. Longinus, to whom will now be entrusted the
chief power, will advocate it I am sure — so will Otho
Seleucus, Gabrayas — but the army will, I fear, be opposed
to it, and will, more through a certain pride of their
order than from any principle, incline to hold out. It is
time I sought Longinus.'

He departed in search of the Greek. I went forth
into the streets to learn the opinions and observe the behaviour
of the people.

The shades of night are around me — the palace is still—
the city sleeps. I resume my pen to add a few words
to this epistle, already long — but they are words that
convey so much that I cannot but add them for my own
pleasure not less than yours. They are in brief these,

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Calpurnius is alive and once again returned to us. The
conjecture of Isaac was a description of the truth. My
brother, knowing well that if apprehended his death were
certain, had in the outset resolved, if attacked, rather to
provoke his death, and insure it in the violence of a conflict,
than be reserved for the axe of the Roman executioner.
But in the short moment in which he fell headlong
into the river, it flashed across his mind — “The
darkness favors my escape — I can reach the shore” —
so swimming a short distance below the surface, and falling
down with the stream and softly rising, concealed
himself among the reeds upon the margin of the stream
Finding the field in a short time wholly in possession of
Isaac, he revealed himself and joined him, returning to
the city as soon as the darkness of the night permitted.
Here is a little gleam of light breaking through Fausta's
almost solid gloom. A smile has once more played over
her features. In the evening after Calpurnius's return,
she tried her harp, but the sounds it gave out only seemed
to increase her sorrow, and she threw it from her. —
`Music,' said Gracchus, `is in its nature melancholy,
and how, my child, can you think to forget or stifle grief,
by waking the strings of your harp, whose tones, of all
other instruments, are the most melancholy. And yet
sometimes sadness seeks sadness, and finds in it its best
relief. But now, Fausta, rather let sleep be your minister
and nurse.'

So we parted. Farewell.

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LETTER XV.

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It were a vain endeavor, my Curtius, to attempt to
describe the fever of indignation, and rage, and grief that
burned in the bosoms of this unhappy people, as soon as
it was known that their Queen was a captive in the hands
of the Romans. Those imprisoned upon suspicion of having
been concerned in her betrayal, would have been torn from
their confinement, and sacrificed to the wrath of the citizens,
in the first hours of their excitement, but for the formidable
guard by which the prisons were defended. The
whole population seemed in the streets and public places,
giving and receiving with eagerness such intelligenec as
could be obtained. Their affliction is such as it would be
had each one lost a parent or a friend. The men rave,
or sit, or wander about listless and sad; the women weep;
children catch the infection, and lament as for the greatest
misfortune that could have overtaken them. The soldiers,
at first dumb with amazement at so unlooked for and unaccountable
a catastrophe, afterward, upon learning that
it fell out through the treason of Antiochus, bound themselves
by oaths never to acknowledge or submit to his
authority, though Aurelian himself should impose him
upon them, nay, to sacrifice him to the violated honor of
the empire, if ever he should fall into their power.

Yet all are not such. The numbers are not contemptible
of those who, openly or secretly, favor the cause and
approve the act of Antiochus. He has not committed so
great a crime without some prospect of advantage from
it, nor without the assurance that a large party of the
citizens, though not the largest, is with him, and will
adhere to his fortunes. These are they, who think, and

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justly think, that the Queen has sacrificed the country to
her insane ambition and pride. They cleave to Antiochus
not from personal regard toward him, but because he
seems more available for their present purposes than any
other, principally through his fool-hardy ambition; and,
on the other hand, they abandon the Queen, not for
want of a personal affection, equal perhaps to what exists
in any others, but because they conceive that the power
of Rome is too mighty to contend with, and that their
best interests rather than any extravagant notions of national
honor, ought to prompt their measures.

The city will now give itself up, it is probable, upon the
first summons of Aurelian. The council and the senate
have determined that to hold out longer than a few days
more is impossible. The provisions of the public granaries
are exhausted, and the people are already beginning
to be pinched with hunger. The rich, and all who have
been enabled to subsist upon their own stores, are now
engaged in distributing what remains among the poorer
sort, and who are now thrown upon their compassions.
May it not be, that I am to be a witness of a people dying
of hunger. Gracchus and Fausta are busily employed in
relieving the wants of the suffering.

We have waited impatiently to hear the fate of the
Queen. Many reports have prevailed, founded upon
what has been observed from the walls. At one time, it
has been said that she had perished under the hands of
the executioner — at another, that the whole Roman camp
had been seen to be thrown into wild tumult, and that
she had doubtless fallen a sacrifice to the ungovernable
fury of the licentious soldiery. I cannot think either
report probable. Aurelian, if he revenged himself by her
death, would reserve her for execution on the day of his
triumph. But he would never tarnish his glory by

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such an act. And for the soldiers — I am sure of nothing
more than that they are under too rigid a discipline,
and hold Aurelian in too great terror, to dare to commit
a violence like that which has been imputed to them.

At length — for hours are months in such suspense —
we are relieved. Letters have come from Nichomachus to
both Longinus and Livia.

First, their sum is, the Queen lives!

I shall give you what I gather from them.

`When we had parted,' writes the secretary,' `from the
river's edge, we were led at a rapid pace over the same
path we had just come, to the neighborhood of the Roman
camp. I learned from what I overheard of the conversation
of the Centurion, with his companion at his side, that
the flight of the Queen had been betrayed. But beyond
that, nothing.

`We were taken not at once to the presence of Aurelian,
but lodged in one of the abandoned palaces in the
outskirts of the city — that of Seleucus, if I err not —
where, the Queen being assigned the apartments needful
for her and her effects, a guard was set around the
building.

`Here we had remained not long, yet long enough for
the Queen to exchange her disguise for her usual robes,
when it was announced by the Centurion that we must
proceed to the tent of the Emperor. The Queen and the
Princess were placed in a close litter, and conveyed
secretly there, out of fear of the soldiers, “who,” said the
Centurion, “if made aware of whom we carry, would in
their rage tear to fragments and scatter to the winds both
the litter and its burden.”

`We were in this manner borne through the camp to
the tent of Aurelian. As we entered, the Emperor stood
at its upper end, surrounded by the chief persons of his

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army. He advanced to meet the Queen, and in his
changing countenance and disturbed manner might it be
plainly seen how even an Emperor, and he the Emperor
of the world, felt the presence of a majesty such as Zenobia's.
And never did our great mistress seem more a
Queen than now — not through that commanding pride,
which, when upon her throne, has impressed all who
have approached her with a feeling of inferiority, but
through a certain dark and solemn grandeur that struck
with awe, as if some superior being, those who looked
upon her. There was no sign of grief upon her countenance,
but many of a deep and rooted sadness, such as
might never pass away. No one could behold her and
not lament the fortune that had brought her to such a
pass. Whoever had thought to enjoy the triumph of
exulting over the royal captive, was rebuked by that air
of calm dignity and profound melancholy, which even
against the will, touched the hearts of all, and forced
their homage.

“`It is a happy day for Rome,” said Aurelian, approaching
and saluting her, “that sees you, lately Queen
of Palmyra and of the East, a captive in the tent of Aurelian.”

“`And a dark one for my afflicted country,” replied
the Queen.

“`It might have been darker,” rejoined the Emperor,
“had not the good providence of the Gods delivered you
into my hands.”

“`The Gods preside not over treachery. And it must
have been by treason among those in whom I have placed
my most familiar trust, that I am now where and what I
am. I can but darkly surmise by whose baseness the act
has been committed. It had been a nobler triumph to
you, Roman, and a lighter fall to me, had the field of

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battle decided the fate of my kingdom, and led me a prisoner
to your tent.”

“`Doubtless it had been so,” replied Aurelian; “yet
was it for me to cast away what chance threw into my
power? A war is now happily ended, which, had your
boat reached the further bank of the Euphrates, might
yet have raged — and but to the mutual harm of two great
nations. Yet it was both a bold and sagacious device, and
agrees well with what was done by you at Antioch, Emesa,
and now in the defence of your city. A more determined,
a better appointed, or more desperate foe, I never yet
have contended with.”

“`It were strange, indeed,” replied the Queen, “if
you met not with a determined foe, when life and liberty
were to be defended. Had not treason, base and accursed
treason, given me up like a chained slave to your
power, yonder walls must have first been beaten piecemeal
down by your engines, and buried me beneath their
ruins, and famine clutched all whom the sword had
spared, ere we had owned you master. What is life,
when liberty and independence are gone?”

“`But why, let me ask,” said Aurelian, “were you
moved to assert an independency of Rome? How many
peaceful and prosperous years have rolled on since Trajan
and the Antonines, while you and Rome were at harmony—
a part of us and yet independent — allies rather
than a subject province — using our power for your defence—
yet owning no allegiance. Why was this order
disturbed? What madness ruled to turn you against the
power of Rome?”

“`The same madness,' replied Zenobia, `that tells
Aurelian he may yet possess the whole world, and sends
him here into the far East to wage needless war with a
woman — Ambition! Yet had Aurelian always been

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upon the Roman throne, or one resembling him, it had
perhaps been different. There then could have been
nought but honor in any alliance that had bound together
Rome and Palmyra. But was I, was the late renowned
Odenatus to confess allegiance to base souls such as
Aureolus, Gallienus, Balista? While the thirty tyrants
were fighting for the Roman crown, was I to sit still,
waiting humbly to become the passive prey of whosoever
might please to call me his? By the immortal
Gods not so. I asserted my supremacy, and made it
felt; and in times of tumult and confusion to Rome,
while her Eastern provinces were one scene of discord
and civil broil, I came in, and reduced the jarring elements,
and out of parts broken and sundered, and hostile,
I constructed a fair and well proportioned whole.
And when once created, and I had tasted the sweets of
sovereign and despotic power — what they are thou
knowest — was I tamely to yield the whole at the word or
threat even of Aurelian? It could not be. So many
years as had passed and seen me Queen, not of Palmyra
only, but of the East — a sovereign honored and courted
at Rome, feared by Persia, my alliance sought by all the
neighboring dominions of Asia, had served but to foster
in me that love of rule which descended to me from a
long line of kings. Sprung from a royal line, and so long
upon a throne, it was superior force alone — divine or
human — that should drag me from my right. Thou
hast been but four years king, Aurelian, monarch of the
great Roman world, yet wouldst thou not, but with painful
unwillingness, descend and mix with the common
herd. For me, ceasing to reign, I would cease to live.”

“`Thy speech,' said Aurelian, “shows thee well worthy
to reign. It is no treason to Rome, Carus, to lament
that the fates have cast down from a throne, one who

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filled its seat so well. Hadst thou hearkened to the message
of Petronius, thou mightest still, lady, have sat upon
thy native seat. The crown of Palmyra might still have
girt thy brow.”

“`But not of the East,” rejoined the Queen.

“`Fight against ambition, Carus, thou seest how, by
aiming at too much, it loses all. It is the bane of humanity.
When I am dead, may ambition then die, nor
rise again.”

“`May it be so,” replied his general, “it has greatly
cursed the world. It were better perhaps that it died
now.”

“`It cannot,” replied Aurelian, “its life is too strong. I
lament too, great Queen, for so I may well call thee, that
upon an ancient defender of our Roman honor, upon her
who revenged Rome upon the insolent Persian, this heavy
fate should fall. I would willingly have met for the first
time in a different way, the brave conqueror of Sapor, the
avenger of the wrongs and insults of the virtuous Valerian.
The debt of Rome to Zenobia is great, and shall
yet, in some sort at least, be paid. Curses upon those
who moved thee to this war. They have brought this calamity
upon thee, Queen, not I, nor thou. What ill designing
aspirants have urged thee on? This is not a
woman's war.”

“`Was not that a woman's war,” replied the Queen,
“that drove the Goths from upper Asia? Was not that a
woman's war that hemmed Sapor in his capital, and
seized his camp—and that which beat Heraclianus, and
gained thereby Syria and Mesopotamia, and that which
worsted Probus, and so won the crown of Egypt. Does
it ask for more, to be beaten by Romans, than to conquer
these? Rest assured, great prince, that the war
was mine. My people were indeed with me, but it was I

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who roused, fired, and led them on. I had indeed great
advisers. Their names are known throughout the world.
Why should I name the renowned Longinus, the princely
Gracchus, the invincible Zabdas, the honest Otho.
Their names are honored in Rome as well as here. They
have been with me; but without lying or vanity, I may
say I have been their head.”

“`Be it so; nevertheless, thy services shall be remembered.
But let us now to the affairs before us. The city
has not surrendered — though thy captivity is known, the
gates still are shut. A word from thee would open
them.”

“`It is a word I cannot speak,” replied the Queen,
her countenance expressing now, instead of sorrow, indignation,
“wouldst thou that I too should turn traitor?”

“`It surely would not be that,” replied the Emperor.
“It can avail naught to contend further — it can but end
in a wider destruction, both of your people and my soldiers.”

“`Longinus, I may suppose,” said Zenobia, “is now
supreme. Let the Emperor address him, and what is
right will be done.”

`Aurelian turned, and held a brief conversation with
some of his officers.

“`Within the walls,” said the Emperor, again addressing
the Queen, “thou hast sons. Is it not so?”

“`It is not they,” said the Queen quickly, her countenance
growing pale, “it is not they, or either of them,
who have conspired against me?”

“`No — not quite so. Yet he who betrayed thee calls
himself of thy family. Thy sons surely were not in
league with him. Soldiers,” cried the Emperor, “lead
forth the great Antiochus, and his slave.”

`At his name, the Queen started — the Princess

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uttered a faint cry, and seemed as if she would have
fallen.”

`A fold of the tent was drawn aside, and the huge
form of Antiochus appeared, followed by the Queen's
slave, her head bent down and eyes cast upon the ground.
If a look could have killed, the first glance of Zenobia,
so full of a withering contempt, would have destroyed
her base kinsman. He heeded it but so much as to
blush, and turn away his face from her. Upon Sindarina
the Queen gazed with a look of deepest sorrow. The
beautiful slave stood there where she entered, not lifting
her head, but her bosom rising and falling with some
great emotion — conscious, as it seemed, that the Queen's
look was fastened upon her, and fearing to meet it. But
it was so only for a moment, when raising her head, and
revealing a countenance swollen with grief, she rushed
toward the Queen, and threw herself at her feet, embracing
them, and covering them with kisses. Her deep
sobs took away all power of speech. The Queen only
said, “My poor Sindarina.”

`The stern voice of Aurelian was first heard, “Bear
her away — bear her from the tent.”

`A guard seized her, and forcibly separating her from
Zenobia, bore her weeping away.

“`This,” said Aurelian, turning now to Zenobia, “this
is thy kinsman, as he tell me — the Prince Antiochus?”

`The Queen replied not.

“`He has done Rome a great service.” Antiochus
raised his head, and strained his stooping shoulders. “He
has the merit of ending a weary and disastrous war. It
is a rare fortune to fall to any one. 'T is a work to grow
great upon. Yet Prince,” turning to Antiochus, “the
work is not complete. The city yet holds out. If I am

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to reward thee with the sovereign power, as thou sayest,
thou must open the gates. Canst thou do it?

“`Great Prince,” replied the base spirit eagerly, “it is
provided for. Allow me but a few moments, and a place
proper for it, and the gates I warrant shall quickly swing
upon their hinges.”

“`Ah! do you say so? That is well. What, I pray,
is the process?”

“`At a signal, which I shall make, noble Prince, and
which has been agreed upon, every head of every one of
the Queen's party rolls in the dust—Longinus, Gracchus,
and his daughter, Seleucus, Gabrayas, and a host more—
their heads fall. The gates are then to be thrown open.”

“`Noble Palmyrene, you have the thanks of all. Of
the city then we are at length secure. For this, thou
wouldst have the rule of it under Rome, wielding a
sceptre in the name of the Roman Senate, and paying
tribute as a subject province. Is it not so?”

“`It is. That is what I would have, and would do,
most excellent Aurelian.”

“`Who are thy associates in this? Are the Queen's
sons, Herennianus, Timolaus, Vabalathus, of thy side,
and partners in this enterprise?”

“`They are not knowing to the design to deliver up to
thy great power, the Queen, their mother; but they are
my friends, and most surely do I count upon their support.
As I shall return king of Palmyra, they will gladly
share my power.”

“`But if friends of thine, they are enemies of mine,”
rejoined Aurelian, in terrific tones, “they are seeds of
future trouble; they may sprout up into kings also, to
Rome's annoyance. They must be crushed. Dost thou
understand me?”

“`I do great Prince. Leave them to me. I will do

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for them. But to say the truth they are too weak to disturb
any — friends or enemies.”

“`Escape not so. They must die,” roared Aurelian.

“`They shall — they shall.” ejaculated the alarmed
Antiochus, “soon as I am within the walls, their heads
shall be sent to thee.”

“`That now is as I would have it. One thing more
thou hast asked — that the fair slave who accompanies
thee, be spared to thee, to be thy Queen.”

“`It was her desire — hers — noble Aurelian, not
mine.”

“`But didst thou not engage to her as much.”

“`Truly I did. But among princes such words are
but politic ones. That is well understood. Kings marry
for the state. I would be higher matched,” and the sensual
demon cast his eyes significantly towards the Princess
Julia.

“`Am I understood,” continued Antiochus, Aurelian
making no response, “The princess Julia I would raise
to the throne.” The monster seemed to dilate to twice
his common size, as his mind fed upon the opening
glories.

`Aurelian had turned from him, looking first at his
Roman attendants, then at the Queen and Julia — his
countenance kindling with some swelling passion.

“`Do I understand thee?” he then said. “I understand
thee to say that for the bestowment of the favors
and honors thou hast named, thou wilt do the things thou
hast now specifically promised. Is it not so?”

“`It is gracious king.”

“`Dost thou swear it.”

“`I swear it by the great God of Light.”

`The countenance of the Emperor now grew black
with, as it seemed, mingled fury and contempt.

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Antiochus started, and his cheek paled. A little light reached
his thick brain.

“`Romans,” cried Aurelian “pardon me for so abusing
your ears. And you, our royal captives. I knew not
that such baseness lived — still less that it was here.
Thou foul stigma upon humanity! Why opens not the
earth under thee, but that it loathes and rejects thee! Is
a Roman like thee, dost thou think, to reward thy unheard
of treacheries? Thou knowest no more what a
Roman is, than what truth and honor are. Soldiers!
seize yonder miscreant, write traitor on his back, and
spurn him forth the camp. His form and his soul both
offened alike. Hence monster!'

`Antiochus was like one thunderstruck. Trembling
in every joint, he sought to appeal to the Emperor's mercy,
but the guard stopped his mouth, and dragged him from
the tent. His shrieks pierced the air as the soldiers
scourged him beyond the encampment.

“`It was not for me,” said Aurelian, as these ceased
to be heard, “to refuse what fate threw into my hands.
Though I despised the traitorous informer, I could not
shut my ear to the facts he revealed, without myself betraying
the interests of Rome. But believe me it was
information I would willingly have spared. My infamy
were as his to have rewarded the traitor. Fear not,
Queen, I pledge the word of a Roman and an Emperor
for thy safety. Thou art safe both from Roman and
Palmyrene.”

“`What I have but now been witness of,” replied the
Queen, “assures me that in the magnanimity of Aurelian
I may securely rest.”

`As the Queen uttered these words, a sound as of a
distant tumult, and the uproar of a multitude caught the
ears of all within the tent.

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“`What mean these tumultuous cries,” inquired Aurelian
of his attending guard, “They increase and approach.”

“`It may be but the soldiers at their game with Antiochus,”
replied Probus.

`But it was not so. At the moment a Centurion,
breathless, and with his head bare, rushed madly into the
tent.

“`Speak,” said the Emperor, “what is it?”

“`The Legions,” said the Centurion, as soon as he
could command his words, “are advancing, crying out
for the Queen of Palmyra. They have broken from their
camp and their leaders, and in one mixed body come to
surround the Emperor's tent.”

`As he ended, the fierce cries of the enraged soldiery
were distinctly heard, like the roaring of a forest torn by
a tempest. Aurelian baring his sword, and calling upon
his friends to do the same, sprung toward the entrance
of the tent. They were met by the dense throng of the
soldiers, who now pressed against the tent, and whose
savage yells now could be heard,

“`The Head of Zenobia.” “Deliver the Queen to
our will.” “Throw out the head of Zenobia, and we will
return to our quarters.” “She belongs to us.”

`At the same moment the sides of the tent were thrown
up, showing the whole plain filled with the heaving multitude,
and being itself instantly crowded with the ringleaders
and their more desperate associates. Zenobia,
supporting the Princess, who clung to her, and pale
through a just apprehension of every horror, but otherwise
firm and undaunted, cried out to Aurelian, “Save
us, O Emperor, from this foul butchery.”

“`We will die else,” replied the Emperor, who with
the word, sprung upon a soldier making toward the

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Queen, and with a blow clove him to the earth. Then
swinging around him that sword which had drunk the
blood of thousands, and followed by the gigantic Sandaron,
by Probus, and Carus, a space around the Queen
was soon cleared. “Back, ruffians,” cried Aurelian, in
a voice of thunder, “for you are no longer Romans,
back to the borders of the tent. There I will hear your
complaints.” The soldiers fell back, and their ferocious
cries ceased.

“`Now,” cried the Emperor, addressing them, “what
is your will, that thus in wild disorder you throng my
tent?”

`One from the crowd replied — “Our will is that the
Queen of Palmyra be delivered to us as our right instantly.
Thousands and thousands of our bold companions lie buried
upon these accursed plains, slain by her and her fiery
engines. We demand her life. It is but justice, and
faint justice too.”

“`Her life” — “Her life” — arose in one shout from
the innumerable throng.'

`The Emperor raised his hand, waving his sword dripping
with the blood of the slain soldier; the noise subsided; —
and his voice clear and loud, like the tone of a
trumpet, went to the farthest bounds of the multitude.

“`Soldiers,” he cried, “you ask for justice — and justice
you shall have.”—“Aurelian is ever just,” cried many
voices. “But you shall not have the life of the Queen of
Palmyra. — He paused — a low murmur went through
the crowd, — or you must first take the life of your Emperor,
and of these who stand with me.” The soldiers
were silent. “In asking the life of Zenobia,” he continued,
“you know not what you ask. Are any here who
went with Valerian to the Persian war?” A few voices

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responded, “I was there” — “and I,” “and I.” “Are
there any here whose parents, or brothers, or friends fell into
the tiger clutches of the barbarian Sapor, and died miserably
in hopeless captivity?” Many voices every where
throughout the crowd were heard in reply, “Yes, yes,”
“Mine were there, and mine.” “Did you ever hear it
said,” continued Aurelian, “that Rome lifted a finger for
their rescue, or for that of the good Valerian?” They
were silent, some crying, “No, no.” “Know then
that when Rome forgot her brave soldiers and her Emperor,
Zenobia remembered and avenged them, and
Rome, fallen into contempt with the Persian, was raised
to her ancient renown by the arms of her ally,
the brave Zenobia — and her dominions throughout the
East saved from the grasp of Sapor only by her valor.
While Gallienus wallowed in sensuality and forgot Rome,
and even his own great father, the Queen of Palmyra
stood forth, and with her royal husband, the noble Odenatus,
was in truth the saviour of the empire. And is it
her life you would have? Were that a just return? Were
that Roman magnanimity? — And grant that thousands
of your brave companions lie buried upon these plains.
It is but the fortune of war. Were they not slain in honorable
fight, in the siege of a city, for its defence unequalled
in all the annals of war? Cannot Romans honor courage
and military skill, though in an enemy? — But you
ask for justice. I have said you shall have justice. You
shall. It is right that the heads and advisers of this revolt,
for such the senate deems it, should be cut off. It
is the ministers of princes who are the true devisers of a
nation's acts. These, when in our power, shall be yours.
And now, who, soldiers! stirred up this mutiny? bringing
inexpiable shame upon our brave legions? Who are
the leaders of the tumult? Enough were found to name

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them — “Firmus,” “Carinus,” “The Centurions Plancus,
Tatius, Burrhus, Valens, Crispinus.”

“`Guards, seize them and hew them down. Soldiers!
to your tents.” The legions fell back as tumultuously
as they had come together, — the faster, as the dying
groans of the slaughtered ringleaders fell upon their
ears.

`The tent of the Emperor was once more restored to
order. After a brief conversation, in which Aurelian expressed
his shame for the occurrence of such disorders in
the presence of the Queen, the guard were commanded
to convey back to the palace of Seleucus, whence they
had been taken, Zenobia and the Princess.'

Such are the principal matters contained in the communications
of Nichomachus.

When the facts contained in them became known, the
senate, the council, the army, and the people agreed in
the belief, that the Queen's safety and their own would
now be best secured by an immediate capitulation. Accordingly,
heralds bearing letters from Longinus, in the
name of the council, proceeded to the Roman camp. No
other terms could be obtained than a verbal promise that
the city, the walls, and the common people should be
spared; — but the surrender, beyond that, must be unconditional.

Upon learning the terms prescribed by the conqueror,
many were for further resistance. `The language of
Aurelian,' they said, `is ambiguous. He will spare the
city, walls and common people. Are our senators and
councillors to be sacrificed? Are they, who have borne
the burden of the day, now to be selected as the only
ones who are to suffer? It shall not be so.'

Generous sentiments like these were heard on all sides.
But they were answered and overcome, by Gracchus

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especially, and others. Said Gracchus to the people, `Doubtless
punishment will be inflicted by Rome upon some.
Our resistance is termed by her rebellion — revolt —
conspiracy — the leaders will be sought and punished. It
is ever her course. But this is a light evil compared with
a wide-spread massacre of this whole population, the destruction
of these famous temples, the levelling of these
proud walls. Aurelian has said that these shall be spared.
His word, though an unwritten and informal one, may be
trusted. My counsel is, that it be at once accepted.
What if a few grey heads among us are taken off. That
will not touch the existence or prosperity of Palmyra.
You can spare them. Your children will soon grow up
to take our places, and fill them, as I hope, with more
wisdom.'

But such words only served at first the more to srengthen
the people in their resolution, that their rulers should
not be the only sacrifice. None were loved throughout
the city more than Gracchus and Otho — none revered
like Longinus. It was a long and painful struggle between
affection and the convictions of reason before it
ended, and the consent of the people was obtained to deliver
up the city to the mercy of Aurelian. But it was
obtained.

I was sitting with Fausta and Calpurnius, speaking of
the things that had happened, and of the conduct of the
Queen, when Gracchus entered and joined us, informing
us that `ambassadors were now gone to the camp of Aurelian,
clothed with authority to deliver up the city into
his hands. So that now the end has drawn on, and Palmyra
ceases to exist.'

Fausta, although knowing that this must happen, and
might at any moment, could not hear the fatal words, announcing
the death of her country, as she deemed it, and

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quenching forever in darkness the bright dreams upon
which she had fed so long, without renewed grief. We
were a long time silent.

`Something yet remains,' at length Gracchus resumed,
`for us to resolve upon and do. Before many hours have
elapsed, a Roman army will fill the streets of the city —
perhaps our houses also — and a general plunder may be
commenced of all the valuables we possess. It will be
useless to conceal what it will be well enough known,
from the manner in which we live, must be beneath our
roof. It will but expose our lives. Yet, Fausta, your
jewels, valued by you as gifts, and other things precious
for the same or a like reason, may easily be secreted, nor
yet be missed by the licensed robbers. See to this, my
child — but except this, there is now nought to do concerning
such affairs, but to sit still and observe the general
wreck. But there are other and weightier matters
to be decided upon, and that at once.'

`Concerning the care of ourselves you mean,' said
Fausta.

`I do,' replied Gracchus.

`I,' said Fausta, `would remain here, where I am.'

`It is that which I wish,' replied her father, `I commit
you to the care of Lucius. For Calpurnius, he must
leave you, and as he would live, fly, if that yet be possible,
beyond the walls, or conceal himself within them.'

`Never,' said Calpurnius, `I can do neither. I have
never shunned a danger — and I cannot.'

`Let pride and passion, now,' said Gracchus, `go fast
asleep. We have no occasion for them — they are out of
place, dealing as we now do with stern necessities. Your
life will be especially sought by Aurelian — it is a life
that cannot be spared. Fausta needs you. In you she
must find, or no where — father — husband — friend.

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Lucius, when these troubles are over, will return to Rome—
and I — shall be in the keeping of Aurelian. You
must live; — for her sake, if not for your own.'

`For mine too, surely, if for hers,' replied Calpurnius.

`Father,' said Fausta, throwing her arms around him,
`why, why must you fall into the hands of Aurelian.
Why not with Calpurnius, fly from these now hated
walls?'

`My daughter!' replied Gracchus, `let not your love
of me make you forgetful of what I owe my own name
and our country's. Am I not bound by the words of Aurelian?
“He will spare the city and the common people”—
reserving for himself their rulers and advisers. Were
they all to fly or shrink into concealment, can we doubt
that the fury of the fierce Roman would then discharge
itself upon the helpless people, and — men, women
and children suffer in our stead? And shall I fly while
the rest are true to their trust?'

`The Gods forbid,' sobbed Fausta.

`Now you are yourself again. Life is of little account
with me. For you I would willingly hold on upon it,
though in any event my grasp would be rapidly growing
weaker and weaker; age would come and weaken it.
But for myself, I can truly say, I survey the prospect of
death with indifference. Life is one step; death is
another. I have taken the first, I am as ready to take
the second. But to preserve life — agreeable as I have
found it — by any sacrifice' —

`O, that were dying twice,' said Fausta, `I know it.'

`Be thankful, then, that I shall die but once, and so
dry your tears. Of nothing am I more clear, than that if
the loss of my head will bring security to the city and the
people, I can offer it to the executioner with scarce a

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single regret. But let us leave this. But few hours remain
to do what is yet to be done.'

It was so indeed. Already the commotion in the streets
indicated that the entrance of the Roman army was each
moment expected.

It was determined that Calpurnius should avail himself
of the old conduit, and fly beyond the walls. To this he
consented, though with pain — and bidding us farewell,
departed. Fausta retired to fulfil the injunctions of her
father, while Gracchus employed himself in arranging a
few papers, to be entrusted to my keeping.

In the course of a few hours, the gates of the city were
thrown open, and the army of the conquerer made its unobstructed
entrance. Soon as the walls were secured, the
towers of the gates, and the arms of the Queen's remaining
forces, Aurelian himself approached, and by the Roman
gate passed into a city that had cost him so dear to
gain. He rode through its principal streets and squares,
gazing with admiration at the magnificence which every
where met his view. As he arrived at the far-famed
Temple of the Sun, and was told to what deity it was
dedicated, he bared his head, flung himself from his horse,
and on foot, followed by an innumerable company of
Romans, ascended its long flight of steps, and then within
its walls, returned solemn thanks to the great God of
Light, the protecting deity of his house, for the success
that had crowned his arms.

When this act of worship had been performed, and
votive offerings had been hung upon the columns of the
temple, the Emperor came forth, and after visiting and
inspecting all that was beautiful and rare, made proclamation
of his will concerning the city and its inhabitants.
This was, that all gold and silver, precious stones, all pictures,
statues, and other works of art, were to be placed in

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the hands of the Romans, and that all the members of the
queen's senate and council, with the nobility, were to be
delivered up as prisoners of war — together with certain
specified portions of the army. Beyond these requisitions,
the persons and property of the citizens were to be respected.
No violence of any kind on the part of the soldiers
would be allowed, or pardoned, if committed.

Immediately upon this, the Roman army was converted
into a body of laborers and artisans, employed in the construction
of wains of every form and size, for the transportation
across the desert to the sea-coast, of whatever would
adorn the triumph of Aurelian, or add to the riches of the
great capital of the world. Vast numbers of elephants and
camels were collected from the city, and from all the neighboring
territory, with which to drag the huge and heavy
loaded wagons through the deep sands and over the rough
and rocky plains of Syria. The palaces of the nobles and
the wealthy merchants have been stripped of every embellishment
of art and taste. The private and public gardens,
the fountains, the porticos, have each and all been robbed
of every work, in either marble or brass, which had the
misfortune or the merit to have been wrought by artists of
distinguished names. The palaces of the Queen and of
Longinus were objects of especial curiosity and desire,
and, as it were, their entire contents, after being secured
with utmost art from possibility of injury, have been piled
upon carriages prepared for them, ready for their journey
toward Rome. It was pitiful to look on and see this wide
desolation of scenes, that so little while ago had offered to
the eye all that the most cultivated taste could have required
for its gratification. The citizens stood around
in groups, silent witnesses of the departing glories of their
city and nation.

But the sight saddest of all to behold, was that of the

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senators and councillors of Palmyra, led guarded from the
city to the camp of Aurelian. All along the streets
through which they passed, the people stood in dumb and
motionless array, to testify in that expressive manner their
affection and their grief. Voices were, indeed, occasionally
heard invoking the blessings of the Gods upon them,
or imprecating curses upon the head of the scourge Aurelian.
Whenever Longinus and Gracchus appeared, their
names were uttered in the tones with which children
would cry out to venerated parents, whom they beheld
for the last time — beheld borne away from them by a
pewer they could not resist to captivity or death. No fear
of the legion that surrounded them, availed to repress or
silence such testimonies of regard. And if confidence was
reposed in the Roman soldiery, that they would not, because
conquerors and the power was theirs, churlishly deny them
the freedom to relieve in that manner their overburdened
hearts, it was not — happy was I, as a Roman, to witness
it — misplaced. They resented it not either by word or
look or act, but moved on like so many statues in mail,
turning neither to the one hand nor the other, nor apparently
so much as hearing the reproaches which were by
some lavished upon them and their Emperor.

Livia, Faustula, and the other inmates of the palace
have joined Zenobia and Julia, by order of Aurelian, at
the house of Seleucus. The Cæsars, Herrenianus and
Timolaus, have fled or concealed themselves — Vabalathus
has surrendered himself, and has accompanied the princesses
to the Roman camp.

How desolate is the house of Gracchus, deprived of its
princely head! — especially as the mind cannot help running
forward and conjecturing the fate which awaits him.
Fausta surrenders herself to her grief — loss of country
and of parent, at one and the same moment, is loss

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too great for her to bear with fortitude. Her spirit, so
alive to affection and every generous sentiment, is almost
broken by these sorrows and disappointments. I did not
witness the parting between her and Gracchus, and happy
am I that I did not. Her agony was in proportion to
her love and her sensibility. I have not met her since.
She remains within her own apartments, seen only by her
favorite slaves. A double darkness spreads around while
Fausta too is withdrawn.

It appeared to me now, my Curtius, as if something
might be done on my part in behalf of Gracchus. According
to the usages of Rome, the chief persons among
the prisoners, and who might be considered as the leaders
of the rebellion, I knew would die either at once, or
at farthest, when Aurelian should re-enter Rome as the
conqueror of the East. I considered that by reason of
the growing severity of the Emperor toward all, friends as
well as foes — amounting, as many now deem, to cruelty—
the danger to Gracchus was extreme — beyond my
power perhaps to avert. Yet I remembered, at the same
time, the generous traits in Aurelian's character — his
attachment toward old friends — his gratitude for services
rendered him in the early part of his life, while making his
way up through the lower posts of the army. It seemed
to me that he was open to solicitation; that he would not
refuse to hear me — a friend, and son of Cneius Piso —
with what object soever I might present myself before
him: — and that, consequently, there was from this quarter
a ray of hope, however small, for the father of our
beloved Fausta.

Accordingly, so soon as the affairs at first calling for
the entire devotion of Aurelian were through, and I knew
that his leisure would allow of an interruption, I sought

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the Roman camp, and asked an audience of the Emperor.
It was immediately granted.

As I entered his tent, Aurelian was seated at a table
holding in his hand a parchment scroll, which he seemed
intently considering. His stern countenance lowered over
it like a thunder-cloud. I stood there where I had entered
a few moments before he seemed aware of the presence of
any one. His eye then falling almost accidentally upon
me, he suddenly rose, and with the manner of his ancient
friendship, warmly greeted me.

`I am glad,' said he, `to meet so true a Roman in
these distant parts.'

`I am still a true Roman,' I replied, `notwithstanding
I have been, during this siege, upon the side of the
enemy.'

`I doubt it not. I am not ignorant of the causes
that led you to Palmyra, and have detained you there.
Henceforward your Roman blood must be held of the
purest, for as I learn, and since I have seen can believe,
they are few who have come within the magic
circle of the late Queen, who have not lost their name
and freedom — themselves fastening on the chains of her
service.'

`You have heard truly. Her court and camp are
filled with those who at first perhaps sought her capital,
as visiters of curiosity or traffic, but being once within
the marvellous influence of her presence, have remained
there her friends or servants. She is irresistible.'

`And well nigh so in war too. In Rome they make
themselves merry at my expense, inasmuch as I have
been warring thus with a woman — not a poet in the
garrets of the Via Cœli, but has entertained the city with
his couplets upon the invincible Aurelian, beset here in
the East by an army of women, who seem likely to

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subdue him by their needles or their charms. Nay, the
Senate looks on and laughs. By the Immortal Gods!
They know not of what they speak. Julius Cæsar himself,
Piso, never displayed a better genius than this
woman. Twice have I saved my army but by stratagem.
I give the honor of those days to Zenobia. It belongs to
her rather than to me. Palmyra may well boast of Antioch
and Emesa. Your brother did her good service
there. I trust for your sake and for mine, he will not fall
into my hands.'

That dark and cruel frown which marks Aurelian, grew
above and around his eyes.

`I never,' he continued, `forgive a traitor to his
country.'

`Yet,' I ventured to say, `surely the circumstances of
his captivity, and long abandonment, may plead somewhat
in extenuation of his fault.'

`Never. His crime is beyond the reach of pardon.'

Aurelian had evidently supposed that I came to seek
favor for Calpurnius. But this I had not intended to do,
as Calpurnius had long ago resolved never again to dwell
within the walls of Rome. I then opened the subject of
my visit.

`I have come,' I said, `not to seek the pardon of Calpurnius
Piso. Such, to my grief, is his hostility toward
Rome, that he would neither seek nor accept mercy at
her hands. He has forsworn his country, and never
willingly will set foot within her borders. He dwells
henceforward in Asia. But there is another —'

`You would speak of Gracchus. It cannot be, Longinus
excepted, he is the first citizen of Palmyra. If the
Queen be spared, these must suffer. It is due to the
army, and to justice, and to vengeance. The soldiers
have clamored for the blood of Zenobia, and it has been

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at no small cost that her's and her daughter's life have
been redeemed. But I have sworn it, they shall live;
my blood shall flow before theirs. Zenobia has done
more for Rome than many an Emperor. Besides, I would
that Rome should see with her own eyes who it is has held
even battle with Roman legions so long, that they may
judge me to have had a worthy antagonist. She must
grace my triumph.'

`I truly thank the Gods,' I said, `that it is so resolved.
Fortune has placed me, while in her dominions, near the
Queen, and though a Roman, I have come to love and
revere her even like a Palmyrene. Would that the like
clemency might be shown toward Gracchus. There is no
greatness like mercy.'

`I may not, noble Piso, win glory to myself at the cost
of Rome. On the field of battle I and Rome win togegether.
In pardoning her enemies fallen into my power,
I may indeed crown myself with the praise of magnanimity
in the eye of the world, while by the same act I
wound my country. No rebellion is quelled, till the
heads that moved and guided it are off — off. Who is
ignorant that Longinus, that subtle Greek, has been the
master-spring in this great revolt? and hand in hand
with him, Gracchus? Well should I deserve the gibes
and sneers of the Roman mob if I turned my back upon
the great work I have achieved, leaving behind me spirits
like these to brew fresh trouble. Nor, holding to this as
it may seem to you harsh decision, am I forgetful, Piso,
of our former friendship — nor of the helping hand often
stretched out to do me service, of Cneius Piso, your great
parent. I must trust in this to your generosity or justice,
to construe me aright. Fidelity to Rome must come before
private friendship, or even gratitude. Am I understood?
'

`I think so.'

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`Neither must you speak to me of Longinus, the
learned Greek — the accomplished scholar — the great
philosopher. He has thrown aside the scholar and the
philosopher in putting on the minister. He is to me
known only as the Queen's chief adviser — Palmyra's
strength — the enemy of Rome. As such he has been
arrayed against me — as such he has fallen a prisoner
into my hands — as such he must feel the sword of the
Roman executioner. Gracchus—I would willingly for thy
sake, Piso, spare him — the more, as I hear thou art
betrothed to his far-famed daughter, she who upon the
fields of Antioch and Emesa, filled with amazement even
Roman soldiers.'

To say that instead of me it was Calpurnius to whom
she was betrothed, would seem to have sealed the fate of
Gracchus at the moment there was a gleam of hope. I
only said,

`She was the life of the Queen's army. She falls but
little below her great mistress.'

`I believe it. These women of Palmyra are the true
wonder of the age. When for the first time I found myself
before Zenobia and her daughter, it is no shame for me
to confess that it was hard for the moment to believe myself
Aurelian and conqueror. I was ready to play the
subject — I scarce kept myself from an oriental prostration.
Never, Piso, was such beauty seen in Rome. Rome
now has an Empress worthy of her — unless a Roman
Emperor may sue in vain. Think you not with me?
You have seen the Princess Julia?'

You can pity me Curtius and Lucilia. I said only,

`I have. Her beauty is rare indeed, but by many, nay
by most, her sister, the princess Livia, is esteemed before
her.'

`Hah! Nay, but that cannot be. The world itself

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holds not another like the elder Princess, much less the
same household.' He seemed as if he would have added
more, but his eye fell upon the scroll before him, and it
changed the current of his thoughts and the expression
of his countenance, which again grew dark as when I
first entered the tent. He muttered over as to himself,
the names of `Gracchus,' `Fausta,' `the very life of their
cause,' `the people's chief trust,' and other broken sentences
of the same kind. He then suddenly recommenced.

`Piso, I know not that even I have power to grant thy
suit. I have saved, with some hazard, the life of the
Queen and her daughter — in doing it I promised to the
soldiers, in their place, the best blood of Palmyra, and
theirs it is by right. It will not be easy to wrest Gracchus
from their hands. It will bring danger to myself, to the
Queen, and to the empire. It may breed a fatal revolt.
But Piso, for the noble Portia's sake, the living representative
of Cneius Piso my early friend, for thine, and
chiefly for the reason that thou art affianced to the warlike
daughter of the princely Palmyrene —'

`Great Prince,' said I, for it was now my turn to speak,
`pardon me that I break in upon your speech, but I cannot
by a deception, however slight and unintentional,
purchase the life even of a friend.'

`To what does this tend?'

`It is not I who am affianced to the daughter of Gracchus,
but Calpurnius Piso, my brother, and the enemy of
Rome. If my hope for Gracchus rests but where you
have placed it, it must be renounced. Rumor has dealt
falsely with you.'

`I am sorry for it. You know me Piso well enough
to believe me — I am sorry for it. That plea would have
availed me more than any. Yet it is right that he should

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die. It is the custom of war. The legions clamor for
his death — it has been promised — it is due to justice
and revenge. Piso he must die.'

I however did not cease to importune. As Aurelian
had spoken of Portia, I too spoke of her, and refrained
not from bringing freshly before his memory the characters
of both my parents, and especially the services of my
father. The Emperor was noways displeased, but on
the contrary, as I recurred to the early periods of his
career, when he was a Centurion in Germany, under
tutelage to the experienced Cneius Piso, he himself took
up the story, and detained me long with the history of
his life and actions, while serving with and under my
father — and then afterward when in Gaul, in Africa, and
in the East. Much curious narrative, the proper source
of history, I heard from the great actor himself, during
this long interview. It was terminated by the entrance
of Sandarion, upon pressing business with the Emperor,
whereupon I withdrew, Gracchus not being again named,
but leaving his fate in the hands of the master of the
world, and yet — how often has it been so with our Emperors—
the slave of his own soldiers. I returned to the
city.

The following day I again saw Fausta — now pale,
melancholy and silent. I told her of my interview with
Aurelian, and of its doubtful issue. She listened to me
with a painful interest, as if wishing a favorable result,
yet not daring to hope. When I had ended she said,

`You have done all, Lucius, that can be done, yet it
avails little or nothing. Would that Aurelian had thought
women worthy his regard so much as to have made me a
prisoner too. I can now feel how little one may fear
death dying in a certain cause. Palmyra is now dead,
and I care no more for life. And if Gracchus is to die

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too, how much rather would I die with him, than live
without him. And this is not as it may seem, infidelity
to Calpurnius. I love him better than I ever thought to
have loved anything beside Palmyra and Gracchus. But
my love for these is from my infancy, and is in reason
stronger than the other. The Gods make it so, not I. I
love Calpurnius with all that is left. When does the
army depart?'

`To-morrow, as I learn. I shall follow it to Emesa,
for it is there, so it is reported, that the fate of the prisoners
will be decided.'

`Do so, Lucius, and by bribery, cunning, or force, find
your way to the presence of Gracchus. Be not denied.
Tell him — but no, you know what I would say, I cannot—
' and a passionate flood of tears came to her relief.

The preparations of the army are now completed. The
city has been drained of its wealth and its embellishments.
Scarce anything is left but the walls and buildings,
which are uninjured, the lives and the industry of
the inhabitants. Sandarion is made Governor of the city
and province, with, as it seems to me, a very incompetent
force to support his authority. Yet the citizens are, as
they have been since the day the contest was decided,
perfectly peaceable — nay, I rather should say stupid and
lethargic. There appears to be on the part of Aurelian,
no apprehensions of future disturbance.

I have stood upon the walls and watched till the last of
the Romans has disappeared beyond the horizon. Two
days have been spent in getting into motion and beyond
the precincts of the city and suburbs, the army with its
innumerable wagons — its long trains of elephants, and
camels, and horses. Not only Palmyra, but the whole
East seems to have taken its departure for the Mediterranean.
For the carriages were hardly to be numbered

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which have borne away for the Roman Amphitheatres
wild animals of every kind, collected from every part of
Asia, together with innumerable objects of curiosity and
works of art.

LETTER XVI.

I write to you, Curtius, as from my last you were
doubtless led to expect, from Emesa — a Syrian town of
some consequence, filled now to overflowing with the Roman
army. Here Aurelian reposes for a while, after the
fatigues of the march across the desert, and here justice
is to be inflicted upon the leaders of the late revolt, as by
Rome it is termed.

The prisons are crowded with the great, and noble, and
good of Palmyra. All those with whom I have for the
last few months mingled so much, whose hospitality I
have shared, whose taste, accomplishments, and elegant
displays of wealth I have admired, are now here immured
in dungeons, and awaiting that death which their virtues,
not their vices or their crimes, have drawn upon them.
For I suppose it will be agreed, that if ever mankind do
that which claims the name and rank of virtue, it is when
they freely offer up their lives for their country, and for a
cause which, whatever may be their misjudgment in the
case, they believe to be the cause of liberty. Man is then
greater in his disinterestedness, in the spirit with which he
renounces himself, and offers his neck to the axe of the
executioner, than he can be clothed in any robe of honor,
or sitting upon any throne of power. Which is greater
in the present instance, Longinus, Gracchus, Otho — or

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Aurelian— I cannot doubt for a moment; although I
fear that you, Curtius, were I to declare my opinion,
would hardly agree with me. Strange that such a sacrifice
as this which is about to be made, can be
thought to be necessary. It is not necessary; nor can
Aurelian himself in his heart deem it so. It is a peaceoffering
to the blood-thirsty legions, who, well do I know
it — for I have been of them — love no sight so well as
the dying throes of an enemy. It is, I am told, with
an impatience hardly to be restrained within the bounds
of discipline, that they wait for the moment, when their
eyes shall be feasted with the flowing blood and headless
trunks of the brave defenders of Palmyra. I see that this
is so, whenever I pass by a group of soldiers, or through
the camp. Their conversation seems to turn upon nothing
else than the vengeance due to them upon those who
have thinned their ranks of one half their numbers, and
who, themselves shielded by their walls, looked on and
beheld in security the slaughter which they made. They
cry out for the blood of every Palmyrene brought across
the desert. My hope for Gracchus is small. Not more,
however, because of this clamor of the legions, than on
account of the stern and almost cruel nature of Aurelian
himself. He is himself a soldier. He is one of the legions.
His sympathies are with them, one of whom he so long
has been, and from whom he sprung. The gratifications
which he remembers himself so often to have sought and
so dearly to have prized, he is willing to bestow upon those
who he knows feel as he once did. He may speak of his
want of power to resist the will of the soldiers — but I almost
doubt his sincerity, since nothing can equal the terror
and reverence with which he is regarded throughout the
army — reverence for his genius, terror for his passions,
which, when excited, rage with the fury of a madman,

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and wreak themselves upon all upon whom the least suspicion
falls, though among his most trusted friends. To
this terror, as you well know, his bodily strength greatly
adds.

It was my first office to seek the presence of Gracchus.
I found, upon inquiry, that both he and Longinus were
confined in the same prison, and in the charge of the
same keeper. I did not believe that I should experience
difficulty in gaining admission to them, and I found it so.

Applying to the jailer for admittance to Gracchus the
Palmyrene, I was told that but few were allowed to see
him; and such only whose names had been given him.
Upon giving him my name, he said that it was one which
was upon his list, and I might enter. `Make the most of
your time,' he added, `for to-morrow is the day set for the
general execution.'

`So soon?' I said.

`Aye,' he replied, `and that is scarce soon enough to
keep the soldiers quiet. Since they have lost the Queen,
they are suspicious lest the others, or some of them, may
escape too, — so that they are well guarded, I warrant
you.'

`Is the Queen,' I asked, `under your guard? — and
within the same prison?'

`The Queen!' he rejoined, and lowering his tone,
added, `she is far enough from here. If others know it not,
I know that she is well on her way to Rome. She has let
too much Roman blood for her safety within reach of Roman
swords, I can tell you — Aurelian notwithstanding.
That butchery of the Centurious did neither any good.'

`You say to-morrow is the day appointed for the execution?
'

`So I said. But you will scarce believe it when you
see the prisoners. They seem rather as if they were for

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Rome upon a journey of pleasure, than so soon for the
axe. But walk in. And when you would be let out,
make a signal by drawing the cord which you will find
within the inner ward.'

I passed in, and meeting another officer of the prison,
was by him shown the door that led to the cell of Gracchus,
and the cord by which I was to make the necessary
signal.

I unbarred the door and entered. Gracchus, who was
pacing to and fro in his apartment, upon seeing who his
visiter was, greeted me in his cordial, cheerful way. His
first inquiry was,

`Is Fausta well?'

`I left her well; well as her grief would allow her
to be.'

`My room is narrow, Piso, but it offers two seats. Let
us sit. This room is not our hall in Palmyra, nor the
banqueting room — this window is too small — nay, it is
in some sort but a crevice — and this ceiling is too low —
and these webs of the spider, the prisoner's friend, are not
our purple hangings — but it might all be worse. I am
free of chains, and I can walk the length of my room and
back again, and there is light enough from our chink to see
a friend's face by. Yet far as these things are from worst,
I trust not to be annoyed or comforted by them long.
You have done kindly, Piso, to seek me out thus remote
from Palmyra, and death will be lighter for your presence.
I am glad to see you.'

`I could not, as you may easily suppose, remain in
Palmyra, and you here and thus. For Fausta's sake and
my own, I must be here. Although I should not speak a
word, nor you, there is a happiness in being near and in
seeing.'

`There is. Confinement for a long period of time were

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robbed of much of its horror, if there were near you but
a single human countenance, and that a stranger's, upon
which you might look — especially if you might read there
pity and affection. Then if this countenance should be that
of one known and beloved, it would be almost like living
in society, even though speech were prohibited. Tyrants
know this — these walls are the proof of it. Aurelian is
not a tyrant in this sense. He is not without magnanimity.
Are you here with his knowledge?'

`By his express provision. The jailer had been furnished
with my name. You are right surely, touching
the character of Aurelian. Though rude and unlettered,
and severe almost to cruelty, there are generous sentiments
within which shed a softening light, if inconstant,
upon the darker traits. I would conceal nothing from
you Gracchus — as I would do nothing without your approbation.
I know your indifference to life. I know
that you would not purchase a day by any unworthy concession—
by any doubtful act or word. Relying with
some confidence upon the generosity of Aurelian —

`Why Lucius, so hesitating and indirect? You would
say that you have appealed to Aurelian for my life — and
that hope is not extinct in your mind of escape from this
appointed death.'

`That is what I would say. The Emperor inclines to
spare your life, but wavers. Shall I seek another interview
with him? And is there any argument which you
would that I should urge — or — would you rather that I
should forbear. It is, Gracchus, because I feared lest I
had been doing you a displeasing and undesired service,
that I have now spoken.'

`Piso, it is the simple truth, when I say, that I anticipate
the hour and the moment of death with the same indifference
and composure that I do any, the most common

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event. I have schooled myself to patience. Acquiescence
in the will of the Gods — if Gods there are — or
which is the same thing in the order of events, is the
temper which, since I have reflected at all, I have cultivated,
and to which I can say I have fully attained. I
throw myself upon the current of life, untesisting, to be
wafted withersoever it will. I look with desire neither to
this shore nor the opposite, to one port nor another, but
wherever I am borne and permitted to act, I straightway
find there and in that my happiness. Not that one allotment
is not in itself preferable to another, but that there
being so much of life over which man has no control, and
cannot, if he would, secure his felicity, I think it wiser to
renounce all action and endeavor concerning it — receiving
what is sent or happens with joy, if it be good,
without complaint if it be evil. In this manner have I
secured an inward calm, which has been as a fountain
of life. My days, whether they have been dark ones, or
bright, as others term them, have flowed along a smooth
and even current. Under misfortune, I believe I have
enjoyed more from this my inward frame, than many a
son of prosperity has in the very height of his glory.
That which so disturbs the peace of multitudes — even of
philosophers — the prospect of death, has occasioned me
not one moment's disquiet. It is true, I know not what
it is — do I know what life is? — but that is no reason
why I should fear it. One thing I know — which is
this, that it will come — as it comes to all — and that I
cannot escape it. It may take me where it will, I shall
be content. If it be but a change, and I live again elsewhere,
I shall be glad; especially if I am then exempt
from evils in my condition which assail me here; if it be
extinction of being, it will but resemble those nights when
I sleep without dreaming — it will not yield any delights,

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but it will not bring affright or torment. I desire not to
entertain, and I do not entertain either hope or fear. I
am passive. My will is annihilated. The object of my
life has been to secure the greatest amount of pleasure —
that being the best thing of which we can conceive.
This I have done by acting right. I have found happiness—
or that which we agree to call so — in acting in
accordance with that part of my nature which prescribes
the lines of duty. Not in any set of philosophical opinions;
not in expectations in futurity — not in any fancies
or dreams — but in the substantial reality of virtuous action.
I have sought to treat both myself and others in such
a way, that afterward I should not hear from either a single
word of reproach. In this way of life I have for the most
part succeeded, as any one can who will apply his powers
as he may if he will. I have at this hour, which it may
be is the last of my life, no complaints to make or hear
against myself So to in regard to others. At least I know
not that there is one living whom I have wronged, and to
whom I owe the least reparation. Now, therefore, by
living in the best manner for this life on earth, I have
prepared myself in the best manner for death, and for
another life, if there be one. If there be none — still
what I have enjoyed I have enjoyed, and it has been more
than any other manner of life could have afforded. So
that in any event, I am like a soldier armed at all points.
To me, Piso, to die is no more than to go on to live.
Both are events. To both I am alike indifferent. I
know nothing about either. As for the pain of death, it
is not worthy a moment's thought, even if it were considerable.
But it appears to me that it is not. I have many
times witnessed it, and it has ever seemed that death, so
far from being represented by any word signifying pain,
would be better expressed by one that should stand for

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insensibility. The nearer death the nearer apathy. There
is pain which often precedes it, in various forms of sickness.
But this is sickness, not death. Such pains we
often endure and recover — worse often than, apparently—
are endured by those who die.'

`I perceive then, Gracchus, that I have given you
neither pain nor pleasure by any thing I have done.'

`Not that exactly. It has given me pleasure that you
have sought to do me a service. For myself, it will weigh
but little whether you succeed or fail. Your intercession
has not displeased me. It cannot affect my good name.
For Fausta's sake —' at her name he paused as if for
strength — `and because she wishes it — I would rather
live than die. Otherwise my mind is even-poised, inclining
neither way.'

`But would it not afford you, Gracchus, a sensible pleasure,
if, supposing you are now to die, you could anticipate
with certainty a future existence? You are now, you say,
in a state of indifference — as to life or death. Above all
you are delivered from all apprehensions concerning death
and futurity. This is, it cannot be denied, a great felicity.
You are able to sit here calm and composed. But
it seems to me, if you were possessed of a certain expectation
of immortality, you would be very much animated
and transported, as it were, with the prospect of the wonderful
scenes so soon to be revealed. If with such a belief,
you could turn back your eye upon as faultless and
virtuous a life as you have passed, you would cast it forward
with feelings far from those of indifference.'

`What you assert is very true. Doubtless it would be
as you say. I can conceive that death may be approached
not only with composure, but with a bursting impatience—
just as the youthful traveller pants to leap from
the vessed that bears him to a foreign land. This would

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be the case if we were as secure of another and happier
life as we are certain that we live now. In future ages,
perhaps through the discoveries of reason — perhaps by
disclosures from superior beings, it may be so universally,
and death come to be regarded, even with affection, as
the great deliverer and rewarder. But at present it is
very different; I have found no evidence to satisfy me in
any of the systems of ancient or modern philosophers,
from Pythagoras to Seneca, and our own Longinus, either
of the existence of a God, or of the reality of a future
life. It seems to me oftentimes in certain frames of
mind, but they are transient, as if both were true;
they feel true, but that is all. I find no evidence beyond
this inward feeling at all complete and sufficient — and
this feeling is nothing, it is of the nature of a dream,
I cannot rely upon it. So that I have, as I still judge,
wisely intrenched myself behind indifference. I have
never indulged in idle lamentations over evils that could
not be removed, nor do I now. Submission is the law of
my life — the sum of my philosophy.'

`The Christians,' I here said, `seem to possess that
which all so much desire, a hope, amounting to a certain
expectation of immortality. They all, so I am informed,
the poor and the humble, as well as the rich and the
learned, live while they live, as feeling themselves to be
only passengers here, and when they die, die as those who
pass from one stage of a journey to another. To them
death loses its character of death, and is associated rather
in their minds with life. It is a beginning rather than
an ending — a commencement, not a consummation —
being born, not dying.

`So I have heard, but I have never considered their
doctrine. The Christian philosophy or doctrine, is almost
the only one of all which lay claim to such

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distinction, that I have not studied. I have been repelled from
that I suppose, by seeing it in so great proportion, the
property of the vulgar. What they so rejoiced in, it has
appeared to me, could not at the same time be what
would yield me either pleasure or wisdom. At least in
other things the vulgar and the refined seek their knowledge
and their pleasures from very different sources. I
cannot conceive of the same philosophy approving itself
to both classes. Do you learn, Piso, when the time for
the execution of the prisoners is appointed.'

`To-morrow, as I heard from the jailer.'

`To-morrow. It is well. Yet I marvel that the jailer
told not me. I am somewhat more concerned to know
the hour than you, yet to you he has imparted what he
has withheld from me. He is a partial knave. Have
you yet seen Longinus?”

`I have not, but shall visit him in the morning.'

`Do so. He will receive you with pleasure. Tell me
if he continues true in his affections for the Queen. His
is a great trial, laboring, as at first he did, to turn her
from the measures that have come to this end — now
dying, because at last, out of friendship for her, rather
than anything else — he espoused her cause. Yet it is
almost the same with me. And for myself, the sweetest
feeling of this hour is, that I die for Zenobia — and that
perhaps my death is in part the sacrifice that spares her.
Incomparable woman! how the hearts of those who have
known thee are bound to thee, so that thy very errors and
faults are esteemed to be virtues!'

Our conversation here ended, and I turned from the
prison, resolved to seek the presence of Aurelian. I did
so. He received me with urbanity as before, but neither
confirmed my hopes nor fears. I returned again to the
cell of Gracchus, with whom, in various, and to me most

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instructive conversation, we passed the remainder of the
day.

In the morning, with a spirit heavy and sad, burdened
indeed with a grief such as I never before had experienced,
I turned to seek the apartment of Longinus. It was
not far from that of Gracchus. The keeper of the prison
readily admitted me, saying, `that free intercourse was
allowed the prisoners with all whom it was their desire to
see, and that there were several friends of Longinus already
with him.' With these words he let fall a heavy
bar, and the door of the cell creaked upon its hinges.

The room into which I passed seemed a dungeon,
rather than any thing else or better, for the only light it
had, came from a small barred window, far above the
reach. Longinus was seated near a massy central column
to which he was bound by a chain — his friends were
around him with whom he appeared to have been engaged
in earnest conversation. He rose as I approached him,
and saluted me with that grace that is natural to him, and
which is expressive, not more of his high breeding, than
of an inward benevolence that goes forth and embraces
all who draw near him.

`Although,' said he, `I am forsaken of that which men
call fortune, yet I am not forgotten by my friends. So
that the best things remain. Piso, I rejoice truly to see
you. These whom you behold, are pupils and friends
whom you have often met at my house — if this dim light
will allow you to distinguish them.'

`My eyes are not yet so used to darkness as to see with
much distinctness, but I recognise well known faces.'

After mutual salutations, Longinus said, `Let me now
first inquire concerning the daughter of Gracchus, that
bright emanation from the Deity. I trust in the Gods
she is well.'

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`I left her,' I replied, `overwhelmed by sorrow. To
lose at once country, parent and friends, is loss too great,
I fear, for her. Death to Gracchus, will be death also to
her.'

`The temper of Fausta is too sanguine, her heart too
warm. She was designed for a perpetual prosperity.
The misfortunes that overtake her friends she makes
more than her own. Others' sufferings — her own she
could bear — falling upon her so thickly, will, if they
leave her life, impart a lasting bitterness to it. It were
better perhaps that she died with us. Gracchus you
have found altogether Gracchus?'

`I have. He is in the prison as he was in his own
palace. His thoughts will sometimes wander to his
daughter — oftener than he would — and then in the
mirror of the face you behold the inward sorrow of the
heart, but it is only a momentary ruffling of the surface,
and straightway it is calm again. Except this only, and
he sits upon his hard seat in the same composure as if at
the head of the Senate.'

`Gracchus,' said Longinus in reply, `is naturally great.
He is a giant, the ills of life, the greater and the lesser,
which assail and subdue so many, can make nothing of
him. He is impenetrable, immovable. Then he has
aided nature by the precepts of philosophy. What he
wanted of insensibility to evil, he has added from a doctrine,
to which he himself clings tenaciously, to which he
refers, and will refer, as the spring of his highest felicity,
but from which I — so variously are we constituted —
shrink with unfeigned horror. Doubtless you all know it
what it is?'

`We do.'

`I grant it thus much — that it steels the mind against
pain — that it is unrivalled in its power to sear and

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harden the soul — and that if it were man's common lot
to be exposed to evil, and evil chiefly, it were a philosophy
to be greatly coveted. But it is deadening, benumbing
in its influences. It oppresses the soul and overlays
it. It delivers it by rendering it insensible, not by imparting
a new principle of vitality beyond the reach of
earthly ill. It does the same service that a stupifying
draught does to him who is about to submit to the knife
of the surgeon, or the axe of the executioner. But is it
not nobler to meet such pains fortified in no other way
than by a resolute purpose to bear them as well as the
nature the Gods have given you, will allow? And suppose
you shrink or give signs of suffering — that does
not impeach the soul. It is rather the Gods themselves
who cry out through you. You did not — it was your
corporeal nature — something beside your proper self. It
is to be no subject of humiliation to us, or of grief, that
when the prospect of acute suffering is before us — or
still more, when called to endure it, we give many tokens
of a keen sensibility, so it be that at the same time we remain
unshaken in our principles, and ready to bear what
we must.'

`And what,' asked the young Cleoras, a favorite disciple
of the philosopher,' is it in your case that enables you
to meet misfortune and death without shrinking? If you
take not shelter behind indifference, what other shield do
you find to be sufficient?'

`I know,' said Longinus, `that you ask this question
not because you have never heard from me virtually at
least its answer, but because you wish to hear from me
at this hour, whether I adhere with firmness to the principles
I have ever inculcated, respecting death, and
whether I myself derive from them the satisfactions I
have declared them capable to impart. It is right and

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well that you do so. And I on my part take pleasure in
repeating and re-affirming what I have maintained and
taught. But I must be brief in what I say, more so than
I have been in replying to your other inquiries, Cleoras
and Bassus, for I perceive by the manner in which the
rays of the sun shoot through the bars of the window,
that it is not long before the executioner will make his
appearance. It affords me then, I say a very especial
satisfaction, to declare in the presence of so many worthy
friends, my continued attachment and hearty devotion to
the truths I have believed and taught, concerning the
existence of a God, and the reality of a future and immortal
life. Upon these two great points I suffer from no
serious doubts, and it is from this belief that I now
derive the serenity and peace which you witness. All the
arguments which you have often heard from me in support
of them, now seem to me to be possessed of a greater
strength than ever — I will not repeat them, for they are
too familiar to you, but only re-affirm them, and pronounce
them, as in my judgment, affording a ground for our assurance
in the department of moral demonstration, as
solid and sufficient as the reasonings of Euclid afford in
the science of Geometry. I believe in a supreme God
and sovereign ruler of the world, by whose wisdom and
power all things and beings have been created, and are
sustained, and in whose presence I live and enjoy as
implicitly as I believe the fifth proposition of Euclid's
first book. I believe in a future life with the like
strength. It is behind these truths, Cleoras, that I entrench
myself at this hour, these make the shield which
defends me from the assaults of fear and despair, that
would otherwise, I am sure, overwhelm me.'

`But how do they defend you, Longinus,' asked Cleoras,
`by simply rendering you inaccessible to the shafts which

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are directed against you, or by any other and higher operation
upon the soul.'

`Were it only,' replied the philosopher, `that truth
made me insensible and indifferent, I should pray rather
to be left to the tutelage of nature. I both despise and
abhor doctrines that can do no more than this. I desire
to bless the Gods that the philosophy I have received and
taught has performed for me a far more essential service.
This elevates and expands. It renders nature as it were,
superior to itself and its condition. It causes the soul to
assert its entire supremacy over its companion, the body,
and its dwelling place the earth, and in the perfect
possession of itself to inhabit a better world of its own
creation. It infinitely increases all its sensibilities, and
adds to the constitution received from nature, what may
be termed new senses, so vividly does it come to apprehend
things, which to those who are unenlightened by this excellent
truth, are as if they had no existence, their minds
being invested with no faculty or power, whereby to
discern and esteem them. So far from carrying those
who embrace it farther toward insensibility and indifference,
which may truly be called a kind of death, it
renders them intensely alive, and it is through the transforming
energies of this new life that the soul is made not
insensible to pain, but superior to it, and to all the greater
ills of existence. It soars above them. The knowledge and
the belief that fill it furnish it with wings by which it is
borne far aloft, even at the very time that the body is in
the deepest affliction. Gracchus meets death with equanimity,
and that is something. It is better than to be
convulsed with vulgar and excessive fear. But it is a
state of the soul very inferior to what exists in those who
truly receive the doctrines which I have taught. I,
Cleoras, look upon death as a release, not from a life

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which has been wholly evil, for I have, through the favor
of the Gods, enjoyed much, but from the dominion of the
body, and the appetites which clog the soul, and greatly
hinder it in its efforts after a perfect virtue and a true
felicity. It will open a way for me into those elysian
realms in whose reality all men have believed, a very few
excepted, though few or none could prove it. Even as
the Great Roman could call that “O glorious day,” that
should admit him to the council of the Gods, and the society
of the great and good who had preceded him, so can
I in like manner designate the day and hour which are
now present. I shall leave you whom I have known so
long; I shall be separated from scenes familiar and beloved
through a series of years; the arts and the sciences,
which have ministered so largely to my happiness, in these
forms of them I shall lose; the very earth itself, venerable
to my mind for the events which have passed upon
it, and the genius it has nurtured and matured, and beautiful
too in its array of forms and colors, I shall be conversant
with no more. Death will divide me from them
all. But it will bear me to worlds and scenes of a far
exceeding beauty. It will introduce me to mansions inconceivably
more magnificent than anything which the
soul has experience of here. Above all it will bring me
into the company of the good of all ages, with whom I
shall enjoy the pleasures of an uninterrupted intercourse.
It will place me where I shall be furnished with ample
means for the prosecution of all those inquiries which
have engaged me on earth, exposed to none or fewer of
the hindrances which have here thronged the way. All
knowledge and all happiness will then be attainable. Is
death to be called an evil, or is it to be feared or approached
with tears and regrets, when such are to be its
issues?'

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`By no means,' said Cleoras, `it is rather to be desired.
If my philosophy were as deep and secure as yours, O
Longinus, I should beg to exchange places with you. I
should willingly suffer a brief pain to be rewarded so
largely. But I find within me no such strong assurance.'

`That,' replied Longinus, `is for want of reflection. It
is only by conversing with itself that the soul rises to
any height of faith. Argument from abroad is of but
little service in the comparison. I have often discoursed
with you concerning these things, and have laid open
before you the grounds upon which my convictions rest.
But I have ever taught that consciousness was the true
source of belief, and that of this you could possess yourselves
only through habits of profound attention. What
I believe I feel. I cannot communicate the strength of
my belief to another, because it is mysteriously generated
within, interweaving itself with all my faculties and
affections, and abundantly imparting itself to them, but
at the same time inseparable from them in such a sense
that I can offer it as I can a portion of my reason or my
knowledge, to any whom I might desire to benefit. It is
in truth in its origin, the gift of God, strengthened and
exalted infinitely by reflection. It is an instinct. Were
it otherwise, why could I not give to you all I possess
myself, and possess because I had by labor acquired it?
Whereas, though I believe so confidently myself, I find
no way in which to bestow the same good upon you. But
each one will possess it, I am persuaded, in the proportion
in which he prepares himself by a pure life and habitual
meditation. It will then reveal itself with new strength
every day. So will it also be of service to contemplate the
characters and lives of those who have lived illustriously,
both for their virtue and their philosophy. To study the
character of Plato, will be more beneficial in this regard

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than to ponder the arguments of the Phœdo. Those arguments
are trivial, fanciful and ingenious, rather than convincing.
And the great advantage to be derived from the
perusal of that treatise is, as it shall be regarded as a
sublime expression of the confidence with which its
author entertained the hope of immortality. It is as a part
of Plato's biography — of the history of his mind — that
it is valuable. Through meditation, through inward
purity, through the contemplation of bright examples,
will the soul be best prepared for the birth of that feeling
or conviction that shall set before you with the distinctness
and certainty of actual vision the prospect of immortality.
'

`But are there, Longinus, after all, no waverings of the
mind, no imperiment doubts, no overcasting shadows,
which at all disturb your peace, or impair the vividness
of your faith? Are you wholly superior to fear — the fear
of suffering and death?'

`That is not, Cleoras, so much to ask whether I still
consider my philosophy as sufficient, and whether it be
so, as whether or not I am still a man, and, therefore, a
mixed and imperfect being. But if you desire the assurance,
I can answer you and say that I am but a man, and
therefore notwithstanding my philosophy, subject to infirmity
and to assaults from the body, which undoubtedly
occasion me some distress. But these seasons are momentary.
I can truly affirm, that although there have
been and still are conflicts, the soul is ever conqueror,
and that, too, by very great odds. My doubts and fears
are mere flitting shadows — my hope, a strong and unchanging
beam of light. The body sometimes slips from
beyond my control and trembles, but the soul is at the
very same time secure in herself and undaunted. I present
the same apparent contradiction that the soldier often

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does upon the field of battle — he trembles and turns pale
as he first springs forward to encounter the foe, but his
arm is strong and his soul determined at the very same
moment, and no death or suffering in prospect avails to
alarm or turn him back. Do not, therefore, although I
should exhibit signs of fear, imagine that my soul is terrified,
or that I am forsaken of those steadfast principles to
which I have given in my allegiance for so long a time.'

`We will not, Longinus,' said they all.

Longinus here paused, and seemed for a time buried
in meditation. We were all silent — or the silence was
broken only by the sobs of those who could not restrain
their grief.

`I have spoken to you, my friends,' he at length resumed,
`of the hope of immortality, of the strength it yields,
and of its descent from God. But think not that this hope
can exist but in the strictest alliance with virtue. The
hope of immortality without virtue, is a contradiction in
terms. The perpetuation of vice, or of any vicious affections
or desires, can be contemplated only with horror.
If the soul be without virtue, it is better that it should
perish. And if deep stained with vice, it is to be feared
that the very principle of life may be annihilated. As
then you would meet the final hour not only with calmness,
but with pleasant expectations, cherish virtue in
your souls; reverence the divinity; do justly by all; obey
your instincts, which point out the right and the wrong;
keep yourselves pure; subdue the body. As virtue becomes
a habit and a choice, and the soul, throughout all
its affections and powers, harmonizes with nature and
God, will the hope of immortality increase in strength till
it shall grow to a confident expectation. Remember that
virtue is the golden key, and the only one, that unlocks
the gates of the celestial mansions.'

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I here asked Longinus if he was conscious of having
been influenced in any of his opinions by christianity. `I
know,' I said, `that in former conversations you have ever
objected to that doctrine. Does your judgment remain
the same?'

`I have not read the writings of the Christians, yet am
I not wholly ignorant of them, since it were impossible to
know with such familiarity the Princess Julia, and not arrive
at some just conceptions of what that religion is. But I
have not received it. Yet even as a piece of polished metal
takes a thousand hues from surrounding objects, so does
the mind; and mine may have been unconsciously colored
and swayed by the truths of christianity, which I have
heard so often stated and defended. Light may have
fallen upon it from that quarter as well as from others. I
doubt not that it has. For although I cannot myself admit
that doctrine, yet am I now, and have ever been, persuaded
of its excellence, and that upon such as can admit
it, it must exert a power altogether beneficial. But let us
now, for the little time that remains, turn to other things.
Piso, know you aught concerning the Queen? I have not
seen her since the day of her flight, nor have I heard concerning
her that which I could trust.'

I then related at length all that I knew.

`Happy would it have been for her and for all, had my
first counsels prevailed! Yet am I glad that fortune
spares her. May she live to hear of Palmyra once more
restored to opulence and glory. I was happy in her service.
I am now happy, if by my death, as by my life, I
can avert from her evil that otherwise might have overtaken
her. For her or for the Princess, there is no extremity
I would not endure, as there have been no services
I have not rejoiced to perform. The only favor I have
asked of Aurelian was, to be permitted a last interview

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with my great pupils; it did not agree with my opinions
of him, that I was denied so reasonable a request.'

`Perhaps,' said I, `it is in my power to furnish the reason,
having been informed, since reaching Emesa, that the
Queen, with her attendants and the Princesses, had been
sent on secretly toward Rome, that they might be placed
beyond the risk of violence on the part of the legions.
He himself was doubtful of his power to protect them.'

`For the sake of both am I glad to hear the explanation,
' replied Longinus.

As he uttered these words, the sound of steps was heard
as of several approaching the door of the room. Then
the heavy bar of the door was let fall, and the key turned
in the wards of the lock. We knew that the last moments
of Longinus had arrived. Although knowing this so well,
yet we still were not ready for it, and a horror as of some
unlooked for calamity came over us. Cleoras wept without
restraint; and threw himself down before Longinus,
embraced his knees, and as the officers entered and drew
near, warned them away with threatening language. It
was with difficulty that Longinus calmed him. He seemed
to have lost the possession of his reason.

The jailer, followed by a guard, now came up to Longinus,
and informed him that the hour appointed for his
execution had arrived.

Longinus replied, `that he was ready to go with him,
but must first, when his chains were taken off, be permitted
to address himself to the Gods. For we ought to
undertake no enterprise of moment, especially ought we not
to venture into any unknown and untried scenes without
first asking their guidance, who alone have power to carry
us safely through.'

`This we readily grant,' replied the jailer,' who then

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taking his hammer, struck off the chain that was bound
around the middle of his body.

Longinus then, without moving from where he sat, bent
his head and covering his face with his hands, remained
a few moments in that posture. The apartment was silent
as if no one had been in it. Even Cleoras was by that
sight taught to put a restraint upon the expression of his
feelings.

When these few moments were ended, Longinus raised
his head, and with a bright and smiling countenance, said
to the jailer that he was now ready.

He then went out in company with the guard and soldiers,
we following in sad procession. The place of execution
was in front of the camp, all the legions being
drawn around to witness it, Aurelian himself being present
among them.

Soon as we came in sight of that fatal place, and of the
executioner standing with his axe lifted upon his shoulder,
Longinus suddenly stopped, his face became pale and his
frame trembled. He turned and looked upon us who
were immediately behind him, and held up his hand, but
without speaking, which was as much as to say, `you
perceive that what I said was very likely to happen has
come to pass, and the body has obtained a momentary triumph.
' He paused, however, not long, making then a
sign to the soldiers that he was ready to proceed. After
a short walk from that spot we reached the block and the
executioner.

`Friend,' said he now to the executioner, `I hope your
axe is sharp, and that you are skilful in your art; and yet
it is a pity if you have had so much practice as to have
become very dexterous in it.'

`Ten years service in Rome,' he replied, `may well
make one so, or he must be born with little wit. Distrust

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not my arm, for it has never failed yet. One blow, and
that a light one, is all I want, if it be, as it ought, a little
slanting. As for this edge — feel it if thou wilt — it
would do for thy beard.'

Longinus had now divested himself of whatever parts of
his garments would obstruct the executioner in his duty,
and was about to place his head in the prescribed place,
when he first turned to us and again held out his hands,
which now trembled no longer.

`You see,' said he, in a cheerful voice, `that the soul
is again supreme. Love and cultivate the soul, my good
friends, and you will then be universal conquerors, and
throughout all ages. It will never betray you. Now, my
new friend, open for me the gates of immortality, for you
are in truth a celestial porter.' So saying, he placed
himself as he was directed to do, and at a single blow, as
he had been promised, the head of Longinus was severed
from the body.

Neither the head nor the body was delivered to the
soldiers, or allowed to be treated with disrespect. This
favor we had obtained of Aurelian. So after the executioner
had held up the head of the philosopher, and shown
it to the soldiers, it was together with the body, given to
our care, and by us sent to Palmyra.

On this same day perished Otho, Seleucus, Gabrayas,
Nicanor — all, in a word, of the Queen's council, and
almost all of the senate. Some were reserved for execution
at another time, and among these I found, as I went
sadly toward the cell of Gracchus, was the father of
Fausta.

The keeper of the prison admitted me with a more
cheerful air than before, and with a significant shake of
the head. I heeded him but little, pressing on to meet
Gracchus.

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`So,' I exclaimed, `it is not to-day' —

`No,' rejoined Gracchus, visibly moved, `nor to-morrow,
Piso. Read here.' And placing a parchment in
my hand, turned away.

It contained a full and free remission of punishment,
and permission to return immediately to Palmyra.

`The Gods be praised, the Gods be praised,' I cried as
I embraced him. `Is not this better, Gracchus?'

`It is,' said he, with emphasis, `a great boon, I do not
deny it. For Fausta's sake I rejoice — as for myself, all
is strictly true which I have said to you. But I forget
all now, save Fausta and her joy, and renewed life.
Would, Oh would that Longinus could have returned to
Palmyra with me' — and then, for the first time, Gracchus
gave way to grief, and wept aloud.

In the morning we set of for Palmyra. Farewell.

LETTER XVII.

I write again from Palmyra.

We arrived here after a day's hard travel. The sensation
occasioned by the unexpected return of Gracchus seemed
to cause a temporary forgetfulness of their calamities on
the part of the citizens. As we entered the city at the
close of the day, and they recognised their venerated friend,
there were no bounds to the tumultuous expressions of
their joy. The whole city was abroad. It were hard to
say whether Fausta herself was more pained by excess of
pleasure, than was each citizen who thronged the streets
as we made our triumphal entry.

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A general amnesty of the past having been proclaimed
by Sandarion immediately after the departure of Aurelian
with the prisoners whom he chose to select, we found
Calpurnius already returned. At Fausta's side he received
us as we dismounted in the palace-yard. I need
not tell you how we passed our first evening. Yet it was
one of very mixed enjoyment. Fausta's eye, as it dwelt
upon the beloved form of her father, seemed to express
unalloyed happiness. But then, again, as it was withdrawn
at those moments when his voice kept not her
attention fixed upon himself, she fell back upon the past
and the lost, and the shadows of a deep sadness would
gather over her. So, in truth, was it with us all — especially,
when at the urgency of the rest, I related to them
the interviews I had had with Longinus, and described
to them his behaviour in the prison and at the execution.

`I think,' said Fausta, `that Aurelian, in the death of
Longinus, has injured his fame far more than by the capture
of Zenobia and the reduction of Palmyra he has
added to it. Posterity will not readily forgive him for
putting out, in its meridian blaze, the very brightest light
of the age. It surely was an unnecessary act.'

`The destruction of prisoners, especially those of rank
and influence, is,' said I, `according to the savage usages
of war — and Aurelian defends the death of Longinus
by saying, that in becoming the first adviser of Zenobia,
he was no longer Longinus the philosopher, but Longinus
the minister and rebel.'

`That will be held,' she replied, `as a poor piece of
sophistry. He was still Longinus. And in killing Longinus
the minister, he basely slew Longinus the renowned
philosopher — the accomplished scholar — the man of
letters and of taste — the great man of the age — for you

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will not say that either in Rome or Greece there now
lives his equal.'

`Fausta,' said Gracchus, `you are right. And had
Aurelian been any more or higher than a soldier, he
would not have dared to encounter the odium of the act,
but in simple truth he was, I suppose, and is utterly insensible
to the crime he has committed, not against an
individual or Palmyra, but against the civilized world and
posterity — a crime that will grow in its magnitude as
time rolls on, and will forever and to the remotest times,
blast the fame and the name of him who did it. Longinus
belonged to all times and people, and by them will be
avenged. Aurelian could not understand the greatness
of his victim, and was ignorant that he was drawing upon
himself a reproach greater than if he had sacrificed in his
fury the Queen herself, and half the inhabitants of Palmyra.
He will find it out when he reaches Rome. He
will find himself as notorious there, as the murderer of
Longinus, as he will be as conqueror of the East.'

`There was one sentiment of Aurelian,' I said, `which
he expressed to me when I urged upon him the sparing
of Longinus, to which you must allow some greatness to
attach. I had said to him that it was greater to pardon
than to punish, and that for that reason — “Ah,” he replied,
interrupting me, “I may not gain to myself the
fame of magnanimity at the expense of Rome. As the
chief enemy of Rome in this rebellion, Rome requires his
punishment, and Rome is the party to be satisfied, not I.”

`I grant that there is greatness in the sentiment. If
he was sincere, all we can say is, that he misjudged in
supposing that Rome needed the sacrifice. She needed
it not. There were enough heads like mine, of less worth,
that would do for the soldiers — for they are Rome in
Aurelian's vocabulary.'

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`Men of humanity and of letters,' I replied, `will, I
suppose, decide upon this question one way, politicians
and soldiers another.'

`That, I believe,' rejoined Gracchus, `is nearly the
truth.'

`When wearied by a prolonged conversation, we
sought the repose of our pillows, each one of us happier
by a large and overflowing measure, than but two days
before we had ever thought to be again.

The city is to all appearance tranquil and acquiescent
under its bitter chastisement. The outward aspect is
calm and peaceful. The gates are thrown open, and the
merchants and traders are returning to the pursuits of
traffic — the gentry and nobles are engaged in refitting
and re-embellishing their rifled palaces. And the common
people have returned in quiet to the several channels
of their industry.

I have made, however, some observations which lead
me to believe that all is not so settled and secure as it
seems to be, and that however the greater proportion of
the citizens are content to sit down patiently under the
rule of their new masters, others are not of their mind. I
can perceive that Antiochus, who, under the general pardon
proclaimed by Sandarion, has returned to the city, is
the central point of a good deal of interest among a certain
class of citizens. He is again at the head of the
same licentious and desperate crew as before — a set of
men, like himself, large in their resources — lawless in
their lives, and daring in the pursuit of whatever object
they set before them. To one who knows the men, their
habits and manners, it is not difficult to see that they are
engaged in other plans than appear upon the surface.
Yet are their movements so quietly ordered as to occasion
no general observation or remark. Sandarion, ignorant

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whence danger might be expected to arise, appears not to
indulge suspicions of one or another. Indeed, from the
smallness of the garrison, from the whole manner both of
the governor and those who are under him, soldiers and
others, it is evident that no thought of a rising on the part
of the populace has entered their minds.

A few days have passed, and Gracchus and Fausta,
who inclined not to give much heed to my observations,
both think with me — indeed, to Gracchus communication
has been made of the existence of a plot to rescue the
city from the hands of Romans, in which he has been
solicited to join.

Antiochus himself has sought and obtained an interview
with Gracchus.

Gracchus has not hesitated to reject all overtures from
that quarter. We thus learn that the most desperate
measures are in agitation — weak and preposterous, too,
as they are desperate, and must in the end prove ruinous.
Antiochus, we doubt not, is a tool in the hands of others,
but he stands out as the head and centre of the conspiracy.
There is a violent and a strong party, consisting
chiefly of the disbanded soldiers — but of some drawn
from every class of the inhabitants, whose object is by a
a sudden attack, to snatch the city from the Roman garrison—
and placing Antiochus on the throne, proclaim
their independence again, and prepare themselves to maintain
and defend it. They make use of Antiochus because
of his connection with Zenobia, and the influence he
would exert through that prejudice, and because of his
sway over other families among the richest and most
powerful, especially the two princes, Herrenianus and
Timolaus — and because of his fool-hardiness. If they
should fail, he, they imagine, will be the only or the chief
sacrifice — and he can well be spared. If they succeed,

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it will be an easy matter afterward to dispose of him, if
his character or measures as their king, should displease
them, and exalt some other and worthier in his room.

`And what Father,' said Fausta, `said you to Antiochus?
'

`I told him,' replied Gracchus, `what I thought, that
the plan struck me not only as frantic and wild — but
foolish — that I for myself should engage in no plot of
any kind, having in view any similar object, much less
in such a one as he proposed. I told him that if Palmyra
was destined ever to assert its supremacy and
independence of Rome, it could not be for many years
to come, and then by watching for some favorable juncture
in the affairs of Rome in other parts of the world.
It might very well happen, I thought, that in the process
of years, and when Palmyra had wholly recruited her
strength after her late and extreme sufferings — that
there might occur some period of revolution or inward
commotion in the Roman empire, such as would leave
her remote provinces in a comparatively unprotected
state. Then would be the time for re-asserting our independence—
then we might spring upon our keepers with
some good prospect of overpowering them, and taking
again to ourselves our own government. But now, I tried
to convince him, it was utter madness, or worse, stupidity,
to dream of success in such an enterprise. The Romans
were already inflamed and angry — not half appeased by
the bloody offering that had just been made — their
strength was undiminished — for what could diminish the
strength of Rome — and a rising could no sooner take
place, than her legions would again be upon us, and our
sufferings might be greater than ever. I entreated him
to pause, and to dissuade those from action who were connected
with him. I did not hesitate to set before him a

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lively picture of his own hazard in the affair; that he, if
failure ensued, would be the first victim. I urged moreover,
that a few, as I held his number to be, had no right
to endanger, by any selfish and besotted conduct, the general
welfare, the lives and property of the citizens, that
not till he felt he had the voice of the people with him,
ought he to dare to act — and that although I should not
betray his councils to Sandarion, I should to the people,
unless I received from him ample assurance that no
movement should be made without a full disclosure of the
project to all the principal citizens, as representatives of
the whole city.'

`And how took he all that,' we asked.

`He was evidently troubled at the vision I raised of his
own head borne aloft upon a Roman pike — and not a
little disconcerted at what I labored to convince him
were the rights of us all in the case. I obtained from
him in the end a solemn promise that he would communicate
what I had said to his companions, and that they
would forbear all action till they had first obtained the
concurrence of the greater part of the city. I assured
him, however, that in no case, and under no conceivable
circumstances could he or any calculate upon any cooperation
of mine. Upon any knowledge which I might
obtain of intended action, I should withdraw from the
city.

`It is a sad fate,' said Fausta, `that having just escaped
with our lives and the bare walls of our city and dwellings
from the Romans, we are now to become the prey of
a wicked faction among ourselves. But, can you trust
the word of Antiochus that he will give you timely notice
if they go on to prosecute the affair? Will they not now
work in secret all the more, and veil themselves even
from the scrutiny of citizens?'

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`I hardly think they can escape the watchful eyes that
will be fixed upon them,' replied Gracchus, `nor do I
believe that however inclined Antiochus might be to deceive
me, those who are of his party would agree to such
baseness. There are honorable men, however deluded,
in his company.'

Several days have passed, and our fears are almost laid.
Antiochus and the princes have been seen as usual frequenting
the more public streets, lounging in the portico,
or at the places of amusement. And the evenings have
been devoted to gayety and pleasure. Sandarion himself,
and the officers of his legion being frequent visiters
at the palace of Antiochus, and at that of the Cæsars,
lately the palace of Zenobia.

During this interval we have celebrated with all becoming
rites, the marriage of Fausta and Calpurnius,
hastened at the urgency of Gracchus, who feeling still
very insecure of life, and doubtful of the continued tranquillity
of the city, wished to bestow upon Calpurnius the
rights of a husband, and to secure to Fausta the protection
of one. Gracchus seems happier and lighter of
heart since this has been done — so do we all. It was
an occasion of joy, but as much of tears also. An event
which we had hoped to have been graced by the presence
of Zenobia, Julia, and Longinus, took place almost in
solitude and silence. But of this I have written fully to
Portia.

That which we have apprehended has happened. The
blow has been struck, and Palmyra is again, in name at
least, free and independent.

Early on the morning after the marriage of Fausta, we
were alarmed by the sounds of strife and commotion in
the streets — by the cries of those who pursued, and of
those who fled and fought. It was as yet hardly light.

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But it was not difficult to know the cause of the uproar,
or the parties engaged. We seized our arms, and prepared
ourselves for defence, against whatever party,
Roman or Palmyrene, should make an assault. The
preparation was, however, needless, for the contest was
already decided. The whole garrison, with the brave Sandarion
at their head, has been massacred, and the power
of Palmyra is in the hands of Antiochus and his adherents.
There has been in truth no fighting, it has been
the murder rather of unprepared and defenceless men.
The garrison was cut off in detail while upon their watch,
by overwhelming numbers. Sandarion was despatched
in his quarters, and in his bed, by the very inhuman
wretches at whose tables he had just been feasted, from
whom he had but a few hours before parted, giving and
receiving the signs of friendship. The cowardly Antiochus
it was who stabbed him as he sprung from his
sleep, encumbered and disabled by his night clothes.
Not a Roman has escaped with his life.

Antiochus is proclaimed king, and the streets of the
city have resounded with the shouts of this deluded
people, crying, `long live Antiochus.' He has been
borne in tumult to the great portico of the temple of the
Sun, where, with the ceremonies prescribed for the occasion,
he has been crowned king of Palmyra and of the
East.

While these things were in progress — the new king
entering upon his authority, and the government forming
itself, Gracchus chose and acted his part.

`There is little safety,' he said, `for me now, I fear,
anywhere — but least of all here. But were I secure of
life, Palmyra is now to be a desecrated and polluted place,
and I would fain depart from it. I could not remain in
it, though covered with honor, to see Antiochus in the

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seat of Zenobia, and Critias in the chair of Longinus.
I must go as I respect myself, and as I desire life. Antiochus
will bear me no good will, and no sooner will he
have become easy in his seat and secure of his power,
than he will begin the work for which his nature alone
fits him, of cold-blooded revenge, cruelty and lust. I
trust indeed that his reign will end before that day shall
arrive — but it may not — and it will be best for me and
for you, my children, to remove from his sight. If he
sees us not he may forget us.'

We all gladly assented to the plan which he then proposed.
It was to withdraw privately as possible to one
of his estates in the neighborhood of the city, and there
await the unfolding of the scenes that remained yet to be
enacted. The plan was at once carried into effect. The
estate to which we retreated was about four Roman miles
from the walls, situated upon an eminence, and overlooking
the city and the surrounding plains. Soon as the
shadows of the evening of the first day of the reign of
Antiochus had fallen, we departed from Palmyra, and
within an hour found ourselves upon a spot as wild and
secluded as if it had been within the bosom of a wilderness.
The building consists of a square tower of stone,
large and lofty, built originally for purposes of war and
defence, but now long occupied by those who have
pursued the peaceful labors of husbandry. The wildness
of the region, the solitariness of the place, the dark and
frowning aspect of the impregnable tower had pleased the
fancy of both Gracchus and Fausta, and it has been used
by them as an occasional retreat at those times when
wearied of the sound and sight of life, they have needed
perfect repose. A few slaves are all that are required
to constitute a sufficient household.

Here, Curtius, notwithstanding the troubled aspect of

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the times, have we passed a few days of no moderate
enjoyment. Had there been no other, it would have
been enough to sit and witness the happiness of Calpurnius
and Fausta. But there have been and are
other sources of satisfaction as you will not doubt. We
have now leisure to converse at such length as we please
upon a thousand subjects which interest us. Seated upon
the rocks at nightfall, or upon the lofty battlements of the
tower, or at hot noon reclining beneath the shade of the
terebinth or palm, we have tasted once again the calm
delights we experienced at the Queen's mountain palace.
In this manner have we heard from Calpurnius accounts
every way instructive and entertaining, of his life while
in Persia; of the character and acts of Sapor; of the
condition of that empire, and its wide spread population.
Nothing seems to have escaped his notice and investigation.
At these times and places too, do I amuse and
enlighten the circle around me by reading such portions
of your letters and of Portia's as relate to matters generally
interesting — and thus too do we discuss the times,
and speculate upon the events with which the future
labors in relation to Palmyra.

In the mean time we learn that the city is given up to
festivity and excess. Antiochus himself possessing immense
riches, is devoting these, and whatever the treasury
of the kingdom places within his reach, to the entertainment
of the people with shows and games after the
Roman fashion, and seems really to have deluded the
mass of the people so far as to have convinced them that
their ancient prosperity has returned, and that he is the
father of their country, a second Odenatus. He has succeeded
in giving to his betrayal of the Queen the character
and merit of a patriotic act, at least with the
creatures who uphold him — and there are no praises so

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false and gross that they are not heaped upon him, and imposed
upon the people in proclamations and edicts. The
ignorant — and where is it that they are not the greater
part — stand by, wonder and believe. They cannot penetrate
the wickedness of the game that has been played
before them, and by the arts of the king and his minions,
have already been converted into friends and supporters.

The defence of the city is not, we understand, wholly
neglected. But having before their eyes some fear of
retribution, troops are again levied and organized, and
the walls beginning to be put into a state of preparation.
But this is all of secondary interest — and is postponed to
any object of more immediate and sensual gratification.

But there are large numbers of the late Queen's truest
friends, who with Gracchus look on in grief, and terror
even, at the order of things that has arisen, and prophecying
with him a speedy end to it, either from interior and
domestic revolution, or a return of the Roman armies,
accompanied in either case of course by a wide spread
destruction — have with him also secretly withdrawn from
the city, and fled either to some neighboring territory, or
retreated to the fastnesses of the rural districts. Gracchus
has not ceased to warn all whom he knows and
chiefly esteems of the dangers to be apprehended, and
urge upon them the duty of a timely escape.

Messengers have arrived from Antiochus to Gracchus,
with whom they have held long and earnest conference,
the object of which has been to induce him to return to
the city, and resume his place at the head of the Senate,
the king well knowing that no act of his would so much
strengthen his power as to be able to number Gracchus
among his friends. But Gracchus has not so much as
wavered in his purpose to keep aloof from Antiochus and
all concern with his affairs. His contempt and

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abhorrence of the king would not however, he says, prevent
his serving his country, were he not persuaded that in so
short a time violence of some sort from without or within
would prostrate king and government in the dust.

It was only a few days after the messengers from Antiochus
had paid their visit to Gracchus, that as we were
seated upon a shaded rock, not far from the tower, listening
to Fausta as she read to us, we were alarmed by the
sudden irruption of Milo upon our seclusion, breathless,
except that he could just exclaim, `The Romans! The
Romans!' As he could command his speech, he said that
the Roman army could plainly be discerned from the
higher points of the land, rapidly approaching the city, of
which we might satisfy ourselves by ascending the tower.'

`Gods! can it be possible,' exclaimed Gracchus, `that
Aurelian can himself have returned? He must have been
well on his way to the Hellespont ere the conspiracy broke
out.'

`I can easily believe it,' I replied, as we hastened
toward the old tower, `from what I have known and witnessed
of the promptness and miraculous celerity of his
movements.'

As we came forth upon the battlements of the tower,
not a doubt remained that it was indeed the Romans
pouring in again like a flood upon the plains of the now
devoted city. Far as the eye could reach to the west,
clouds of dust indicated the line of the Roman march,
while the van was already within a mile of the very gates.
The roads leading to the capital, in every direction, seemed
covered with those, who, at the last moment, ere the
gates were shut, had fled and were flying to escape the
impending desolation. All bore the appearance of a city
taken by surprise and utterly unprepared—as we doubted
not was the case from what we had observed of its actual

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state, and from the suddenness of Aurelian's return and
approach.

`Now,' said Fausta, `I can believe that the last days
of Palmyra have arrived. It is impossible that Antiochus
can sustain the siege against what will now be the tenfold
fury of Aurelian and his enraged soldiers.'

A very few days will suffice for its reduction, if long
before it be not again betrayed into the power of the
assailants.

We have watched with intense curiosity and anxiety the
scene that has been performing before our eyes. We are
not so remote but what we can see with considerable distinctness
whatever takes place, sometimes advancing and
choosing our point of observation upon some nearer eminence.

After one day of preparation and one of assault the city
has fallen, and Aurelian again entered in triumph. This
time in the spirit of revenge and retaliation. It is evident,
as we look on horror-struck, that no quarter is given, but
that a general massacre has been ordered, both of soldier
and citizen. We can behold whole herds of the defenceless
populace escaping from the gates or over the walls,
only to be pursued — hunted — and slaughtered by the
remorseless soldiers. And thousands upon thousands have
we seen driven over the walls, or hurled from the battlements
of the lofty towers to perish, dashed upon the rocks
below. Fausta cannot endure these sights of horror, but
retires and hides herself in her apartments.

No sooner had the evening of this fatal day set in, than
a new scene of terrific sublimity opened before us, as we
beheld flames beginning to ascend from every part of the
city. They grew and spread till they presently appeared
to wrap all objects alike in one vast sheet of fire. Towers,
pinnacles and domes, after glittering awhile in the

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fierce blaze, one after another fell and disappeared in the
general ruin. The Temple of the Sun stood long untouched,
shining almost with the brightness of the sun
itself, its polished shafts and sides reflecting the surrounding
fire with an intense brilliancy. We hoped that it
might escape, and were certain that it would, unless fired
from within — as from its insulated position the flames
from the neighboring buildings could not reach it. But
we watched not long ere from its western extremity the
fire broke forth, and warned us that that peerless monument
of human genius, like all else, would soon crumble
to the ground. To our amazement, however, and joy,
the flames, after having made great progress, were suddenly
arrested, and by some cause extinguished — and
the vast pile stood towering in the centre of the desolation,
of double size, as it seemed, from the fall and disappearance
of so many of the surrounding structures.

`This,' said Fausta, `is the act of a rash and passionate
man. Aurelian, before to-morrow's sun has set, will himself
repent it. What a single night has destroyed, a century
could not restore. This blighted and ruined capital,
as long as its crumbling remains shall attract the gaze of
the traveller, will utter a blasting malediction upon the
name and memory of Aurelian. Hereafter he will be
known not as conqueror of the East, and the restorer of
the Roman Empire, but as the executioner of Longinus
and the ruthless destroyer of Palmyra.'

`I fear that you prophecy with too much truth,' I replied.
Rage and revenge have ruled the hour, and have committed
horrors which no reason and no policy, either of
the present or of any age, will justify.'

`It is a result ever to be expected,' said Gracchus, `so
long as mankind will prefer an ignorant, unlettered soldier
as their ruler. They can look for nothing different from

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one whose ideas have been formed by the camp alone —
whose vulgar mind has never been illuminated by study
and the knowledge of antiquity. Such an one feels no reverence
for the arts, for learning, for philosophy, or for man
as man — he knows not what these mean — power is all
he can comprehend, and all he worships. As long as the
army furnishes Rome with her emperors, so long may she
know that her name will, by acts like these, be handed
down to posterity covered with the infamy that belongs to
the polished savage — the civilized barbarian. Come,
Fausta, let us now in and hide ourselves from this sight—
too sad and sorrowful to gaze upon.'

`I can look now, father, without emotion,' she replied;
`a little sorrow opens all the fountains of grief — too much
seals them. I have wept till I can weep no more. My
sensibility is, I believe, by this succession of calamities,
dulled till it is dead.'

Aurelian, we learn, long before the fire had completed
its work of destruction, recalled the orders he had given,
and labored to arrest the progress of the flames. In this,
he to a considerable extent succeeded, and it was owing to
this that the great temple was saved, and others among
the most costly and beautiful structures.

On the third day after the capture of the city and the
massacre of the inhabitants, the army of the `conqueror
and destroyer' withdrew from the scene of its glory, and
again disappeared beyond the desert. I sought not the
presence of Aurelian while before the city, for I cared not
to meet him drenched in the blood of women and children.
But as soon as he and his legions were departed,
we turned toward the city, as children to visit the dead
body of a parent.

No language which I can use, my Curtius, can give
you any just conception of the horrors which met our

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view on the way to the walls and in the city itself. For
more than a mile before we reached the gates, the roads,
and the fields on either hand, were strewed with the bodies
of those who, in their attempts to escape, had been overtaken
by the enemy and slain. Many a group of bodies
did we notice, evidently those of a family, the parents and
the children, who, hoping to reach in company some place
of security, had all — and without resistance apparently —
fallen a sacrifice to the relentless fury of their pursuers.
Immediately in the vicinity of the walls and under them,
the earth was concealed from the eye by the multitudes
of the slain, and all objects were stained with the one hue
of blood. Upon passing the gates and entering within
those walls which I had been accustomed to regard as embracing
in their wide and graceful sweep, the most beautiful
city of the world, my eye met naught but black and
smoking ruins, fallen houses and temples, the streets
choked with piles of still blazing timbers and the halfburned
bodies of the dead. As I penetrated farther
into the heart of the city, and to its better built and more
spacious quarters, I found the destruction to be less —
that the principal streets were standing, and many of the
more distinguished structures. But every where — in the
streets — upon the porticos of private and public dwellings—
upon the steps and within the very walls of the
temples of every faith — in all places, the most sacred as
well as the most common, lay the mangled carcases of
the wretched inhabitants. None, apparently, had been
spared. The aged were there, with their bald or silvered
heads — little children and infants — women, the young,
the beautiful, the good — all were there, slaughtered
in every imaginable way, and presenting to the eye spectacles
of horror and of grief enough to break the heart
and craze the brain. For one could not but go back to

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the day and the hour when they died, and suffer with
these innocent thousands a part of what they suffered,
when the gates of the city giving way, the infuriated soldiery
poured in, and with death written in their faces and
clamoring on their tongues, their quiet houses were invaded,
and resisting or unresisting, they all fell together
beneath the murderous knives of the savage foe. What
shrieks then rent and filled the air — what prayers
of agony went up to the Gods for life to those whose ears
on mercy's side were adders' — what piercing supplications
that life might be taken and honor spared. The
apartments of the rich and the noble presented the most
harrowing spectacles, where the inmates, delicately nurtured
and knowing of danger, evil, and wrong only by
name and report, had first endured all that nature most abhors,
and then there where their souls had died, were slain
by their brutal violators with every circumstance of most
demoniac cruelty. Happy for those who, like Gracchus,
foresaw the tempest and fled. These calamities have
fallen chiefly upon the adherents of Antiochus; but
among them, alas! were some of the noblest and most
honored families of the capital. Their bodies now lie
blackened and bloated upon their door-stones — their own
halls have become their tombs.

We sought together the house of Gracchus. We found
it partly consumed, partly standing and uninjured. The
offices and one of the rear wings were burned and
level with the ground, but there the flames had been arrested,
and the remainder, comprising all the principal
apartments, stands as it stood before. The palace of Zenobia
has escaped without harm — its lofty walls and insulated
position were its protection. The Long Portico,
with its columns, monuments and inscriptions, remains
also untouched by the flames and unprofaned by any

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violence from the wanton soldiery. The fire has fed upon
the poorer quarters of the city, where the buildings were
composed in greater proportion of wood, and spared
most of the great thoroughfares, principal avenues,
and squares of the capital, which, being constructed
in the most solid manner of stone, resisted effectually
all progress of the flames, and though frequently
set on fire for the purpose of their destruction, the fire
perished from a want of material, or it consumed but the
single edifice where it was kindled.

The silence of death and of ruin rests over this once
and but so lately populous city. As I stood upon a high
point which overlooked a large extent of it, I could discern
no signs of life, except here and there a detachment
of the Roman guard dragging forth the bodies of the
slaughtered citizens, and bearing them to be burned or
buried. This whole people is extinct. In a single day
these hundred thousands have found a common grave.
Not one remains to bewail or bury the dead. Where are
the anxious crowds, who, when their dwellings have been
burned, eagerly rush in as the flames have spent themselves,
to sorrow over their smoking altars, and pry with
busy search among the hot ashes, if perchance they may
yet rescue some lamented treasure, or bear away, at least
the bones of a parent or a child, buried beneath the ruins?
They are not here. It is broad day, and the sun shines
bright, but not a living form is seen lingering about these
desolated streets and squares. Birds of prey are already
hovering round, and alighting without apprehension of disturbance
wherever the banquet invites them; and soon
as the shadows of evening shall fall, the hyena of the desert
will be here to gorge himself upon what they have left,
having scented afar off upon the tainted breeze the fumes
of the rich feast here spread for him. These Roman

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grave-diggers from the Legion of Bassus, are alone upon
the ground to contend with them for their prize. O, miserable
condition of humanity! Why is it that to man have
been given passions which he cannot tame, and which
sink him below the brute! Why is it that a few ambitious
are permitted by the Great Ruler, in the selfish pursuit of
their own aggrandizement, to scatter in ruin, desolation,
and death, whole kingdoms—making misery and destruction
the steps by which they mount up to their seats of
pride! O, gentle doctrine of Christ! — doctrine of love
and of peace, when shall it be that I and all mankind
shall know thy truth, and the world smile with a new happiness
under thy life-giving reign!

Fausta, as she has wandered with us through this wilderness
of woe, has uttered scarce a word. This appalling
and afflicting sight of her beloved Palmyra — her pride
and hope — in whose glory her very life was wrapt up —
so soon become a blackened heap of ruins — its power
departed — its busy multitudes dead, and their dwellings
empty or consumed — has deprived her of all but tears.
She has only wept. The sensibility which she feared was
dead she finds endued with life enough — with too much
for either her peace or safety.

As soon as it became known in the neighboring districts
that the army of Aurelian was withdrawn, and that the
troops left in the camp and upon the walls were no longer
commissioned to destroy, they who had succeeded in
effecting their escape, or who had early retreated from
the scene of danger, began to venture back. These were
accompanied by great numbers of the country people,
who now poured in either to witness with their own eyes
the great horror of the times, or to seek for the bodies of
children or friends, who, dwelling in the city for purposes
of trade or labor, or as soldiers, had fallen in the common

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ruin. For many days might the streets, and walls, and
ruins be seen covered with crowds of men and women, who
weeping sought among the piles of the yet unburied
and decaying dead, dear relatives, or friends, or lovers,
for whom they hoped to perform the last offices of unfailing
affection; a hope that was, perhaps, in scarce a single
instance fulfilled. And how could any but those in whom
love had swallowed up reason, once imagine that where the
dead were heaped fathoms deep, mangled by every shocking
mode of death, and now defaced yet more by the
processes of corruption, they could identify the forms
which they last saw beautiful in all the bloom of health.
But love is love; it feels and cannot reason.

Cerronius Bassus, the lieutenant of Aurelian, has with
a humane violence laid hold upon this curious and gazing
multitude, and changed them all into buriers of the dead
they came to seek and bewail. To save the country from
pestilence, himself and his soldiers, he hastens the necessary
work of interment. The plains are trenched, and into
them the bodies of the citizens are indiscriminately
thrown. There now lie in narrow space the multitudes
of Palmyra.

The mangled bodies of Antiochus, Herrenianus and
Timolaus have been found among the slain.

We go no longer to the city, but remain at our solitary
tower — now however populous as the city itself. We
converse of the past and the future — but most of my
speedy departure for Rome.

It is the purpose of Gracchus to continue for a season
yet in the quiet retreat where he now is. He then will
return to the capital, and become one of those to lay
again the foundations of another prosperity.

`Nature,' he says, `has given to our city a position and
resources which, it seems to me, no power of man can

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deprive her of, nor prevent their always creating and sustaining
upon this same spot, a large population. Circumstances
like the present may oppress and overwhelm
for a time, but time will again revive and rebuild, and
embellish. I will not for one sit down in inactivity or
useless grief, but if Aurelian does not hinder, shall
apply the remainder of my days to the restoration of Palmyra.
In Calpurnius and Fausta I shall look to find my
lieutenants, prompt to execute the commissions entrusted
to them by their commander.'

`We shall fall behind,' said Calpurnius, `I warrant
you, in no quality of affection or zeal in the great task.'

`Fausta,' continued Gracchus, `has as yet no heart
but for the dead and the lost. But, Lucius, when you
shall have been not long in Rome, you will hear that she
lives then but among the living, and runs before me and
Calpurnius in every labor that promises advantage to
Palmyra.'

`It may be so,' replied Fausta, `but I have no faith
that it will. We have witnessed the death of our country;
we have attended the funeral obsequies. I have no
belief in any rising again from the dead.'

`Give not way my child,' said Gracchus, `to grief and
despair. These are among the worst enemies of man.
They are the true doubters and deniers of the Gods and
their providence, who want a spirit of trust and hope. Hope
and confidence are the best religion, and the truest worship.
I who do not believe in the existence of the Gods
am therefore to be commended for my religion more than
many of the staunchest defenders of Pagan, Christian, or
Jewish superstitions, who too often, it seems to me, feel
and act as if the world were abandoned of all divine care,
and its affairs and events the sport of a blind chance.
What is best for man and the condition of the world,

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must be most agreeable to the Gods — to the creator and
possessor of the world — be they one or many. Can we
doubt which is best for the remaining inhabitants of Palmyra,
and the provinces around which are dependent
upon her trade — to leave her in her ruin finally and
utterly to perish, or apply every energy to her restoration?
Is it better that the sands of the desert should within a
few years heap themselves over these remaining walls and
dwellings, or that we who survive should cleanse, and
repair, and rebuild, in the confident hope, before we in
our turn are called to disappear, to behold our beloved
city again thronged with its thousands of busy and laborious
inhabitants? Carthage is again populous as in the
days of Hamilcar. You, Fausta, may live to see Palmyra
what she was in the days of Zenobia.'

`The Gods grant it may be so!' exclaimed Fausta, and
a bright smile at the vision her father had raised up
before her, illuminated her features. She looked for a
moment as if the reality had been suddenly revealed to
her, and had stood forth in all its glory.

`I do not despair,' continued Gracchus, `of the Romans
themselves doing something toward the restoration
of that which they have wantonly and foolishly detroyed.
'

`But they cannot give life to the dead, and therefore it
is but little that they can do at best,' said Fausta. `They
may indeed rebuild the temple of the Sun, but they cannot
give us back the godlike form of Longinus, and
kindle within it that intellect that shed light over the
world; they may raise again the walls of the citizen's
humble dwelling, but they cannot reanimate the bodies
of the slaughtered multitudes, and call them out from
their trenches to people again the silent streets.'

`They cannot indeed,' rejoined Gracchus; `they cannot

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do everything — they may not do anything. But I think
they will, and that the Emperor himself, when reason returns,
will himself set the example. And from you
Lucius, when once more in Rome, shall I look for substantial
aid in disposing favorably the mind both of Aurelian
and the Senate.'

`I can never be more happily employed,' I replied,
`than in serving either you or Palmyra. You will have
a powerful advocate also in Zenobia.'

`Yes,' said Gracchus, `if her life be spared, which
must for some time be still quite uncertain. After gracing
the triumph of Aurelian, she, like Longinus, may be
offered as a new largess to the still hungering legions.'

`Nay, there I think Gracchus, you do Aurelian hardly
justice. Although he has bound himself by no oath, yet
virtually is he sworn to spare Zenobia — and his least
word is true as his sword.'

Thus have we passed the last days and hours of my
residence here. I should in vain attempt, my Curtius,
to tell you how strongly I am bound to this place — to
this kingdom and city, and above all to those who survive
this destruction. No Palmyrene can lament with more
sincerity than I, the whirlwind of desolation that has
passed over them, obliterating almost their place and
name — nor from any one do there ascend more fervent
prayers that prosperity may yet return, and these wide
spread ruins again rise and glow in their ancient
beauty. Rome has by former acts of unparalleled
barbarism covered her name with reproach — but by
none has she so drenched it in guilt as by this wanton
annihilation — for so do I regard it — of one of the fairest
cities and kingdoms of the earth. The day of Aurelian's
triumph, may be a day of triumph to him, but to Rome it
will be a day of never forgotten infamy.

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LETTER XVIII. FROM PISO TO FAUSTA.

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I trust that you have safely received the letter which,
as we entered the Tiber I was fortunate enough to place
on board a vessel bound directly to Berytus. In that I
have told you of my journey and voyage, and have said
many other things of more consequence still, both to you,
Gracchus, and myself.

I now write to you from my own dwelling upon the
Cœlian, where I have been these many days that have
intervened since the date of my former letter. If you
have waited impatiently to hear from me again, I hope
now I shall atone for what may seem a too long delay, by
telling you of those concerning whom you wish chiefly to
hear and know — Zenobia and Julia.

But first let me say that I have found Portia in health,
and as happy as she could be after her bitter disappointment
in Calpurnius. This has proved a misfortune, less
only than the loss of our father himself. That a Piso
should live, and be other than a Roman; that he should
live and bear arms against his country — this has been to
her one of those inexplicable mysteries in the providence
of the Gods that has tasked her piety to the utmost. In
vain has she scrutinized her life to discover what fault
has drawn down upon her and her house this heavy retribution.
Yet her grief is lightened by what I have
told her of the conduct of Calpurnius at Antioch and

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Emesa. At such times when I have related the events
of those great days, and the part which my brother took,
the pride of the Roman has yielded to that of the mother,
and she has not been able to conceal her satisfaction.
`Ah,' she would say, `my brave boy!' `That was like
him!' `I warrant Zabdas himself was not greater!'
`What might he not be, were he but in Rome!'

Portia is never weary with inquiring into every thing
relating to yourself and Gracchus. My letters, many
and minute as they have been, so far from satisfying her,
serve only as themes for new and endless conversations,
in which as well as I am able, I set before her my whole
life while in Palmyra, and every event, from the conversation
at the table or in the porticos, to the fall of the
city and the death of Longinus. So great is her desire
to know all concerning the `hero Fausta,' and so unsatisfying
is the all that I can say, that I shall not wonder if,
after the ceremony of the triumph, she should herself
propose a journey to Palmyra, to see you once more with
her own eyes, and once more fold you in her arms. You
will rejoice to be told that she bewails, even with tears,
the ruin of the city, and the cruel massacre of its inhabitants.
She condemns the Emperor in language as strong
as you or I should use. The slaughter of Sandarion and
his troops she will by no means allow to be a sufficient
justification of the act. And of her opinion are all the
chief citizens of Rome.

I have found Curtius and Lucilia also in health. They
are at their villa upon the Tiber. The first to greet me
there were Laco and Cœlia. Their gratitude was affecting
and oppressive. Indeed there is no duty so hard
as to receive with grace the thanks of those whom you
have obliged. Curtius is for once satisfied that I have
performed with fidelity the part of a correspondent. He

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even wonders at my diligence. The advantage is, I believe
for the first time, fairly on my side — though you
can yourself bear testimony, having heard all his epistles,
how many he wrote, and with what vividness and exactness
he made Rome to pass before us. I think he will
not be prevented from writing to you by anything I can
say. He drops in every day, Lucilia sometimes with him,
and never leaves us till he has exhausted his prepared
questions concerning you, and the great events which
have taken place — there remaining innumerable points
to a man of his exact turn of mind, about which he must
insist upon fuller and more careful information. I think
he will draw up a history of the war. I hope he will —
no one could do it better.

Aurelian, you will have heard, upon leaving Palmyra,
instead of continuing on the route upon which he set out
toward Emesa and Antioch, turned aside to Egypt, in
order to put down by one of his sudden movements, the
Egyptian merchant Firmus, who with a genius for war
greater than for traffic, had placed himself at the head of
the people, and proclaimed their independence of Rome.
As the friend and ally of Zenobia — although he could
render her during the siege no assistance — I must pity
his misfortunes and his end. News has just reached us
that his armies have been defeated, he himself taken and
put to death, and his new made kingdom reduced again
to the condition of a Roman province. We now every
hour look to hear of the arrival of the Emperor and his
armies.

Although there has been observed some secresy concerning
the progress and places of residence of Zenobia,
yet we learn with a good degree of certainty that she is
now at Brundusium, awaiting the further orders of Aurelian,
having gone over land from Byzantium to

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Apollonia, and there crossing the Adriatic. I have not been
much disturbed by the reports which have prevailed, because
I thought I knew too much of the Queen to think
them well grounded. Yet I confess I have suffered
somewhat, when upon resorting to the capitol or the
baths, I have found the principal topic to be the death of
Zenobia — according to some, of grief, on her way from
Antioch to Byzantium — or, as others had it, of hunger,
she having resolutely refused all nourishment. I have
given no credit to the rumor, yet as all stories of this kind
are a mixture of truth and error, so in this case I can
conceive easily that it has some foundation in reality, and
I am led to believe from it that the sufferings of the
Queen have been great. How indeed could they be
otherwise! A feebler spirit than Zenobia's, and a feebler
frame would necessarily have been destroyed. With
what impatience do I wait the hour that shall see her in
Rome! I am happily already relieved of all anxiety as
to her treatment by Aurelian — no fear need be entertained
for her safety. Desirous as far as may be to atone
for the rash severity of his orders in Syria, he will distinguish
with every possible mark of honor, the Queen, her
family, and such other of the inhabitants of Palmyra as
have been reserved to grace his triumph.

For this august ceremony the preparations are already
making. It is the sole topic of conversation, and the
single object toward which seem to be bent the whole
genius and industry of the capital. It is intended to
surpass in magnificence all that has been done by former
Emperors or Generals. The materials for it are collecting
from every part of the empire, and the remotest
regions of Asia and Africa. Every day there arrive
cargoes either of wild beasts or of prisoners, destined to
the amphitheatre. Illustrious captives also from Asia,

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Germany and Gaul, among whom are Tetricus and his
son. The Tiber is crowded with vessels bringing in the
treasures drawn from Palmyra — her silver and gold —
her statuary and works of art, and every object of curiosity
and taste that was susceptible of transportation
across the desert and the ocean.

It is now certain that the Queen has advanced as far
as Tusculum, where with Julia, Livia, Faustula and Vabalathus,
they will remain — at a villa of Aurelian's it
is said — till the day of the triumph. Separation seems
the more painful as they approach nearer. Although
knowing that they would be scrupulously prohibited from
all intercourse with any beyond the precincts of the villa
itself, I have not been restrained from going again and
again to Tusculum, and passing through it and around
it in the hope to obtain, were it but a distant glimpse, of
persons to whom I am bound more closely than to any
others on earth. But it has been all in vain. I shall
not see them, till I behold them a part of the triumphal
procession of their conqueror.

Aurelian has arrived — the long expected day has
come — and is gone. His triumph has been celebrated,
and with a magnificence and a pomp greater than the
traditionary glories of those of Pompey, Trajan, Titus, or
even the secular games of Philip.

I have seen Zenobia!

The sun of Italy never poured a flood of more golden
light upon the great capital and its surrounding plains than
on the day of Aurelian's triumph. The airs of Palmyra
were never more soft. The whole city was early abroad,
and added to our own overgrown population, there were
the inhabitants of all the neighboring towns and cities, and
strangers from all parts of the empire, so that it was with
difficulty and labor only, and no little danger too, that

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the spectacle could be seen. I obtained a position opposite
the capitol, from which I could observe the whole of
this proud display of the power and greatness of Rome.

A long train of elephants opened the show, their huge
sides and limbs hung with cloth of gold and scarlet, some
having upon their backs military towers or other fanciful
structures, which were filled with the natives of Asia or
Africa, all arrayed in the richest costumes of their countries.
These were followed by wild animals, and those
remarkable for their beauty, from every part of the
world, either led, as in the case of lions, tigers, leopards,
by those who from long management of them,
possessed the same power over them as the groom over
his horse, or else drawn along upon low platforms, upon
which they were made to perform a thousand antic tricks
for the amusement of the gaping and wondering crowds.
Then came not many fewer than two thousand gladiators
in pairs, all arranged in such a manner as to display to
the greatest advantage their well knit joints, and projecting
and swollen muscles. Of these a great number have
already perished on the arena of the Flavian, and in the
sea fights in Domitian's theatre. Next upon gilded
wagons, and arrayed so as to produce the most dazzling
effect, came the spoils of the wars of Aurelian — treasures
of art, rich cloths and embroideries, utensils of gold
and silver, pictures, statues, and works in brass, from
the cities of Gaul, from Asia and from Egypt. Conspicuous
here over all were the rich and gorgeous contents
of the palace of Zenobia. The huge wains groaned
under the weight of vessels of gold and silver, of ivory,
and the most precious woods of India. The jewelled
wine cups, vases, and golden statuary of Demetrius attracted
the gaze and excited the admiration of every
beholder. Immediately after these came a crowd of

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youths richly habited in the costumes of a thousand different
tribes, bearing in their hands upon cushions of
silk, crowns of gold and precious stones, the offerings of
the cities and kingdoms of all the world, as it were, to
the power and fame of Aurelian. Following these, came
the ambassadors of all nations, sumptuously arrayed in
the habits of their respective countries. Then an innumerable
train of captives, showing plainly in their downcast
eyes, in their fixed and melancholy gaze, that hope
had taken its departure from their breasts. Among these
were many women from the shores of the Danube, taken
in arms fighting for their country, of enormous stature,
and clothed in the warlike costume of their tribes.

But why do I detain you with these things, when it is
of one only that you wish to hear. I cannot tell you with
what impatience I waited for that part of the procession
to approach where were Zenobia and Julia. I thought
its line would stretch on forever. And it was the ninth
hour before the alternate shouts and deep silence of the
multitudes announced that the conqueror was drawing
near the capitol. As the first shout arose, I turned toward
the quarter whence it came, and beheld, not Aurelian
as I expected, but the Gallic Emperor Tetricus—yet
slave of his army and of Victoria — accompanied by the
prince his son, and followed by other illustrious captives
from Gaul. All eyes were turned with pity upon him,
and with indignation too that Aurelian should thus treat
a Roman and once — a Senator. But sympathy for him
was instantly lost in a stronger feeling of the same kind
for Zenobia, who came immediately after. You can
imagine, Fausta, better than I can describe them,
my sensations, when I saw our beloved friend — her
whom I had seen treated never otherwise than as
a sovereign Queen, and with all the imposing pomp of

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the Persian ceremonial — now on foot, and exposed to
the rude gaze of the Roman populace — toiling beneath
the rays of a hot sun, and the weight of jewels, such as
both for richness and beauty, were never before seen in
Rome — and of chains of gold, which first passing around
her neck and arms, were then borne up by attendant
slaves. I could have wept to see her so — yes and did.
My impulse was to break through the crowd and support
her almost fainting form — but I well knew that my life
would answer for the rashness on the spot. I could only,
therefore, like the rest, wonder and gaze. And never
did she seem to me, not even in the midst of her own
court, to blaze forth with such transcendant beauty — yet
touched with grief. Her look was not that of dejection,—
of one who was broken and crushed by misfortune —
there was no blush of shame. It was rather one of profound
heartbreaking melancholy. Her full eyes looked
as if privacy only was wanted for them to overflow with
floods of tears. But they fell not. Her gaze was fixed
on vacancy, or else cast toward the ground. She seemed
like one unobservant of all around her, and buried in
thoughts to which all else were strangers, and had nothing
in common with. They were in Palmyra, and with
her slaughtered multitudes. Yet though she wept not,
others did; and one could see all along, wherever she
moved, the Roman hardness yielding to pity, and melting
down before the all-subduing presence of this wonderful
woman. The most touching phrases of compassion fell
constantly upon my ear. And ever and anon as in the
road there would happen some rough or damp place, the
kind souls would throw down upon it whatever of their
garments they could quickest divest themselves of that
those feet little used to such encounters, might receive no

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harm. And as when other parts of the procession were
passing by, shouts of triumph and vulgar joy frequently
arose from the motley crowds, yet when Zenobia appeared
a death-like silence prevailed, or it was interrupted only
by exclamations of admiration or pity, or of indignation
at Aurelian for so using her. But this happened not
long. For when the Emperor's pride had been sufficiently
gratified, and just there where he came over against
the steps of the capitol, he himself, crowned as he was
with the diadem of universal empire, descended from his
chariot, and unlocking the chains of gold that bound the
limbs of the Queen, led and placed her in her own
chariot — that chariot in which she had hoped herself to
enter Rome in triumph — between Julia and Livia.
Upon this the air was rent with the grateful acclamations
of the countless multitudes. The Queen's countenance
brightened for a moment as if with the expressive sentiment,
`The Gods bless you,' and was then buried in the
folds of her robe. And when after the lapse of many
minutes it was again raised and turned toward the people
every one might see that tears burning hot had coursed
her cheeks, and relieved a heart which else might well
have burst with its restrained emotion. Soon as the
chariot which held her had disappeared upon the other
side of the capitol, I extricated myself from the crowd,
and returned home. It was not till the shades of evening
had fallen that the last of the procession had passed the
front of the capitol, and the Emperor reposed within the
walls of his palace. The evening was devoted to the
shows of the theatres.

Seven days succeeding this first day of the triumph
have been devoted to games and shows. I attended them
not, but escaping from the tumult and confusion of the
city, passed them in a very different manner — you will

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at once conjecture, where and with whom. It was, indeed,
as you suppose in the society of Zenobia, Julia
and Livia.

What the immediate destination of the Queen was to
be I knew not, nor did any seem to know even so late as
the day of the triumph. It was only known that her treatment
was to be lenient. But on the day after, it became
public in the city, that the Emperor had bestowed upon
her his magnificent villa, not far from Hadrian's at Tibur,
and at the close of the first day of the triumph, a chariot
of Aurelian's in waiting had conveyed her there. This
was to me transporting news, as it will be to you.

On the evening of that day I was at Tibur. Had I
been a son or a brother, the Queen could not have received
me with more emotion. But I leave it to you, to
imagine the first moments of our interview. When our
greetings were over, the first thought, at least the first
question of Zenobia was concerning you and Gracchus.
All her inquiries, as well as those of Julia, I was happily
able to answer in the most exact manner, out of the fulness
of your letter. When I had finished this agreeable
duty, the Queen said,

`Our happiness were complete, as now it can be, could
Fausta and Gracchus be but added to our numbers. I
shall hope, in the lapse of days or months, to entice them
away for a season from their melancholy home. And yet
what better can I offer them here! There they behold
their city in ruins, here their Queen. There they already
detect some tokens of reviving life; here they would
have before them but the picture of decay and approaching
death. But these things I ought not to say — Piso,
you will be glad to learn the purposes of Aurelian concerning
Palmyra. He has already set apart large sums
for the restoration of its walls and temples — and what is

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more and better, he has made Gracchus governor of the
city and province, with liberal promises of treasure to
carry into effect whatever designs he may conceive as
most likely to people again the silent streets, and fill them
again with the merchants of the East and West.'

`Aurelian, I am persuaded,' I replied, `will feel upon
him the weight of the strongest motives to do all that he
can to repair the injuries he has inflicted. Then, too, in
addition to this, his nature is generous.'

`It is so,' said Julia. `How happy if he had been less
subject to his passions! The proofs of a generous nature
you see here, Piso, every where around us. This vast
and magnificent palace, with its extensive grounds, has
he freely bestowed upon us; and here, as your eye has already
informed you — has he caused to be brought and
arranged every article of use or luxury found in the palace
at Palmyra, and capable of transportation.'

`I could hardly believe,' I said, `as I approached the
great entrance, and beheld objects so familiar — still
more, when I came within the walls and saw around me
all that I had seen in Palmyra, that I was indeed in the
vicinity of Rome, and had not been by some strange
power transported suddenly to Asia. In the rash violence
of Aurelian in Syria, and in this reparation, both here and
there, of the evil he has committed to the farthest extent
possible, you witness a genuine revelation of his character.
Would that principle rather than passion were
the governing power of his life.'

Although I have passed many days at Tibur, yet have
I seen but little of Zenobia. She is silent and solitary.
Her thoughts are evidently never with the present, but
far back among the scenes of her former life. To converse
is an effort. The lines of grief have fixed themselves
upon her countenance; her very form and manner

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are expressive of a soul bowed and subdued by misfortune.
Her pride seems no longer, as on the day of the triumph,
to bear her up. It is Zenobia before me, but — like her
own beautiful capital — it is Zenobia in ruins. That she
suffers, too, from the reproaches of a mind now conscious
of its errors, I cannot doubt. She blames Aurelian, but
I am persuaded, she blames with no less severity herself.
It is, I doubt not, the image of her desolated country
rising before her, that causes her so often in the midst of
discourse with us, or when she has been sitting long
silent, suddenly to start and clasp her hands, and withdraw
weeping to her apartments, or the seclusion of the
garden.

`It will be long, very long,' Julia has said to me, `before
Zenobia will recover from this grief — if indeed she ever
do. Would that the principles of that faith which we
have learned to believe and prize, were also hers. Life
would then still place before her a great object, which
now she wants. The past absorbs her wholly — the
future is nothing. She dwells upon glories that are departed
forever, and is able to anticipate no other, or greater,
in this world — nor with certainty in any beyond it.'

I said, `But doubtless she throws herself at this season
upon her Jewish faith and philosophy. She has ever
spoken of it with respect at least, if not with affection.'

`I do not,' Julia replied, `think that her faith in Judaism
is of much avail to her. She has found pleasure in
reading the sacred books of the Jews, and has often expressed
warmly her admiration of the great principles of
moral living and of religious belief found in them, but I
do not think that she has derived from them that which
she conceives to be the sum of all religion and philosophy,
a firm belief and hope of immortality. I am sure she has
not. She has sometimes spoken as if such a belief

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possessed likelihood, but never as if she entertained it in the
way the Christian does.'

You will rejoice, dear Fausta, to learn that Zenobia
no longer opposes me; but waits with impatience for the
day when I shall be an inmate of her palace.

What think you is the news to-day in Rome? No other
and no less than this — which you may well suppose has
for some time been no news to me — that Livia is to be
Empress! — It has just been made public with authority;
and I despatch my letter that you may be immediately informed
of it. It has brought another expression upon the
countenance of Zenobia.

Curtius and Lucilia have this moment come in full of
these tidings, and interrupt me — they with Portia wish
to be remembered to you with affection. I shall soon
write again — telling you then especially of my interviews
with Aurelian. Farewell.

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NOTE.

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Piso, it will be observed, makes no mention of, or allusion
to the story recorded by the historian Zosimus, of the Queen's
public accusation of Longinus and the other principal persons
of Palmyra, as authors of the rebellion, in order to save her
own life. It is well known that Zenobia, chiefly on the authority
of this historian, has been charged with having laid
upon Longinus, and her other councillors, all the blame of the
revolt, as if she had been driven by them against her will into
the course she pursued. The words of Zosimus are as follows:

`Emisam rediit et Zenobiam cum suis complicibus pro tribunali
stitit. Illa causas exponens, et culpa semet eximens multos alios
in medium protulit, qui eam veluti fæminam seduxissent; quorum
in numero et Longinus erat. — Itidem alii quos Zenobia detulerat
suppliciis adficiebatur.'

This is suspicious upon the face of it. As if Aurelian
needed a formal tribunal and the testimony of Zenobia to inform
him who the great men of Palmyra were, and her chief
advisers. Longinus, at least, we may suppose was as well
known as Zenobia. But if there was a formal tribunal, then
evidence was heard — and not upon one side only, but both
If, therefore, the statements of Zenobia were false, there
were Longinus, and the other accused persons, with their
witnesses, to make it appear so. If they were true — if she
had been overruled — led — or driven — by her advisers,
then it was not unreasonable that punishment — if some
must suffer — should fall where it did.

But against Zosimus may be arrayed the words of

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Aurelian himself, in a letter addressed to the Roman senate, and
preserved by Pollio. He says,

`Nec ego illi (Zenobiæ) vitam conservassem nisi eam scissem
multum Rom: Reip. profuisse, quum sibi vel liberis suis Orientis
servaret imperium.'

Aurelian here says that he would not have spared her life
but for one reason, viz., that she had done such signal service
to the republic, when either for herself or for her children,
she had saved the empire in the East. Aurelian spared her
life, if he himself is to be believed, because of services rendered
to Rome
, NOT because by the accusation of others she had
cleared herself of the charge of rebellion. Her life was never
in any danger, if this be true — and unless it were, she of
course had no motive to criminate Longinus in the manner
related by Zosimus.

Longinus and his companions suffered therefore, not in
consequence of any special accusation — it was not needed
for their condemnation — but as a matter of course, because
they were leaders and directors of the revolt. It was the
usage of war.

Why are Pollio (the biographer of Zenobia) and Vopiscus
(the biographer of Aurelian) and Zonaras all silent respecting
so remarkable a point of the history of Zenobia? Pollio does
not hesitate to say that she had been thought by some to have
been partner in the crime of murdering Odenatus and his son
Herod — a charge which never found credit in any quarter.
Such a biographer surely would not have passed over in
silence the unutterable baseness of Zenobia in the accusation
of Longinus, if he had ever heard of it and had esteemed
it to have come to him as well vouched at least as the other
story. Omission under such circumstances is good evidence
that it came to him not so well vouched — that is, not vouched
at all.

Supposing Zenobia to have been guilty of the crime laid to
her charge, could Aurelian have treated her afterwards in
the way he did? He not only took her to Rome and gave
her a palace at Tibur, and the state of a Queen, but accord

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ing to some,[1] married one of her daughters. Could he have
done all this had she been the mean, base and wicked woman
Zosimus makes her out to be? — The history of this same
eastern expedition furnishes a case somewhat in point, and
which may serve to show in what light he would probably
have regarded Zenobia. Tyana, a city of Asia Minor, for a
long time resisted all his attempts to reduce it. At length it
was betrayed into his hands by one of its chief citizens —
Heraclammon. How did Aurelian receive and treat him
after entering the city? Let Vopiscus reply. `Nam et Heraclammon
proditorem patriæ suæ sapiens victor occidit.' —
`Heraclammon who betrayed his country the conqueror wisely
slew.' But this historian has preserved a letter of Aurelian,
in which he speaks of this same traitor;

`Aurelianus Aug: Mallio Chiloni. Occidi passus sum cujus
quasi beneficio Tyanam recepi. Ego vero proditorem amare
non potui; et libenter tuli quod eum milites occiderunt:
neque enim mihi fidem servare potuisset qui patriæ non pepercit,
' etc. He permits Heraclammon to be slain because he
could not love a traitor
, and because one who had betrayed his
country could not be trusted
— while Zenobia, if Zosimus is
to be believed, whose act was of the same kind — only infinitely
more base—he receives and crowns with distinguished
honor, and marries her daughter!

`Zosime pretend,' says Tillemont, `que ce fut Zenobie mesme
qui'se déchargea sur eux des choses dont on l'accusoit, (ce qui repondroit
bien mal a cette grandeur d'ame qu'on luy attribue)
.'

Hist. des Emp. T. II. p. 212.

The evidence of Zosimus is not of so high a character as
justly to weigh against a strong internal improbability, or the
silence of other historians. Gibbon says of him, `In good
policy we must use the service of Zosimus without esteeming
him or trusting him.' And repeatedly designates him as
`credulous,' `partial,' `disingenuous.' By Tillemont, he is
called a `bad authority.'

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Nothing would seem to be plainer, than that Aurelian
spared Zenobia because she was a woman; because she was
a beautiful and every way remarkable woman; and as he
himself says, because she had protected and saved the empire
in the East; and that he sacrificed Longinus and the other
chief men of Palmyra, because such was the usage of war.

Page 107. Piso speaks of the prowess of Aurelian, and of
the songs sung in the camp in honor of him. Vopiscus has
preserved one of these.



`Mille mille, mille, decollavimus,
Unus homo mille decollavimus,
Mille vivat qui mille occidit.
Tantum vini habet nemo
Quantum fudit sanguinis.
`Mille sarmatas, mille Francos
Semel et semel occidimus
Mille Persas quærimus.'

On page 153, Aurelian is designated by a soldier under the
nick-name of `Hand to his sword.' Vopiscus also mentions
this as a name by which he was known in the army. `Nam
quum essent in exercitu duo Aureliani tribuni, hic, et alius
qui cum Valeriano captus est, huic signum (cognomen) exercitus
apposuerat `Manus ad ferrum,' &c.

Page 248. Piso represents Aurelian as wearing a crown.
He was the first since the Tarquins, who had dared to invest
his brow with that symbol of tyranny. So says Aurelius
Victor. `Iste primus apud Romanos Diadema capiti innexuit;
gemmisque et aurata omni veste, quod adhuc fere incogmitum
Romanis moribus videbatur, usus est.'

On the same page, in the account of the triumph, a chariot of
Zenobia is stated to have been exhibited, in which it was her
belief that she should enter Rome in triumph, which, indeed,
had been made for that very purpose. This singular fact is
confirmed by Vopiscus — `tertius, (currus) quem sibi Zenobia
composuerat sperans se urbem Romanam cum eo visuram;
quod eam non fefellit, nam cum eo urbem ingressa est victa
et triumphata.' — Tr.

eaf409v2.n1

[1] Filiam (Zenobiæ) unam uxorem duxisse Aurelianum; cæteras
nobilibus Romanis despondisse.—Zonaras. Lib. xii. p. 480.

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Ware, William, 1797-1852 [1837], Letters of Lucius M. Piso, from Palmyra, to his friend Marcus Curtius at Rome, volume 2 (C. S. Francis & Co., New York) [word count] [eaf409v2].
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