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Tyler, Royall, 1757-1826 [1809], The Yankey in London: being the first part of a series of letters written by an American youth, during nine months residence in the city of London, volume I (Isaac Riley, New York) [word count] [eaf408].
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Preliminaries

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Title Page THE
YANKEY IN LONDON,
BEING
THE FIRST PART OF
A SERIES OF LETTERS
WRITTEN BY AN AMERICAN YOUTH, DURING NINE
MONTHS' RESIDENCE IN THE CITY OF
LONDON:
ADDRESSED TO HIS FRIENDS IN AND NEAR BOSTON,
MASSACHUSETTS.

THUCYD.
NEW-YORK:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY ISAAC RILEY.
1809.

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Acknowledgment

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DISTRICT OF NEW-YORK, ss.

BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-third day
of September, in the thirty-fourth year of the Independence
of the United States of America, Isaac Riley,
of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title of
a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the
words following, to wit:

“The Yankey in London, being the first part of a series
“of letters written by an American youth during nine
“months' residence in the city of London, addressed to his
“friends in and near Boston, Massachusetts. Volume I.

“THUCYD.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United
States, entitled, “An act for the encouragement of learning,
“by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the
“authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times
“therein mentioned;” and also to an act, entitled, “An
“act, supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the
“encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps,
“charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such
“copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending
“the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and
“etching historical and other prints.”

CHARLES CLINTON,
Clerk of the District of New-York

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PREFACE.

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WHEN a new book is about to be published,
the early solicitude of the author is
to pave his way to public favour by apologizing
for his presumption in appearing in
print; but the writer of the following letters
cannot, or, rather, will not, speak for himself:
it remains therefore for his friends to make
known to the reader, all that they are permitted
to communicate respecting the author,
his work, and the motives for publication
.

The writer of these letters, now collected
and presented to the public under the title of

The Yankey in London, is a native of Boston,
in Massachusetts, known to his fellowtownsmen
as a young man of modest merit,
and only known to a few particular friends
as a gentleman of an active and inquisitive
mind, and of quaint, and ofttimes original
remark
.

The letters now submitted to the candour
of his countrymen, were, with numerous
others in possession of his correspondents
,

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written, during his abode in London, to
several of his friends and connections in his
native town, without the most distant view of
their ever being printed. On his return, they
solicited permission to publish them, perhaps,
in the ardour of friendship, vainly imagining
that what had delighted them would please
others, but he repeatedly declined their solicitations
.

In the course of the last winter the originals
of these letters, with many others
addressed from London, were deposited with
an amanuensis who faithfully transcribed
them, and the manuscript was submitted, in
confidence, to a clergyman of taste; he approved
the design of publication, and lent his
friendly aid to overcome the diffidence of the
writer, but in vain. The manuscript was
afterwards perused, with the author's permission,
by an English gentleman, visiting
Boston; he made light of the author's modesty,
and advised the publication, observing,
that as the writer had imbibed a large share
of
local prejudice, his work would be read
by his own countrymen, and should it make
its way to London it might, perhaps, be

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read, even there, as a curious specimen of
transatlantic sentiment upon English manners.
A reluctant consent was then obtained
from the writer, upon the express condition
of expunging such passages as might lead to
a discovery of the author, and of selecting a
few of the letters, and those the least likely
to give offence to English people, for whom,
after all his freedom of remark, he professes
a high veneration.

We have therefore directed the printer to
issue these letters as volume the first, and
are not without hope that the approbation of
the public will give confidence to our friend
to publish the remainder of his letters from
London and other parts of the British isles,
and his tour in Europe, with his own name
.

The Friends of the Writer. Preliminaries

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CONTENTS.

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LETTER III.
Certain prominent traits in the English
character, and the best mode of getting
into the best company—taste of a female
author, 1

LETTER V.
The British House of Commons, 16

LETTER VIII.
The House of Lords, 33

LETTER XI.
English biography—origin of biography;
the legitimate contrasted with the spurious—
Plutarch—Galileo—Dr.Hervey—
John, Earl of Rochester—Dr. Johnson—
Boswell—the biography of an eminent
character from the Gentleman's Magazine,
with an editorial note in the best
English style and spirit—meretricious

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apologies; the general reading of them
a sure indication of the decline of taste
and empire—an unassuming hint to the
British government, 47

LETTER XIX.
The London bookseller—etymology of the
term Yankey, 70

LETTER XX.
Strictures upon the decorous in public
bodies, 77

LETTER XXIII.
The sun, and fashion, 85

LETTER XXX.
Bite—bamboolze—all the rage—quiz—
quizzical—bore—horrid bore—I owe you
one—that's a good one—clever fellow—
I guess, 101

LETTER XXXIII.
Literary larceny, forgery and swindling—
Chatterton—Ireland, and Macpherson,
113

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LETTER XLII.
Medical, mechanical, and culinary quacks,
131

LETTER XLIII.
Prominent traits in the English character,
145

LETTER XLIV.
Introduction to the adventures of a young
Bostonian who went to London to establish
a credit, 161

LETTER XLV.
Strictures on the English language of the
present day, 171

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p408-018 LETTER III. Prominent traits in the English character. [figure description] Page 001.[end figure description]

London.
My dear Chum,

ACCEPT my warmest thanks for the
letters of introduction you presented me
at parting, and for those transmitted me
by the ship Union; and suffer me, through
you, to make my grateful acknowledgments
to Mr. G. for his very friendly
proffer of making me known to some
“excellent English friends.”—I do assure
you, very few of our countrymen have
left in London such favourable impressions
of the American character as that

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gentleman. Indeed, all our United States'
agents have done honour to our national
diplomacy: among them Mr. K. and Mr.
G. will be long distinguished; the former
for the classical elegance of his bureau
address, the latter for his commercial
science—and both for that dignified, polished
demeanour which European gentlemen
will hardly admit can be attained
without the tour of that continent. I
ought, in justice, to observe, that our present
envoy is a gentleman highly esteemed
for the suavity of his manners, and respected
for his adherence to the commercial
rights of his nation.

I have not yet delivered Judge C.'s
letter to him: it is under a flying seal,
and merely recommendatory. A man of
letters, whose notice I am solicitous to
retain, mentioned my name to him yesterday,
and was surprised to find he did not
know me; and, as this gentleman lives
within the purlieus of court and etiquette,
I shall suffer in his opinion if, as an

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American, I am not known to our minister.
I must therefore deliver my letter,
although, I assure you, with reluctance.—
Of forty-three letters of introduction, I
have as yet delivered but three, and two
of them related to pecuniary arrangements.—
I crossed the Atlantic to obtain
health, and, now I am in London, I wish
to form a correct opinion of this people.
If I had delivered my letters and been
introduced to people of rank, my observations
would have been confined to
them; for there is a wonderful and striking
similarity in people of the same
condition. By the aid of letters I might
probably have gone the rounds of diplomatic
dinners, or, possibly, been in company
with ladies and lords, but it was not
ladies and lords I wished to see. A man
would form a very erroneous opinion of
English diet, should he feast entirely on
ortolans; no—he should eat the roast-beef,
the mutton from the Downs, and the
rump-steak. I wished to see Englishmen,

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and to form some correct estimate of their
manners, habits, and character, and this
can be better attained by mingling, unnoticed
in the crowd. I wish to be considered,
and to consider myself, as Addison
humorously describes himself in his
spectatorial character, “as the dumb gen
“tleman whom nobody minds.” O, that
I possessed the inky cloak of Fortunatus,
that I might pass invisibly through this
vast metropolis, and note, unobserved,
this immense crowd, as various in character
as in their motleyed ancestry. Besides,
I had another reason for omitting to deliver
my letters, which, perhaps, you will
say is a weak, and I am sure you may
say is a vain one. I found I could acquire,
if not friends, very valuable acquaintance,
without them, and an acquaintance acquired
by accidental converse with persons
of merit, flatters our self-love. We
think we cannot be greatly mistaken, in
estimating our own worth, when we break
over all those outworks of etiquette with

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which the European fortifies himself
against imposition, or when we can overcome
that national reserve and hauteur
in which every Englishman is deeply entrenched.
I assure you I have acquired,
without the formality of introduction,
some very valuable, some learned, and
some opulent acquaintance.

The English will tell you, and tell you
truly, that no man obtains admission into
what is called good company, without a
proper recommendation
. It is manifest,
the English are very shy of strangers,
especially foreigners, whom the middle
and lower classes hold in contempt, and
the higher ranks are hardly willing to acknowledge
as their equals, let their talents
or rank be what they may. An Englishman,
in his own country, shrinks from
familiarity with a stranger, and, if offered
abruptly, will consider it an insult: unless
he be well recommended, he will not introduce
the stranger to his wife, daughters,
or domestic circles. But, if a man once

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gets into good company, (which every
Englishman applies to persons of his own
rank, or employment,) and is noticed by
certain people, the Englishman will not,
perhaps, inquire very critically how he got
there, but will accept it as a letter of recommendation,
and the stranger passes
current into his intimacy.

The difference between the English
and their American descendants, in this
particular, is—the Englishman is shy and
suspicious, grows more suspicious, and is
surly. The New-England man is suspicious
and inquisitive, grows more suspicious,
and is familiar and troublesome.
When once the Englishman's suspicions
are dissipated (no matter how) he is unbounded
in his confidence; while the
Yankey shews very little distrust, is never
silent or surly to the stranger, but his suspicions
never leave him. Now, in London,
there are various modes of getting into
good company, and being noticed by certain
people
, and the process is not so

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formidable as you may imagine. But you must
first decide what is good company; for
what one class calls good another will
esteem mean, and a severe moralist might
style all the associations of fashionable life
very bad companies. If you call the
high-ranked jockies of Newmarket good
company, and your purse will permit, you
have merely to purchase a few race-horses
and fillies, bet high, pay your bets and
your grooms punctually, and you will
soon be noticed by certain people—your
gold will quickly amalgamate with their
mercury.

Do you wish to have an honourable seat
with honourable ladies, and no less honourable
gentlemen, at the card-table,
dress well, have your pockets well lined
with gold, be polite enough never to detect
the ladies in renouncing, or to dun either
lady or gentleman for a debt of honour,
and you may keep very good company,
and be noticed by certain people, until
your money is gone. If you go to the

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stock exchange—but you will say “pho,
“pho, there is no mystery in all this—
“I naturally supposed in London, as in
“Boston, money can effect every thing—
“make a clown a gentleman, and a fool
“a bank director.” Well, then, I will
shew you how, if you was as poor as the
shabbiest author that ever

“Sighed in soft murmurs through a broken
“pane,”

in the loftiest garret of the ancient grubstreet,
you may get into good company,
and be noticed by certain people.

You know—all the world knows, the
English are fond of national glory, but
you are yet to be informed that every
Englishman pants for individual glory.
His great object is personal distinction;
not merely the distinction of birth or
riches—these are common in this old and
commercial government, but by some
quality which shall distinguish him from
all others; for this self-ambition aims

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rather at singularity than exaltation: and
it is curious to observe what a variety of
modes are adopted, even by those of rank
and opulence, to obtain distinction by
singularity. One man will let his beard
grow, live on roots, and affect the anchorite:
another is circumcised: a third,
with the eyes of a lynx, will wear temple-spectacles
in the open street, at noon-day;
a fourth will affect to be deprived of all
his senses, and, in a social circle, enlivened
by beauty, wit, and mirth, neither see,
hear, observe or remark, any more than
his kindred poker by the grate side. But
of all those animated by this noble ambition
and affectation of singularity, there
are two who, in my very humble opinion,
bear the palm from all competitors:—one
cut off the skirts of his coat, close to his
waistband, and set the fashion you now
have in Boston, called the spencer—and
the other eat a live cat!

I believe there never was a time in
England when this affectation of

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singularity did not prevail. It may, perhaps, be
fairly traced to the painted skins of their
Pictish ancestors. Formerly, in this country,
a man might make himself distinguished
by profound learning, but, alas!
the era of the profound and original in
English literature terminated with the life
of the last regal Stuart. In these costermonger
days, learning (like every thing
else in England) is submitted to counting-house
calculation; and the making of
books becomes as much a trade as the
binding of them: an occupation which
does not require seven years' apprenticeship
to set up the business, but in which
all may labour without infringement of
city privileges. Learning, however, keeps
no wholesale warehouse; but what the
modern English imagine to be literature
is retailed in a thousand toy-shops: here,
playthings for these nursery children of
learning are vended—here, they purchase
squeaking sonnets, lullaby odes, dub a dub
verse, and tinselled prose. Where it is

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so easy to be learned and so many are
learned
, those who affect literature must
also affect singularity to make themselves
distinguished. To be distinguished from
the common machinists of verse is “worth
“ambition;” therefore, on this principle,
a number of literary clubs have been
formed, where the members, by clubbing
their talents, and the appellation they give
to their club, (which is generally quaint or
grotesque,) attempt to singularize themselves
into notice, and if they fail in obtaining
it they are sure to console their
vanity by the flatteries they very liberally
bestow on each other at their stated
meetings.

These societies have increased amazingly
since the literary club, founded by
Dr. Johnson, Goldsmith, Burke, and
others, became known, by their attendance
at the funeral of David Garrick, the celebrated
actor, who was a member. In such
clubs the national distinction of rank is
levelled, which, if they were associations

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of genius and learning, would be perfectly
correct.

The ladies, it seems, have their clubs
and the Roman orgies of the bona Dea are
revived with this variation, that the man
are initiated into their mysteries. Mrs.
Montagu, a very respectable lady, was the
foundress of a club of this sort, known by
the quaint name of the blue-stocking club.
Whether this anti-genteel epithet originated
in the fancy or the feet of the fair, as
it is a subject of rather delicate research
I had not the effrontery to peer into. Now
as a friend to the fair, and a lover of the
muses, you must allow a blue-stocking club
to consist of the very best of good company.
Then, my dear Chum, if you wish an
introduction, carry with you no letter of
civility, but hasten to your ink-pot,
me a hundred lines to some languishing
Anna Matilda, or dying Dorinda; spangle
them well with bland metaphors and love
lorn similies; drop a word or two
some lines, and insert others in capital

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letters, so as to render the meaning unintelligible,
and then, of course, you know
it must be sublime: or write a lugubrious
sonnet to some captive mouse, or pretty
pathetic ode to a sportive mouser,


Who on the bosom of the spangled eve,
With velvet step and deeply dulcet breath,
Purs for his attic love!—
select some sweet fanciful name, which
will “run trippingly o'er the tongue,”
such as Valentina Orsona, Assenella
Crusca, or Idiotilla, or any other name
more significant of the attributes of your
muse; carry the soft effusions of your
melancholy muse to the editors of the
most fashionable magazine; and, after you
have love-lorned enough to make a little
volume of verse, publish your works,
boldly, under your own name: make
your personal appearance in the frontispiece,
with your temples bound with
laurel, a brace of simpering muses by your
side, a basket of iris and crocus and

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daffodowndilly at your feet, a strong plump-cheeked
fame with his brazen trumpet at
your back—(N. B. for a certain reason it
is absolutely necessary the trumpet should
be brass—) and then inscribe your volume
to the honourable, or right honourable,
Mrs. —, the patroness of some blue-stocking
club, beginning your dedication
thus:—“Madam, your exalted genius,
“correct taste, and elegant knowledge of
“ancient and modern learning, so richly
“displayed in that incomparable poem,
“your divine ode to the sleeping Cicada,”
&c. &c. &c. being careful to be equally
delicate in your adulation throughout.
Then, if you are not the most unfortunate
wight of a poet who ever attempted
the temple of fame, you will be invited to
the club, be enrolled as a member, and,
perhaps, have your name immortalized in
the next Ladies' Diary.

It is true, the reviewers, those crusty
critics, may ridicule you, but the bold
sons and daughters of genius never regard

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them; be assured, they are fellows of no
mark or likelihood; what little they know
has been acquired from Longinus, Aristotle,
and Horace, or some such outlandish
creatures. A very pretty lady observed
to me, that the monthly reviewers
were the most petrifying creatures imaginable
in matters of taste; and she was
an excellent judge, as she had published a
novel which contained an immense black
forest of twenty aged trees; two crazy
castles; three murderers; a trap-door
with rusty bolts; a bloody key, ditto dagger;
two pair of broken stairs; a sheeted
ghost; a ghostly monk, and a marriage.
She assured me, 'pon honour, that in the
critique upon her work (which had passed
the ordeal of taste in all the circulating
libraries, and was actually the last book the
great Burke ever read, indeed, some said
he expired with it in his hand) the reviewers
were so stupid they could not
comprehend the elegant expressions
“pleasing anguish,” “delightful despair,”

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and “heart-rending felicity;” nay, they
had the audacity to sneer at the phrase
“subterraneous matter in the clouds,”
which she had introduced into a thunder-storm,
and which the whole blue-stocking
club pronounced immensely sublime.

Which of the above routes I took to
good company, or what other path I selected,
I leave you to conjecture until
some future letter or conversation shall
enlighten you.

Your old and sincere friend.

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LETTER V. The British House of Commons. London.
My excellent Friend,

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THROUGH the politeness of a friend,
I was yesterday admitted to the gallery
of the British house of commons. Never
were a man's expectations higher raised.
To see the grave fathers of the senate, the
collected wisdom of a nation known by its
commercial enterprise, its colonies and its
victories, throughout the habitable globe,
was, indeed, a spectacle so august that I
anticipated it with pleasure tempered by
reverence: not that I expected to see the
curule chairs, the fasces and lictors of the
Roman forum, or to discover, in British
countenances, that inflexible composure of

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features which dignified the conscript
father slain in his ivory chair by the barbarian
Gaul; but I had reason to expect to
see a solemn assembly of wise, dignified
men, in sober consultation upon the important
concerns of the greatest commercial
nation in the world. In an assembly
of hereditary legislators, like the house of
lords, there might be dignity, but a general
display of great talents, as it is fortuitous,
could not be expected. In the house of
commons, elected from the great body of
the people, I justly expected to find the
talents, the learning, the wisdom and political
science of a wise nation collected in
one brilliant focus; to hear the persuasion
of Cicero, the subtlety of Eschines, the
thunder of Demosthenes, with all I had
read, and more than I could conceive, of
ancient eloquence, poured from British lips
in language nobler than that of Greece or
Rome.

It seems, in going at too early an hour,
I had committed the common blunder of

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the plebeian who is invited to dine with
my lord. I had taken my seat in the gallery
full three hours before the feast of
reason was served up: there were only a
few official attendants of the house present.
After a while, several gentlemen came in,
booted and spurred as if from a fox-chase:
they formed little parties of chit-chat. As
I understood several of them were members
of parliament, I was not a little anxious
to hear them converse, hoping to stay my
appetite with some eleemosynary scraps of
wisdom, as we, in Boston, take a relish
of punch and oysters, at noon, to prepare
the appetite when invited to a fashionable
dinner. I was soon gratified; two of them
came within hearing, and seemed earnestly
engaged in discourse. Aye, thought I,
now you are untwisting some knotty fiscal
point, or quoting Puffendorf, Grotius, and
Vattel on the laws of nations, or citing
passages from the laws of Oleron, to correct
the defects of your maritime code.—
Suddenly, one of them vociferated—“done

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“for five hundred guineas; Creeper
“against Sweeper, feather weight.” Now,
as Creeper and Sweeper were two authors
upon political economy of whom I had
never heard, I was somewhat chagrined.
To be sure, to hear the great statesmen
of this great nation converse in my native
tongue and be unable to comprehend
them, was rather mortifying. I was so
simple that, at first, I thought the learned
Creeper might have written a commentary
on Smith's wealth of nations, and that the
erudite Sweeper had illustrated Dr. Price's
essay on finance, by the negative quantities
of algebra. Feather weight, I naturally
concluded, alluded to the balance of power
in Europe.—One of the senators roared
out, “My lord! my lord!” and, upon a
nobleman's approach, said, familiarly,
“ha, Clermont! I have betted five hun
“dred guineas on your gelding, Creeper,
“against Featherstone's Sweeper, provi
“ded my groom, Jim Twamley, rides.”
“I beg your pardon, Sir John,” replied

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his lordship; “no man straddles my fa
“vourite horse, upon the turf, but my
“self;—but I will back you for five
“hundred more, and ride myself. Why,
“you know, knight, that I beat Sky-
“Scraper, at the heats for the king's
“plate, and took the long odds, though
“Twamley rode Sky-Scraper, and I car
“ried weight.” Not as a politician, I
hope—I aspirated. It was now apparent
these members of parliament were also
members of that sublime political seminary
the jockey club. I had, however,
candour enough to consider that all great
public bodies must exhibit some weak
and indecorous members; and, as the
house began to fill, I observed many gentlemen
whose appearance would have done
honour to the areopagus of Athens.—The
speaker, a dignified man, arrayed in an
imposing costume, took the chair. The
house was immediately called to order,
and business commenced; but it was not
very interesting, being merely the passage

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of certain bills, through the routine of the
house. The seats were soon filled, and the
minister arose to open what is called
the budget. This beggarly term, which
impresses a stranger with the tags, rags,
and jags of a beggar's pack, is, however,
not unaptly chosen; for, in this region of
taxes, there are few objects so mean as not
to be included in this financiering budget.
The minister, in a plain style, and monotonous
voice, remarked on the various
expenditures of the past, and the taxes
necessary to be levied to meet the present,
exigencies. He acknowledged that the war
with France was commenced on very different
principles from which it was now
to be maintained. He endeavoured to elucidate
those principles; but I was so dull
I could not comprehend him, which I sincerely
regret, as it has long been an object
of curiosity, with me, to discover why
Great Britain involved herself in this ruinous
war; but he was very clear that,
however the war began, it was now to be

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maintained on a principle of self-defence;
and he seemed to console himself in the
reflection, that, as the nation now contended
for her very existence, the people
could not require any more substantial
reason for the augmentation of taxes. He
was heard with patience, but no sooner
seated than half a dozen members arose
in opposition, and there was some time
lost in deciding who should speak; and I
thought rather too much disorder in producing
order. The second orator spoke
with much more animation, but was heard
with much less patience. He had prepared
a very bitter philippic against the ministry,
which, to me, scented very strongly of the
midnight oil. He represented the nation
as on the verge of ruin; miserable at
home, and a laughing-stock abroad: he
displayed a novel style of rhetoric: he was
generally, although he spoke in a higher
key, as monotonous as the minister: he
accented and emphasized whole sentences
instead of syllables or words: he had

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copiously enriched his speech with quotations
from the English classics, and, when
he came to those passages, he would prepare
himself by a pause, cast his eyes
towards the treasury-bench, (a seat occupied
by such of the administration as are
members of this house,) and pronounce
the quotation in an octave above his common
tone, and sometimes repeating it
with “sir, I say,” “sir, I am bold to
“say,” “sir, I do not hesitate in saying.”
After about two hours' exertion, he seemed
suddenly to arouse all his energies, and,
casting his eyes indignantly towards the
treasury-bench, vociferated “Mr. Speaker,
“I am bold to say `there is something
“`rotten in the state of Denmark,' and I
“now crave the attention of honourable
“members while I point out this defec
“tive plank in the vessel of the common
“wealth, and drag from their lurking
“holes those pestiferous worms who are
“gnawing the foundations of the constitu
“tion;”—but ere he could extract one of

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this “corporation of politic worms,” he
was interrupted by a burst of clamour—
order! order! order!—hear him! hear
him! hear him! was the cry. Amidst
this hubbub I thought I could distinguish
sounds very like coughing and shuffling
the feet, but there is something so wretchedly
vulgar in such conduct I had rather
discredit my own ears than impute it to
such a venerable body: indeed, there was
something so indecorous, and at the same
time so ludicrous, in the whole scene, I
hesitated whether to laugh or weep. The
cry of order! order! was vociferated in
accents so similar to the play-house off!
off! to a hissed actor, my first impression
was that, by the wand of Harlequin, the
commons had been changed to Coventgarden
theatre, and I seated in the shilling-gallery,
and I could scarcely forbear
exclaiming, to this legislative orchestra,
caira, caira! roast-beef, roast-beef! God
save the king!—After a while something
like silence (which, however, would be

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[figure description] Page 026.[end figure description]

called an uproar in any decent assembly)
was produced. The orator attempted to
speak again, but part of his speech being
struck out, by a decision of order from
the chair, so deranged the whole that,
after some abortive attempts to splice the
rope of his rhetoric, he sat down, apparently
exulting in the confusion he had
made.

A slender, dapper member now arose,
(the very reverse of the hoary ancient who
quieted the tumult in the æneid,) and
suddenly restored good-humour. The
sole object of this pert, voluble legislator,
seemed to be to say smart things; in
which, with some help from those standing
English wits, Joe Miller, Quin, and Ben
Jonson, and some quotations from “Laugh
“and be fat,” he was, indeed, very successful.
He compared the requisitions of a
certain popular leader, to obtain a view of
certain secret negotiations, and the reply
of the cabinet minister, to a story which
he said he had read in a learned author.

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“A certain man having something con
“cealed carefully under a cloak, was
“required to tell what it was, by an in
“quisitive fellow. `Sir,' said he `can you
“`keep a secret?' `Yes,' replied the
“inquirer. `So can I,' retorted the hu
“morist.”—This threadbare story, which
may be found in the earliest edition of the
oldest jest-book in England, actually convulsed
the house with laughter! Yes,
Frank, the members of the august British
house of commons—the conscript fathers
of Great Britain, actually grinned with joy,
and shook their sides with laughter like a
knot of “younkers on the green!”—
Only think, Frank—a merry house of
commons, funny wisdom, jocular profundity
of thought!—Why, a laughing
legislature is to me as incongruous as a
skipping, tripping bishop, a comical clergyman,
or a buxom, romping penitent.
I was ashamed, mortified, disgusted. I
felt the dignity of my nature violated.
I felt more—I remembered I was of

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English descent, and I blushed for the land
of my ancestors. You know, Frank, that,
notwithstanding the irritation of our revolutionary
contest, there is an undescribable
something clinging to the heart of every
Anglo-American which sensibly associates
us with the glory of old England.
In the days of our fathers, this clime was
universally known, through the colonies,
under the endearing appellation of the
mother country; and when my honoured
father went to Bristol, to establish a commercial
connection with the house of
Tappenden and Hanby, it was said, in the
family, he was going home. Ah! if
British statesmen could feel all our fathers
felt, and we are disposed to feel, in uttering
this domestic, affectionate, sacred word,
they might attach the profits of our commerce
in a measure not to be attained by
all the despotic intricacies of their maritime
code. I felt the full force of the
word—I was in my father's house—I was
at home: but when amidst the fathers of

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the nation, convened in solemn assembly
to deliberate on mighty subjects, which
involved not only their own existence, as
a state, but the welfare and peace of the
world, I beheld them listening to the bald
jokes of a mountebank, and grinning like
clowns at his ribaldry—by the bones of
my English ancestors, I could have gone
backwards, like the children of Noah, and
cast a garment over my parents' nakedness.—
I have visited the house several
times since, but found it changed

“From gay to grave, from lively to severe.”—

The house was very thin, scarcely a
business quorum, although I thought the
subjects in debate very momentous.
When the question, however, was about
to be taken, absent members seemed to
have notice—came thronging in, and
voted as if they had been prepared by
deliberate investigation. Now, there is
more propriety in this than your Yankey
imagination would at first conceive. As

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[figure description] Page 030.[end figure description]

these evanescent members are all pledged
to their party, and have actually had their
minds made up for them, you must be
sensible it would be of no use for any one
of them to hear arguments in favour of
his own decided prepossession, and arguments
on the other side might tend to
raise doubts of the rectitude and wisdom
of his leaders, and to entertain such doubts
would be an unpardonable weakness in a
true-bred politician. They have, I am
told, a practice for members on opposite
sides to pair off, to save themselves from
the tedium of a debate. Now, this is
equally rational; for if a pair of intellectual
balances could be provided, the
talents of these pairs would so nicely equiponderate
that the wisdom of either party
in the house would be diminished in accurate
proportion. Indeed, it is to be
lamented that this mode of pairing off,
which is at present confined to the mute,
could not be extended to the speaking
members; for although the fewer the

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members the less disquiet may be expected
in a noisy and quarrelsome family,
yet, if the promoters of discord, the brutal
husband and scolding wife, would sometimes
pair off, it might wonderfully conduce
to the quiet of the mansion.

But, to be serious; amidst all the bustle
and puerility of the British house of commons,
I have heard some gentlemen, who,
if you, who have been modelled from the
ancient schools, would not acknowledge
to be orators, yet you would allow them to
be sensible men, speaking pertinently
upon subjects which they seemed intimately
to comprehend, and in language
which might pass from their lips to the
press, and, without correction, be read and
admired as specimens of fine, if not
energetic speaking.

-- --

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-- --

p408-050 LETTER VIII. The House of Lords. London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 033.[end figure description]

THIS day I visited the house of lords.
I assure you I had devested myself of all
my republican prejudices against this assembly
of hereditary legislators. I can
readily perceive the propriety of the existence
of such a body, in a limited monarchy,
who can guard the constitution
against the popular intemperance of the
house of commons on one hand, and the
extension of the royal prerogative on the
other. English history records honourable
instances of its utility in both these
particulars; and their extinction by the

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[figure description] Page 034.[end figure description]

long parliament should be a memento to
the British nation, that whenever the house
of lords is annihilated the crown will be
involved in its destruction, and the commons
made the tools of a despot. Their
high rank and proud titles are also objects
of emulation: they are at the disposal of
the sovereign, and not unfrequently conferred
as the mede of merit. They are to
the British, what the civic crowns, the
ovations, triumphal cars and arches, were
to the ancient Romans; and their soldiers
and sailors seek for nobility in the cannon's
mouth.

The house of lords is to the house of
commons, in point of decorum, what the
Opera-house is to Drury-lane theatre.—
Here is no shilling-gallery, no cat-calls,
no vulgar vociferation; but, then, even an
opera is not without its absurdities. It
exhibits heroes in recitative, dancing
princes, and British lions, who, like Nick
Bottom, “can roar you like any sucking
“dove.”

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[figure description] Page 035.[end figure description]

The noble lords were not convened, at
this time, in their legislative capacity, but
were sitting, as a high court of errors, to
revise a judgment rendered by the court
of king's bench. This was quite an
interesting scene to me. A hereditary
legislature has something essentially ludicrous
to the mind of a republican; but
hereditary judges, men supposed to be
born with an intuitive knowledge of Norman
French, and monkish Latin, and, in
opposition to the doctrine of Locke, come
into the world with their minds impressed
with the innate and complex ideas of their
municipal code, and possess, by birth,
what my Lord Coke calls the perfection
of human reason, which cannot be acquired
by the plebeian except by the intense
study of a long life, might provoke the
risibility of even Littleton himself.

This baronial bench seemed to me even
more absurd than the court of errors in the
state of Connecticut, where the council of
that state, composed generally of plain

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[figure description] Page 036.[end figure description]

farmers, correct the judgments of their
supreme court, composed of men of the
first legal talents. I noticed this juridical
solecism to a respectable clergyman of
that state, but he maintained its propriety,
for, he observed, “the great object of a
“government is, undoubtedly, to render
“justice to its citizens; but it is also an
“object of the next importance to render
“it in such manner as it shall meet the
“comprehension of the great body of the
“people. Our supreme court (he added)
“do the first, and I assure you it greatly
“aids the latter to have the opinions of
“our most eminent lawyers revised, re
“versed or confirmed by men of common
“sense
.”—But the case of the Connecticut
judiciary is not (as the lawyers say)
in point, for it might, perhaps, be thought
derogatory to the noble and high court of
errors in England, to compare them to
men of mere common sense. Whilst

“We laugh where we must, let us be candid
“where we can.”

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[figure description] Page 037.[end figure description]

Although a man born a judge, simply
considered, is as ridiculous as a man born
a watchmaker, yet, to place the British
house of lords, considered in their judicial
capacity, in the fairest light, we should
rather compare them to a cast, or family,
devoted for ages, by the laws and constitution,
to the fabrication of watches. It
is obvious, although such a family, or
cast, may contain many members who
would be bungling workmen, and even
idiots who could not count the hours, yet,
in the main, it is probable they would
conduct the business of watch-making to
great advantage, as the whole tenor of
their education and converse would lead to
an acquaintance with that art. With this
view, I sat with some impatience to hear
the opinions of these hereditary judges—
grounded, as I anticipated, upon the profoundest
investigation, and delivered in
the best style of Blackstone and Mansfield.
I had therefore to exercise all my patience
while the advocates were mooting the

-- 038 --

[figure description] Page 038.[end figure description]

points in the cause, in the bald style of
the English reports, which our friend,
Joseph D*****, used to say, seemed to
be literal translations of law Latin. You
recollect those joyous vigils when, to enliven
our wine and cigars, we used to call
upon our friend to give us a dissertation
upon the classical elegancies of the Term
Reports, which he would illustrate by apt
quotations from Bracton, Fleta, and the
elder English jurists—or those enchanting
strictures of my Lord Coke upon the
statute de donis conditionalibus, the beauties
of which, he declared, were always
flotsam, jetsam, and ligan in his memory,
and which, he gaily asserted, in neatness
and force of expression, could only be
surpassed by that memorable and delectable
definition of a man-milliner, given by a
modern English lawyer of refined taste.
“A man-milliner, is a person exercising
“the art, trade, occupation, business, la
“bour, work, and mystery of a milliner—
“BEING A MAN.”

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[figure description] Page 039.[end figure description]

One of the advocates was very profound
and very dull; indeed, he was so tedious
that a young Scotch lawyer, near me, expressed
some very unequivocal signs of
impatience—but a companion checked
him with “hoot mon, when a mon speaks
“in character ye should na' withhold
“praise: do na' ye ken the mon is an
“advocate of the English sessions?”

The counsel for the defendant replied:
but if the argument of the first was infused
with poppy, that of his learned brother
was saturated with opium. If the first
was Somnus, the second was father Nox
himself;—eldest night—ere Satan, that
Brindsley of Milton, had canalled chaos,
and built a bridge and rail-way o'er
the “wide abyss,” for the transportation
of original sin into paradise.—Pardon the
magnificence of my metaphor, my excellent
friend; remember I am in training
for the honours of a blue-stocking club—
and when I sometimes adopt the gorgeous
metaphor or quaint epithet, consider them

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[figure description] Page 040.[end figure description]

as specimens of my progress in the elegant
art of modern English fashionable
fine writing.—By the aid of the Scotch
gentleman's snuff-box, I kept awake until
the arguments were concluded.

The Lord Chancellor, who presided,
prepared to collect the opinions of the
noble judges. Now was a moment of
anxious expectation. As I expected he
would begin with the youngest, I felt not
a little solicitous to discover how the
young peers would acquit themselves on
a subject abstruse in itself, and rendered
more so by the eloquence of the learned
counsel.—The Lord Chancellor seemed
to comprehend the subject, and stated the
main and collateral points with clearness
and precision—and called upon the noble
lords for any thing they might have to
offer. One of the law lords (as they are
styled here—that is, a lord who has acquired
a knowledge of the law in the
good old, vulgar, democratic way of study
and practice) gave his opinion. He was

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[figure description] Page 041.[end figure description]

followed by several others of the same
class.—The Lord Chancellor then stated
the main point concisely, and said—“my
“lords, is it your opinion that the judg
“ment of the court of king's bench be
“affirmed?”—casting his eyes hastily,
and cursorily, and I fancied rather contemptuously,
over the hereditary judges—
and, without waiting, or, indeed, having
any time, to estimate the votes, said “it is
“affirmed.” His lordship then gave his
own opinion seriatim, and adduced several
arguments in favour of the defendant
in error, of greater weight, I thought, than
any which had been advanced by the
counsel—and, finally, supported the judgment
of the court of king's bench, and the
present opinion of the house, handsomely.
Now, I thought this very considerate in
his lordship; as he appeared, manifestly,
to have formed and pronounced the judgment
of the house for them, it was certainly
very kind in his lordship to show

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[figure description] Page 042.[end figure description]

the noble lords that there might be something
very handsome said in favour of it.

After all the wisdom and parade of
this high court of errors—if this great
nation, so justly proud of its unrivalled
judiciary, as they have now a court of
conscience, (which, by the by, has jurisdiction
only of trifling matters, and is
not a court of record in England,) would
only copy humble Connecticut, and substitute
for their high court of errors a
court of common sense, it would greatly
improve the system—and the judgment,
in this case, would have been reversed
with the approbation, at least, of all those
who have a common share of it: for the
cause turned solely upon a point of ancient
practice. It was agreed, on all sides,
that the merits of the original suit was
with the losing party, and the decision,
by the house of lords, operated as an extreme
hard case. But the old maxim of
the English law, fiat justitia ruat cœlum,
is now understood to mean—let

-- 043 --

[figure description] Page 043.[end figure description]

precedents govern if justice is trampled upon.
This adherence to the technæ of forms
and practice is of great importance in
English jurisprudence. The people are
taught to pride themselves in their judicial
system, and they verily believe that
the science of the law is better understood,
and justice more impartially administered,
in the English courts, than in
those of any other nation. But the English
law is a science so transcendantly
mysterious, that nine-tenths of the people
cannot comprehend it; and when they, at
times, discover the folly and wickedness
of other departments in government, they
console themselves with the inflexible impartiality
of their judiciary.

The first natural impression of justice
is its inflexibility. It is ever uniform, and
knows no “variableness or shadow of
“turning.” Therefore, by a scrupulous
adherence to ancient forms, however absurd,
or however injurious to individuals,
the people are persuaded of the steady

-- 044 --

[figure description] Page 044.[end figure description]

course and inflexible administration of
justice. Although the essential doctrines
of the English common law have, in modern
days, been as mutable as the fashions
in Bond-street—although Lord Mansfield,
during his presidency in the court of
king's bench, effected as great a revolution
in their municipal code as ever
Mirabeau contemplated in the French
constitution—yet, as he scrupulously preserved
the forms, it excited no alarm.
This great law reformer seemed to have
learned wisdom from the unsuccessful
attempt of the czar Peter to deprive his
clergy of their beards. Lord Mansfield saw
that the sword of despotism, which could
cut in sunder the doctrines and revenues of
the Greek church, was blunted in its edge
by the formal beards of the clergy; and
while he perverted the spirit, he forbore
to meddle with the ancient and venerable
habiliments of the law. And there
can be no doubt that the foundations of
the great system of English common law

-- 045 --

[figure description] Page 045.[end figure description]

may be broken up, and, in pursuance of
the principles of Mansfield, the rights and
interests of the landholders may be made
subservient to the gains of the merchant,
and the rights, interests, and liberties of
the common people sacrificed to both—
yet, while its forms continue, while the
dignified costume of the judges shall be
preserved—while the rust of Norman and
Saxon technæ remain, and the ancient
formal practice of the courts abide, the
people will be content to worship the
venerable body—while the spirit of the
common law, of that common law which
was the birth-right, the glory, and the sure
defence of the liberties of their ancestors,
is fled to mingle with the departed spirits
of those more enlightened Englishmen
who transmitted it, as their richest legacy,
to their posterity: let us, my friend, endeavour
to guard against the delusions of
forms, and look to the essence of that
rational liberty for which our fathers successfully
fought.

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-- --

p408-064 LETTER XI. English Biography.

London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 047.[end figure description]

AMONG the innumerable works issuing
daily from the English press, there
are none more frequent than those devoted
to biography. Indeed, there is no book
more pleasing than memoirs of eminent
persons, written judiciously. The stately
pen of the historian, whose object is event,
cannot condescend to gratify curiosity
with personal notices. In reciting the
eventful battle, the generals may be named;
in recording the treaty, the statesman may
be noticed; but we learn no more of them
than is necessarily connected with those

-- 048 --

[figure description] Page 048.[end figure description]

events. The perusal of history leaves on
the mind of every reflecting reader, a curiosity
to know more of those great men,
of whom the mirror of the historian has
afforded but a glimpse. We wish to be
informed whether heroes or statesmen
derived their bravery or wisdom from
a long line of illustrious ancestors, or
achieved greatness by inherent worth. To
gratify this laudable curiosity was, undoubtedly,
the origin of biography; and
it must be acknowledged that the lives of
the good and the great, written with
judgment, often illustrate history, and present
the most instructive lessons to mankind.
Plutarch is, at once, the model for
biographers, and his lives the mirror in
which the folly and deformity of modern
English biography may be seen: I do not
think I read any modern works with such
abhorrence, disgust, and ineffable contempt.
I am an enthusiast in legitimate biography.
You know, my dear Frank, that if my
little library can boast of any thing like a

-- 049 --

[figure description] Page 049.[end figure description]

complete collection, it is in the biographical
department—to which I have frequently
repaired for profit and delight.
Indeed, what can be more profitable and
delightful than to turn the pages of correct
biography; to trace genius from its
birth; to see the Herculean mind strangling,
as it were, the snakes of ignorance
in the cradle; to observe its inherent
energies bursting the dense mists of poverty
and obscurity; to view the man of
mighty genius leaping into the angry flood
of life, like Cassius into the “troubled
“Tyber,”


—“buffeting its surge
“With lusty sinews; throwing it aside
“And stemming it with heart of controversy,
“Until he gains the point proposed.”
When the master-spirit, in despite of
poverty, obscurity, municipal restraint,
and the shackles of ancient custom,


“Gets the start of the majestic world,
“And bears the palm alone,”

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[figure description] Page 050.[end figure description]

and leaves the epoch of his existence to
denote and glorify the age and country
which gave him birth, we read and are
inspired with noble ambition; our mental
powers are awakened. If we possess a
latent spark of genius, it is kindled to
a flame. We learn to buffet misfortune,
surmount despondency, and dare to be
eminent. But this is no representation
or effect of English biography. The object
of their biographers is not to excite
emulation in great, but to fill the vacuity
of little minds; not to exhibit their heroes,
statesmen, and literati, with dignity
to the present, or transmit their characters
with splendour to future ages—but,
by minute, frivolous, ludicrous, and often
indecorous anecdote, to belittle them in
the view of their cotemporaries; and to
convince posterity that the praise bestowed
on them by historians, or acquired by
their works, is totally unfounded. The
English connoisseur in painting will tell
you that the portrait of a great man cannot

-- 051 --

[figure description] Page 051.[end figure description]

be perfect until its tints are mellowed by
time: but the English have yet to learn,
that the same will equally apply, in a
metaphorical sense, to the original. To
render a great character perfect, they
should suffer time to mellow its tints, and
cast a friendly and oblivious shade over
those glaring colours which degraded it
in the eyes of cotemporaries. But the
present English biographers do not write
for posterity: No—they write for circulating-libraries,
reading-rooms, ornamented
studies, loungers, pastry-cooks, and green-grocers.

I adore Plutarch, who made me acquainted
with the worthies of Greece and
Rome: I honour the anonymous author
who made me acquainted with the great
Galileo: I am inspired with enthusiasm
while I read. “I live along his lines”—I
give the reins to my imagination—I am
present with the great mathematician when
he first points his newly invented telescope
toward the heavens, and establishes, by

-- 052 --

[figure description] Page 052.[end figure description]

observation, the Copernican system—I see
the sun of his genius now bursting
through the dense clouds of monkish
ignorance, then obscured by those of
ecclesiastical bigotry; and, finally, pouring
its strong light through after-ages, which
shall not be extinguished until the system
he illustrated shall be dissolved.

I am grateful to the man who wrote the
life of the modest Harvey, who gave consistency
to the art of physic by the discovery
of the circulation of the blood.
The obstacles he encountered from ignorance
and envy, which discredited his
discovery, despoiled him of his manuscripts
and his household goods, and attempted
to rob him of his fame, and
which he requited by bequeathing his patrimony
for the benefit of the art—afford
a lesson which may be useful even in my
small sphere.—Dr. Burnet's account of
the life and death of John, Earl of Rochester,
presents a more powerful antidote to
vicious pleasures than the choice of

-- 053 --

[figure description] Page 053.[end figure description]

Hercules. In his relation of the death-bed
repentance of this eminent martyr to debauchery,
every sentence is a homily
which speaks consolation to the pious and
bids the infidel prepare for future judgment.—
In the lives of Galileo, Harvey,
and others from the same school, I see
much to admire and to emulate, and nothing
to excite ridicule or disgust; I am
grateful to such biographers. But I do not
thank the author who pursues his hero
into the recesses of domestic life, and exhibits
the disgusting infirmities of our
common nature. I owe no obligations to
the biographers who exhibit to me the
Duke of Marlborough “saving a groat”—
Addison and Parnel in their cups—Dean
Swift lampooning good Mrs. Sheridan, at
Quilca—or the moral Dr. Johnson belabouring
Osborn, the printer, with a
folio. Such puny anecdotes make no part
of legitimate biography. It is trifling
with the reader of reflection, and worse
than trifling with the subject of their

-- 054 --

[figure description] Page 054.[end figure description]

memoirs. The Duke de Rochefoucauld
observes, that no man was ever a hero in the
eyes of his valet-de-chambre—and one
would imagine that the lives of most of
the eminent men in England were written
by their valets, or rather by their grooms
or scullions.—I have just been disgusted
by reading a few pages of a work which
the author has had the effrontery to style
biographical: but it is not biography; it
is the mischievous scandal of waiting-maids—
the buzz of a village bar-room—
and the gossip's tale at a vulgar accouchement.

It is difficult to decide whether most
injury is done, by these pretended biographers,
to their readers or to the reputation
of the subject of their memoirs.
When we peruse an ethical work—for
instance, should we read lessons of sublime
morality in the Rambler—should we be
convinced, by his wondrous force of language,
of the necessity of self-denial, temperance,
and the control of inordinate

-- 055 --

[figure description] Page 055.[end figure description]

passions, we should be immediately impressed
with an idea that the author lived
an eminent example of the precepts he
enjoined; and, even should we be deceived,
it is for our own benefit we should
continue to think so: but when we are
told, by his biographer, that this austere
moralist was a glutton, and a wine-bibber,
that his ungoverned passions, at times,
precipitated him into broils and striking,
and even into an association with the
lowest grades of sexual pollution, the
charm is dissolved, the writer is devested
of half his moral persuasion. If you
doubt this position, my friend, look into
yourself: you may have been pleased, it
is true, with an elegant ethical essay, written
by a known profligate, but you never
had your heart warmed or your life amended
by a sermon on temperance from a
drunken parson. It is true in writing as
in preaching, that the sentiment which
reaches the heart must be supposed to
come from the heart. In this view, therefore,

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many of the modern biographies may be
considered, not merely trifling but pernicious—
not only disreputable to the subjects
of them but injurious to the cause
of virtue. Mr. Boswell, one of the most
fashionable of these anti-biographers, apologizes
for the insertion of several anecdotes,
very discreditable to Dr. Johnson,
by the moral obligation of a strict adherence
to truth; but he should have reflected
that the truth is not violated by the
omission of facts immaterial to the great
object of relation. Were a man called to
testify to a contract in a court of justice
he would not be guilty of perjury
should he omit to relate that one of the
contracting parties, on his way to the
court, had fallen into a jakes: but if this
regard to truth must, without limitation,
govern the biographer, why did he not inform
us, at least in a marginal note, how
many times in a year his illustrious friend
performed his non-naturals.

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You who have often rallied me upon
what you was pleased to call the sickly
delicacy of my taste in belles-lettres, will
readily conceive the disgust I am exposed
to by perusing several recent biographical
works which you will receive by Captain—.
The truth is, when I inquire after
some great man whose fame has crossed
the Atlantic, I am immediately referred to
an elegant edition of his life—and, in reading
it, feel the same disappointment as if
I should employ Mr. West to paint a
full-length portrait of William the third,
expecting he would represent, that hero
mounted on his proud charger, contending
for kingdoms at the battle of Boyne, and
he should (in the spirit of an English
biographer) represent the glorious protestant
deliverer perched in his water-closet,
writhing in all the contortions of a dry
belly-ache! Oh, it is vile! it is descending
from the dignity of the biographer, to
expose the infirmities of the wise for the
gratification of the idle; to patch the

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[figure description] Page 058.[end figure description]

venerable garb of wisdom with the motley
of Harlequin, and hold it forth as a laughing-stock
for folly. When the public taste
can relish such biography it presents a
sure but melancholy proof of the decadence
of learning in any country.—Although
he cannot boast of originality, Dr.
Johnson set the fashion of this gossiping
biography. In his lives of the British
poets, he was sedulous to collect those
little ana which make weak readers laugh
and wise men grieve. From him we learn
that Addison tippled, and his wife was a
termagant; that Prior affected sordid
converse in base company, and that his
Chloe was a despicable drab; that Pope
was a glutton, and fell a sacrifice to a silver
sauce-pan, in which it was his delight to
heat potted lampries; and that Rag Smith
was a sloven. When I first read Johnson's
Lives of the British Poets I regretted
those littlenesses, but when I read his life
of the immortal Milton, the latchet of
whose shoes (with reverence be it spoken)

-- 059 --

[figure description] Page 059.[end figure description]

he was not worthy to unloose, I then hoped
I should live to see the day when some
biographer of his own school might write
this author's life, and mete out to him the
measure he meted unto others. I have
lived to be fully gratified—I have read the
life of Samuel Johnson, L. L. D. by Mrs.
Hester Thrale, Sir John Hawkins, and
James Boswell, Esq. and, to my infinite
satisfaction, these three have raised a
tripod of incense to his fame, from which
any man of decent regard to his reputation
would be happy to fly for sanctuary to the
pillory.

Such an abhorrence of these, and similar
biographers, has been excited in those
who apprehended they might be damned
by them to everlasting fame, that, to rescue
their memories from obloquy, and their
friends and relations from shame and sorrow,
several eminent literary men have
been compelled to publish their own memoirs.
Among these, Richard Cumberland,
grandson of the great Bentley, and

-- 060 --

[figure description] Page 060.[end figure description]

the first dramatist in England, has lately
published an account of his own life and
writings, and I am told, by one of his
friends, he means, by adding supplement
to supplement, to preclude the possibility
of his memory's being lacerated by these
biographical hyænas. That he published
his own memoirs from such motives is apparent
from one of his concluding sentences:—
“Man has no need, no right, no
“interest, to know of man more than I
“have enabled every one to know of me.”
David Hume, near thirty years before,
wrote his own life; which should be esteemed,
by the English, in mode, a model
for biographers; for he has disclosed all
those incidents which the world has any
need, right, or interest to know.

Besides those memoirs which issue
proudly from the press, in appropriate
volumes, there are a variety of voluminous
biographical collections, alphabetically arranged,
which are filled with celebrated
names
, known only to the collectors: and,

-- 061 --

[figure description] Page 061.[end figure description]

in addition to this, the magazines lend
their aid to perpetuate memory; and
here, with wonderful industry, the darkest
recesses of obscurity are ransacked to find
names and anecdotes to fill their columns.
It is curious to observe what ingenuity is
displayed to eke out the memoirs, and give
celebrity to a man whose life might be
abundantly comprised in the biography of
a village tombstone. One of these Lilliputian
biographies I will extract, for your
amusement, from the Gentleman's Magazine—
it will serve as a specimen.

August.—Died, at Wragby, on the
“23d ult. Mr. Jacob Bonnycastle, aged
“64.—N. B. Some notice of this eminent
“person in our next.”

September.—Mr. Jacob Bonnycastle,
“whose death we announced in our last,
“was the son of Mr. Isaac Bonnycastle,
“and grandson to the justly celebrated
“Mr. Abraham Bonnycastle, who, in
“1742, was the first person who disco
“vered the approach of Lord Anson's

-- 062 --

[figure description] Page 062.[end figure description]

“ship, the Centurion, after her voyage
“round the world. The late Mr. Jacob
“Bonnycastle was forty years usher to
“an academy—and was remarkable for
“having never used but one pen during
“this period, which was made of a gray
“goose-quill. It is said, in his youth, he
“actually conversed with a gentleman
“who was familiarly acquainted with the
“celebrated Bamfylde Moore Carew,
“king of the beggars.”

Now, one would suppose sufficient had
been said to emblazon the memory of the
“mighty dead”—not so: in the next
number we find further notices of the
celebrated Mr. Jacob Bonnycastle, in
“a letter from `a schoolfellow' to the
“editors of the Gentleman's Maga
“zine.

“Sir,

“The ample justice you have rendered
“the memory of my learned and illus
“trious friend, Mr. Jacob Bonnycastle, of
“Wragby, has emboldened me to correct

-- 063 --

[figure description] Page 063.[end figure description]

“a few inadvertent errors in your state
“ment, for the benefit of posterity. The
“pen which Mr. Bonnycastle solong used,
“to his own honour and that of the na
“tion, was not deplumed from a gray
“goose, but once adorned the pinions of
“a crow. Mr. Bonnycastle was not the
“son of Isaac Bonnycastle, but of the late
“Andrew Bonnycastle, who was executed
“for sheep-stealing. His uncle was the
“noted Edward Bonnycastle, commonly
“called lying Ned. His mother was a
“noted beauty, in her youth, and was kept
“by the famous blackleg, Colonel Kelly.
“His maternal grandmother was the cele
“brated Moll Huggins, well known in
“the metropolis, about the year 1737, by
“the name of wapping Moll.—You may
“rely on these facts, as I have been inti
“mately acquainted with this worthy
“family near half a century.

“A Schoolfellow.” P. S.—It is not true, as stated in the
“Monthly Magazine, that the late Mr.

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[figure description] Page 064.[end figure description]

“Bonnycastle was convicted of sheep-
“stealing, with his father, for the prose
“cution was dropt on account of his
“extreme youth, he being then but 22
“years of age.”

Marginal note, by the editors of the
Gentleman's Magazine.

“We think we discover in `a school-
“`fellow,' an old and valued corres
“pondent: we hope to be favoured with
“further communications from his in
“valuable pen. It is researches like these
“which add to the solid stock of English
“literature, and will enable us to preserve,
“in the eyes of foreigners, that proud pre
“eminence to which we are so justly en
“titled, as the first nation in arts, arms,
“and letters.”

Now, my dear Frank, how edifying
must all this be to the learned; and what
rich consolation to the family of the deceased.—
As I write from memory, I will
not say that the above extracts are correctly
made, but, you may be assured, you

-- 065 --

[figure description] Page 065.[end figure description]

will find the substance of them in the
obituaries of the English magazines.—
But there is a species of biography still
more reprehensible than those which I
have noticed. I allude to the lives of
celebrated prostitutes, published generally
under the specious title of “APOLOGIES,”
in which these lewd women display their
illicit amours with matchless effrontery,
and confirm the maxim, that when their
sex have abandoned their chastity they
are capable of greater daring than ours.
The notorious Constantia Philips may be
considered as the mistress of this school,
but her more modern disciples have so far
exceeded her in fascination of style, vividness
of description, and bold exposure of
meretricious intrigue, that her infamous
memoirs may be considered, in a comparative
view, as an ethical work written expressly
for the promotion of virtue. The
avidity with which these base and seductive
works are purchased and read by
what are called modest women, in England,

-- 066 --

[figure description] Page 066.[end figure description]

is a gross evidence of the corruption of
national taste and morals. The English
writers on the rise and fall of the Roman
empire, with great propriety, point to the
corruption of female manners as one of
the certain indiciæ of its decline. I can
see but little difference, in point of delicacy,
between the English lady who reads
openly these polluted memoirs, and the
Roman matron who exposed herself unrobed
on the Arena.

If the British parliament were as vigilant
to regulate morals as commerce,
they would long ere this have interdicted
such publications by fine or imprisonment.
And the prosecution and punishment
of a printer of one of these apologies
for pollution, would have adorned the national
annals much more than the prosecution
of some wretched pamphleteer
against the ministry, whose offence, in
the next administration, may be considered
a virtue—for the support of any
administration will at best procure an

-- 067 --

[figure description] Page 067.[end figure description]

equivocal, temporary, and partial approbation;
but to support morals will secure
the applause of the wise and good of
all parties in all ages. Let us, my friend,
endeavour so to live that we may at all
times secure the response of a good conscience;—
and God preserve us from
English biographers!

-- --

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-- --

LETTER XIX. The London Booksellers—Etymology of the term Yankey. London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 069.[end figure description]

THE booksellers' shops, with some
exceptions, are not so splendid and spacious
as I expected. An old celebrated
stand, for any kind of business, is sought
after with avidity, and rents high in proportion
to these advantages. Thus, spaciousness
and splendour are sacrificed to
profit. The books are, however, handsomely
arranged, and seats provided for
customers, which are, perhaps, too often
occupied by the literary lounger, to the
annoyance of the trade. The shelves

-- 070 --

p408-087 [figure description] Page 070.[end figure description]

display specimens of works most in repute,
whilst the main stock is preserved in
chambers and warehouses.

The booksellers in London are the real
patrons of the learned: not that they reward
merit like Pollio and Mecænas—
they do not give villas at Tusculum, nor
preserve the poets' native fields from the
devastation of the soldiery—but they foster
the young author by displaying his works,
beautified with all the elegances of the
typographical art; and, by puffs, advertisements,
and their numerous correspondence,
they force a sale; and instances
have not been unfrequent when the demand
for a book, which they owned by
unconditional purchase of the copy-right,
has been greater than was primarily expected,
that they have gratuitously shared
the extra profit with the author.

To a union of the London booksellers
the English are indebted for many of their
great and valuable works. Several of
these booksellers are authors themselves,

-- 071 --

[figure description] Page 071.[end figure description]

and therefore “touch'd with their infirmities.”
Their advice is always ready, and
generally correct. Those of them who are
advanced in business entertain the poor
children of literature at their tables. At
these repasts I have acquired many amusing,
and some valuable and instructive
acquaintance. In their shops they are extremely
civil, as, indeed, every citizen of
London is, when he has any thing to sell;
when he comes to purchase, that is another
affair. The Englishman always conceives
that he who buys confers a favour. Soon
after my arrival I went to several bookstores,
and as I intimated my design to
spend between two and three thousand
dollars, for the purchase of a public library,
I was very respectfully received. In one
shop, as I found the master very generally
acquainted with the belles-lettres; I chatted
very volubly, and quoted the classics
with my usual freedom as when among
my college friends. He listened with such
apparent and earnest attention, and spoke,

-- 072 --

[figure description] Page 072.[end figure description]

at times, with so much knowledge, chastened
with such modesty, that, finding
him pleased with me, I was charmed with
him. When I informed him that I came
from the United States he seemed surprised,
and confessed he had not imagined
that the infant seminaries of the new world
could have effected such an education;
but, after a pause of recollection, he added,
“Ah, sir, I ought to have known that
“the country of Franklin, Adams, and
“Jefferson, must produce scientific men.
“Sir, you were born in a new world;
“every thing there evinces the vigour of
“youth: Europe, sir, I fear, is in her
“dotage.—You have withstood our arms,
“and, I fear, will soon rival us in the arts
“and sciences.”—At the word dotage, to
be sure, I ought to have recollected the
cosmogony of the rogue who cheated
Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield, but I
was so pleased with my country's praise,
and perhaps with my own, that I was ready
to expend all my purchase-money with

-- 073 --

[figure description] Page 073.[end figure description]

this lubricious bookseller; however, as
my money was in trust, I resolved to be
wary, and repeat my visits before I closed
the bargain. Whenever I came, the business
of the shop was left to the shopman,
while I engrossed entirely the attention of
its master. An accident happily saved me
from his toils. The last time I was there,
I observed a man of rather ordinary appearance,
but very grave and formal in
his carriage, cheapening books. He inquired
for De Laune's Plea for the Nonconformists,
Flavel's Token for Mourners,
and Richard Baxter's Saint's Rest, and
some other polemical and pious books.
After asking the price, he observed, that
he was grieved it was so exorbitant, as he
intended to lay out about thirty pounds in
books, for a dissenting society in Broomsgrove,
and found most of the works he
wanted there. At mention of the thirty
pounds, the bookseller (who had been
deeply engaged with me in illustrating a
passage in an idyl of Theocritus by a

-- 074 --

[figure description] Page 074.[end figure description]

quotation from the Noctes Atticæ of
Aulus Gellius) suddenly quitted me and
advanced toward the stranger, with the
same insinuating air with which he at first
accosted me, and assured him that when
he sold to a society, especially a religious
society, it was always at a reduced price.
The stranger took up a pamphlet and inquired
its price. “That excellent trea
“tise is inestimable: it was written by
“the great and pious Mr. —, (some
“body, I did not distinctly hear the name,)
“against occasional conformity: he left a
“few copies with me, with directions to
“present them to the most eminent of
“the dissenting clergy;—sir, I have but
“two left, one I propose sending to Dr.
“Priestley, in America—will you do me
“the honour to accept the other, (bowing
“very low,) as I perceive you are of that
“learned and exemplary denomination of
“Christians.” The strangeracknowledged
he was—his features relaxed—and the
wily bookseller secured the thirty pounds

-- 075 --

[figure description] Page 075.[end figure description]

without further haggling about the price.
As I now discovered that the classical
bookseller dealt largely in Sterne's “de
“licious essence,” of which I had taken
sufficient, I retired.

I learned afterwards that this bookseller
was considered, by the respectable
part of the trade, as the mere Curll of his
day—ever prepared to flatter, and ever
ready to defraud. A friend, to whom I
related this anecdote, said, “sir, did you
“not know he was from Yorkshire?”
It seems they consider the Yorkshiremen
as very subtle, if not dishonest. I was
rather chagrined at this opprobium, because,
you know, Governor Endicott,
with most of our English ancestors, came
from that respectable county. The term
Yankey is but a corruption of Yorkshire,
being simply the Indian pronunciation.
The natives of the country hearing the
white men, during their early habitancy,
frequently speaking of Yorkshire, styled
them Yankeys. To be satisfied of this,

-- 076 --

[figure description] Page 076.[end figure description]

I once requested a Cognawagha Indian to
pronounce Yorkshire: he immediately
replied—“oh, Ya-ankah, you—you be
“Ya-ankah.” So that you perceive, if
the Yorkshire bookseller had attempted
again to flatter me into a bad bargain, I
could, with great propriety, have exclaimed
with Sam, in the farce of Raising
the Wind, “aye, and you see I come fra
“Yorkshire too.”

Believe me, my friend, no blandishments
will ever seduce me to forget my
native country. I can parodize Horace, and
exclaim, with more than poetic ardour,



O Columbia, quando te auspiciam.

-- --

p408-094 LETTER XX. Strictures upon the decorous in public bodies. London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 077.[end figure description]

YOU charge me with fastidiousness in
my remarks upon the merriment of the
British house of commons. Perhaps the
fervour of writing, the consciousness of
addressing “the friendly eye alone,” and
a certain lens of unequal surface, through
which I am too apt to view the wise ones
of this world in grotesque attitudes, may
have misled me, but I never can be driven
from the opinion that gravity is as natural
an attendant on wisdom, and as often
found in her company, as the laughing

-- 078 --

[figure description] Page 078.[end figure description]

loves beside the car of Venus, or frisking
fawns in the train of Bacchus and Ariadne.
It is true, the wits have often ridiculed
gravity, but what is there so sacred as not
to have been, at times, the butt of wit?
Rochefoucauld defines gravity to be a
mysterious carriage of the body, calculated
to cover the defects of the mind.
Laurence Sterne, without defining, boldly
calls it an “arrant scoundrel,” and yet
wise men in all ages have been grave men;
and, if there are some exceptions, it will
be acknowledged, even by the jocose,
that they would have been much wiser if
they had been much graver. The sportiveness
of great and learned men is not
reckoned among their excellences, but
their weaknesses; and this is the general
opinion of people either merry or wise.
Among the ancients, who I confess are
my standards of human perfection, we
find but one laughing philosopher. I remember
a print of that merry sage hung
in my father's parlour, with that of the

-- 079 --

[figure description] Page 079.[end figure description]

crying philosopher as a companion; and
my good mother used to tell me, when I
was a small boy, that Mr. Heraclitus was
a sensible old gentleman, always weeping
at observing what a fool the other was to
be always laughing. I know there have
been authors of even learned works who
have been facetious men—but this resulted
from their wit, not their wisdom,
and wits are the cicada of literature, who
chirp away the summer and starve in the
winter of life. But modern or ancient
times have not produced any great writers,
statesmen, or heroes, who have been
noted for jocularity. I do not recollect
but one pun in all Cicero's works, and not
one tolerable joke in Cæsar's Commentaries.
Cardinal Richelieu, although he attempted,
could never be facetious. The
great Duke of Marlborough and Prince
Eugene were never considered as merry
blades: and, in our country, Washington
and Adams were no jokers. I do not
contend that a wise man may not be

-- 080 --

[figure description] Page 080.[end figure description]

facetious, or even merry, but no wise man was
ever facetious or merry on great and solemn
occasions. It is true, Ludlow, in
his memoirs, informs us that Oliver Cromwell
and his officers smutted each other
with coals, and played barrack tricks at
the horse-guards, the night before the
execution of Charles the First—but remember
there were no repartees, jokes,
and Joe Miller jests, in the high commission
court: no—there all was solemn;—
if the thing done was wrong, the manner
of doing it was august. If that unfortunate
monarch had had to contend with
such men as are now found in the British
house of commons—if Pym and Haslerig
had betted on Sweeper and Sky-Scraper,
and Hampden laughed and joked, and
drolled about ship-money, and the members
had tittered at his ribaldry, English
liberty had now been a mere name, and
British greatness unknown.

I do not believe there was ever convened
a more dignified body of men than

-- 081 --

[figure description] Page 081.[end figure description]

that which composed the American Congress
who promulgated the declaration of
our independence. The hall of congress
was not then a club-room of merry fellows,
but a cabinet for the consultation of
wise men: the members did not joke, but
consulted—they did not laugh, but acted:
and under the conduct of such wise, and
let me add grave, men, from dependent
colonies we became an independent nation.
And, however great men may indulge
in sportive sallies of social mirth, I
still insist it is indecorous on great occasions;
and whenever I see a great national
council, engaged on momentous
concerns, as merry as grigs, I shall adopt
the language of the wise and grave Jewish
preacher, and say “of laughter, it is mad;
“and of mirth, what doeth it?”—I had
read the English relations of the frivolity
of the French national assembly—I thought
the reprehension of their travellers just,
and their epithet of “French monkeys”
well applied; but let me no more see

-- 082 --

[figure description] Page 082.[end figure description]

Englishmen sneer at French frivolity,
since I have seen the British house of
commons as merry as gossips at a junkcting.

That a certain decorum, and even gravity
of deportment, is proper, and meets
the sense of all who are decorous themselves,
is one of those truisms which need
merely to be stated to be universally acceded
to; and that the reverse will, at all
times, be odious to those who are unaccustomed
to it, is equally true.

Lord Chesterfield charges his son (then
minister plenipotentiary at Madrid) to be
at all times scrupulously attentive to his
personal demeanour: many persons, he
observes, will visit you from motives of
curiosity, and when they are interrogated
“what was his excellency the English
“ambassador doing?” let them not
reply, “his excellency the ambassador
“was picking his nose.”—In France, or
Germany, I may be asked, “did you visit
“that august assembly, the British house

-- 083 --

[figure description] Page 083.[end figure description]

“of commons?” “Yes; I was in the
“gallery on a most important occasion—
“the state of the nation, which involved
“the state of Europe, was the order of the
“day.” “Ah, my good sir, you interest
“me deeply; pray, what was done by
“those great men?” “Oh, sir—a more
“pleasant, facetious, jolly, comical, set of
“fellows you never saw, than these same
“British senators: they quirped, they
“cranked, and they joked until the
“spectators and their clerks were almost
“suffocated with fun—and I verily thought
“the speaker would have burst his sides
“with laughter.”

Let any candid Englishman be requested
to consider what would have been his
feeling at such a recital, and he may have
some idea of mine, who am the descendant
of an Englishman.

Whether we are merry or grave, my
friend, let us endeavour to be wise—wise
for time, and wise for eternity.

Your old friend, &c.

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[figure description] Blank Page.[end figure description]

-- --

p408-102 LETTER XXIII. The sun—and fashion. London.
My dear Sister,

[figure description] Page 085.[end figure description]

YOUR first charge, at parting, was that
I should, by every ship, give you an account
of my health—your last, “to send
“you a particular detail of the fashions.”
As to the first, I can obey it I trust to
mutual satisfaction: my cough abates, and
I gather strength daily. Could I but enjoy
twelve hours such clear sunshine as you
have in Brooklyne, I should feel “my
“youthful joy and bound of health.”
But, alas! in this desponding clime the
sun is generally obscured by dense clouds,

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[figure description] Page 086.[end figure description]

or if a day should intervene which they
here call fine, the best we can expect is to
catch a transient glimpse of this invigorating
luminary, through turrets, steeples,
and chimneys, where it looks as cheerless
and forlorn as a poor debtor peeping
through the grates of his prison; even in
its meridian altitude it is obscured by
clouds of sea-coal smoke, continually
arising from household or manufacturing
fires in this vast city, and appears, like
Milton's fallen angels, “with looks down-
“cast and dampt.” As I pass the streets
I cast my eyes upwards, and can scarcely
forbear exclaiming, with the wayward
Hamlet, “this most excellent canopy, the
“air—look you—this brave o'erhanging
“firmament, this majestical roof fretted
“with golden fire—why, it appears no
“other thing to me than a foul and pesti
“lent congregation of vapours.” I assure
you I often recollect poor O'Callaghan's
exclamation, which we in our childhood
used to laugh at and ridicule as a

-- 087 --

[figure description] Page 087.[end figure description]

—“Och! I wish you could see now
what a brave sun we have in Drogheda.”
When I hear a London cit. praise a day
as fine which would be condemned with
as gloomy, I feel there is no blunder in
conception of a local sun, and am
ready to exclaim to this beclouded race,
Ah, I wish you could see what a brave
sun we have in Boston;”—I yearn to
be again basking in its beams: methinks
I could once again inhale the mild
breeze of our early autumn, under the
vivifying expanse of a clear blue sky, I
should lapse from my faith, and “pay
my worship to the gairish sun.”

Nothing is more difficult, and no one
less qualified than myself to give you an
account of the fashions; but no task is
too hard, which I would not attempt to
please my sister: Were I qualified, the
ever varying whims and caprice of this
inconstant goddess would prevent a

-- 088 --

[figure description] Page 088.[end figure description]

correct detail. I often think of Pope's direction
to portray the volatile fair:


—“Take a firm cloud, and in it
Catch, ere she change, the Cynthia of the minute.”
Should I accurately describe a bonnet, ere
this could reach you, and Mrs. Crufts
make it, its place here would probably be
usurped by a hat, and your fashionable
bonnet consigned to the servant-maid.

The English should not, however, be
rashly charged with volatility in their frequent
changes of the mode. The change
of fashion, which with us is a whim, here
is a principle: thousands get their bread
by making ornamental dresses, and thousands
would starve if they waited (as in
the days of our grandmama) until the
substantial brocade, the durable damask,
or firm watered tabbies, whose fashion
was as durable as their textures, were
decayed. Even the august and venerable
parliament, to revive decaying manufactories
and give bread to their artificers,

-- 089 --

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have condescended to intermeddle with
the fashions, and protruded their legislative
power into the regions of taste.
Buttons of a certain construction have
been prohibited, under a penalty, and
shoe-tyes interdicted by statute. You remember
Pope's dying beauty:


“Odious, in woollen, 'twould a saint provoke,”
Were the last words that poor Narcissa spoke.
“No! let a charming chintz and Brussels' lace
“Enfold these limbs and shade this lifeless face:
“One need not, sure, be ugly though one's dead;
“And, Betty—give these cheeks a little red.”
The lady alludes to the law for burying
the dead in flannel. The rich, however,
since that day, seem influenced by the
same dreadful apprehensions of lethal deformity,
and contrive to evade this homely
shroud by sometimes lining the coffin, or
stuffing a silken pillow for the corpse,
with the statute quantity of flannel.

The English are not so much indebted
to the French as formerly, for their

-- 090 --

[figure description] Page 090.[end figure description]

fashions. Some years since, the milliners
and mantua-makers received, regularly,
dressed dolls from Paris—if they do now,
it is not openly avowed. Indeed, the epithet
dressed would not at present apply to
the fashionable dames du Paris; they
would, perhaps, be better represented by
undressed dolls. You recollect the account
which Addison gives, in his playful manner,
in the Spectator, of a romping club,
how they demolished a prude over-night,
and sent a coach the next morning to
carry off the spoils. Whether such a character
as a prude exists now, in the world
of London fashion, I cannot say—I ought
to observe, to the honour of the English
fair, that I have met with no lady who appeared,
in the least degree, to possess the
austere qualities of that forbidding character:
but if a fashionable prude should
be now found and demolished, not only her
spoils but the attire of the whole club
might be carried in an old-fashioned tentstitched
pocket-book.

-- 091 --

[figure description] Page 091.[end figure description]

So far as I can dive into this mysterious
science, the actresses, the kept mistresses,
and certain dashing belles in high life,
support the present fashions—except on certain
occasions. When it becomes necessary
to revive a decayed mode, for the
benefit of the manufacturers, the bucklemaker,
or other machinist to some one
of the royal family, presents his or her
royal highness with the old fashion, new
vamped, and its display at a birth-night
ball, seldom fails to give it currency.

When a fashion takes, it is adopted
by the families of the nobility and gentry,
and from them passes, in regular gradation,
to the lower classes, and from them
to the colonies and the United States,
while those who are first in the fashion
carry it to an extreme, to maintain a proud
distinction. The object of the English
elegantes, indeed, seems not to be to
adorn themselves becomingly, but to avoid
as much as possible, looking like beauties
of meaner rank, or inferior wealth. The

-- 092 --

[figure description] Page 092.[end figure description]

present female fashions seem ill-adapted
to this climate, for although a profusion of
furs are worn in the winter, they are
thrown by in the house, and then their
drapery would scarce serve for a mosquito
net; and even this slender texture is
made to fold, or rather fall around them,
in imitation of what the statuaries call
wet-drapery, which, as you have no statues
to admire or ladies dressed like statues
to copy, I will endeavour to elucidate:
Next washing-day, if you will quit your
piano-forte and follow Betty into the
clothes'-yard, and direct her to cover one
of the old red posts with muslin dripping
from the wash-tub, you will have a distinct
idea of wet drapery, and, if you have
the eye of a connoisseur, will certainly
notice that, although the post is completely
enveloped, yet, none of the beauties
of its fine form are lost.

The English, after having long ridiculed
the French for their winter and
summer dresses, which were regularly

-- 093 --

[figure description] Page 093.[end figure description]

changed by the calendar, without regard
to the advancement or retrogade of the
seasons, now, in lieu of investing their
wives and daughters in the comfortable,
modest, and therefore graceful and attractive
attire of their ancestors, admirably
adapted to their moist climate, search all
climes for modes of dress, and adopt them
indiscriminately as the ships arrive or the
whim takes, without regard to their climate
or the seasons.

They have not only imported fashions
from the polished cities of the continent,
but, with the fastidiousness of a sickly
taste, they have sought the abodes of labour
and poverty for novelty, and condescended
to imitate the coarse habiliments
of the vitious and the vagrant. Cottagebonnets
and gipsey-hats are no longer
solely appropriated to thatched houses,
hedges, and by-lanes, but are transferred
to the toilets of the elegant and the opulent.—
If you was to view an old landscape,
which the painter had enlivened by rustic

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[figure description] Page 094.[end figure description]

occupation, and was told it was painted in
the present times, you would imagine the
artist had grossly erred in the costume of
his labourers—that he had portrayed city
belles raking hay, and a lady of the court
turning her spinning-wheel. Turning over
some old magazines, I assure you I at first
mistook the print of Moll Squires, the old
gipsey, for an English dutchess, dressed
for a promenade.

Fashion, this mighty conqueror of decorum,
modesty, beauty, and health, like
the mighty conquerors of ancient days,
having laid the poor and miserable of her
own country under contribution, and enriched
herself with the spoils of civilized
nations, now stoops to plunder the barbarian.
Modes of dress are plundered from
Tartary, from Kamschatka,

“From Nova-Zembla, and the Lord knows where;”

and I have strong expectations of seeing
the nose-jewels, the wampum, and other
ornaments of our Wabash and Creek

-- 095 --

[figure description] Page 095.[end figure description]

Indian belles, adopted by the English beauties.
They once imitated the Cherokee
cut of the hair; and their vermilion, under
a more fashionable name, is now the accompaniment
of their toilets.

Indeed, I do not know where fashion
will stop, unless at the fairy-shoe of the
Chinese beauties—which the haughty fair
of England must be content to envy, as
they cannot imitate. Apropos—suppose
you should take your English suitor,
poor S****, into favour, and come with
him to London, as Mrs. S****—although
you must not expect he will be here the
man of consequence he is considered by
the credulity of Boston folks, (for Fetterlane,
where his honest father retails farthing
candles, is not so courtly a place as
he used to represent it,) yet, if you will
come adorned in all the paraphernalia of a
sachem's lady, with your moccasons, wampum,
medals, broaches, and nose-jewels—
with your hair refulgent with bear's
grease, the rim of your left ear slit and the

-- 096 --

[figure description] Page 096.[end figure description]

cartilage encased in silver—with your pipe
modelled like a tomahawk, and your tobacco-pouch
resplendent with the quills of
the porcupine, and, above all, your superb
bed-blanket tasselled with scarlet worsted,
and embossed with various coloured
beads—I have little doubt, although wife
of a cit, you may set the fashion at court:
I assure you, three-fourths of the people
in London would suppose you dressed in
the best fashion of an American lady;
perhaps they might be surprised that you
were not copper-coloured—for the mere
cits of London verily believe there are few
white people in the world but themselves.
Even the learned are not exempt from
the weakness of crediting that the English
complexion is unrivalled, and have actually
made some grotesque attempts to
prove that their national cognomen is a
derivative from Angel. As they hate the
French most, they compare complexions
with them first—and in their novels, and
on the stage, represent them as meagre

-- 097 --

[figure description] Page 097.[end figure description]

and sallow; although they have frequent
intercourse with the inhabitants of the
south of France, whose complexions are
not surpassed by any people, and equalled
only by the Yankey youth. The English
are so proud of their national complexion
that when they would praise Milton (as if
personal charms could add glory to this
sublime poet) they seldom fail to mention
that he was eminently beautiful—in his
youth his complexion was pure red and
white. To flatter this vanity, Manso,
Marquis of Villa, who had been the patron
of Tasso, addressed the following Latin
distich to Milton, then a youth, and in
Italy:


Utmens firma, decos, facies, mos; si, pietas sic:
Non Anglus verum Hercle Angelus ipse feres;
which you can request the Rev. Dr.
E****, or the Rev. Mr. F*****, to
translate for you. The wily Italian, it
seems, had discovered this national weakness,
and complimented the young poet's

-- 098 --

[figure description] Page 098.[end figure description]

beauty: Milton was an Englishman, and
therefore delighted with the compliment.
The English, however, although not the
fairest people in the world, can boast many
clear and florid countenances, and some of
their young ladies I have verily thought
(without recurrence to the herald's office)
the legitimate descendants of angels;—
don't mention this to Amelia!

At the commencement of this long
letter I sat down to describe the fashions,
and I assure you, with the aid of my
opera-glass, I had critically examined
three ladies of the ton, to enable me to do
it correctly, but I found fashion, as Burke
found taste, too volatile to bear the chains
of a definition; I have therefore concluded
to send you what is better than the
best description—I have been to the first
milliner and mantua-maker in London,
(who, it is said, work for the ladies at the
court end of the town,) and directed a
walking and full dress suit for you, in the
tip of the mode
. A very pretty girl, the

-- 099 --

[figure description] Page 099.[end figure description]

milliner's apprentice, brought home her
part this morning; she insisted I should
examine them, but my reverence for the
sex is such I could not gratify her: however,
I caught a glimpse of a turban or
cap which, as it is very gaudy, very odd,
and extremely homely, I conclude must
be very fashionable.

Do not, in displaying your finery, my
dear sister, expose yourself to the evening
air, especially after dancing; reflect on
what I have suffered from similar incaution—
and let me see you, on my return,
as healthy as beautiful, for I know you
will be as good and affectionate as ever.

Yours, affectionately. P. S.—The band-boxes will come by
the Galen, to the care of Dr. M****;
you will perhaps find them at Mrs. Cruft's:
the purple box must be sent to Amelia.

-- --

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-- --

p408-118 LETTER XXX. Bite—bamboozle—all the rage—quiz— quizzical—bore—horrid bore—I. owe you one—that's a good one. London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 101.[end figure description]

THERE are certain scoria floating on
the English language, too light and heterogeneous
to incorporate with the mass, but
which appear and remain until skimmed
off by the hand of fashion. These cant
words, or quaint expressions, are not peculiar
to the present day. They were
noticed and ridiculed by Shakespear, and
even foisted into the plays of Ben Jonson.
Sir Richard Steele and Dr. Arbuthnot
mention bite and bamboozle in their time.

-- 102 --

[figure description] Page 102.[end figure description]

The cant of later times has been exhibited
in certain unmeaning words, and quaint
phrases, introduced without the least regard
to application or propriety, as expletives
in discourse. Some years since
“all the rage” was the cant, and an Englishman
asserted that universal philanthropy
and peace were “all the rage.”
To this succeeded “quiz” and “quizzi
“cal;” every man of common sense was
a quiz, and every blockhead quizzical.
To these succeeded “bore;” every thing
animate, and even inanimate, was a “bore,”
a “horrid bore!” I am not certain that I
give you the correct order of succession,
for, indeed, I am not ambitious of correctness
in the genealogy of nonsense. The
cant expressions now in vogue are, “I
“owe you one,” and “that's a good one;”
and if, in the warmth of friendly fervour,
you should communicate a pathetic tale
to an English friend—tell him, with tears
in your eyes, of the loss of an affectionate
wife, or blooming babes—of all bereaved

-- 103 --

[figure description] Page 103.[end figure description]

“at one fell swoop,” you might expect
to have your deadly griefs consoled with,
“well, that's a good one.” But, besides
these evanescent vulgarisms of fashionable
colloquy, there are a number of words now
familiar, not merely in transient converse,
but even in English fine writing, which are
of vulgar origin and illegitimate descent,
which disgust an admirer of the writers of
their Augustan age, and degrade their
finest modern compositions by a grotesque
air of pert vivacity. Among these is the
adjective clever; a word not derived from
those pure and rich sources which have
given all that is valuable to the English
language—a word not used by any English
prose writer of eminence until the reign
of George the Third, nor ever introduced
into a serious poem until adopted by
Cowper—a word which, if we may judge
of adjectives as we do of men, by their
associates, shows the baseness of its origin
by the company it keeps, being generally
coupled with fellow, a term I conceive of

-- 104 --

[figure description] Page 104.[end figure description]

no respect except in courts and colleges.
Englishmen, from the peer to the peasant,
cannot converse ten minutes without introducing
this pert adjunct. The English
do not, however, use it in the same sense
we do in New-England, where we apply
it to personal grace, and call a trim, well-built
young man, clever—which signification
is sanctioned by Bailey's and the
elder English Dictionaries; nor do they
use it in our secondary sense, when applying
it to the qualities of the mind; we
intend by it good-humoured, they use it
to signify skilful, adroit; and the man
who breaks a dwelling-house, a prison, or
a neck adroitly, is clever. I heard a reverend
prebend, in company with several
clergymen of the episcopal church, (after
having magnified the genias of the prelate,)
pronounce the Archbishop of Canterbury
a very clever fellow. A native of
England may be distinguished as readily
by the frequent use of the adjective clever
as the native of New-England by that of

-- 105 --

[figure description] Page 105.[end figure description]

the verb guess. It was not until I had
some months in London that I discovered
how often I exposed myself to
ridicule by the repeated use of this verb.
My new friend B******, of the Inner
Temple, who has a profound knowledge
of every subject but the law, as he is one
of those assiduous benchers described by
,

Who pens a sonnet, when he should engross,”

pointed out to me this provincialism, as
he styled it. What is the reason, he inquired,
that you New-Englandmen are
always guessing? I replied, coolly, because
we imagine it makes us appear
clever fellows. Now, here, to my
astonishment, B****** was in the same
predicament as myself; although he had
clever and clever fellow perhaps
times in this interview, he had not
noticed it: he was a gentleman of too refined
a taste to advocate this Alsatia term,
would hardly be persuaded of its

-- 106 --

[figure description] Page 106.[end figure description]

exuberant use until I had drawn his attention
to it in conversation with several of his
countrymen—and was at length obliged to
send him half a sheet of extracts, in prose
and verse, to convince him of its absurd
recurrence in the modern English fine
writing. But B****** is really a clever
fellow
, learned and candid, terms seldom
united by a London copula, and we agreed
to assist each other in devesting our style
of these silly colloquisms. Soon after,
B****** said to me, with earnestness,
“now you have read Boswell, you must
“acknowledge Dr. Johnson to have been
“a very clever fellow.” “I guess he was,”
I replied.

If, however, I should be requested to
note some shibboleth to distinguish an Old
from a New-Englandman it would not be
like the Israelites in pronunciation, nor yet
in expression or accent—not in words but
in mode. An Englishman puts and answers
a question directly, a New-Englandman
puts his questions circuitously and

-- 107 --

[figure description] Page 107.[end figure description]

ways answers a question by asking another.
I am indebted, in some measure, to
B****** for this distinction, who, in
early life, spent a winter in Hartford,
Connecticut, but which your own observations,
even in Boston, will abundantly
confirm. When my friend, the Templar,
first noticed this local peculiarity, I was
inclined to dispute its universality among
us; B****** offered to risk the decision
of our dispute upon the reply of the
first New-Englandman we should chance
to accost—and, as an Englishman who is
opposed to you in argument always has a
bet or a blow at your service, he offered
a small wager that he would propose a
direct question to him, and the Yankey
should reply by asking another. We were
strolling in St. James's Park, and who
should approach, very opportunely, but
Charles ********, of Salem. After the
first salutations, B****** said, “pray,
“Mr. ********, what time of the day
“is it by your watch?” “Why, I can't

-- 108 --

[figure description] Page 108.[end figure description]

“say, what o'clock is it by yours?” This
was followed by a hearty laugh: but when
the affair was explained to Charles, he insisted
it was merely fortuitous, and might
not happen again in a thousand instances,
and, finally, when B******, in the pride
of victory, offered to double the bet, and
repeat the experiment, he took him up.
B****** said, select your man—but here
comes your countryman, Dr. ***; you
will allow him to be as correct a speaker
as any in New-England; all shall be fair;
I will put the question in such a way as
shall preclude the possibility of his being
taken by surprise. Charles acknowledged
Dr. *** was the very man he would have
selected. The doctor, by this time, joined
our party. “Pray, doctor, (said B******
“very deliberately,) what is the reason
“you New-Englandmen always reply to
“a question by asking another? “Why,
“is that the case, sir?”

-- 109 --

[figure description] Page 109.[end figure description]

As you are a very clever fellow and I
guess
you are wearied by this time, I will
conclude my letter, lest you should not
be in a humour to say “that's a good
“one.”

-- --

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-- --

LETTER XXXIII. Literary larceny, forgery, and swindling— Chatterton—Ireland, and Macpherson London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 111.[end figure description]

IN our simple country, whenever you
hear theft or forgery mentioned, you are
immediately impressed with the idea of
some low fellow stealing a horse, or with
Burroughs' issuing his Canada bank-bills;
but here, in this sublime metropolis,
where every virtue and every vice is carried
to a refined extreme, are rogues
found who can steal the cardinal virtues,
and forge counterfeit immortality. Horace

-- 112 --

[figure description] Page 112.[end figure description]

might boast that his name was too hard a
nut for envy to crack,


—“fragile quærens, illidere dentem
Offendit solido”—
but if ancient Rome had been like modern
London, the Augustan poet could
not have passed one half the via sacra before
he might have been robbed of his
monumentum ære perennius, and his flattery
ad Mecænam into the bargain.

There are several instances mentioned
of persons who have borrowed or purloined
original manuscripts, and sold
them to the booksellers; and some have
had the daring effrontery to print their
own names in the title-page, as the authors,
thus almost literally stealing the
writer's fame. A droll instance was mentioned
to me by Mr. Wright, a respectable
bookseller in St. John's Square, Clerkenwell:—
One of these literary pilferers
had surreptitiously taken, from a gentleman
in Litchfield, a fine address to the

-- 113 --

p408-130 [figure description] Page 113.[end figure description]

king, on the peace in 1783, written in
blank verse. He unblushingly printed it
with his name glaring in capitals on the
title-page. A friend, complimenting him
on his work, observed, that the verse was
very elegant. “Verse!” exclaimed our
adventitious author; “dear sir, you have
“not read my address—it is not verse,
“there is not a single rhyme in it: No,
“no, I leave it to your Priestleys, your
“Prices, and your Franklins, to write
“poetry, and sich like stuff.”—Do not
laugh—I'll assure you it was no laughable
matter to the real author; it cost him a
large sum, to the editors of newspapers
and magazines, to reclaim his own work.
For the amusement of the town, their respective
rights to the contested poem was
disputed by the hackney writers, and
eleven sixpenny pamphlets printed, abounding
with very ingenious arguments on
both sides; and long before the natural
parent could prove his kindred to the
foundling, the putative father had obtained

-- 114 --

[figure description] Page 114.[end figure description]

a snug birth in the customs, as the meed
of oblation to majesty. The question still
remains undecided in the popular opinion.
The advocates for the thief are numerous,
although they acknowledge the Litchfield
gentleman could have written as elegantly,
and might have composed this—
and that if the putative father wrote it,
it must have been a miracle. I had the
curiosity to read this address, and found,
to my surprise, that he whom I supposed
the real author possessed but little more
right to it than his rival, for I found that,
excepting a simile about the oak's becoming
more vigorous and flourishing when
it is cropt, in allusion, I imagine, to the
dismemberment of the colonies, all that
was valuable was taken from Waller's
Address to King Charles II. upon his
majesty's happy return.

But there is yet a viler practice, too
common in England; writers of real
merit, who are popular, frequently loan,
and sometimes, I fear, sell, their names,

-- 115 --

[figure description] Page 115.[end figure description]

and permit themselves to be announced
to the public as authors of very inferior,
and often very dull performances. There
may be some excuse, as there may be a
powerful temptation, for an ignorant and
conceited fellow to pilfer the plumes of
science—but how men of genuine genius
and learning can stoop to this base folly is
astonishing. They condemn, with great
sensibility, those who, from vanity or want,
purloin the works of others; not reflecting
that he who gives currency to that
which is base, by gilding it with the bullion
of his name, does more injury to the
reading world than he who ushers into it
what is intrinsically valuable under a
worthless name: it is swindling in essence—
it is defrauding the purchaser by
false tokens. If not in a legal, in a moral
view, he who lends his name to accelerate
the sale of a worthless work should be
held in the same estimation with him who
gilds brass beads and vends them for pure
gold.

-- 116 --

[figure description] Page 116.[end figure description]

But petit larceny and swindling are not
the only crimes perpetrated in the English
republic of letters. The learned complain
that forgery is committed with astonishing
effrontery. We have read of the forgery
of deeds and other instruments:
indeed, the sessions' papers mention an
instance, sadly ludicrous, of some villains
having forged a will, put a pen into the
hand of the corpse, and forced the words
indicative of the publication of it, into
the mouth of the dead man, which they
withdrew, and then swore, boldly, before
the Probate, that they saw the deceased
set his hand to the will, and that
“he published it to be his last will and
“testament” were the last words that
came from his mouth. But these were
clumsy prevaricators, calculated to impose
upon the credulity and obtain the sanction
of an ecclesiastical court. It remained
for Chatterton and Ireland, by more acute
and bolder daring, to establish the superiority
of lettered genius over the awkward

-- 117 --

[figure description] Page 117.[end figure description]

finesse of unlettered ingenuity, and to
forge the works of those who had been
buried for centuries. In the year 1768,
Chatterton, a boy of Bristol, then scarcely
fourteen years of age, ushered into notice
certain poems which purported to have
been written by Thomas Rowley, a monk
of the 15th century. The boy had written
the poems on parchment smoke-dried,
to give it the appearance of antiquity—
suited the idiom and the orthography to the
age in which they were pretended to have
been written—and even wrote the rhyme
in the mode we arrange prose, which was
the economical fashion of that day—and
asserted that he found them in a chest, in
a room over the chapel in Radcliffe
Church, which chest was called Canynge's,
as containing certain deeds of benefaction
which had been executed to the church
by a merchant of that name, who lived in
the reign of Edward the Fourth. The
lovers of antiquity pored over the black
letter with their accustomed enthusiasm,

-- 118 --

[figure description] Page 118.[end figure description]

while the lovers of poetry read the poems
with delight for their strong expression
and beautiful imagery;—and they might
both have been delighted with more from
the same copious source, but a puerile
curiosity, which may be compared to a
child who breaks his fiddle to discover
whence the sound proceeds, was to be
satisfied. Where did he procure these
poems? are they original? did he write
them himself? could he write them? are
they a mere fabrication? was the cry
among the learned. A jury of antiquarians
de ventre temporis inspiciendi was impanelled;
Canynge's chest was found; it
was proved that Chatterton had access to
it—it was empty, but had contained parchments
which no one had the curiosity to
have inspected; but, unluckily, some modern
words, and a few Arabic numerals,
raised a doubt—and, to the immortal honour
of the genius of Chatterton, the
poems were cast in the verdict; principally
from the consideration that no man

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in the age of Edward the Fourth, and they
might have added in the present, could
have written so finely. Upon this detection
of the fraud, Chatterton, instead of
being cherished by patronage, and a right
direction given to his erring infant course,
was condemned and avoided as if deeply
stained with the moral turpitude of a man
grown gray in villany; and this wonderful
boy, more precious than a whole theatric
corps of infant Rocii, after making an
abortive attempt to support himself by
writing for the periodical papers, in the
midst of the opulent and enlightened city
of London, at the age of 17 years, was
driven to suicide to avoid the pressing ills
of hunger and poverty! The English
now pride themselves in his genius, and
deeply regret his untimely death. A splendid
edition of his works has been published,
and every memorial of his brief
life carefully collected. A learned nobleman,
who had spent a long life in collecting
and hoarding up the rubbish and chaff

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of ancient lore, but who esteemed the
pearls of Chatterton as the cock in æsop's
Fables did the jewel which he found on
the dunghill, was obliged to apologize to
the public for his neglect of the boy bard.
And both antiquarians and amateurs of
poetry now gather round the tomb of
Chatterton and lament the national loss
with emotions of mingled shame and
grief.

Ireland, a man of mature years, pretended
that he had found certain original
writings of Shakespear, and even produced
a play written with so close an imitation
of some of the minor dramas of that immortal
bard that it was actually exhibited
upon the stage, and afterwards published:
and not only the undiscerning vulgar, but
many gentlemen of philological and antiquarian
research pronounced it genuine,
and defended its authenticity against the
sceptics. The style, idiom, metaphors,
similies, quaint expressions, and appropriate
language of the characters

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introduced were so accurately copied, that, to
the credit of the fabricator, a mere mistake
in using paper of later manufacture than
the days of Elizabeth was the principal
circumstance which led to the discovery
of the fraud. Upon the detection, the
same clamour was raised against him as
against the unfortunate Chatterton, and
similar attempts were made to abash him
with obloquy and ignominy, but he turned
upon his pursuers, and declared, in print,
that he meant merely to expose the ignorance
and credulity of the London
literati. Excepting those who are the objects
of it, every one inclines to laugh at
the joke; but, nevertheless, Ireland's reputation
as an author is irreparably injured,
and if he should, hereafter, produce
a drama equal to Hamlet, it would probably
be hissed from the stage.

A question naturally arises, if these persons
had sufficient ability to produce works
equal to, or, at least, with difficulty discernible
from, those they imitated, and,

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consequently, superior to those of the
present degenerated day, why not have
honoured and employed them? If a man
should imitate as nearly the painted glass
of the monkish, the perpetual or horribly
inextinguishable fire of the ancient, or the
sympathetic needle of the fanciful ages—
by which modern churches might be ornamented;
tombs, and cities like tombs,
enlightened; ships burnt; and absent lovers
be enabled to “annihilate both time
“and space;” ought we to refuse the
imitator a patent because he had endeavoured
to pass off his first models as the
works of those great masters who flourished
in times when these rarities were
brought to the greatest perfection? Michael
Angelo Buonarotti, when the Italians
were more enthusiastic in their veneration
for the antique than the English ever
were, chisselled a statue of a sleeping
Cupid, in the style of the Grecian school
in its happiest period; he stained the marble
and mutilated the god, to give the

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statue an appearance of antiquity, and,
finally, buried it in a garden in Rome,
pretending it was discovered by accident:
it was produced, and acknowledged to be
the work of ancient times. Michael Angelo
then, boldly, claimed his own work,
and produced an amputated limb, as unquestionable
evidence of his claim. The
Cognoscenti of Rome, in the 15th century,
instead of contemning, maligning, and
abandoning Michael Angelo, more wisely
concluded that the man who had genius
and taste to imitate the ancient masters
should be encouraged to adorn modern
times, by his wonderful powers: and
Michael Angelo erected the church of St.
Peter's, in Rome—that admirable structure
which the united taste of the world
pronounces the phænix of modern architecture,
and which the English travellers
are constrained to acknowledge, would
even rival St. Paul's if it were not considerably
larger, and had not been a house
of worship for the papists.

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Now, what have Chatterton and Ireland
done more than Michael Angelo? They
have produced, like him, imitations of
elder genius—but they have excelled the
Italian artist in modesty, that unerring
index of merit; they did not, boldly,
claim their own exquisite performances—
the learned were obliged to force them to
acknowledge what all might be proud to
own. Might it not have been expected
that the English, like the Italians, would
have honoured, rewarded, and employed
them? That they might not want new
emissions of the black letter of the monk
Rowley, might be pardonable—but the
man who could imitate the sublime, the
immortal, the hitherto unrivalled Shakespear,
should have had a statue erected
to his honour whilst living, and an honourable
place in Westminster-Abbey, or St.
Paul's, designated for his mausoleum
when dead. But, to the disgrace of English
patronage, Chatterton swallowed
poison, and the great Ireland, the second

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Shakespear of England—a man who
might, probably, have raised the Thalian
glory of the reign of George the Third
above that of the Virgin Queen—is now
treated with affected contempt, and his
forgeries on the bank of Parnassus are
held, apparently, in as much detestation
as forgeries upon the bank of England!

If a solution should be required to this
enigma, I can only answer that literature
is a trade in England; and the making of
books, and the vending the copy-right, is
as much a handicraft occupation, upon
which a person depends for his daily maintenance,
as the making and vending patent
boots;—for, in this commercial land
where every thing is bought and sold,
the sallies of fancy may be bartered for
cheese and porter, and works of imagination
are chattels personal, which may produce
to the author bread, and even
wealth, and sometimes fame; they are
therefore, like other property, protected
by the municipal law—but as that law

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does not contemplate the counterfeiting
the writings of defunct poets, as an injury
to the living, these forgers are not obnoxious
to the criminal code. Those,
however, who are interested by taste in
supporting the value of these precious
metals of genius, supply this defect in the
law by raising a violent and opprobrious
clamour against any who are guilty of
such literary felony. Again, whenever one
of these Parnassian forgeries is attempted,
the learned, as if by instinct, immediately
divide in sentiment as to its authenticity,
and fill the town with controversial pamphlets;
and, as most of their modern
books are made up by plagiarisms from
old works, the English book-makers are
admirably qualified to detect literary fraud—
the trick is soon exposed, and the fabricator
must be consigned to contempt.
Those who detected him, to magnify their
own services, will abuse him, while his
former advocates endeavour to conceal

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the mortification of defeat in declamations
against his turpitude.

But there is a third, and more substantial
reason to be offered why the English
consign this second Shakespear to contempt.
They have so long prided themselves
in this great master of the drama
and the passions, that they are ashamed
to confess that he can be imitated whom
they have, with so much national pride,
pronounced to be inimitable.

From some of these motives a long and
severe contest has been maintained upon
Macpherson's translation of the Poems of
Ossian, in which the great Dr. Johnson,
styled by these moderns the Colossus of
English literature, took a decided part.
He insisted that he would not credit the
translation as genuine until he saw the
original Erse manuscripts;—as if poetry
could not exist without being written.
Did the great doctor ever see the original
manuscript of a Lapland ode? have not
the bards, or prophets, or priests—for they

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likewise were bards, in all ages been the
depositaries of the national poetry—and
have not popular hymns and songs been
preserved, with wonderful accuracy, in the
memories of the common people? is it
not the case in England, even now? does
not language, and poetry, which is but a
modulation of language, necessarily exist
before written characters? The doctor
was opposed by Macpherson, and, in a
personal interview, it is said, the illustrious
moralist and philologist detonated in a
language, if moral, not extremely philological;
in terms, I am told, for the honour
of his work, not to be found in his
Dictionary. He observed, to one of his
humble friends, a few days after, “Sir, I
“knew the Scot to be a liar, and I enun
“ciated in the vernacular of a scoundrel.”
But maugre the doctor's argumentum ad
hominum
, the authenticity of the poems
has found numerous advocates. The
Scotch enthusiastically admire them; and
if what is now held by them to be a

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translation from the ancient Erse could be
proved, to their satisfaction, to have been
fabricated, they would admire it the more,
because it was made by a Scotchman—
that is, if the character given of that people
by Dr. Johnson, and related to me by
an old gentleman, Mr. J. M*****, who
was in habits of intimacy with that Diogenes
of modern colloquy, be correct.—
On a certain occasion, when the authenticity
of the Poems of Ossian was the
common topic, and Dr. Johnson was disgusting
every man of common sensibility
who unfortunately disagreed with him on
that subject, Mr. M***** modestly observed,
“Doctor, there are many learned,
“and even pious men in Scotland, who
“profess to be convinced that the transla
“tion is a correct version of the originals;
“they, certainly, are possessed of the best
“means of detecting imposition if any
“exists; may I not place, safely, some
“reliance on their testimony?” Johnson
“No, sir, you cannot, safely, rely on them;

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“a Scot, sir, prizes a national fiction more
“than an exotic truism.” The old gentleman
mentioned, with apparent chagrin,
that he had sent this anecdote to Mr. Boswell,
one of the biographers of Dr. Johnson,
but as it was accompanied with one
not quite so respectful to a nobleman
whom Boswell was then flattering, he imagined
as that biographer could not decently
insert the one without the other, he had
concluded to omit both. Mr. M*****
added he had hopes of having them both
published in a note, stating Boswell's sycophancy,
in an expected new edition
of Sir John Hawkins's life of Johnson,
which, he observed, after all, gave the most
accurate picture of the great moralist, although
rather in the Rembrandt style. But
I am digressing too widely. The Scotch
after having sustained with fortitude and
success the repeated attacks of Johnson
and his coadjutors, are now attacked
more seriously, from an unexpected

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p408-148 [figure description] Page 131.[end figure description]

quarter. Johnson disputed the existence of
the Erse originals—the Irish have since
acknowledged their existence, but insist,
with some show of argument, that the
bard with his harp and heroes were all
Irish, and charge Macpherson with having
garbled the original text to give to Ossian,
his beauties and his warriors, a “local
“habitation and a name” in Scotland.
This contest is not yet decided, but is
combated with great spirit: to which side
victory will incline, is, perhaps, only known
to certain booksellers, who, as they subsidize
the combatants on both sides, could,
probably, inform which party they intend
shall wear the laurel. Although both these
disputes are yet undecided, the wars of
Fingal and Oscar are read with pleasure
in England.

In our happy land, far removed from
any interest in the combats of these lettered
gladiators, we, who prize books, as the
principles of our excellent republican government
teach us to value men, not for

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[figure description] Page 132.[end figure description]

their origin but their intrinsic merit—
we, read Ossian's Poems with delight;
and, surely, the heroic ardour, the dignified
friendship, the strength, purity, and
sublimity of love, and the sweet remembrance
of departed worth which they inspire,
are highly calculated to rectify
the passions, and to amend while they
delight us.

Remember me as I ought to be remembered
to those I love. Say what
is proper to Amelia, of which she will
have the condescension to judge. I
send little Francis a patent purse, with
some medals and new coins: the purse
will have this advantage, that when he
has wit enough to open it himself he will
have prudence enough to spend its contents
economically.—Although we are divided
by the Atlantic, recollect we are
near in friendship.

-- --

LETTER XLII. Medical, mechanical, and culinary quacks. London.
My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 133.[end figure description]

THERE is no order of men more uniformly
the objects of ridicule, among the
English, than quack doctors, and yet
there is no people more constantly the
dupes of their artifice; they are held up
to contempt on the stage—the regular
physicians are embodied against them—
the prejudicial and deleterious effects of
their nostrums are exposed in the daily
papers, and every decent man you converse
with affects to despise them. The
confidence reposed in them, by the common
people, is a subject of frequent

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lamentation with the learned, which they
attribute to every cause but the right.
The fact is, the belief in panaceas is a national
weakness. In analogy to the maxim
of the English common law, that there is
no possible injury without a remedy, so
they conceive there is no bodily ill without
a nostrum; and most nostrums, like the
philosopher's stone which was imagined
to turn all metals into gold, are supposed
to convert all diseases into health. It is
not the common people alone who give
credit to these pernicious whimsicalities.
The celebrated Berkley, Bishop of Cloyne,
known with us by the epithet Immaterial,
published a treatise on the virtues of tarwater.
This nauseating beverage was to
eradicate disease, and stock the British
isles with Methuselahs. The English
read the prelate's book with rapture—
every house was furnished with a tarbucket—
the people drank copiously, and
fancied they quaffed immortality. To this
whim succeeded the filings of steel. Now

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[figure description] Page 135.[end figure description]

we hear little of chalybeates, but fixed air
is to conquer disease, and set death at
defiance. It is not a century since the
parliament voted a national premium to a
physician, for the invention of a wonder-working
fever powder, the basis of which,
by chymical analysis, has since been discovered
to be arsenic. Should the English
literati, then, be surprised at the credulity
of their common people when their men
of science have promulgated nostrums,
and their national legislature sanctioned
empiricism? But to whatever cause this
national weakness may be imputed, certain
it is that these infallible medicines
are no longer vended to the mere vulgar,
as in the days of their ancestors, in six-penny
packets from the stage of the
mountebank; but quackery has now its
wholesale stores, and the nation for its
customers—and these wise people are content
to risk life, or, at least, jeopardize
health, upon the uncertain operation of
nostrums, which, if, possibly, efficacious

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[figure description] Page 136.[end figure description]

in some diseases, and in some habits of
body, are, probably, highly injurious or
deleterious in others: but the infatuated
Englishman reads a forged list of cures,
and parts with his money and health for
the dose, although the quack, in his
printed bill, candidly cautions him
“against counterfeits, as such are abroad.”

But there are, in London, a species of
mechanical quacks, who do not intermeddle
with disease, but profess to supply the
deficiencies of the human frame. They
undertake to furnish the blind with artificial
eyes, and the cripple with arms and
legs, which, with grave effrontery, they
assure you are superior to the natural. In
passing the street, this morning, I had a
handbill of a celebrated optical quack
thrust into my hand—I shall bring it home
with me for your amusement. He describes
and magnifies the excellences of
his artificial eyes, and asserts that they
excel the natural in displaying the finer
and nobler emotions of the soul; he

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[figure description] Page 137.[end figure description]

boasts of a number of belles and beaux
who, by the aid of his optics, have made
wonderful havoc in the wars of Venus—
and then, in imitation of the vendors of
patent medicine, he introduces the certificates
of sundry ladies and gentlemen to
the praise of his wares, sworn to, in form,
before the Lord Mayor and other city
magistrates, and forwarded to him upon a
mere impulse of gratitude. One of these
certificates is so ludicrous that I cannot,
now, determine whether the writer meant
it seriously, or as a satire upon the medical
quacks.

“John Maylem swears that he is a man
“of independent fortune; that at Bath,
“the last season, one morning at the
“pump-room, he was struck with the
“charms of a most enchanting young
“lady. Amidst the blaze of her beauty
“he felt himself peculiarly impressed
“with the fascinating glances of her bril
“liant eyes: upon after acquaintance,
“although he was not insensible to the

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[figure description] Page 138.[end figure description]

“expression and good sense which beam
“ed from her right eye, yet, the mild
“serenity of the left gave such happy
“presage of that suavity of temper which
“promised a plenteous harvest of conju
“gal peace, that he prosecuted his suit,
“and has now the felicity to subscribe
“himself the happy husband of one of
“the best wives in England.

“John Maylem. N. B.—Mrs. Maylem's, then Miss
“Mary Annabella Thwackery's, left eye,
“was made at the optical repository, No.
“43, &c. &c.
“Sworn before “Benj. Hammet, Alderman. “Portsoken Ward.”
Section

Yesterday, in company with my friend
B********, I visited a celebrated artificer
of artificial legs, and was highly
amused—not merely with the cork pedestals
which, by the help of a steel metatarsus,
were almost as near an imitation
of a natural foot as a barber's block is to

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[figure description] Page 139.[end figure description]

the “human face divine” of some of the
inhabitants of this city, but it was delightful
to hear the artist descant upon the
excellences of his ware; in truth, he had
almost persuaded me to submit to amputation,
with the same readiness with which
a young lady submits her fine tresses to
the scissors of the barber, to be replaced
by a fashionable wig.

If this fellow had lived in the days of
Richard the Third, how readily might
that deformed tyrant have cheated Shake.
spear of some of the finest descriptions in
his celebrated tragedy. By the assistance
of this admirable artist he might have rivalled
Edward the First in shanks, and in
lieu of his hunch have equipped himself
with a back modelled from some Apollo
of Belvidere, or torso of Hercules—and
thus have confirmed the testimony of the
Countess of Desmond, and reduced
Horace Walpole's historical doubt into
certainty.

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[figure description] Page 140.[end figure description]

The artist insisted upon showing us a
large file of letters, received from his customers,
gratefully acknowledging the utility
and beauty of his limbs, and pointing out
certain advantages which had been discovered
by practice. B********, who is
somewhat of a wag, mentioned that he had
lately received a letter from a friend in
Jamaica, who had the felicity of being
supported by a cork leg from this repository.
His West Indian friend, he observed,
to his great surprise and comfort, had discovered
a wooden-leg to be an infallible
preservative against the sting of a mosquito—
and that he was much envied, on
this account, by the other inhabitants of
the island. As this was an unheeded property
in his chisselled flesh, the artist
listened with great attention; indeed, he
received it with such marked complacency
that, when we returned to my lodgings,
B******** threw the statement into the
form of a certificate, and sent it to him—
but having, unfortunately, added another

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[figure description] Page 141.[end figure description]

certificate, from an English officer in
Canada, stating that wooden legs bade defiance
to frost and foot-ball, the fellow, I
conjecture, in the London phrase, “smoked
“the quiz,” and the certificates were not
published.

But, of all the quacks who play upon
English credulity, recommend me to Mr.
John Perkins, formerly cook to the noble
Lords Gower and Milbourne. He has
published a book entitled “Every woman
“her own Housekeeper, or the Ladies'
“Library;” and being sensible, as, indeed,
every man of common sense must
be, that whoever eats of his made dishes
would soon have occasion for physic, he
has, very considerately, included in his
book all the eminent nostrums and quack
medicines of the day, with definitions of
those diseases which are the necessary
consequence of intemperance; and, for
convenience, has arranged his dishes and
diseases alphabetically, so that, as you
turn his pages and cast your eyes on the

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[figure description] Page 142.[end figure description]

heads of his chapters, you might, at first
view, imagine the book to be an ethical
work, exhibiting the dreadful consequences
of a life devoted to intemperance, or
a satire upon good eating, for the arrangement
of this culinary Juvenal presents the
reader with

Apple-pye and Asthma,
Wine and Vomiting,
Potted Pigeons and Purges,
Custards and Colic,
Gravies and Gout,
Ragouts and Rheumatism,
Confectionaries and Consumption,
Jellies and Jaundice,
Soups and Sciatica,
Sauces and Scurvy,
Pickles and Piles,
Roasting-pigs and Pills,
Fricasees and Fevers,
Appetite and Apoplexy, and,
Drams and Death.

The apparent necessity, and peculiar
convenience, of a book of this kind,

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[figure description] Page 143.[end figure description]

produced so rapid a sale that nine editions
have been published within a few years.
The English epicure, with this precious
book before him, may indulge to plethora,
and set disease and death at bay: he may
adopt the language of Cato, in Addison's
celebrated soliloquy, and exclaim



“Thus am I doubly armed; my death my life,
“My bane and antidote, are both before me:
“This (pointing to the receipt for a made dish)
“in a moment brings me to my end—
“But this (pointing to the quack medicine)
“informs me I shall never die.”

[The remainder of this letter consisted
of a description of the English
political
quacks, but as it contained certain pointed
observations which might be thought, by
some, to deviate from the author's
accustomed
candour, it was deemed expedient
to omit it
. The Editors.]

-- --

[figure description] Blank Page.[end figure description]

-- --

p408-162 LETTER XLIII. Prominent traits in the English character. My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 145.[end figure description]

YOU request a description of the city
of London, a view of the administration
of the British government and its fiscal
concerns, with a character of the English
people.

An English traveller, by the aid of a
rapid tour through a country, and a
month's residence in its capital, would
render a minute account, much to the
satisfaction of his own countrymen, although
he might provoke the contempt
and derision of the nation he attempts to
describe. For my own part, I confess, I
have not the time, talents, or, what is of
equal importance, access to those sources

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[figure description] Page 146.[end figure description]

of information which might enable me to
give a correct statement, or form a respectable
opinion.

In lieu, therefore, of hasty descriptions,
or jejune opinions, I send the latest
edition of London and its environs, illustrated
by engravings of its principal edifices.
Two treatises on finance—one proving
to demonstration, from authentic
documents, that the fiscal concerns of the
nation were never more flourishing; that,
by the miraculous aid of the sinking fund,
the national debt is rapidly diminishing,
and after about the same lapse of years in
which the Israelites were wandering in
the wilderness, this nation will possess that
land of ministerial promise where taxes
shall no more be levied: the other proves
to equal demonstration, and from documents
as authentic, that the people are
groaning indignantly under the burthens
of fiscal oppression, and the nation on the
verge of bankruptcy.

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[figure description] Page 147.[end figure description]

That you may have a correct view of
the administration of government, I also
send you five ministerial and ten opposition
pamphlets; three letters to a noble
lord; two speeches on the state of the
nation, intended to be spoken in parliament;
an acrostic upon the minister;
a rebus and a charade upon a popular
leader, and a conundrum on the heir apparent.

The description of London, so far as
I have compared it, appears to me correct:
from the other publications you can
form your own opinion. I can assure
you, from writings like these the people
of England obtain their clearest view of
their national prosperity or adversity.

Of the character of the English I can
only send you a hasty sketch: I do not
profess to furnish a finished picture, but a
mere etching: indeed, I would willingly
be excused, but as you insist on the English
portrait from my pencil, reminding
you of your promise, and of the emblem

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[figure description] Page 148.[end figure description]

of our old club-room, with its motto sub
rosa
, I will venture to delineate as it appears
to me at first view.

In drawing a national character, we
should endeavour to seize upon those
prominent features which mark all ranks,
and form the grand contour of a people.
From inattention to this obvious rule, the
English travellers are constantly producing
their wretched daubings and caricatures
of foreign nations. An English
tourist may be compared to a painter who
should attempt to paint a peacock from
merely having seen his feet and legs. It
is highly probable such an enlightened
artist would give to the beautiful bird the
body of a sheldrake, and the head of a
goose—and, when he hung his picture in
the exhibition room in Somerset-place,
his countrymen would admire it as a faithful
representation—and the whole nation,
including those who had seen the beautiful
bird, would sneer at the wretched taste of
foreigners who could praise the splendid

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[figure description] Page 149.[end figure description]

attendant of Juno. An English traveller
will depict a nation as rapacious and insolent,
when the groundwork of his opinion
is the overcharge of sixpence in the bill at
some paltry inn, or the rough reply of
some village magistrate to English hauteur.

I shall now attempt the English national
traits, reserving to some future letter,
or conversation, such peculiarities as
may attach to a particular class, or to
individuals, called, here, oddities, which
may be considered rather as tumours, or
excrescences, than as belonging to the
national person of Englishmen.

When uncle Toby called upon Corporal
Trim to write a list of the widow
Wadman's perfections, he directed him to
set down humanity, in capitals, as the
first; in enumerating the qualities of the
English, I set down, in capitals, vanity.

The English verily believe they are the
most enlightened people in the world;
the greatest in arts and arms; the

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uprightest, the wealthiest, the wisest;—(no,
I will be candid, I believe they at times
suspect they are not the wisest people;)—
in personal beauty and courage unrivalled;
that they live under the best system of
laws ever devised by the wisdom of man;
and that, finally, they are—don't laugh,
Frank—the freest people who ever existed
in ancient or modern days!

This national vanity is conspicuous in
the conversation and writings of every
Englishman. The lower and middle
classes express it boldly, whilst the higher
have to make repeated drafts upon their
politeness in order to conceal it in company
with foreigners. But the same weakness
pervades all ranks; the vulgar believe
that one Englishman can beat three
Frenchmen: the well educated man does
not credit this, but he will hardly be
brought to confess the English were ever
worsted in fair fight with equal numbers.
He will even ridicule the national prejudice
of the vulgar; but he will read,

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with self-complacency, Judge Blackstone's
insinuation that England was not completely
conquered by William the Bastard.
And, although English military
tactics are held cheap by all other nations,
and their armies have been beaten by the
militia of the North, and the husbandmen
and mechanics of South-America, and
English cannon and colours may be found
as trophies in almost every European
nation, yet, the Englishman treasures in
his memory the few military advantages
his nation has gained—magnifies them into
victories, and forgets repeated defeats.
When the national troops are discomfited
on every side his vanity is not suppressed;
he recurs to history for the battles of
Cressy and Poictiers, or to the stage for
that of Agincourt—or cheers himself with
the recital of the achievements of Marlborough—
with English victories won by
German courage, directed by the genius
of Eugene. Are you disposed to contest
the position that English military tactics

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are held cheap by all other nations, I throw
down my gauntlet—let the warlike Frederick
of Prussia be the umpire, I will
address myself to him:—“Sire, will your
“majesty be pleased to inform why you
“and the other continental powers, when
“you league with the English in offen
“sive war, ever contract to find men, and
“they money?” Frederick—“The rea
“son is obvious; we had rather have one
“English guinea as an auxiliary, than ten
“English soldiers.”

A pleasant instance of English vanity is
exhibited in Sir Robert Thomas Wilson's
History of the British expedition to Egypt,
under Sir Ralph Abercrombie:—A few
days before the battle of Elhanka, fought
between the Turkish troops under the
immediate command of the Grand Vizir,
and the French under General Belliard,
the English commander in chief being
apprized of the probability of the battle,
and concluding that as the Turks were
not Englishmen they must inevitably be

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beaten, despatched an officer to the Grand
Vizir, requesting him, earnestly, not to
engage until supported by the English
forces. The Grand Vizir treated the message
with the contempt it merited, engaged
the French, and gained the most
brilliant victory of the campaign, which
immediately led to the surrender of Grand
Cairo, and eventually to the success of
the expedition. Here was a check to national
vanity which the author could not
conceal; but the English consoled themselves
by ridiculing the tactics, the customs,
and even the amusements of their
gallant allies, and by insidiously intimating
that if the Grand Vizir had been
aided by five hundred English troops the
victory would have been more decisive.

But Egypt, where this inflated display
of national vanity was made, was destined,
in a few years, to exhibit to the
world the scene of its bitter mortification.
There six thousand of the flower of the
English armies were repeatedly defeated,

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and, at length, disgracefully driven from
its shores—not, indeed, by the Ottoman
troops whom they had derided, but by the
arms of the very offscouring of those
Bedouin and Mamaluke freebooters who
inhabit and infest that fertile country.

But the gas which inflates the full-blown
bladder of English vanity is their government;
a government, indeed, beautiful in
theory, which Montesquieu has praised and
other writers have extolled; a government
whose civil laws are so voluminous
and intricate as to form no comprehensible
rule of action to the bulk of the people,
and whose criminal code, by the
almost uniform infliction of capital punishment,
violates the moral sense of justice,
and renders the laws of Draco, by
comparison, a system of mercy; a government
whose great object is the commercial
aggrandizement of the nation,
per fas aut nefas, and whose operation is
to divide the community into but two
sections, the rich and the poor, to render

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the former wealthy beyond bound, and the
latter miserable beyond bearing; a government
whose chief magistrate can do
no wrong, but whose inferior agents are
confessedly always in error; a government
which, by a scrupulous attention to
the preservation of its ancient forms, secures
the respect and attachment of its
subjects, but, at the same time, by the
dictatorial power of its parliament, can
accommodate itself to meet all the exigences
which necessarily result from a change
of manners and opinions at home, and
from the mutable system of its foreign
relations. That a whole people should be
attached to such a government; that they
should even be vain of it, is pardonable,
if not praise-worthy—it is a minor species
of patriotism; but English vanity does
not rest here; they not only believe their
own government the most excellent, but
that all other governments are so execrable
that the subjects of them are wretched
and disgusted, and would gladly

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emancipate themselves from their thraldom for
the glorious privileges of English domination—
as if these islanders possessed the
exclusive right of local prejudice. When
they captured Buenos-Ayres there was
not an Englishman doubted that it would
be followed by the voluntary submission
of all the Spanish colonies in South-America;
indeed, who among them could
doubt that those poor, ignorant, cowardly,
degraded, bigoted Spaniards would at
once throw off the yoke of national, colonial,
and ecclesiastical despotism, and prefer
the English government to that of
their mother country. Had wisdom, instead
of vanity, presided in the English
councils, they might have thought it possible
for the Spanish colonists to possess
some spice of that cardinal English virtue,
national prejudice; that they might, possibly,
view their invaders as heretics and
plunderers, or as, what is more abhorrent
in the eyes of most civilized foreigners,
Englishmen. After their shameful defeat

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by Liniers, the English official despatches
acknowledge they were so viewed by the
Spanish colonists.

The English consoled themselves in
their discomfiture by gravely observing
“that the Spaniards in South-America
“were not sufficiently enlightened to enjoy
“the blessings of English government!”
Ha! ha! ha!

The English are not only vain of their
military prowess and government, but of
their climate. In this land of megrims,
hypochondria, and blue devils, where the
dense and sombre atmosphere presents,
every day, an apology for suicide, and
where the artist is obliged to import
Italian skies to render English landscape
visible, the inhabitants sit like frogs in a
fen, croaking forth the delights of mist
and mud! That a mere London cit (who,
by the way, in point of intellect and information,
is about three degrees below
our **** ***** **** *******)
should pride himself in this torpid

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atmosphere is not strange; but should he have
the good fortune to emerge from his native
fog, and escape to some more genial
clime,


“Where the great sun begins his state,
“Rob'd in flames and amber light,
like the fiend in Paradise,



—“with
“Jealous leer malign he'd eye it askance,
“And to himself thus plain:—Sight hateful
“And tormenting!”—

I well recollect a promenade in our
Mall, last September; it was one in succession
of those fine days which beautify
a New-England autumn; the sky a deep
blue, thinly spotted with light fleecy
clouds; the sun bright, but not glaring;
its heat not fervid, but cheering; and the
breeze just discernible by the rustling of
the leaves. Such a day is one of those
few common blessings which the Bostonians
have sensibility to relish. Our party

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was large, and we exhibited our enjoyment
in that fine flow of spirits which
such weather is calculated to excite. But,
while we chatted and laughed, S***
W******, a young cit who had then
just escaped from the mists of London,
after making several very dolorous attempts
to be merry, quitted our party,
and, with his hat drawn over his eyes, his
hands in his pockets, and his lips pouting
a most disdainful whistle, paced the Mall
alone. I had then very little conception of
these amiable English peculiarities, and,
with genuine Yankey freedom, accosted
him:—“Sir, you seem to be lonesome—
“I guess you are not well.” Englishman
“Sir, your execrable clear sky is insup
“portable—it makes my head ache: Sir,
“I have been in Boston three weeks, and
“have not been blessed with the sight of
“a cloud as big as a blanket.”

I was told that this sagacious cit, in the
evening, went to a smith's-shop, closed
the doors and the aperture of the chimney,

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caused a fire to be made of damp earth
coal, and boasted that in the midst of
the smudge he had recruited his spirits
by a very excellent imitation of the London
atmosphere.

Indeed, these supercilious cits have
given the name of “London Smoke” to a
broadcloth of dingy hue, that the sombre
light of their capital may be known as far
as their commerce extends.

Another trait in the English character
is a contemptuous prejudice against foreigners.
The canaille of all countries will
be coarse in their abuse, and will bestow
the epithets (or what is significant of them)
of scoundrel, coward, and fool, upon those
who are the objects of it—but it is reserved
to the vulgar Englishman, in his
quarrel with a foreigner, to edge his scurrility
by annexing his national appellation
as a mark of pointed contempt—and
Dutch scoundrel, French coward, and
German thick-skull, are familiar in his

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p408-178 [figure description] Page 161.[end figure description]

abuse. If I recollect, some English periodical
writer has noticed this.

This contemptuous prejudice against
foreigners is not confined to the vulgar;
it is possessed, in a degree, by every
Englishman. To inculcate it, seems to
be an axiom of their state policy. To diffuse
through the nation this detestable
principle, their writers, and travellers,
have formed characters, or rather caricatures,
of every nation, which are so indelibly
impressed, that an Englishman never
sees a foreigner without insensibly attaching
to him his supposed national character.

By the English the French are characterized
as volatile, superficial, and cowardly;

The Dutch as avaricious and stupid;

The Germans as heavy-moulded, insensible,
and ignorant;

The Portuguese as diabolically vindictive;

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The Italians as effeminate, jealous, and
lost to every sense of sexual virtue;

The Spaniards as haughty, bigoted,
poor, and miserable;

The Russians as barbarous; and,

The Americans as knaves.

Even the Scotch, Welch, and Irish,
although integrals of the empire, are subjects
of this contemptuous character.

The Scotch are poor, parsimonious,
and craving;

The Welch poor and proud; and,

The Irish—while the Irish are content
to fight their battles, and submit to their
despotism, the English are content to
laugh at their bulls.

But you will, perhaps, say, “is this a
“just representation of English opinion?
“is there not an enlightened portion of
“the nation superior to these unmanly
“prejudices?”—I refer you to the English
writers. I will not confine you to
the theatrical. Produce me a single author
who has described or drawn the

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character of a foreign nation, in whose
book may not be found some ungenerous
and odious comparisons to the disadvantage
of that people. It is true, the phrase
may be polished, and the abuse softened,
but every English writer on the subject of
foreign nations is as essentially prejudiced
as certain London cits, who visit you,
who verily believe that all nations, compared
with the English, are cowards, and
every foreigner ridiculous if he speaks
broken English.

Another distinguishing trait in the
English character, is to prefix the name
of English to every thing they consider
superlatively excellent. So far as this is
applied to horses, bulls, and bull-dogs, it
cannot be disapproved; indeed, it is wonderfully
applicable to the last, as I have
been informed the peculiar characteristic
of this English native is to seize upon
every thing in his way, and not to quit
his grasp until compelled by superior
force, although it should cause his own

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destruction. But even the more exalted
qualities of the soul are distinguished, in
London, as of English manufacture; and
the cardinal virtues are exhibited, in this
city, like quack medicines with the national
patent and the seal of the inventors
accompanying them. Hence we have
English courage, English honour, English
wisdom, English integrity
, and English
justice;
and they might and English
hauteur, English credulity, English hypochondria
,
and English cullibility.

I could readily display instances of
these, but shall refer you to English annals
for the proof of them.

Ha! ha! ha!—what a bore! and
have you, my early friend, whilst reading
this farrago, suffered yourself for a
moment to suppose that I could vent
seriously all this abuse. Whilst writing I
anticipate its perusal: I see you read a
paragraph, then turn to the subscription,
read again, and then examine the handwriting,
“to be resolved if Brutus so

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“unkindly knocked or no:” Be assured,
then, if I could in serious mood asperse a
great people in this manner, I should abhor
myself, and feel degraded from the
rank of intelligent beings, and reduced to
a level with English travellers.

For if you could enjoy the opportunity
I now have—if you could converse with
the learned, associate with the polished,
and be served by the friendly, among this
people, your admiration, and, what is better,
your affection for them, would increase;
for amid all their weaknesses, and
all their follies, they have many men, and
very many women, many achievements
and many virtues, of which they may
justly be proud without the imputation of
vanity.

Ever yours.

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LETTER XLIV. Introduction to the adventures of a young Bostonian, who went to London to establish a credit. My excellent Friend,

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BY the ship O. E. I received a letter
from my father's old friend, the elder
Mr. *****, desiring some information
respecting his nephew, (from whom, it
appears, he has received only one letter,
merely announcing his safe arrival in
London,) and requesting me to aid him
with my friendship and advice. I do not
apprehend any mischance has or will happen
to him, but, if there should, I should
be very loth to be the messenger of ill
news to that respectable old gentleman.

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I shall notice his letter in a way which
shall be honourable to the nephew, and,
consequently, pleasing to the uncle—and
refer him to you for any further information,
which, if adverse, you can temper, in
the communication, so as to accord with
the feelings of Mr. *****, whose heart
is bound up in the young man.

The truth is, I have seen young *****
but once since we parted in Liverpool,
two days after our arrival in port. I imagine
he is pacing the same rounds of curiosity
and amusement so commonly trod
by our young Bostonians, and treasuring
up a thousand fine sights to amuse and
astonish the ladies on his return. About
ten days after I arrived in this city, he
called on me, dressed in the pink of the
mode—his pockets full of cash, and his
mouth full of wonder. He had been to
dine with Mr. S. to whom his uncle consigned
him with an invoice of pot-ash, old
pewter, blubber-oil, and bees' wax, and
the merchant had sent his clerk to shew

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him the city. It is astonishing what a
power of fine sights he had seen: he had
seen the monument, which he assured me
was almost as high as the old south
steeple—and seemed delighted at the discovery
that the great fire in London began
in pudding lane and ended at pye
corner: he had seen the lions, the queen's
zebra stuffed, and a man who ate fire;—
he went to see a man who eat himself, but
found this was a joke. He was going to
set for his picture to Mather Brown; and
when he had seen the king, the infant
Roscius, and the learned pig, he GUESSED
he should go to Brumajim to see them
make Whitechapel needles—and from
thence to Liverpool, to get a tea-set of
China ware which he had ordered to be
marked with his aunt's cypher: that his
counting-house friend had introduced him
to several London bucks of the first water,
and that he was going to be introduced to
a young lady of quality, and great fortune,
who, he told me as a great secret,

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had fallen in love with him at the play-house.

Now, if you can pick out of this rhapsody
any thing which can be consolatory
to his uncle, pray communicate it. For
my own part, I see nothing portentous in
all this. I believe ***** will be amply
qualified to compare notes, on his return
home, with most of our young townsmen
who have preceded him.

As I have received a bill of exchange
upon Mr. S. I shall wait on that gentleman,
and make some inquiries respecting
our young traveller.

At all times, and on all occasions, believe
me, most affectionately,

Yours.

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p408-188 LETTER XLV. Strictures on the English language of the present day. My excellent Friend,

[figure description] Page 171.[end figure description]

YOU request my opinion of the English
language, taken in comparison with
the various languages of Europe, and desire
me to recommend and convey to you
the works of those authors of the present
day who have written it in its greatest
purity. I am incapable of opinion—perhaps
no man can form an adequate estimation
of his mother tongue. It is extremely
difficult for a man to obtain such an intimate
acquaintance with foreign languages
as to enable him to compare them with
his own; for if he had the gift of tongues,

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he could not form an impartial or correct
judgment. To the asperities and gutturals
of his own language his very organs of
speech are adapted by early habit; the
harshness of enunciation is concealed by
familiar use; and the awkwardness of its
idiom may appear even graceful. That
language in which he can most readily
convey his ideas, he will be prone to consider
the best.

I can compare the French and English
idioms, and prefer the latter; whilst the
Parisian, who understands just as much
English as I do French, compares as I do,
and gives the decided preference to the
French. With some little smattering of
Spanish, German, and Italian, and some
knowledge of the French language, I prefer
the English to them all: but I do not
conclude I am certainly correct; I can,
however, give you the reason of my opinion.

I consider the Latin tongue in the
Augustan age, and the Greek in all the

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elder ages, to have been the noblest languages;
the best adapted to converse, to
reason, to record human actions, to illustrate
the arts and sciences, to aid the
orator and the poet, to instruct and delight
us in prose, and inspire the enthusiasm of
verse. Whenever I would test the excellence
of a modern language, I attempt to
render some portion of the precious remnants
of these divine tongues into it. If
I discover, by the experiment, that the
modern idiom essentially varies—if I find
no word in the modern which will clearly
express the full idea conveyed by the
ancient—or if I am forced to circumlocution,
and obliged to use three modern
words to translate one of the ancient—or
if, after all my paraphrase, I cannot render
it, I conclude the modern language inferior;
and in proportion as one modern
language bears this test better than another,
I give it the preference. To this test
I have repeatedly brought my native
tongue, and, so far as I was able, tried the

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experiment with some other modern languages,
and I do maintain the English
language to have the pre-eminence, because
it approaches nearest to these my elevated
standards of perfection; to borrow a term
from the chymists, the English has a
nearer analogy with the precious metals
of the Greeks and Romans.

Let me prevail on you, who are far
better qualified than myself, to try this
little philological experiment: translate,
or, in London phrase, do, an ode of Anacreon
into English. You will find yourself,
it is true, necessitated to paraphrase,
but still you can preserve the careless ease,
the vivid fire, and glowing description of
this gay sage: and if you lament the necessity
of paraphrase, and are tempted to
undervalue your native tongue, attempt
to do an ode of Horace into French, and
then if you are not very merry you will
not be very wise.

I am yet more incapable of selecting
any English authors of the present day, as

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standards of purity in the language. In
deed, the perfectibility of language is as
ridiculous as the perfectibility of man.
Language, as pertaining to man, partakes
of the laws of our nature: it is ever
changing; it has the incoherency and
simplicity of youth, the vigour of manhood,
and the decline and decrepitude of
old age. This has been its fate in all ages:
it has begun in barbarism; had its age
of elegance and refinement, and became
nerveless and weak. The English language
was in infancy in the thirteenth century;
it ripened into manhood under
Queen Elizabeth; added refinement to
manliness under Queen Anne; but is now
on its decline. It approaches its second
childhood; it already betrays the garrulity
and weakness of old age;—it delights
in gorgeous metaphors, in similes which
sparkle but do not illustrate, and all the
pretty prettinesses of verse-like prose.

To prevent this decay, to fix some
standard of language, has been the ignis

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fatuus of the learned in Europe. Numerous
academies in the Italian states have
attempted it in vain. The French literati,
under the Bourbons, founded a national
academy, the ostensible object of which
was to rectify and give permanency to
their language—but even under Louis
the Great the attempt was vain. People
would write and talk in their own way,
and even the academicians themselves rebelled
individually, against those literary
canons which collectively they had promulgated.—
Dean Swift, in England, in
his celebrated letter to Lord Oxford, was
pursuing the same will-o'-the-wisp; and
even if this philological philosopher's
stone could have been discovered, and the
standard of language fixed by act of parliament,
like the Winchester bushel, would
it not have been left to chance to decide
whether they who had fixed it had hit
upon the highest grade of perfection of
which the language was capable, and
might they not, by their officious

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intermeddling, have impeded its further progress?—
But, in spite of all the learned
can do to fix a tower standard for language,
it will be subject to perpetual variance.
New discoveries will call for new terms
to express novel ideas, and the public
taste, like the Centaur not Fabulous of
Dr. Young, with her bauble and her rattle,
would incessantly call upon language to
follow her capricious steps.

The English language appears to me
to be in the same early progress of decline
as the Roman under Nero; for if, by
metempsychosis, the soul of Petronius
Arbiter could animate an English author
of the present day, his works would be
hot-pressed, reviewed with approbation,
and demand numerous editions.

But, if I am mistaken in my reveries,
and now is the accepted time and day of
perfection of the English language, which,
by the by, the English, like the Romans
in the days of Silius, Statius, and Valerius
Flaccus, and, indeed, like every

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[figure description] Page 178.[end figure description]

other people, fix upon their own æra—
(for a nation can never judge of its own
decline in language, the corruption of its
taste ever keeping pace with the decadency
of genius)—if I am mistaken, and
there are works edited in the reign of
George the Third which may be read as
models of that perfection, I assure you it
would be impracticable, from any information
I receive here, to designate them.
For if I had power to summon a convocation
of English literati, and could raise
up Bentley as their president and Dr.
Johnson as their secretary, it is not probable
that this learned and critical body
could unite a majority in favour of any
one author. The English reviewers assume
to be associations of the learned, and
yet, it is obvious, they differ as widely in
their opinions of the style and subjectmatter
of books as the various readers of
them.

Neither can I obtain information from
individuals. One will present me Hume's

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[figure description] Page 179.[end figure description]

History of England, another Gibbon's
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire;
and, yet, these two celebrated authors
differ as much in style as a plain, substantial
English broadcloth does, in texture
and appearance, from a stiff brocaded
lustring, shot with gold tinsel. In a word,
I ask for elegant wit, and they hand me
Peter Pindar—I inquire for sublimity, and
they present me Della Crusca.

In lieu, therefore, of presuming to direct,
I send you a trunk of modern books,
with a bundle of reviews. By the same
vessel you will receive a variety of India
and English pickles: if, in eating the latter,
you should want a director to your
taste, I can send you an assortment of culinary
reviews
, vulgarly called cook-books,
and assure you I would as readily rely
upon them, in the articles of their criticism,
as I would upon English reviewers
to cater for me in a mental repast.

Yours truly.

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P. S.—A few days since I waited upon
Mr. S. and, in course of conversation,
inquired after young *****. From this
gentleman I learnt he is gone to Bath. I
communicated the uncle's letter to him.
He observed, he was so immersed in business
he could not be supposed to notice
very particularly the conduct of a young
stranger over whom he had no control:
his people had put up a handsome invoice
for him, and he had heard nothing to the
disadvantage of the young gentleman, but,
as I was a correspondent of his uncle's, he
would observe, he thought ***** had
drawn liberally upon him;—however, as
he understood the old gentleman to be a
man of property, and his letter of credit
was not restricted, he should advance to
the amount of the consignment at least.
FINIS. Back matter

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Previous section


Tyler, Royall, 1757-1826 [1809], The Yankey in London: being the first part of a series of letters written by an American youth, during nine months residence in the city of London, volume I (Isaac Riley, New York) [word count] [eaf408].
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