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Simms, William Gilmore, 1806-1870 [1850], The lily and the totem, or, The Huguenots in Florida: a series of sketches, picturesque and historical, of the colonies of Coligni, in North America, 1562-1570 (Baker & Scribner, New York) [word count] [eaf373].
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p373-018 I. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF RIBAULT.

Introduction—The Huguenots—Their Condition in France—First Expedition for the
New World, under the auspices of the Admiral Coligny, Conducted by John Ribault—
Colony Established in Florida, and confided to the charge of Captain Albert.

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The Huguenots, in plain terms, were the Protestants of
France. They were a sect which rose very soon after the
preaching of the Reformation had passed from Germany into the
neighboring countries. In France, they first excited the apprehensions
and provoked the hostility of the Roman Catholic
priesthood, during the reign of Francis the First. This prince,
unstable as water, and governed rather by his humors and caprices
than by any fixed principles of conduct—wanting, perhaps,
equally in head and heart—showed himself, in the outset of his
career, rather friendly to the reformers. But they were soon
destined to suffer, with more decided favorites, from the caprices
of his despotism. He subsequently became one of their most
cruel persecutors. The Huguenots were not originally known by
this name. It does not appear to have been one of their own
choosing. It was the name which distinguished them in the days
of their persecution. Though frequently the subject of

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conjecture, its origin is very doubtful. Montlue, the Marshal, whose
position at the time, and whose interests in the subject of religion
were such as might have enabled him to know quite as well as
any other person, confesses that the source and meaning of the
appellation were unknown. It is suggested that the name was
taken from the tower of one Hugon, or Hugo, at Tours, where
the Protestants were in the habit of assembling secretly for
worship. This, by many, is assumed to be the true origin of
the word. But there are numerous etymologies besides, from
which the reader may make his selection,—all more or less
plausibly contended for by the commentators. The commencement
of a petition to the Cardinal Lorraine—“Huc nos venimus,
serenissime princeps, &c.,” furnishes a suggestion to one set of
writers. Another finds in the words “Heus quenaus,” which, in
the Swiss patois, signify “seditious fellows,” conclusive evidence
of the thing for which he seeks. Heghenen or Huguenen, a
Flemish word, which means Puritans, or Cathari, is reasonably
urged by Caseneuve, as the true authority; while Verdier tells us
that they were so called from their being the apes or followers of
John Hus—“les guenons de Hus;”—guenon being a young ape.
This is ingenious enough without being complimentary. The
etymology most generally received, according to Mr. Browning,
(History of the Huguenots,) is that which ascribes the origin of
the name to “the word Eignot, derived from the German
Eidegenossen, q. e. federati. A party thus designated existed at
Geneva; and it is highly probable that the French Protestants
would adopt a term so applicable to themselves.” There are,
however, sundry other etymologies, all of which seem equally
plausible; but these will suffice, at least, to increase the difficulties
of conjecture. Either will answer, since the name by which the

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child is christened is never expected to foreshadow his future
character, or determine his career. The name of the Huguenots
was probably bestowed by the enemies of the sect. It is in all
likelihood a term of opprobrium or contempt. It will not materially
concern us, in the scheme of the present performance, that we
should reach any definite conclusion on this point. Their
European history must be read in other volumes. Ours is but
the American episode in their sad and protracted struggle with
their foes and fortune. Unhappily, for present inquiry, this
portion of their history attracted but too little the attention of
the parent country. We are told of colonies in America, and of
their disastrous termination, but the details are meagre, touched
by the chronicler with a slight and careless hand; and, but for
the striking outline of the narrative,—the leading and prominent
events which compelled record,—it is one that we should pass
without comment, and with no awakening curiosity. But the few
terrible particulars which remain to us in the ancient summary, are
of a kind to reward inquiry, and command the most active sympathies;
and the melancholy outline of the Huguenots' progress,
in the New World, exhibits features of trial, strength and
suffering, which render their career equally unique in both countries;—
a dark and bloody history, involving details of strife, of
enterprise, and sorrow, which denied them the securities of home
in the parent land, and even the most miserable refuge from
persecution in the wildernesses of a savage empire. Their
European fortunes are amply developed in all the European
chronicles. Our narrative relates wholly to those portions of their
history which belong to America.

It is not so generally known that the colonies of the Huguenots,
in the new world, were almost coeval with those of the

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Spaniards. They anticipated them in the northern portions of
the continent. These settlements were projected by the active
genius of the justly-celebrated French admiral, Gaspard de Coligny,
one of the great leaders of the Huguenots in France. His
persevering energies, impelled by his sagacious forethought, effected
a beginning in the work of foreign colonization, which, unhappily
for himself and party, he was not permitted to prosecute,
with the proper vigor, to successful completion. His sagacity
led him to apprehend, from an early experience of the character
of the Queen-mother, in the bigoted and brutal reign of Charles
the Ninth, that there would, in little time, be no safety in France
for the dissenters from the established religion. The feebleness
of the youthful Prince, the jealous and malignant character of
Catharine—her utter faithlessness, and the hatred which she felt
for the Protestants, which no pact could bind, and no concession
mollify,—to say nothing of the controlling will of Pius the Fifth,
who had ascended the Papal throne, sworn to the extermination
of all heresies,—all combined to assure the Protestants of the
dangers by which their cause was threatened. The danger was
one of life as well as religion. It was in the destruction of the
one, that the enemies of the Huguenots contemplated the overthrow
of the other. Coligny was not the man to be deceived by
the hollow compromises, the delusive promises, the false truces,
which were all employed in turn to beguile him and his associates
into confidence, and persuade them into the most treacherous
snares. He combined a fair proportion of the cunning of the
serpent with the dove's purity, and, maintaining strict watch
upon his enemies, succeeded, for a long period, in eluding the
artifices by which he was overcome at last. Availing himself of
the influence of his position, and of a brief respite from that open

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war which preceded the famous Edict of January, 1562, by which
the Huguenots were admitted, with some restrictions, to the exeercise
of their religion, Coligny addressed himself to the task of
establishing a colony of Protestants in America. He readily
divined the future importance, to his sect, of such a place of
refuge. The moment was favorable to his objects. The policy
of the Queen-mother was not yet sufficiently matured, to render
it proper that she should oppose herself to his desires. Perhaps,
she also conceived the plan a good one, which should relieve the
country of a race whom she equally loathed and dreaded.[1] It is
possible that she did not fully conjecture the ultimate calculations
of the admiral. The king, himself, was a minor, entirely in her
hands, who could add nothing to her counsels, or, for the present,
interfere with her authority; and, without seeking farther to inquire
by what motives she was governed in according to Coligny
the permission which he sought, it is enough that he obtained the
necessary sanction. Of this he readily availed himself. It was not,
by the way, his first attempt at colonization. Having in view the
same objects by which he was governed in the present instance,
he had, in 1555, sent out an expedition to Brazil under Villegagnon.
This enterprise had failed through the perfidy of that commander.
Its failure did not discourage the admiral. Though
the full character of Catharine had not developed itself, in all its
cruel and heartless characteristics, it was yet justly understood by

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him, and he never suffered himself to forget how necessary to the
sect which he represented was the desired haven of security which
he sought, in a region beyond her influence.

From Brazil he turned his eyes on Florida. This terra incognita,
at the period of which we speak, was El Dorado to the
European imagination. It was the New Empire, richer than
Peru or Mexico, in which adventurers as daring as Cortes and
Pizarro were to compass realms of as great magnificence and
wealth. Already had the Spaniard traversed it with his iron-clad
warriors, seeking vainly, and through numberless perils, for the
treasure which he worshipped. Still other treasures had won the
imagination of one of their noblest knights; and in exploring the
wild realm of the Floridian for the magical fountain which was to
restore youth to the heart of age, and a fresh bloom to its withered
aspect, Ponce de Leon pursued one of the loveliest phantoms
that ever deluded the fancy or the heart of man. To him had
succeeded others; all seeking, in turn, the realization of those
unfruitful visions which, like wandering lights of the swamp forest,
only glitter to betray. Vasquez d'Ayllon, John Verazzani, Pamphilo
de Narvaez, and the more brilliant cavalier than all, Hernando
de Soto, had each penetrated this land of hopes and fancies,
to deplore in turn its disappointments and delusions. With the
wildest desires in their hearts, they had disdained the merely possible
within their reach. They had sought for possessions such
as few empires have been known to yield; and had failed to see, or
had beheld with scorn, the simple treasures of fruit and flower which
the country promised and proffered in abundance. This vast region,
claimed equally by Spain, France, and England, still lay
derelict. “Death,” as one of our own writers very happily remarks,
“seemed to guard the avenues of the country.” None

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of the great realms which claimed it as their domain, regarded it
in any light but as a territory which they might ravage. Yet,
well might its delicious climate, the beauty of its groves and
forests, the sweets of its flowers, which beguiled the senses of the
ocean pilgrim a score of leagues from land—to say nothing of the
supposed wealth of its mountains, and of the great cities hid
among their far recesses—have persuaded the enterprise, and implored
the prows of enterprise and adventure. To these attractions
the previous adventurers had not wholly shown themselves insensible.
Ponce de Leon, enraptured with its rich and exquisite
vegetation, as seen in the spring season of the year, first conferred
upon it the name of beauty, which it bears. Nor, had he not been
distracted by baser objects, would he have failed utterly to discover
the salubrious fountains which he sought. Here were met
natives, who, quaffing at medicinal streams by which the country
was everywhere watered, grew to years which almost rival those
of the antediluvian fathers. Verazzani, the Florentine, unfolds a
golden chronicle of the innocence and delight which distinguished
the simple people by whom the territory was possessed, and whose
character was derived from the gentle influences of their climate,
and the exquisite delicacy, beauty, and variety of the productions
of the soil. He, too, had visited the country in the season of
spring, when all things in nature look lovely to the eye. But
such verdure as blessed his vision on this occasion, constituted a
new era in his life, and seemed to lift him to the crowning achievement
of all his enterprises. The region, as far his eye could reach,
was covered with “faire fields and plaines,” “full of mightie
great woodes,” “replenished with divers sort of trees, as pleasant
and delectable to behold as is possible to imagine;—“Not,” says
the voyager, “like the woodes of Hercynia or the wilde deserts

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of Tartary, and the northerne coasts full of fruitlesse trees,” but
trees of sortes unknowen in Europe, which yeeld most sweete savours
farre from the shoare.” Nor did these constitute the only
attractions. The appearance of the forests and the land “argued
drugs and spicery,” “and other riches of golde.”

The woods were “full of many beastes, as stags, deere and
hares, and likewise of lakes and pooles of fresh water, with great
plentie of fowles, convenient for all kinde of pleasant game.”
The air was “goode and wholesome, temperate between hot and
colde;” “no vehement windes doe blowe in these regions, and
those that do commonly reigne are the southwest and west windes
in the summer season;” “the skye cleare and faire, with very
little raine; and if, at any time, the ayre be cloudie and mistie
with the southerne winde, immediately it is dissolved and waxeth
cleare and faire againe. The sea is calme, not boisterous, and
the waves gentle.” And the people were like their climate.
The nature which yielded to their wants, without exacting the
toil of ever-straining sinews, left them unembittered by necessities
which take the heart from youth, and the spirit from play and
exercise. No carking cares interfered with their humanity to
check hospitality in its first impulse, and teach avarice to withhold
the voluntary tribute which the natural virtues would prompt,
in obedience to a selfishness that finds its justification in serious
toils which know no remission, and a forethought that is never
permitted to forget the necessities of the coming day. Verazzani
found the people as mild and grateful as their climate. They
crowded to the shore as the stranger ships drew nigh, “making
divers synes of friendship.” They showed themselves “very
courteous and gentle,” and, in a single incident, won the hearts
of the Europeans, who seldom, at that period, in their intercourse

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with the natives, were known to exhibit an instance so beautiful,
of a humanity so Christian. A young sailor, attempting to swim
on shore, had overrated his strength. Cast among the breakers,
he was in danger of being drowned. This, when the Indians
saw, they dashed into the surf, and dragged the fair-skinned
voyager to land. Here, when he recovered from his stupor, he
exhibited signs of the greatest apprehension, finding himself in
the hands of the savages. But his lamentations, which were
piteously loud, only provoked theirs. Their tears flowed at his
weeping. In this way they strove to “cheere him, and to give
him courage.” Nor were they neglectful of other means.
“They set him on the ground, at the foot of a little hill against
the sunne, and began to behold him with great admiration,
marveiling at the whitenesse of his fleshe;” “Putting off his
clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not without one
great feare, by what remayned in the boate, that they would
have rosted him at that fire and have eaten him.” But the
fear was idle. When they had warmed and revived the stranger,
they reclothed him, and as he showed an anxiety to return to the
ship, “they, with great love, clapping him fast about with many
embracings,” accompanied him to the shore, where they left him,
retiring to a distance, whence they could witness his departure
without awakening the apprehensions of his comrades. These
people were of “middle stature, handsome visage and delicate
limmes; of very little strength, but of prompt wit.”

We need not pursue the details of these earlier historians.
They suffice to direct attention to Florida, and to persuade adventure
with fanciful ideas of its charming superiority over all unknown
regions. But the adventurers, until Coligny's enterprise was
conceived, meditated the invasion of the country, and the

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gathering of its hidden treasures, rather than the establishment
of any European settlements in its glorious retreats. It was not
till the eighteenth day of February, in the Year of Grace, one
thousand five hundred and sixty-two, that the plan of the Admiral
of France was sufficiently matured for execution. On that day
he despatched two vessels from France, well manned and
furnished, under the command of one John Ribault,[2] for the
express purpose of making the first permanent European establishment
in these regions of romance. The narrative of this
enterprise is chiefly drawn from the writings of Rene Laudonniere,
who himself went out as a lieutenant in the expedition. Laudonniere,
in his narrative of their progress, says nothing of the secret
objects of Coligny, of which he probably knew nothing. He
ascribes to the King—the Queen-mother, rather—a nobler policy
than either of them ever entertained. “My Lord of Chastillon,”
(Coligny) thus he writes,—“A nobleman more desirous of the
publique than of his private benefits, understanding the pleasure
of the King, his Prince, which was to discover new and strange
countries, caused vessels for this purpose to be made ready with
all diligence, and men to be levied meet for such an enterprise.”

This is merely courtly language, wholly conventional, and which,
spoken of Charles the Ninth,—a boy not yet in his teens—savors
rather of the ridiculous. There is no question that the expedition
originated wholly with Coligny; as little is it questionable, though
Laudonniere says nothing on this subject, that it was designed in
consequence of that policy which showed him the ever present

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danger of the Huguenots. It does not militate against this policy
that he made use of a pretext which was suggested by the passion
for maritime discovery common in those days. By the assertion
of this pretext, he was the more easily enabled to persuade the
Queen-mother to a measure upon which she otherwise would never
have suffered the ships of the Huguenots to weigh anchor.

But this question need not detain us. Laudonniere speaks of
the armament as ample for the purpose for which it was designed—
“so well furnished with gentlemen and with oulde souldiers
that he (Ribault) had meanes to achieve some notable thing,
and worthie of eternall memorie.” This was an exaggeration,
something Spanish in its tenor,—one of those flourishes of rhetoric
among the voyagers of that day, which had already grown to
be a sound without much signification. The vessels were small,
as was the compliment of men dispatched. The objects of the
expedition were limited, did not contemplate exploration but
settlement, and, consequently, were not likely to find opportunity
for great enterprises. The voyage occupied two months; the
route pursued carefully avoided that usually taken by the Spaniards,
whom already our adventurers had cause to fear. At the
end of this period, land was made in the latitude of St. Augustine,
to the cape of which they gave the name of St. François. From
this point, coasting northwardly, they discovered “a very faire
and great river”—the San Matheo of the Spaniards, now the St.
John's, to which Ribault, as he discovered it on the first of May,
gave the name of that month. This river he penetrated in his
boats. He was met on the shore by many of the natives, men
and women. These received him with gentleness and peace.
Their chief man made an oration, and honored Ribault, at the
close, with a present of “chamois skinnes.” On the ensuing day,

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he “caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde
river, and not farre from the mouth of the same, upon a little
sandie knappe,” on which the arms of France were engraved.
Crossing to the opposite shores of this river, a religious service
was performed in the presence of the Indians. There the red-men,
perhaps for the first time, beheld the pure and simple rites
of the genuine Christian. Prayers were said, and thanks given to
the Deity, “for that, of his grace, hee had conducted the French
nation into these strange places.” This service being ended, the
Indians conducted the strangers into the presence of their king,[3]
who received them in a sitting posture, upon a couch made of
bay leaves and palmetto. Speeches were made between the parties
which were understood by neither. But their tenor was
amicable, the savage chieftain giving to Ribault, at parting, a
basket wrought very ingeniously of palm leaves, “and a great
skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of divers
wilde beastes; so livly drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked
life.” Fish were taken for the Frenchmen by the hospitable
natives, in weirs made of reeds, fashioned like a maze or labyrinth—
“troutes, great mullets, plaise, turbots, and marvellous
store of other sorts of fishes altogether different from ours.”
Another chief upon this river received them with like favors.
Two of the sons of this chief are represented as “exceeding faire
and strong.” They were followed by troops of the natives, “having
their bowes and arrowes, in marveilous good order.”

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From this river, still pursuing a northwardly course, Ribault
came to another which he explored and named the Seine, (now
the St. Mary's,) because it appeared to resemble the river of that
name in France.[4] We pass over the minor details in this progress—
how he communed with the natives—who, everywhere
seemed to have entertained our Huguenots with equal grace and
gentleness, and who are described as a goodly people, of lively
wit and great stature. Ribault continued to plant columns, and
to take possession of the country after the usual forms, conferring
names upon its several streams, which he borrowed for the purpose
from similar well-known rivers in France. Thus, for a time,
the St. Mary's became the Seine; the Satilla, the Somme; the
Altamaha, the Loire; the Ogechee, the Garonne; and the Savannah,
the Gironde. The river to which his prows were
especially directed, was that to which the name of Jordan had
been given by Vasquez de Ayllon, some forty years before. This
is our present Combahee. In sailing north, in this search, other
smaller rivers were discovered, one of which was called the Bellea-veoir.
Separated by a furious tempest from his pinnaces, which
had been kept in advance for the purpose of penetrating and exploring
these streams, Ribault, with his ships, was compelled to
stand out to sea. When he regained the coast and his pinnaces,
he was advised of a “mightie river,” in which they had found
safe harborage from the tempest, a river which, “in beautie
and bignesse” exceeded all the former. Delighted with this discovery,
our Huguenots made sail to reach this noble stream.

The object of Ribault had been some safe and pleasant
harborage, in which his people could refresh themselves for a

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season. His desires were soon gratified. He cast anchor at the
mouth of a mighty river, to which, “because of the fairnesse
and largenesse thereoff,” he gave the name of Port Royale, the
name which it still bears. The depth of this river is such, that,
according to Laudonniere, “when the sea beginneth to flowe, the
greatest shippes of France, yea, the argosies of Venice, may
enter there.” Ribault, at the head of his soldiers, was the first to
land. Grateful, indeed, to the eye and fancy of our Frenchmen,
was the scene around them. They had already passed through a
fairy-like region, of islet upon islet, reposing upon the deep,—
crowned with green forests, and arresting, as it were, the wild
assaults of ocean upon the shores of which they appeared to keep
watch and guard. And, passing between these islets and the
main, over stillest waters, with a luxuriant shrubbery on either
hand, and vines and flowers of starred luxuriance trailing about
them to the very lips of this ocean, they had arrived at an imperial
growth of forest. The mighty shafts that rose around
them, heavy with giant limbs, and massed in their luxuriant
wealth of leaves, particularly impressed the minds of our
voyagers—“mightye high oakes and infinite store of cedars,”
and pines fitted for the masts of “such great ammirals” as had
never yet floated in the European seas. Their senses were assailed
with fresh and novel delights at every footstep. The superb
magnolia, with its great and snow-white chalices; the flowering
dogwood with its myriad blossoms, thick and richly gleaming as
the starry host of heaven; the wandering jessamine, whose
yellow trophies, mingling with grey mosses of the oak, stooped to
the upward struggling billows of the deep, giving out odor at
every rise and fall of the ambitious wavelet,—these, by their
unwonted treasures of scent and beauty, compelled the silent but

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profound admiration of the strangers. “Exceeding pleasant”
did the “very fragrant odour” make the place; while other
novelties interposed to complete the fascinations of a spot, the
peculiarities of which were equally fresh and delightful. Their
farther acquaintance with the country only served to increase its
attractions. As they wandered through the woods, they “saw
nothing but turkey cocks flying in the forests, partridges, gray and
red, little different from ours, but chiefly in bignesse;”—“we
heard also within the woods the voices of stagges, of beares, of
hyenas, of leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts unknown
to us. Being delighted with this place, we set ourselves to fishing
with nets, and caught such a number of fish that it was wonderful.”

The same region is still renowned for its fish and game, for
the monsters as well as the multitudes of the deep, and for the
deer of its spacious swamps and forests, which still exercise the
skill and enterprise of the angler and the hunter. This is the
peculiar region also, of the “Devil fish,” the “Vampire of the
Ocean,” described by naturalists as of the genus Ray, species
Dio-don, a leviathan of the deep, whose monstrous antennæare
thrown about the skiff of the fisherman with an embrace as
perilous as that wanton sweep of his mighty extremities with which
the whale flings abroad the crowding boats of his hardy captors.
Sea and land, in this lovely neighborhood, still gleam freshly and
wondrously upon the eye of the visitor as in the days of our
Huguenot adventurers; and still do its forests, in spite of the
cordon which civilization and society have everywhere drawn
around them, harbor colonies of the bear which occasionally cross
the path of the sportsman, and add to his various trophies of the
chase.

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With impressions of the scene and region such as realized to
our Frenchmen the summer glories of an Arabian tale, it was
easy to determine where to plant their colony. Modern conjecture,
however, is still unsatisfied as to the site which was probably
chosen by our voyagers. The language of Laudonniere is sufficiently
vague and general to make the matter doubtful; and, unhappily,
there are no remains which might tend to lessen the
obscurity of the subject. The vessels had cast anchor at the
mouth of Port Royal River. The pilots subsequently counselled
that they should penetrate the stream, so as to secure a
sheltered roadstead. They ascended the river accordingly, some
three leagues from its mouth, when Ribault proceeded to make a
closer examination of the country. The Port Royal “is divided
into two great armes, whereof the one runneth toward the west,
the other toward the north.” Our Huguenot captain chose the
western avenue, which he ascended in his pinnace. For more than
twelve leagues he continued this progress, until he “found another
arme of the river which ranne towards the east, up which the
captain determined to sail and leave the greate current.”

The red men whom they encounter on this progress are at first
shy of the strangers and take flight at their approach, but they
are soon encouraged by the gentleness and forbearance of the
Frenchmen, who persuade them finally to confidence. An amiable
understanding soon reconciles the parties, and the Floridian
at length brings forward his gifts of maize, his palm baskets with
fruits and flowers, his rudely-dressed skins of bear and beaver, and
these are pledges of his amity which he does not violate. He, in
turn, persuades the voyagers to draw near to the shore and finally
to land. They are soon surrounded by the delighted and simple
natives, whose gifts are multiplied duly in degree with the

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pleasure which they fell. Skins of the chamois—deer rather—and
baskets of pearls, are offered to the chief among the whites, whom
they proceed to entertain with shows of still greater courtesy. A
bower of forest leaves and shrubs is soon built to shelter them
“from the parching heate of the sunne,” and our Frenchmen lingered
long enough among this artless and hospitable people to
get tidings of a “greate Indian Lorde which had pearles in great
abundance and silver also, all of which should be given them at
the king's arrival.” They invited the strangers to their dwellings—
proffering to show them a thousand pleasures in shooting, and
seeing the death of the stag.

Our Huguenots, excellent Christians though they were, were
by no means insensible to the tidings of pearl and gold. These
glimpses of treasures, already familiar to their imaginations,
greatly increase, in their sight, the natural beauties of the country.
The narratives of the red men, imperfectly understood, and
construed by the desires of the strangers, rather than their minds,
were full of marvels of neighboring lands and nations,—great empires
of wealth and strength,—cities in romantic solitudes,—high
places among almost inaccessible mountains, in which the treasures
are equally precious and abundant. Listening to such
legends, our Frenchmen linger with the red men, until the approach
of night counsels them to seek the security of their ships.

But, with the dawning of the following day the explorations
were resumed. Before leaving his vessel, however, Ribault provides
himself with “a pillar of hard stone, fashioned like a column,
whereon the armes of France were graven,” with the purpose of
planting “the same in the fairest place that he coulde finde.”
“This done, we embarked ourselves, and sayled three leagues
towards the west; where we discovered a little river, up which

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[figure description] Page 018.[end figure description]

wee sayled so long, that, in the ende, wee found it returned into
the great current, and in his return, to make a little island separated
from the firme lande, where wee went on shore, and by
commandment of the captain, because it was exceeding faire
and pleasant, there we planted the pillar upon a hillock open
round about to the view and environed with a lake halfe a fathom
deepe, of very good and sweete water.”

We are particular in these details, in the hope that future
explorers may be thus assisted in the work of identifying the
places marked by our Huguenots. Everything which they see in
the new world which surrounds them, is imposing to the eye and
grateful to the sense. They wander among avenues of gigantic
pines that remind them of the mighty colonnades in the great
cathedrals of the old world. They are at once exhilarated by a
sense of unwonted freshness and beauty in what they behold, and
by aspects of grandeur and vastness which solemnize all their
thoughts and fancies. With these feelings, when, in their wanderings,
they arouse from the shady covers where they browsed “two
stagges of exceeding bignesse, in respect of those which they had
scene before,” their captain forbids that they should shoot them,
though they might easily have done so. The anecdote speaks
well for Ribault's humanity. It was not wholly because he was
“moved with the singular fairenesse and bignesse of them,” as
Laudonniere imagines, but because his soul was lifted with religious
sentiment—filled with worship at that wondrous temple of
nature in which the great Jehovah seemed visibly present, in love
and mercy, as in the first sweet days of the creation.

To the little river which surrounded the islet, on which the
pillar was raised, they gave the name of “Liborne.” The island
itself is supposed to be that which is now called Lemon Island.

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[figure description] Page 019.[end figure description]

The matter is one which still admits of doubt, though scarcely
beyond the reach of certainty, in a close examination from the
guide posts which we still possess. It is a question which may
well provoke the diligence of the local antiquary. “Another isle,
not far distant from” that of the pillar, next claimed the attention
of the voyagers. Here they “found nothing but tall cedars, the
fairest that were seene in this country. For this cause wee called
it the Isle of Cedars.”

This ended their exploration for the day. A few days were
consumed in farther researches, without leading to any new discoveries.
In the meantime, Ribault prepared to execute the
commands of his sovereign, in the performance of one of the tasks
which civilization but too frequently sanctions at the expense of
humanity. He was commanded by the Queen-mother to capture
and carry home to France a couple of the natives. These, as we
have seen, were a mild race, maintaining among themselves a
gentle intercourse, and exercising towards strangers a grateful
hospitality. It was with a doubtful propriety that our Frenchman
determined to separate any of them from their homes and people.
But it was not for Ribault to question the decrees of that sovereign
whom it was the policy of the Huguenots, at present, to
conciliate. Having selected a special and sufficient complement
of soldiers, he determined “to returne once againe toward the Indians
which inhabiteth that arme of the river which runneth toward
the West.” The pinnace was prepared for this purpose. The
object of the voyage was successful. The Indians were again found
where they had been at first encountered. The Frenchmen were
received with hospitality. Ribault made his desires known to the
king or chief of the tribe, who graciously gave his permission.
Two of the Indians, who fancied that they were more favored than

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[figure description] Page 020.[end figure description]

the rest of their brethren, by the choice of the Frenchmen, yielded
very readily to the entreaties which beguiled them on board one of
the vessels. They probably misunderstood the tenor of the application;
or, in their savage simplicity, concluded that a voyage to
the land of the pale-faces was only some such brief journey as they
were wont to make, in their cypress canoes, from shore to shore
along their rivers—or possibly as far down as the great frith in
which their streams were lost. But it was not long before our
savage voyagers were satisfied with the experiment. They soon
ceased to be pleased or flattered with the novelty of their situation.
The very attentions bestowed upon them only provoked their apprehensions.
The cruise wearied them; and, when they found
that the vessels continued to keep away from the land, they became
seriously uneasy. Born swimmers, they had no fear about
making the shore when once in the water: and it required the
utmost vigilance of the Frenchmen to keep them from darting
overboard. It was in vain, for a long time, that they strove to
appease and to soothe the unhappy captives. Their detention,
against their desires, now made them indignant. Gifts were
pressed upon them, such as they were known to crave and to esteem
above all other possessions. But these they rejected with
scorn. They would receive nothing in exchange for their liberty.
The simple language in which the old chronicler describes the
scene and their sorrows, has in it much that is highly touching,
because of its very simplicity. They felt their captivity, and were
not to be beguiled from this humiliating conviction by any trappings
or soothings. Their freedom—the privilege of eager movements
through billow and forest—sporting as wantonly as bird and
fish in both—was too precious for any compensation. They sank
down upon the deck, with clasped hands, sitting together apart

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[figure description] Page 021.[end figure description]

from the crew, gazing upon the shores with mournful eyes, and
chaunting a melancholy ditty, which seemed to the watchful and
listening Frenchmen a strain of exile and lamentation—“agreeing
so sweetly together, that, in hearing their song, it seemed that they
lamented the absence of their friendes.” And thus they continued
all night to sing without ceasing.

The pinnace, meanwhile, lay at anchor, the tide being against
them; with the dawn of day the voyage was resumed, and the
ships were reached in safety where they lay in the roadstead.
Transferred to these, the two captives continued to deplore their
fate. Every effort was made to reconcile them to their situation,
and nothing was withheld which experience had shown to be
especially grateful to the savage fancy. But they rejected everything;
even the food which had now become necessary to their
condition. They held out till nearly sunset, in their rejection of
the courtesies, which, with a show of kindness, deprived them of
the most precious enjoyment and passion of their lives. But the
inferior nature at length insisted upon its rights. “In the end
they were constrained to forget their superstitions,” and to eat
the meat which was set before them. They even received the
gifts which they had formerly rejected; and, as if reconciled to a
condition from which they found it impossible to escape, they put
on a more cheerful countenance. “They became, therefore,
more jocunde; every houre made us a thousand discourses, being
marveillous sorry that we could not understand them.” Laudonniere
set himself to work to acquire their language. He strove
still more to conciliate their favor; engaged them in frequent conversation;
and, by showing them the objects for which he sought
their names, picked up numerous words which he carefully put on
paper. In a few days he was enabled to make himself understood

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[figure description] Page 022.[end figure description]

by them, in ordinary matters, and to comprehend much that they
said to him. They flattered him in turn. They told him of
their feats and sports, and what pleasures they could give him in
the chase. They would take food from no hands but his; and
succeeded in blinding the vigilance of the Frenchmen. They
were not more reconciled to their prison-bonds than before.
They had simply changed their policy; and, when, after several
days detention, they had succeeded in lulling to sleep the suspicions
of their captors, they stole away at midnight from the
ship, leaving behind them all the gifts which had been forced upon
them, as if, to have retained them, would have established, in the
pale-faces, a right to their liberties—thus showing, according to
Laudonniere, “that they were not void of reason.”

Ribault was not dissatisfied with this result of his endeavor to
comply with the commands of the Queen-mother. His sense of
justice probably revolted at the proceeding; and the escape of
the Indians, who would report only the kindness of their treatment,
would, in all likelihood, have an effect favorable to his main
enterprise,—the establishment of a colony. This design he now
broached to his people in an elaborate speech. He enlarged upon
the importance of the object, drawing numerous examples from
ancient and modern history, in favor of those virtues in the individual
which such enterprise must develope. There is but one
passage in this speech which deserves our special attention. It
is that in which he speaks to his followers of their inferior birth
and condition. He speaks to them as “known neither to the
king nor to the princes of the realme, and, besides, descending
from so poore a stock, that few or none of your parents, having
ever made profession of armes
, have beene knowne unto the great
estates.” This is in seeming conflict with what Laudonniere has

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[figure description] Page 023.[end figure description]

already told us touching the character and condition in society of
the persons employed in the expedition. He has been careful to
say, at the opening of the narrative, that the two ships were “well
furnished with gentlemen
(of whose number I was one) and old
soldiers.”[5] The apparent contradiction may be reconciled by a
reference to the distinction, which, until a late period, was made
in France, between the noblesse and mere gentlemen. The word
gentleman had no such signification, in France, at that period, as
it bears to-day. To apply it to a nobleman, indeed, would have
been, at one time, to have given a mortal affront, and a curious
anecdote is on record, to this effect in the case of the Princess de
la Roche Sur Yon
, who, using the epithet “gentilhomme” to a
nobleman, was insulted by him; and, on demanding redress of
the monarch, was told that she deserved the indignity, having
been guilty of the first offence.

But Ribault's speech suggested to his followers that their inferior
condition made nothing against their heroism. He, himself,
though a soldier by profession, from his tenderest years, had never
yet been able to compass the favor of the nobility. Yet he had
applied himself with all industry, and hazarded his life in many
dangers. It was his misfortune that “more regard is had to birth
than virtue.” But this need not discourage them, as it has never
discouraged him from the performance of his duties. The great
examples of history are in his eyes, and should be in theirs.

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[figure description] Page 024.[end figure description]

“Howe much then ought so many worthy examples move you to
plant here? Considering, also, that hereby you shall be registered
forever as the first that inhabited this strange country. I
pray you, therefore, all to advise yourselves thereof, and to declare
your mindes freely unto me, protesting that I will so well
imprint your names in the King's eares, and the other princes,
that your renowne shall hereafter shine unquenchable through our
realm of France.”

Ribault was evidently not insensible to fame. Had his thoughts
been those of his sovereign, also, how different would have been
the history! His soldiers responded in the proper spirit, and declared
their readiness to establish a colony in the wild empire, the
grandeur and beauty of which had already commended it to their
affections. Delighted with the readiness and enthusiasm of his
men, he weighed anchor the very next day, in order to seek out
the place most fit and convenient for his settlement. “Having
sayled up the great river on the north side, in coasting an isle
which ended with a sharpe point toward the mouth of the river;—
having sailed awhile he discovered a small river which entered
into the islande, which hee would not faile to search out, which
done, he found the same deep enough to harbour therein gallies
and galliots in good number. Proceeding farther, he found an
open place joyning upon the brinke thereof, where he went on land,
and seeing the place fit to build a fortresse in, and commodious
for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved incontinently
to cause the bignesse of the fortification to be measured
out
.” The colony was to be a small one. Twenty-six persons
had volunteered to establish it; as many, perhaps, as had been
called for. The dimensions of the fort were small accordingly.
They were taken by Laudonniere, and one Captain Salles, under

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[figure description] Page 025.[end figure description]

Ribault's directions. The fort was at once begun. Its length
was sixteen fathoms, its breadth thirteen, “with flanks according
to the proportion thereof.” Then, for the first time, the
European axe was laid to the great shafts of the forest trees of
America, waking sounds, at every stroke, whose echoes have been
heard for three hundred years, sounding, and destined to resound,
from the Atlantic to the Pacific seas; leaving no waste of wood
and wild, unawakened by this first music of civilization.

The site thus chosen by Ribault for his colony, though no
traces have been left of the labor of his hands, is scarcely
doubtful to the present possessors of the country. All the proofs
concur in placing Fort Charles somewhere between North Edisto
and Broad River, and circumstances determine this situation to
be that of the beautiful little town of Beaufort, in South Carolina.
The Grande Riviere of the French is our Broad River.[6] It was
at the mouth of this river, in an island with a safe and commodious
port, that the fort was established; and of the numerous
islands which rise everywhere along the coast in this region, as a
fortress to defend the verdant shores from the assaults of ocean,
there is none which answers so well as this all the requisitions of
this description. Besides, it is actually in the very latitude of
the site, as given by Laudonniere; and the tradition of the
Indians, as preserved by our own people, seems to confirm and to
conclude the conjectures on this subject. They state that the
first place in which they saw the pale faces of the Europeans

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[figure description] Page 026.[end figure description]

was at Coosawhatchie, in South Carolina. Now, the Coosawhatchie
is the principal stream that forms the Grande Riviere of the
Frenchmen; and was, questionless, the first of the streams that
was penetrated by the pinnace of Ribault. It is highly probable
that it bore the name of Coosawhatchie through its entire course,
until it emptied itself into the ocean. The testimony of the
Indians, based simply upon their tradition, is of quite as much
value as that of any other people. It is well known with what
tenacity they preserve the recollection of important events, and
with what singular adherence to general truthfulness. The island
upon which Beaufort now stands was most probably that which
yielded the first American asylum to the Huguenots of France!

Our Frenchmen travailed so diligently that, in a short space,
the fortress was in some sort prepared for the colonists. It was
soon in a defensible condition. “Victuals and warlike munition”
were transferred from the shipping to the shore, and the garrison
were furnished with all things necessary for the maintenance of
their fortress and themselves. The fort was christened by the
name of Charles, the King of France; while the small river upon
which it was built received the name of Chenonceau. All things
being provided, the colonists marched into their little and lovely
place of refuge. They were confided to the charge of one
Captain Albert, to whom, and to whose followers, Ribault made
a speech at parting. His injunctions were of a parental and
salutary character. He exhorted their Captain to justice,
firmness and moderation in his rule, and his people to obedience;
promising to return with supplies from France, and reinforcements
before their present resources should fail them. But these
exhortations do not seem to have been much regarded by either
party. It will be for us, in future chapters, to pursue their

-- 027 --

[figure description] Page 027.[end figure description]

fortunes, and to pluck, if possible, from the unwritten history,
the detailed events of their melancholy destiny. Sad enough
will it have been, even if no positive evil shall befall them,—
that severance from their ancient comrades—that separation
from the old homes of their fathers in La Belle France—that
lonesome abode, on the verge of “ocean's gray and melancholy
waste,” on the one hand, and the dense, dark, repelling forests
of Apalachia on the other;—doubtful of all they see,—in spite of
all that is fresh and charming in their sight;—apprehensive of
every sound that reaches them from the wilderness,—and filled
with no better hope than that which springs up in the human
bosom when assured that all hope is cut off—that one hope
excepted, which is born of necessity, and which blossoms amid the
nettles of despair. The isolation was the more oppressive and
likely to be grievous, as we have reason to doubt that, though
founding a colony for the refuge of a religious and persecuted
people, they brought any becoming sense of religion with them.
Our progress thus far with the adventurers has shown us but few
proofs of the presence among them of any feelings of devotion.
Ribault himself was but a soldier, and his ambition was of an
earthly complexion. Had they been elevated duly by religion,
they would have been counselled and strengthened in the solitude
by God. Unhappily, they were men only, rude, untaught, and
full of selfish passions,—badly ruled and often ill-treated, and
probably giving frequent provocation to the pride and passions of
those who had them under rule. But they began their career in
the New World with sufficient cheerfulness. Its climate was
delicious, like that of their own country. Its woods and forests
were of a majesty and splendor beyond any of which their wildest
fancies had ever dreamed; and the security which the remoteness

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[figure description] Page 028.[end figure description]

of the region promised them, and the novelty which invested
every object in their eyes made the parting from their comrades
a tolerably easy one. They heard with lively spirits the farewell
shouts of their companions, and answered them with cheers of
confidence and pride. The simple paragraph which records the
leave-taking of the parties, is at once pleasing and full of pathos.
“Having ended his (Ribault's) exhortations, we took our leaves
of each of them, and sayled toward our shippes. We hoysed our
sayles about ten of the clocke in the morning. After wee were
ready to depart, Captain Ribault commanded to shoote off our
ordnance, to give a farewell unto our Frenchmen; which fayled
not to do the like on their part. This being done, wee sayled
toward the north.” That last shout, that last sullen roar of
their mutual cannon, and the great waves of the Atlantic rolled,
unbroken by a sail, between our colonists and La Belle France.

eaf373.n1

[1] Charlevoix expressly says, speaking, however, of Charles IX., “qu'il
fut fort aise de voir que M. de Coligni n'employoit à cette expédition que
des Calvinistes, parce que c'étoit autant d'ennemis, dont il purgeoit
l'etat
.” Of Coligny's anxiety in regard to this expedition and his objects,
the same writer says: “Coligny had the colony greatly at heart. It was,
in fact, the first thing of which the admiral spoke to the king when he
obtained permission to repair to the court.”

eaf373.n2

[2] Charlevoix describes Ribault as “un ancien officier de marine,” and
speaks of him as a man of experience and “Zélé Huguenot.” Of his
vessels, on this expedition, he says that they belonged to the class called
“Roberges, et qui differoient peu des Caravelles Espagnolles.”

eaf373.n3

[3] Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, gives the regal title among the Floridians
as Paracoussi. Charlevoix writes the word Paraousti, or Paracousti; “et
ausquels les Castillans donnent le titre général de Caciques
.” Mico, in
subsequent periods, seems to have been the more popular title among the
Florida Indians, signifying the same thing, or its equivalents, Chief,
Prince, or Head Warrior.

eaf373.n4

[4] “A quatorze lienes de la Riviere de Mai, il en trouva une troiséme
qu'il nomma la Seine
.”—Charlevoix's New France. Liv. 1, p. 39.

eaf373.n5

[5] Charlevoix seems to afford a sufficient sanction for the claim of Laudonniere,
in behalf of the gentle blood among the followers of Ribault.
He says “Il avoit des esquipages choisis, et plusieurs volontaries, parmi
lesquels il y avoit quelques gentilshommes
.” And yet Ribault should
have known better than anybody else the quality of his armament. Certainly,
the good leaven, as the result showed, was in too small a proportion
to leaven the whole colony.

eaf373.n6

[6] Charlevoix, in his “Fastes Chronologiques,” preparatory to his work
on New France, locates Charles Fort, under Ribault, “near to the site of
the present city of Charleston. In his “Histoire Generale,” and in the
map which illustrates this narrative, however, he concurs in the statement
of the text. He also names the North Edisto the St. Croix.

-- --

p373-046 II. THE COLONY UNDER ALBERT.

[figure description] Page 029.[end figure description]

The Colonists, thus abandoned by their countrymen, proceeded
to make themselves secure in their forest habitations. Day and
night did they address themselves to the completion of their fortress.
They have seen none of the natives in the immediate
neighborhood of the spot in which they had pitched their tents;
but, aware of the wandering habits of the red-men, they might
naturally look for them at any moment. Their toils, quickened
by their caution, enabled them to make rapid progress. While
they labored, they felt nothing of their loneliness. The employments
which accompanied their situation, and flowed from its necessities,
might be said to exercise their fancies, and to subdue
the tendency to melancholy which might naturally grow out of
their isolation. Besides, the very novelty of the circumstances
in which they found themselves had its attractions, particularly
to a people so lively as the French. Our Huguenots, at the outset,
were very sensible to the picturesque beauties of their
forest habitation. For a season, bird, and beast, and tree, and
flower, presented themselves to their delighted eyes, in guises of
constantly-varying attraction. The solitude, itself, possessed its
charm, most fascinating of all,—until it became monotonous—

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[figure description] Page 030.[end figure description]

to those who had been little favored of fortune in the crowded
world of civilization; and, with the feeling of a first freshness in
their hearts, and, while in the performance of duties which were
equally necessary to their safety, and new to their experience, the
whole prospect before them was beheld through that rose-colored
atmosphere which the fancy so readily flings before the mind,
beguiling the soberer thought into forgetfulness. During this
period they toiled successfully upon their fortifications. They
raised the parapet, they mounted the cannon for defence; built
rude dwellings within the walls, and in their boundless contiguity
of shade, with the feeling that they were in some sort “monarchs
of all they beheld;” they felt neither loneliness nor fear.

Their homes built, their fortifications complete, they proceeded,
in small detachments to explore the neighboring streams and
woods. They had, so far, finished all their tasks without meeting
with the natives. They did not shrink from this meeting. They
now desired it from motives of policy. They had no reason to
believe, from the specimens of the red-men whom they had already
encountered, that they should have any difficulty in soothing any
of the tribes; and they were justified in supposing that the impression
already made upon those whom they met, would operate
favorably upon their future intercourse. Boldly, then, our
Frenchmen darted into the adjacent forests, gathering their game
and provisions in the same grounds with the proprietors. But
the latter were never to be seen. They were shy of the strangers,
or they had not yet discovered their settlement. One day, however,
a fortunate chance enabled a party of the Huguenots to discover,
and to circumvent an Indian hunter, upon whom they came
suddenly in the forests. At first the poor fellow was exceedingly
dismayed at the encounter; but, subduing his fears, he submitted

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[figure description] Page 031.[end figure description]

with a good grace to the wishes of his captors, and was conducted
to the fortress. Here he was treated with consideration, and
made happy by several trifles which were given him. His confidence
was finally won, and his mouth was opened. He became
communicative, and described his people and their territories.
He avowed himself the subject of a great monarch, whom he
called Audusta,[7]—a name, in which, under the corruptions of a
French pronunciation, we recognize the well-known modern name
of Edisto. He described the boundaries of empire belonging to
this forest chieftain; and gave a general and not incorrect idea of
the whole surrounding country.

Captain Albert was exceedingly delighted with his acquisition.
It was important that he should open an intercourse with the natives,
to whose maize-fields and supplies of venison his necessities
required he should look. He treated the hunter with liberality
and courtesy, dismissing him at night-fall with many presents, of
a kind most grateful to the savage taste. These hospitalities and
gifts, it was not doubted, would pave the way for an intercourse
equally profitable and pleasant to both the parties. Suffering a
few days to elapse after the departure of the hunter, Albert prepared
to follow his directions, and explore the settlements of King
Audusta. He did so, and was received with great kindness by
the stately savage. The Indian hunter had made a favorable report
of the Frenchmen, and Audusta adopted them as his friends
and allies. He promised them provisions and assistance, and the

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[figure description] Page 032.[end figure description]

friendship of four other chiefs or princes, his tributaries, whose
names are given as Mayou, Hoya, Touppa, and Stalamè.[8] These
were all, in turn,—except the last,—visited by Albert, who found
a frank and generous welcome wherever he came. He consumed
several days in these visits; and the intercourse, in a little while,
between the French and red-men, grew so great, “that, in a manner,
all things were soon common between them.” Returning to
Audusta, Albert prepared to visit Stalamè, whose country lay
north of Fort Charles some fifteen leagues. This would make
his abode somewhere on the Edisto, near Givham's, perhaps; or,
inclining still north, to the head of Ashley River. Sailing up the
river, (the Edisto probably,) they encountered a great current,
which they followed, to reach the abode of Stalamè. He, too, received
the strangers with hospitality and friendship. The intercourse
thus established between the party soon assumed the most
endearing aspect. The Indian kings took counsel of Albert in all
matters of importance. The Frenchmen were called to the conference
in the round-house of the tribe, quite as frequently as their
own recognized counsellors. In other words, the leaders of the
Huguenots were adopted into the tribe, that being the usual mode
of indicating trust and confidence. Albert was present at all the
assemblages of state in the realm of Audusta; at all ceremonials,
whether of business or pleasure; at his great hunts; and at the

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[figure description] Page 033.[end figure description]

singular feasts of his religion. One of these feasts, that of Toya,[9]
which succeeded the visit of Albert to the territories of Audusta
and the four tributary kings, will call for an elaborate description
hereafter, when we narrate the legend of Guernache, upon whose
fate that of the colony seems to have depended.

The intercourse of our Huguenots with Audusta was of vital
importance to the former. In the form of gifts, he yielded them
a regular tribute of maize and beans, (corn and peas, in modern
parlance,) and was easily persuaded to do so by the simple trifles,
of little value, which the colonists proffered in return. It is not
difficult to win the affections of an inferior people, where the superior
is indulgent. Kindness will disarm the hostility of the
savage, and justice will finally subdue the jealousy of conscious ignorance.
Sympathy in sports and amusements, above all things,
will do much towards bringing together tribes who differ in their
laws and language, and will make them forgetful of all their differences.
The French have been usually much more successful
than any other people in overcoming the prejudices of the red-men
of America. The moral of their nation is much more flexible than
that of the Englishman and Spaniard;—the former of whom has
always subdued, and the latter usually debased or destroyed, the
races with which they came in conflict.

The policy of Albert did not vary from that which usually distinguished
his countrymen in like situations. The French Protestant
was, by no means, of the faith and temper of the English
Puritan. In simplifying his religion, he did not clothe his exterior
in gloom; he did not deny that there should be sunshine and

-- 034 --

[figure description] Page 034.[end figure description]

blossoms in the land. Our colonists at Fort Charles did not perplex
the Indians with doctrinal questions. It is greatly to be
feared, indeed, that religion did not, in any way, disturb them in
their solitudes. At all events, it was not of such a freezing temper
as to deny them the indulgence of an intercourse with the
natives, which, for a season, was very agreeable and very inspiriting
to both the parties.

But smiles and sunshine cannot last forever. The granaries
of the Indians began to fail under their own profligacy and the
demands of the Frenchmen. The resources of the former, never
abundant, were soon exhausted in providing for the additional
hungry mouths which had come among them. Shrinking from
labor, they addressed as little of it as they well could, to the cultivation
of their petty maize fields. They planted them, as we do
now, a couple of grains of corn to each hill, at intervals of three
or four square feet, and as the corn grew to a sufficient height,
peas were distributed among the roots, to twine about the stalks
when the vines could no longer impair its growth. They cropped
the same land twice in each summer. The supplies, thus procured,
would have been totally inadequate to their wants, but for the
abundant game, the masts of the forest, and such harsh but
wholesome roots as they could pulverize and convert into breadstuffs.
Their store was thus limited always, and adapted to their
own wants simply. Any additional demand, however small, produced
a scarcity in their granaries. The improvidence of Audusta,
or his liberality, prevented him from considering this danger,
until it began to be felt. He had supplied the Frenchmen
until his stock was exhausted; no more being left in his possession
than would suffice to sow his fields.

“For this reason,”—such was the language of the savage

-- 035 --

[figure description] Page 035.[end figure description]

monarch—“we must retire to the forests, and live upon its mast and
roots, until harvest time. We are sorry that we can supply you
no longer; you must now seek the granaries of our neighbors.
There is a king called Couexis, a prince of great might and renown
in this country, whose province lies toward the south. His
lands are very fertile. His stores are ample at all seasons. He
alone can furnish you with food for a long time. Before you approach
the territories of Couexis, there is his brother, king Ouade,
who is scarcely less wealthy. He is a generous chief, who will be
very joyful if he may but once behold you. Seek out these, and
your wants shall be supplied.”

The advice was taken. The Frenchmen had no alternative.
They addressed themselves first to Ouade. His territories lay
along the river Belle, some twenty-five leagues south of Port
Royal. He received them with the greatest favor and filled their
pinnace with maize and beans. He welcomed them to his abode
with equal state and hospitality. His house is described as being
hung with a tapestry richly wrought of feathers. The couch
upon which he slept, was dressed with “white coverlettes, embroidered
with devises of very wittie and fine workmanship, and
fringed round about with a fringe dyed in the colour of scarlet.”
His gifts to our Frenchmen were not limited to the commodities
they craved. He gave them six coverlets, and tapestry such as
decorated his couch and dwelling; specimens of a domestic
manufacture which declare for tastes and a degree of art which
seems, in some degree, to prove their intimacy with the more
polished and powerful nations of the south. In regard to food
hereafter, king Ouade promised that his new acquaintance should
never want.

Thus was the first intercourse maintained by our Huguenots

-- 036 --

[figure description] Page 036.[end figure description]

with their savage neighbors. It was during this intimacy, and
while all things seemed to promise fair in regard to the colony,
that the tragical events took place which furnish the materials for
the legend which follows, the narrative of which requires that we
should mingle events together, those which occurred in the periods
already noted, and those which belong to our future chapters.
Let it suffice, here, that, with his pinnace stored with
abundance, the mil (meal), corn and peas, of Ouade, Albert returned
in safety to Fort Charles.

eaf373.n7

[7] The name in Charlevoix is written Andusta, but this is most probably
an error of the press. Laudonniere in Hackluyt uniformly uses the orthography
which we adopt, and which furnishes a coincidence so really
striking in the preservation of a name so nearly the same in sound, to this
very day, in the same region.

eaf373.n8

[8] A remark of Charlevoix, which accords with the experience of all
early travellers and explorers among the American Indians, is worthy to be
kept in remembrance, as enabling us to account for that frequent contradiction
which occurs in the naming of places and persons among the savages.
He records distinctly that each canton or province of Florida bore, among
the red-men, the name of the ruling chief. Now, as a matter of course where
the tribes are nomadic, the names of places continually underwent change,
according to that of the tribe by which the spot was temporarily occupied.

eaf373.n9

[9] According to Charlevoix, Toya was the name of the Floridian god,
and not that of the ceremonies simply. “Elle se célébroit en l'honneur
d'une Divinité nommée Toya
.”

-- 037 --

p373-054 III. THE LEGEND OF GUERNACHE. Chap. I.

[figure description] Page 037.[end figure description]

Showing how Guernache, the Musician, a great favorite with our Frenchmen, lost the
favor of Captain Albert, and how cruelly he was punished by the latter.

Guernache, the drummer, was one of the finest fellows,
and the handsomest of our little colony of Frenchmen. Though
sprung of very humble origin, Guernache, with a little better
education, might have been deemed to have had his training
among the highest circles of the Court. He was of tall and
erect figure, and of a carriage so noble and graceful that, even
among his associates, he continued to be an object of admiration
Besides, he was a fellow of the happiest humor. His kindness of
heart was proverbial. His merriment was contagious. His eye
flashed out in gayety, and his spirit was ever on the alert to
seize upon the passing pleasure, and subject it to the enjoyment
of his companions. Never was fellow so fortunate in finding
occasion for merriment; and happy, indeed, was the Frenchman
who could procure Guernache as a comrade in the performance
of his daily tasks. The toil was unfelt in which he shared—the
weight of the task was dissipated, and, where it wore heavily, he
came to the succor of his drooping companion, and his superior
expertness soon succeeded in doing that which his pleasantry had

-- 038 --

[figure description] Page 038.[end figure description]

failed to effect. He was the best fisherman and hunter—was as
brave as he was light-hearted—was, altogether, so perfect a
character, in the estimation of the little band of Albert, that he
found no enemy among his equals, and could always choose his
companion for himself. His successes were not confined to his
own countrymen. He found equal favor in the sight of the
Indians. Among his other accomplishments, he possessed the
most wonderful agility—had belonged, at one time, to a company
of strolling players, and his skill on tight and slack rope—if we
are to credit old stories—would put to the blush the modern
performances of the Ravels and Herr Cline. It was through his
means, and partly by his ingenuity, that the Indian hunter was
entrapped and brought into the fort,—through whose agency the
intimacy had been effected with the people of Audusta and the
other chiefs; and, during this intimacy, Guernache had proved,
in various ways, one of the principal instruments for confirming
the favorable impressions which the Indian had received in his intercourse
with the Frenchmen. He was everywhere popular with
the red men. Nothing, indeed, could be done without him.
Ignorant of his inferior social position among the whites, the
simple savages sent for him to their feasts and frolics, without
caring for the claims of any other person. He had but to carry
his violin—for, among his other accomplishments, that of fiddling
was not the smallest—to secure the smiles of the men and the
favors of the women; and it was not long before he had formed,
among the savages, a class for dancing, after the European
fashion, upon the banks of the Edisto. Think of the red men
of Apalachia, figuring under a Parisian teacher, by night, by
torch-light, beneath the great oaks of the original forest!
Such uncouth antics might well offend, with never-lessening

-- 039 --

[figure description] Page 039.[end figure description]

wonder, the courtly nymphs of the Seine and the Loire. But
the Indians suffered from no conventional apprehensions. They
were not made to feel their deficiencies under the indulgent
training of Guernache, and footed it away as merrily, as if each
of their damsels sported on a toe as light and exquisite as that of
Ellsler or Taglioni. King Audusta, himself, though well stricken
in years, was yet seduced into the capricious mazes which he
beheld with so much pleasure, and, for a season, the triumph of
Guernache among the palms and pines of Grande Riviere, was
sufficiently complete, to make him wonder at times how his
countrymen ever suffered his departure from the shores of La
Belle France!

At first, and when it was doubtful to what extent the favor of
the red-men might be secured for the colony, Captain Albert
readily countenanced the growing popularity of his fiddler among
them. His permission was frequently given to Guernache, when
king Audusta solicited his presence. His policy prompted him
to regard it as highly fortunate that so excellent an agent for his
purposes was to be found among his followers; and, for some
months, it needed only a suggestion of Guernache, himself, to
procure for him leave of absence. The worthy fellow never
abused his privileges—never was unfaithful to his trust—never
grew insolent upon indulgence. But Captain Albert, though
claiming to be the cadet of a noble house, was yet a person of a
mean and ignoble nature. Small and unimposing of person,
effeminate of habit, and accustomed to low indulgences, he was
not only deficient in the higher resources of intellect, but he was
exceedingly querulous and tyrannical of temper. His aristocratical
connexions alone had secured him the charge of the
colony, for which nature and education had equally unfitted him.

-- 040 --

[figure description] Page 040.[end figure description]

His mind was contracted and full of bitter prejudices; and,
as is the case commonly with very small persons, he was always
tenacious, to the very letter, of the nicest observances of
etiquette. After a little while, and when he no longer had reason
to question the fidelity of the red men, he began to exhibit some
share of dislike towards Guernache; and to withhold the privileges
which he had hitherto permitted him to enjoy. He had become
jealous of the degree of favor in which his musician was
held among the savages, and betrayed this change in his temper,
by instances of occasional severity and denial, the secret of which
the companions of Guernache divined much sooner than himself.
Though not prepared, absolutely, to withhold his consent, when
king Audusta entreated that the fiddler might be spared him, he
yet accorded it ungraciously; and Guernache was made to suffer,
in some way, for these concessions, as if they had been so many
favors granted to himself.

They were, indeed, favors to the musician, though, to what extent,
Albert entertained no suspicion. It so happened that among
his other conquests, Guernache had made that of a very lovely
dark-eyed damsel, a niece of Audusta, and a resident of the king's
own village. After the informal fashion of the country, into
which our Frenchmen were apt readily to fall, he had made the
damsel his wife. She was a beautiful creature, scarcely more
than sixteen; tall and slender, and so naturally agile and graceful,
that it needed but a moderate degree of instruction to make
her a dancer whose airy movements would not greatly have misbeseemed
the most courtly theatres of Paris. Monaletta,—for
such was the sweet name of the Indian damsel,—was an apt pupil,
because she was a loving one. She heartily responded to that
sentiment of wonder—common among the savages—that the

-- 041 --

[figure description] Page 041.[end figure description]

Frenchmen should place themselves under the command of a
chief, so mean of person as Albert, and so inferior in gifts, when
they had among them a fellow of such noble presence as Guernache,
whose qualities were so irresistible. The opinions of her
head were but echoes from the feelings in her heart. Her preference
for our musician was soon apparent and avowed; but, in
taking her to wife, Guernache kept his secret from his best friend.
No one in Fort Charles ever suspected that he had been wived in
the depth of the great forests, through pagan ceremonies, by an
Indian Iawa,[10] to the lovely Monaletta. Whatever may have been
his motive for keeping the secret, whether he feared the ridicule
of his comrades, or the hostility of his superior, or apprehended a
difficulty with rivals among the red men, by a discovery of the
fact, it is yet very certain that he succeeded in persuading Monaletta,
herself, and those who were present at his wild betrothal, to
keep the secret also. It did not lessen, perhaps, the pleasure of
his visits to the settlements of Audusta, that the peculiar joys
which he desired had all the relish of a stolen fruit. It was now,
only in this manner that Monaletta could be seen. Captain Albert,
with a rigid austerity, which contributed also to his evil odor
among his people, had interdicted the visits of all Indian women
at the fort. This interdict was one, however, which gave little
annoyance to Guernache. A peculiar, but not unnatural jealousy,
had already prompted him repeatedly to deny this privilege to
Monaletta. The simple savage had frequently expressed her desire
to see the fortress of the white man, to behold his foreign
curiosities, and, in particular, to hearken to the roar of that

-- 042 --

[figure description] Page 042.[end figure description]

mimic thunder which he had always at command, and which,
when heard, had so frequently shaken the very hearts of the men
of her people.

In this relation stood the several parties, when, one day, a messenger
came to Fort Charles from King Audusta, bearing a special
invitation to Captain Albert to attend, with the savage tribes, the
celebration of the great religious “feast of Toya.” He was invited
to bring as many of his men as he thought proper, but, in
particular, not to forget their favorite Guernache. The feast of
Toya, seems to have constituted the great religious ceremonial of
the nation. It took place about the middle, or the close of summer,
and seems to have been a sort of annual thanksgiving, after
the laws of a natural religion, for the maturing of their little crops.
Much of the solemnities were obvious and ostentations in their
character. Much more, however, was involved and mysterious,
and held particularly sacred by the priesthood. The occasion
was one, at all events, to which the Indians attached the greatest
importance; and, naturally anxious to acquire as great a knowledge
as possible of their laws, customs and sentiments, Captain
Albert very readily acceded to the invitation,—preparing, with
some state, to attend the rustic revels of Audusta. He took with
him a fair proportion of his little garrison, and did not omit the
inimitable Guernache. Ascending the river in his pinnace, he
soon reached the territories of the Indian monarch. Audusta,
with equal hospitality and dignity, anticipated his approach, and
met him, with his followers, at the river landing. With a hearty
welcome, he conducted him to his habitations, and gave him, at
entrance, a draught of the cassina beverage, the famous tea of the
country. Then came damsels who washed their hands in vessels
of water over which floated the leaves of the odorous bay, and

-- 043 --

[figure description] Page 043.[end figure description]

flowers of rare perfume; drying them after with branches of
plumes, scarlet and white, which were made of the feathers of
native birds of the most glorious variety of hue. Mats of reed,
woven ingeniously together by delicate wythes of all colors, orange
and green, and vermillion, dyed with roots of the forest, were then
spread upon the rush-strewn floor of the royal wigwam; and, with
a grace not unbecoming a sovereign born in the purple, Audusta
invited our Frenchmen to place themselves at case, each according
to his rank and station. The king took his place among them,
neither above the first, nor below the last, but like a friend within
a favorite circle, in which some might stand more nearly than
others to his affections. They were then attended with the profoundest
deference, and served with the rarest delicacies of the
Indian cuisine. As night came on, fresh rushes were strewed
upon the floor, and they slept with the cheerful music of songs
and laughter, which reached them at intervals, through the night,
from the merry makers in the contiguous forests. With the
dawning of the next day, preparations for the great festival were
begun.

eaf373.n10

[10] Iawa was the title of the priest or prophet of the Floridian. The
word is thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. It is probably a misprint
only which, in Charlevoix, writes it “Iona.”

-- --

p373-061 IV. THE LEGEND OF GUERNACHE. Chap. II. THE FESTIVAL OF TOYA.

[figure description] Page 044.[end figure description]

Being a continuation of the legend of Guernache; showing the superstitions of the RedMen;
how Guernache offended Captain Albert, and what followed from the secret
efforts of the Frenchmen to penetrate the mysteries of Toya!

It would be difficult to say, from the imperfect narratives
afforded us by the chroniclers, what were the precise objects of
the present ceremonials;—what gods were to be invoked;—what
evil beings implored;—what wrath and anger to be deprecated and
diverted from the devoted tribes. As the Frenchmen received
no explanation of their mystic preparations, so are we left unenlightened
by their revelations. They do not even amuse by their
conjectures, and Laudonniere stops short in his narrative of what
did happen, apologizing for having said so much on so trifling a
matter. We certainly owe him no gratitude for his forbearance.
What he tells us affords but little clue to the motive of their fantastic
proceedings. The difficulty, which is at present ours, was
not less that of Albert and his Frenchmen. They were compelled
to behold the outlines of a foreign ritual whose mysteries they
were not permitted to explore, and had their curiosity provoked

-- 045 --

[figure description] Page 045.[end figure description]

by shows of a most exciting character, which only mocked their
desires, and tantalized their appetites. On the first arrival of
Albert, and after he had been rested and refreshed, Audusta himself
had conducted him, with his followers, to the spot which had
been selected for the ceremonies of the morrow. “This was a
great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure.”
Here they saw “many women roundabout, which labored by all
means to make the place cleane and neate.” The ceremonies
began early on the morning of the ensuing day. Hither they repaired
in season, and found “all they which were chosen to celebrate
the feast,” already “painted and trimmed with rich feathers
of divers colours.” These led the way in a procession from the
dwelling of Audusta to the “place of Toya.” Here, when they
had come, they set themselves in new order under the guidance of
three Indians, who were distinguished by plumes, paint, and a
costume entirely superior to the rest. Each of them carried a
tabret, to the plaintive and lamenting music of which they sang
in wild, strange, melancholy accents; and, in slow measures,
dancing the while, they passed gradually into the very centre of
the sacred circle. They were followed by successive groups,
which answered to their strains, and to whose songs they, in turn,
responded with like echoes. This continued for awhile, the music
gradually rising and swelling from the slow to the swift, from the
sad to the passionate, while the moods of the actors and the spectators,
also varying, the character of the scene changed to one of
the wildest excitement. Suddenly, the characters—those who
were chief officiators in this apparent hymn of fate—broke from
the enchanted circle—darted through the ranks of the spectators,
and dashed, headlong, with frantic cries, into the depths of the
neighboring thickets. Then followed another class of actors. As

-- 046 --

[figure description] Page 046.[end figure description]

if a sudden and terrible doom overhung the nation, the Indian
women set up cries of grief and lamentation. Their pasion grew
to madness. In their rage, the mothers seized upon the young
virgins of the tribe, and, with the sharp edges of muscle shells, they
lanced their arms, till the blood gushed forth in free streams,
which they eagerly flung into the air, crying aloud at every moment,
“He-to-yah! He-to-yah! He-to-yah!”[11]

These ceremonies, though not more meaningless, perhaps, in
the eyes of the Christian, than would be our most solemn religious
proceedings in those of the Indian, provoked the laughter of Albert
and some of his Frenchmen. This circumstance awakened
the indignation of their excellent friend, Audusta. His displeasure
was now still farther increased by a proceeding of Captain
Albert. It was an attempt upon their mysteries. That portion
of the officiating priesthood—their Iawas—who fled from the
sacred enclosure to deep recesses of the woods, sought there for
the prosecution, in secret, of rites too holy for the vulgar eye.
Here they maintained their sanctum sanctorum. This was the
place consecrated to the communion of the god with his immediate
servants—the holy of holies, which it was death to penetrate
or pass. Albert suffered his curiosity to get the better of
his discretion. Offended by the laughter of the Frenchmen, at
what they had already beheld, and fearing lest their audacity
should lead them farther, the king, Audusta, had gathered them
again within the royal wigwam, where he sought, by marked
kindness and distinction, to make them forgetful of what had been

-- 047 --

[figure description] Page 047.[end figure description]

denied. They had seen, as he told them, the more impressive
portions of the ceremonial. There were others, but not of a kind
to interest them. But the fact that there was something to conceal,
stimulated the curiosity of Albert. In due degree with the
king's anxiety to keep his secret, was that of the French captain's
to fathom it. Holding a brief consultation with his men, accordingly,
he declared his desire to this effect; and proposed, that one
of their number should contrive to steal forth, and, finding his
way to the forbidden spot, should place himself in such a position
as would enable him to survey all the mysterious proceedings.
To this course, Guernache frankly opposed his opinions. His
greater intimacy with the red-men led him properly to conceive
the danger which might ensue, from their discovery of the intrusion.
He had been well taught by Monaletta, the degree of importance
which they attached to the security of their mystic rites.
Arguing with the honesty of his character, he warned his captain
of the risk which such unbecoming curiosity would incur—the
peril to the offender, himself, if detected; and the hazards to the
colony from the loss of that friendship to which they had been
already so largely indebted. But the counsels of Guernache were
rejected with indignity. Prepared, already, to regard him with
dislike and suspicion, Albert heard his suggestions only as so
much impertinence; and rudely commanded him not to forget
himself and place, nor to thrust his undesired opinions upon the
consideration of gentlemen. The poor fellow was effectually
silenced by this rebuke. He sank out of sight, and presumed no
farther to advise. But the counsel was not wholly thrown away
Disregarded by Albert, it was caught up, and insisted on, by
others, who had better conventional claims to be heard, and the
proposition might have been defeated but for the ready

-- 048 --

[figure description] Page 048.[end figure description]

interposition of one Pierre Renaud, a young fellow, who, perceiving the
captain's strong desire to seek out the mystery, and anxious to, ingratiate
himself with that person, boldly laughed at the fears of
the objectors, and volunteered, himself, to defy the danger, in his
own person, in order to gratify his chief. This silenced the controversy.
Albert readily availed himself of the offer, and Pierre
Renaud was commanded to try his fortune. This he did, and,
notwithstanding the surveillance maintained over them by Audusta
and his attendants, “he made such shift, that, by subtle
meanes, he gotte out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went
and hid himself behinde a very thick bush, where, at his pleasure,
he might easily desery the ceremonies of the feaste.”

We will leave Renaud thus busy in his espionage, while we rehearse
the manner in which the venerable Audusta proceeded to
treat his company. A substantial feast was provided for them,
consisting of venison, wild fowl, and fruits. Their breadstuffs
were maize, batatas, and certain roots sodden first in water, and
then prepared in the sun. A drink was prepared from certain
other roots, which, though bitter, was refreshing and slightly
stimulant. Our Frenchmen, in the absence of the beverages of
Italy and France, did not find it unpalatable. They ate and
drank with a hearty relish, which gratified the red-men, who lavished
on them a thousand caresses. The feast was followed by
the dance. In a spacious area, surrounded by great ranks of
oaks, cedars, pines, and other trees, they assembled, men and women,
in their gayest caparison. The men were tatooed and
painted, from head to foot, and not inartistically, in the most
glowing colors. Birds and beasts were figured upon their breasts,
and huge, strange reptiles were made to coil up and around their
legs and arms. From their waists depended light garments of

-- 049 --

[figure description] Page 049.[end figure description]

white cotton, the skirts being trimmed with a thick fringe of red
or scarlet. Some of them wore head-dresses consisting of the
skins of snakes, or eagles, the panther or the wild cat, which,
stuffed ingeniously, were made to sit erect above the forehead, and
to look abroad, from their novel place of perch, in a manner
equally natural and frightful. The women were habited in a similarly
wild but less offensive manner. The taste which presided in
their decorations, was of a purer and a gentler fashion. Their
cheeks were painted red, their arms, occasionally but slightly tattooed,
and sometimes the figure of a bird, a flower or a star, might
be seen engrained upon the breast. A rather scanty robe of
white cotton concealed, in some degree, the bosom, and extended
somewhat below the knees. Around the necks of several, were
hung thick strands of native pearls, partially discolored by the
action of fire which had been employed to extricate them from the
shells. Pearls were also mingled ingeniously with the long tresses
of their straight, black hair; trailing with it, in not unfrequent
instances, even to the ground. Others, in place of this more
valuable ornament, wore necklaces, anklets and tiaras, formed
wholly of one or other of the numerous varieties of little sea
shells, by which, after heavy storms, the low and sandy shores of
the country were literally covered. Strings of the same shell encircled
the legs, which were sometimes of a shape to gratify the
nicest exactions of the civilized standard. The forms of our Indian
damsels were generally symmetrical and erect, their movements
at once agile and graceful—their foreheads high, their lips
thin, and, with a soft, persuasive expression inclining to melancholy;
while their eyes black and bright, always shone with a peculiar
forest fire that seemed happily to consoft with their dark, but not
unpleasing complexions. Well, indeed, with a pardonable vanity,

-- 050 --

[figure description] Page 050.[end figure description]

might their people call them the “Daughters of the Sun.” He
had made them his, by his warmest and fondest glances. These
were the women, whose descendants, in after days, as Yemassees
and Muscoghees and Seminoles, became the scourge of so large a
portion of the Anglo-American race.

When the Frenchmen beheld this rude, but really brilliant
assemblage, and saw what an attractive show the young damsels
made, they were delighted beyond measure. Visions of the fout
and revel, as enjoyed in La Belle France, glanced before their
fancies; and the lively capering that followed among the young
Huguenots, informed Captain Albert of the desire which was felt
by all. In stern, compelling accents, he bade Guernache take his
violin, and provide the music, while the rest prepared to dance.
But Guernache excused himself, alleging the want of strings, for
his instrument. These were shown, in a broken state, to his
commander. He had broken them, we may state en passant, for
the occasion. His pride had been hurt by the treatment of his
captain. He felt that the purpose of the latter was to degrade
him. Such a performance as that required at his hands, was properly
no part of his duty; and his proud spirit revolted at the
idea of contributing, in any way, to the wishes of his superior,
when the object of the latter was evidently his own degradation.
Albert spoke to him testily, and with brows that did not seek to
subdue or conceal their frowns. But Guernache was firm, and
though he studiously forebore, by word or look, to increase the
provocation which he had already given, he yet made no effort to
pacify the imperious nature which he had offended. The excuse
was such as could not but be taken. There was the violin, indeed,
but there, also, were the broken strings. Albert turned
from the musician with undisguised loathing; and the poor fellow

-- 051 --

[figure description] Page 051.[end figure description]

sunk back with a secret presentiment of evil. He but too well
knew the character of his superior.

Meanwhile, the red men had resort to their own primitive
music. Their instruments consisted of simple reeds, which,
bound together, were passed, to and fro, beneath the lips and discoursed
very tolerable harmonies;—and a rude drum formed by
stretching a raw deer skin over the mouth of a monstrous calabash,
enabled them, when the skin had been contracted in the
sun, to extort from it a very tolerable substitute for the music of
the tambourine. There were other instruments, susceptible of
sound if not of sweetness. Numerous damsels, none over fifteen,
lithe and graceful, carried in their hands little gourds, which were
filled with shells and pebbles, and tied over with skins, dried also
in the sun. With these, as they danced, they kept time so admirably
as might have charmed the most practised European
master. Thus, all provided, some with the drum, and others with
flute-like reeds and hollow, tinkling gourds, they only awaited the
summons of their partners to the area. Shaking their tinkling
gourds, as if in pretty impatience at the delay, the girls each
waited, with anxious looks, the signal from her favorite.

The Frenchmen were not slow in seeking out their partners.
At the word and signal of their captain, they dashed in among the
laughing group of dusky maidens, each seeking for the girl whose
beauties had been most grateful to his tastes. Nor was Captain
Albert, himself, with all his pride and asceticism, unwilling to forget
his dignity for a season, and partake of the rude festivities of
the occasion. When, indeed, did mirth and music fail to usurp
dominion in the Frenchman's heart? Albert greedily cast his
eyes about, seeking a partner, upon whom he might bestow his
smiles. He was not slow in the selection. It so happened, that

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Monaletta, the spouse of Guernache, was not only one of the
loveliest damsels present, but she was well known as the niece of
King Audusta. Her beauty and royal blood, equally commended
her to the favor of our captain. She stood apart from all the
rest, stately and graceful as the cedar, not seeming to care for the
merriment in which all were now engaged. There was a dash of
sadness in her countenance. Her thoughts were elsewhere—her
eyes scarcely with the assembly, when the approach of Albert
startled her from her reverie. He came as Cæsar did, to certain
conquest; and was about to take her hand, as a matter of course,
when he was equally astounded and enraged to find her draw it
away from his grasp.

“You will not dance with me, Monaletta?”

“No,” she answered him in broken French—“No dance with
you—dance with him!” pointing to Guernache.

Speaking these words, she crossed the floor, with all the bold
imprudence of a truly loving heart, to the place where stood our
sorrowful and unhappy violinist. He had followed the movements
of Albert, with looks of most serious apprehension, and his heart
had sunk, with a sudden terror, when he saw that he approached
Monaletta. The scene which followed, however grateful to his
affections, was seriously calculated to arouse his fears. He feared
for Monaletta, as he feared for himself. Nothing escaped him in
the brief interview, and he saw, in the vindictive glances of Albert,
the most evil auguries for the future. Yet how precious was her
fondness to his heart! He half forgot his apprehensions as he
felt her hand upon his shoulder, and beheld her eyes looking with
appealing fondness up into his own. That glance was full of the
sweetest consolation,—and said everything that was grateful to his
terrified affections. She, too, had seen the look of hate and anger

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in the face of Albert, and she joyed in the opportunity of rebuking
the one with her disdain, and of consoling the other with her
sympathies. It was an unhappy error. Bitter, indeed, was the
look with which the aroused and mortified Albert regarded the
couple as they stood apart from all the rest. Guernache beheld
this look. He knew the meaning of that answering glance of his
superior which encountered his own. His looks were those of entreaty,
of deprecation. They seemed to say, “I feel that you
are offended, but I had no purpose or part in the offence.” His
glance of humility met with no answering indulgence. It seemed,
indeed, still farther to provoke his tyrant, who, advancing midway
across the room, addressed him in stern, hissing accents,
through his closed and almost gnashing teeth.

“Away, sirrah, to the pinnace! See that you remain in her
until I summon you! Away!”

The poor fellow turned off from Monaletta. He shook himself
free from the grasp which she had taken of his hand. He prepared
to obey the wanton and cruel order, but he could not forbear
saying reproachfully as he retired—

“You push me too hard, Captain Albert.”

“No words, sir! Away!” was the stern response. The submissive
fellow instantly disappeared. With his disappearance,
Albert again approached Monaletta, and renewed his application.
But this time he met with a rejection even more decided than before.
He looked to King Audusta; but an Indian princess, while
she remains unmarried, enjoys a degree of social liberty which
the same class of persons in Europe would sigh for and supplicate
in vain. There were no answering sympathies in the king's face,
to encourage Albert in the prosecution of his suit. Nay, he had
the mortification to perceive, from the expression of his

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countenance, that his proceedings towards Guernache—who was a general
favorite—had afforded not more satisfaction to him, than they
had done to Monaletta. It was, therefore, in no very pleasant
mood with himself and those around him, that our captain consoled
himself in the dance with the hand of an inferior beauty.
Jealous of temper and frivolous of mind—characteristics which
are frequently found together—Albert was very fond of dancing,
and enjoyed the sport quite as greatly as any of his companions.
But, even while he capered, his soul, stung and dissatisfied, was
brooding vexatiously over its petty hurts. His thoughts were
busied in devising ways to revenge himself upon the humble
offender by whom his mortification originally grew. Upon this
sweet and bitter cud did he chew while the merry music sounded
in his ears, and the gaily twinkling feet of the dusky maidens
were whirling in promiscuous mazes beneath his eye. But these
festivities, and his own evil meditations, were destined to have an
interruption as startling as unexpected.

While the mirth was at its highest, and the merriment most
contagious, the ears of the assembly were startled by screams, the
most terrible, of fright and anguish. The Frenchmen felt a
nameless terror seizing upon them. The cries and shrieks were
from an European throat. Wild was the discord which accompanied
them,—whoops of wrath and vengeance, which, as evidently
issued only from the throats of most infuriated savages.
The music ceased in an instant. The dance was arrested. The
Frenchmen rushed to their arms, fully believing that they
were surrounded by treachery—that they had been beguiled to
the feast only to become its victims. With desperate decision,
they prepared themselves for the worst. While their suspense and
fear were at their highest, the cause of the alarm and uproar soon

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became apparent to their eyes. Bursting, like a wounded deer,
suddenly, from the woods by which the dwelling of Audusta was
surrounded, a bloody figure, ghastly and spotted, appeared before
the crowd. In another moment the Frenchmen recognized the
spy, Pierre Renaud, who had volunteered to get at the heart of
the Indian mysteries—to follow the priesthood to their sacred
haunts, and gather all the secrets of their ceremonials.

We have already seen that he reached his place of watch in
safety. But here his good fortune failed him: his place of espionage
was not one of concealment. In the wild orgies of their
religion,—for they seem to have practised rites not dissimilar to,
and not less violent and terrible than those of the British
Druids,—the priests darted over the crouching spy. Detected in
the very act, where he lay, “squat like a toad,” the Iawas fell
upon him with the sharp instruments of flint with which they had
been lancing and lacerating their own bodies. With these they
contrived, in spite of all his struggles and entreaties, to inflict upon
him some very severe wounds. Their rage was unmeasured, and
the will to slay him was not wanting. But Renaud was a fellow
equally vigorous and active. He baffled their blows as well as he
could, and at length breaking from their folds, he took fairly to his
heels. Howling with rage and fury, they darted upon his track,
their wild shrieks ringing through the wood like those of so many
demons suffering in mortal agony. They cried to all whom they
saw, to stay and slay the offender. Others joined in the chase, as
they heard this summons. But fortune favored the fugitive. His
terror added wings to his flight. He was not, it seems, destined
to such a death as they designed him. He outran his pursuers,
and, dodging those whom he accidentally encountered, he made
his way into the thick of the area, where his comrades, half

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bewildered by the uproar, were breaking up the dance. He sank
down in the midst of them, exhausted by loss of blood and fatigue,
only a moment before the appearance of his pursuers.

The French instantly closed around their companion. They
had not put aside their weapons, and they now prepared themselves
to encounter the worst. The aspect of the danger was
threatening in the last degree. The lawas were boiling with
sacred fury. They were the true rulers of their people. Their
will was sovereign over the popular moods. They demanded,
with violent outery, the blood of the individual by whom their
sacred retreats had been violated, and their shekinah polluted by
vulgar and profane presence. They demanded the blood of all
the Frenchmen, as participating in the crime. They called
upon Audusta to assert his own privileges and theirs. They
appealed to the people in a style of phrenzied eloquence, the
effects of which were soon visible in the inflamed features and
wild action of the more youthful warriors. Already were these
to be seen slapping their sides, tossing their hands in air,
and, with loud shrieks, lashing themselves into a fury like that
which enflamed their prophets. King Audusta looked confounded.
The Frenchmen were his guests. He had invited
them to partake of his hospitality, and to enjoy the rites of his
religion. He was in some sort pledged for their safety, though
one of them had violated the conditions of their coming. His
own feelings revolted at giving any sanction for the assault, yet
he appeared unable or unwilling to resist the clamors of the
priesthood. But he also demanded, though with evident reluctance,
the blood of the offender. He was not violent, though
urgent, in this demand. He showed indignation rather than
hostility; and he gave Albert to understand that in no way

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could the people or the priesthood be appeased, unless by the
sacrifice of the guilty person.

But Albert could not yield the victim. The French were
prepared to perish to a man before complying with any such
demand. They were firm. They fenced him in with their
weapons, and declared their readiness to brave every peril ere
they would abandon their comrade. This resolution was the
more honorable, as Pierre Renaud was no favorite among
them. Though seriously disquieted by the event, and apprehensive
of the issue, Albert was man enough to second their spirit.
Besides, Renaud had been his own emissary in the adventure
which threatened to terminate so fatally. His denial was inferred
from his deportment; and the clamor of the Indians was
increased. The rage of the Iawas was renewed with the conviction
that no redress was to be given them. Already had the
young warriors of Audusta procured their weapons. More than
an hundred of them surrounded our little band of Frenchmen,
who were only thirteen in number. Bows were bent, lances
were set in rest, javelins were seen lifted, and ready to be
thrown; and the drum which had been just made to sound, in
lively tones, for the dance, now gave forth the most dismal din,
significant of massacre and war. Already were to be seen, in
the hands of some more daring Indian than the rest, the heavy
war-club, or the many-teethed macana, waving aloft and threatening
momently to descend upon the victim; and nothing was
wanting but a first blow to bring on a general massacre. Suddenly,
at this perilous moment, the fiddle of Guernache was
heard without; followed, in a moment after, by the appearance
of the brave fellow himself. Darting in between the opposing
ranks, attended by the faithful Monaletta, with a grand crash

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[figure description] Page 058.[end figure description]

upon his instrument, now newly-strung, followed by a rapid
gush of the merriest music, he took both parties by the happiest
surprise, and instantly produced a revulsion of feeling among
the savages as complete as it was sudden.

“Ami! ami! ami!” was the only cry from an hundred voices,
at the reappearance of Guernache among them. They had
acquired this friendly epithet among the first words which they
had learned at their coming, from the French; and their affection
for our fiddler had made its application to himself, in particular,
a thing of general usage. He was their friend. He had shown
himself their friend, and they had a faith in him which they
accorded to no other of his people. The people were with him,
and the priesthood not unfriendly. Time was gained by this
diversion; and, in such an outbreak as that which has been
described, time is all that is needful, perhaps, to stay the arm
of slaughter. Guernache played out his tune, and cut a few
pleasant antics, in which the now happy Monaletta, though of the
blood royal, readily joined him. The musician had probably
saved the party from massacre. The subsequent work of treaty
and pacification was comparatively easy. Pierre Renaud was
permitted to depart for the pinnace, under the immediate care
of Guernache and Monaletta. The Iawas received some presents
of gaudy costume, bells, and other gew-gaws, while a liberal gift
of knives and beads gratified their warriors and their women.
The old ties of friendship were happily reunited, and the calumet
went round, from mouth to mouth, in token of restored confidence
and renewed faith. Before nightfall, happily relieved from his
apprehensions, Albert, with his detachment, was rapidly making
his way with his pinnace, down the waters of the swiftly-rolling
Edisto.

eaf373.n11

[11] Adair likens the cry of the Southern Indians to the sacred name among
the Jews—“Je-ho-vah.” He writes the Indian syllables thus—“Yo-he-wah,”
and it constitutes one of his favorite arguments for deducing the
origin of the North American red-men from the ancient Hebrews.

-- --

p373-076 V. THE LEGEND OF GUERNACHE. Chap. III.

[figure description] Page 059.[end figure description]

The Legend of Guernache is continued, showing how the Fortress of the Huguenots was
destroyed, and what happened thereafter to Guernache the Musician.

The fidelity which Guernache had shown in the recent difficulty
with the Indians, did not appear to lessen in any degree
the unfavorable impressions which Capt. Albert had received of
that worthy fellow. Indeed, the recent and remarkable service
which he had rendered, by which, in all probability, the whole
party had been preserved from massacre, rather increased, if any
thing, the hostile temper of his superior. The evil spirit still
raged within the bosom of Capt. Albert, utterly baffling a judgment
at no period of particular excellence, and blinding every
honorable sentiment which might have distinguished him under
other influences. He was now doubly mortified, that he should
be supposed to owe his present safety to the person he had
wronged—a mortification which found due increase as he remembered
how much greater had been the respect and deference of
the savages for his drummer than for himself. This recollection
was a perpetual goad to that working malice in his heart, which
was already busied in devising schemes of revenge, which were
to salve his hurts of pride and vanity, by the sufferings as well

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[figure description] Page 060.[end figure description]

as humiliation of his subordinate. It will scarcely be believed
that, when fairly out of sight of the village of Audusta, he rebuked
Guernache sharply, for leaving the pinnace against his
orders, and even spoke of punishing him for this disobedience.[12]
But the murmurs of some of his officers, and, perhaps, a little
lurking sentiment of shame in his own bosom, prevented him
from attempting any such disgraceful proceeding. But the feeling
of hostility only rankled the more because of its suppression,
and he soon contrived to show Guernache and, indeed, everybody
besides, that from that hour he was his most bitter and unforgiving
enemy, with a little and malignant spirit, he employed various
petty arts, which a superior of a base nature may readily
command on all occasions, by which to make the poor fellow feel
how completely he was at his mercy; and each day exposed him
to some little snare, or some stern caprice, by which Guernache
became involuntarily an offender. His tyrant subjected him to
duties the most troublesome and humiliating, while denying, or
stinting him of all those privileges which were yet commonly accorded
to his comrades. But all this would have been as nothing
to Guernache, if he had not been denied permission to visit, as
before, the hamlet of Audusta, where his princess dwelt. On
the miserable pretext that the priesthood might revenge upon
him the misconduct of Renaud, Albert insisted upon his abstaining
wholly from the Indian territories. But this pretence deceived
nobody, and nobody less than Guernache. Little did the

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petty tyrant of Fort Charles imagine that the object of his
malice enjoyed a peculiar source of consolation for all these
privations. His comrades were his friends. They treated him
with a warmth and kindness, studiously proportioned to the illtreatment
of his superior. They assisted him in the severer
tasks which were allotted him to fulfil—gave him their company
whenever this was possible, while he was engaged in the execution
of his most cheerless duties, and soothed his sorrows by the
expression of their almost unanimous sympathies. Nor did they
always withhold their bitter denunciations of the miserable despotism
under which he suffered, and which they feared. Dark
hints of remedy were spoken, brows frowned at the mention of
the wrongs of their companion, and the head shaken ominously,
when words of threatening significance were uttered—appealed
gratefully to certain bitter desires which had taken root in the
mind of the victim. But these sympathies, though grateful,
were of small amount in comparison with another source of
consolation, which contributed to sustain Guernache in his tribulation.
This was found in the secret companionship of his young
and beautiful Indian wife. Denied to see him at the village of
Audusta, the fond and fearless woman determined to seek him at
all hazards in his own domain. She stole away secretly to the
fortress of the Huguenots. Long and earnest was the watch which
she maintained upon its portals, from the thickets of the neighboring
wood. Here, vigilant as the sentinel that momently
expects his foe, she harbored close, in waiting for the beloved
one. Her quick instincts had already taught her the true cause
of his denial, and of her disappointment; and her Indian lessons
had made that concealment, which she now believed to be necessary
to her purpose, a part of the habitual policy of her people.

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She showed herself to none of the people of the fortress. She
suspected them all; she had no faith but in the single one. And
he, at length, came forth, unaccompanied, in the prosecution of an
occasional labor—that of cutting and procuring wood. She suffered
him to make his way into the forests—to lose sight of the
fortress, and, with a weary spirit and a wounded soul, to begin
his lonely labors with the axe. Then did she steal behind him,
and beside him; and when he moaned aloud—supposing that he
had no auditor—how startling fell upon his ear the sweet, soft
whisper of that precious voice which he had so lovingly learned
to distinguish from all others. He turned with a gush of rapturous
delight, and, weeping, she rushed into his arms, pouring
forth, in a wild cry, upon his breast, the whole full volume of
her warm, devoted heart!

That moment, in spite of all his fears, was amply compensative
to Guernache for all his troubles. He forgot them all in the intensity
of his new delights. And when Monaletta led him off
from his tasks to the umbrageous retreat in the deeper woods
where her nights had been recently passed,—when she conducted
him to the spot where her own hands had built a mystic bower for
her own shelter—when she declared her purpose still to occupy
this retreat, in the solitude alone,—that she might be ever near
him, to behold him at a distance, herself unseen, when he came
forth accompanied by others—to join him, to feel his embrace,
hear his words of love, and assist him in his labors when he came
forth unattended—when, speaking and promising thus, she lay
upon the poor fellow's bosom, looking up with tearful and bright
eyes in his wan and apprehensive countenance—then it was that
he could forget his tyrant—could lose his fears and sorrows in his
love, and in the enjoyment of moments the most precious to his

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heart, forget all the accompanying influences which might endanger
his safety.

But necessity arose sternly between the two, and pointed to the
exactions of duty. The tasks of Guernache were to be completed.
His axe was required to sound among the trees of the
forest, and a certain number of pieces of timber were required
by sunset at his hands. It was surprising as it was sweet to
behold the Indian woman as she assisted him in his tasks. Her
strength did not suffice for the severer toils of the wood-cutter,
but she contrived a thousand modes for contributing to his performances.
Love lightens every labor, and invents a thousand
arts by which to do so. Monaletta anticipated the wants of
Guernache. She removed the branches as he smote them, she
threw the impediments from his way,—helped him to lift and turn
the logs as each successive side was to be hewn. She brought
him water, when he thristed, from the spring. She spoke and
sung to him in the most encouraging voice when he was weary.
He was never weary when with her.

Guernache combatted her determination to remain in the neighborhood
of the fortress; but his objections were feebly urged, and
she soon overcame them. He had not the courage to insist upon
his argument, as he had not the strength to resist the consolations
which her presence brought him. She soon succeeded in assuring
him that there was little or no danger of detection by their enemy.
She laughed at the idea of the Frenchmen discovering her place
of concealment, surprising her in her progress through the woods,
or overtaking her in flight; and Guernache knew enough of Indian
subtlety readily to believe that the white was no match for the
dusky race in the exercise of all those arts which are taught by
forest life. “But her loneliness and privation, exposed to the

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season's changes, and growing melancholy in the absence from old
associates?” But how could she be lonely, was her argument,
when near the spot where he dwelt—when she could see and hear
and speak with him occasionally? She wished no other communion.
As for the exposure of her present abode, was it
greater than that to which the wandering life of the red-man
subjects his people at all seasons? The Indian woman is quite as
much at home in the forest as the Indian warrior. She acquires
her resources of strength and dexterity in his company, and by
the endurance of similar necessities and the employment of like
exercises. She learns even in childhood to build her own green
bower at night, to gather her own fuel, light her own fire, dress
her own meat—nay, provide it; and, weaponed with bow, and
javelin and arrow, bring down buck or doe bounding at full speed
through the wildest forests. Her skill and spirit are only not
equal to those of the master by whom she is taught, but she
acquires his arts to a degree which makes her sometimes worthy
to be lifted by the tribe from her own rank into his. Monaletta
reminded Guernache of all these things. She had the most conclusive
and convincing methods of argument. She reassured him
on all his doubts, and, in truth, it was but too easy to do so. It
was unhappy for them both, as we shall see hereafter, that the
selfish passion of the poor musician too readily reconciled him to
a self-devotion on the part of his wife, which subjected her to his
own perils, and greatly tended to their increase. With the evil
eye of Albert upon him, he should have known that safety was
impossible for him in the event of error. And error was inevitable
now, with the pleasant tempter so near his place of
coventry. We must not wonder to discover now that Guernache
seldom sleeps within the limits of the fortress. At midnight,

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when all is dark and quiet, he leaps over the walls, those nights
excepted when it is his turn of duty to watch within. His secret
is known to some of his comrades; but they are too entirely his
friends to betray him to a despot who had, by this time, outraged
the feelings of most of those who remained under his command.
Guernache was now enabled to bear up more firmly than
ever against the tyranny of Albert. His, indeed, were nights of
happiness. How sweetly sped the weeks, in which, despite his
persecutions, he felt that he enjoyed a life of luxurious pleasures,
such as few enjoy in any situation. His were the honest excitements
of a genuine passion, which, nourished by privation
and solitude, and indulged in secresy, was of an intensity corresponding
with the apparent denial, and the real embarrassments of
such a condition. His pleasures were at once stolen and legitimate;
the apprehension which attends their pursuit giving a
wild zest to their enjoyment; though, in the case of Guernache,
unlike that of most of those who indulge in stolen joys, they were
honest, and left no cruel memories behind them.

It was the subject of a curious study and surprise to Captain
Albert, that our musician was enabled to bear up against his
tyranny with so much equal firmness and forbearance. He
watched the countenance of Guernache, whenever they met, with
a curious interest. By what secret resource of fortitude and hope
was it that he could command so much elasticity, exhibit so much
cheerfulness, bear with so much meekness, and utter no complaint.
He wondered that the irksome duties which he studiously
thrust upon him, and the frequently brutal language with which
his performances were acknowledged, seemed to produce none
of the cruel effects which he desired. His victim grew neither
sad nor sullen. His violin still was heard resounding merrily at

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the instance of his comrades; and still his hearty, whole-souled
laughter rang over the encampment, smiting ungraciously upon
the senses of his basely-minded chief. In vain did this despot
study how to increase and frame new annoyances for his subordinate.
His tyranny contrived daily some new method to make
the poor fellow unhappy. But, consoled by the peculiar secret
which he possessed, of sympathy and comfort, the worthy drummer
bore up cheerfully under his afflictions. He was resolved to
wait patiently the return of Ribault with the promised supplies
for the colony, and meanwhile to submit to his evil destiny without
a murmur. It was always with a secret sense of triumph
that he reminded himself of the near neighborhood of his joys,
and he exulted in the success with which he could baffle nightly
the malice of his superior. But, however docile, the patience
and forbearance of Guernache availed him little. They did not
tend to mitigate the annoyances which he was constantly compelled
to endure. We are now to recall a portion of the preceding
narrative, and to remind our reader of the visit which Captain
Albert paid to the territories of Ouade, and the generous hospitalities
of the King thereof. Guernache had been one of the
party, and the absence of several days had been a serious loss to
him in the delightful intercourse with his dusky bride. He might
naturally hope, after his return from a journey so fatiguing, to be
permitted a brief respite from his regular duties. But this was
not according to the policy of his malignant superior. Some
hours were consumed after arriving at the fort, in disposing of the
provisions which had been obtained. In this labor Guernache
had been compelled to partake with others of his companions.
Whether it was that he betrayed an unusual degree of eagerness
in getting through his task—showing an impatience to escape

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which his enemy detected and resolved to baffle, cannot now be
said; but to his great annoyance and indignation, he was burdened
with a portion of the watch for the night—a duty which
was clearly incumbent only upon those who had not shared in the
fatigues of the expedition. But to expostulate or repine was
alike useless, and Guernache submitted to his destiny with the
best possible grace. The provisions were stored, the gates closed,
the watches set, and the garrison sunk to sleep, leaving our
unhappy musician to pace, for several hours, the weary watch
along the ramparts. How he looked forth into the dense forests
which harbored his Monaletta! How he thought of the weary
watch she kept! What were her fears, her anxieties? Did she
know of his return? Did she look for his coming? The garrison
slept—the woods were mysteriously silent! How delightful it
would be to surprise her in the midst of her dreams, and answer
to her murmurs of reproach—uttered in the sweetest fragmentary
Gallic—“Monaletta! I am here! Here is your own
Guernache!”

The temptation was perilously sweet! The suggestion was
irresistible; and, in a moment of excited fancy and passion,
Guernache laid down his piece, and leaped the walls of the fortress.
He committed an unhappy error to enjoy a great happiness,
for which the penalties were not slow to come. In the dead of
midnight, the garrison, still in a deep sleep, they were suddenly
aroused in terror by the appalling cry of “fire!” The fort, the
tenements in which they slept, the granary, which had just been
stored with their provisions, were all ablaze, and our Frenchmen
woke in confusion and terror, unknowing where to turn, how to
work, or what to apprehend. Their military stores were saved—
their powder and munitions of war—but the “mils and beanes,”

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so recently acquired from the granaries of King Ouade, with the
building that contained them, were swept in ashes to the ground.

This disaster, full of evil in itself, was productive of others, as
it led to the partial discovery of the secret of our drummer.
Guernache was not within the fort when the alarm was given. It
is not improbable that, had he not left his post, the conflagration
would have been arrested in time to save the fort and its provisions.
His absence was noted, and he was discovered, approaching
from the forests, by those who bore forth the goods as they
were rescued from the flames. These were mostly friends of
Guernache, who would have maintained a generous silence; but,
unhappily, Pierre Renaud was also one of the discoverers. This
person not only bore him no good will,—though gratitude for the
service rendered him at the feast of Toya should have bound him
forever to the cause of Guernache,—but he was one who had become
a gross sycophant and the mere creature of the governor.
He knew the hatred which the latter bore to Guernache, and a
sympathizing nature led him promptly to divine the cause. Overjoyed
with the discovery which he had made, the base fellow immediately
carried the secret to his master, and when the first confusion
was over, which followed the disaster, Guernache was taken
into custody, and a day assigned for his trial as a criminal. To
him was ascribed the fire as well as desertion from his post. The
latter fact was unquestionable—the former was inferred. It
might naturally be assumed, indeed, that, if the watch had not
been abandoned, the flames could not have made such fearful
headway. It was fortunate for our Frenchmen that the intercourse
maintained with the Indians had been of such friendly
character. With the first intimation of their misfortune, the
kings, Audusta and Maccou, bringing with them a numerous train

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[figure description] Page 069.[end figure description]

of followers, came to assist them in the labor of restoration and
repair. “They uttered unto their subjects the speedy diligence
which they were to use in building another house, showing unto
them that the Frenchmen were their loving friends and that they
had made it evident unto them by the gifts and presents which
they had received;—protesting that he whosoever put not his
helping hand to the worke with all his might, should be esteemed
as unprofitable.” The entreaties and commands of the two kings
were irresistible. But for this, our Huguenots, “being farre from
all succours, and in such extremitie,” would have been, in the
language of their own chronicler, “quite and cleane out of all
hope.” The Indians went with such hearty good will to the work,
and in such numbers, that, in less than twelve hours, the losses
of the colonists were nearly all repaired. New houses were built;
new granaries erected; and, among the fabrics of this busy period,
it was not forgotten to construct a keep—a close, dark,
heavy den of logs, designed as a prison, into which, as soon as his
Indian friends had departed, our poor fiddler, Guernache, was
thrust, neck and heels! The former were rewarded and went
away well satisfied with what they had seen and done. They little
conjectured the troubles which awaited their favorite. He was
soon brought to trial under a number of charges—disobedience of
orders, neglect of duty, desertion of his post, and treason! To
all of these, the poor fellow pleaded “not guilty;” and, with one
exception, with a good conscience. But he had not the courage
to confess the truth, and to declare where he had been, and on
what mission, when he left the fort, on the night of the fire. He
had committed a great fault, the consequences of which were
serious, and might have been still more so; and the pleas of invariable
good conduct, in his behalf, and the assertion of his

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[figure description] Page 070.[end figure description]

innocence of all evil intention, did not avail. His judges were not his
friends; he was found guilty and remanded to his dungeon, to
await the farther caprices and the judgment of his enemy.

eaf373.n12

[12] Charlevoix thus describes Captain Albert: “Le Commandant de
Charles-Fort étoit un homme de main, et qui ne manquoit pas absolument
de conduite, mais il etoit brutal jusqu' à la férocité, et ne seavoit pas
meme garder les bienséances........ Il punissoit les moindres fautes,
and toujours avec excès, &c.—N. France, Liv. 1. p. 51
.

-- --

p373-088 VI. THE LEGEND OF GUERNACHE. Chap. IV. THE DUNGEON AND THE SCOURGE.

[figure description] Page 071.[end figure description]

Being the continuation of the melancholy Legend of Guernache.

The absence of Guernache from his usual place of meeting
with Monaletta, brought the most impatient apprehension to the
heart of the devoted woman. As the time wore away—as night
after night passed without his coming, she found the suspense
unendurable, and gradually drew nigh to the fortress of the
Huguenots. More than once had he cautioned her against incurring
a peril equally great to them both. But her heart was
already too full of fears to be restrained by such dangers as he
alone could have foreseen; and she now lurked about the fort at
nightfall, and continued to hover around long after dawn, keeping
watch upon its walls and portal. So close and careful, however,
was this watch, that she herself remained undetected.
One day, however, to her great satisfaction, one of the inmates
came forth whom she knew to be a friend and associate of Guernache.
This was one Lachane, affectionately called La Chere[13]

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[figure description] Page 072.[end figure description]

by the soldiery, by whom he was very much beloved. Lachane
was a sergeant, a good soldier, brave as a lion, but with as tender
a heart, when the case required it, as ever beat in human bosom.
He had long since learned to sympathize with the fate of Guernache,
and had made frequent attempts to mollify the hostile
feelings of his captain, in behalf of his friend. To the latter he
had given much good counsel; and, but for his earnest entreaties
and injunctions, he would have revealed to Albert the true
reason for the absence of Guernache from his post. But Guernache
dreaded, as well he might, that the revelation would only
increase the hate and rage of his superior, and, perhaps, draw
down a portion of his vengeance upon the head of the unoffending
woman. Lachane acquiesced in his reasoning, and was
silent. But he was not the less active in bringing consolation,
whenever he could, to the respective parties. He afforded to
Monaletta, whose approach to the fort he suspected, an opportunity
of meeting with him; and their interviews, once begun,
were regularly continued. Day by day he contrived to convey
to her the messages, and to inform her of the condition of the
prisoner; to whom, in turn, he bore all necessary intelligence,
and every fond avowal which was sent by Monaletta. But the
loving and devoted wife was not satisfied with so frigid a mode
of intercourse; and, in an evil hour, Lachane, whose own heart
was too tender to resist the entreaties of one so fond, was persuaded
to admit her within the fort, and into the dungeon of
Guernache. We may censure his prudence and hers, but who
shall venture to condemn either? The first visit led to a second,
the second to a third, and, at length, the meetings between the
lovers took place nightly. Lachane, often entreating, often exhorting,
was yet always complying. Monaletta was admitted

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[figure description] Page 073.[end figure description]

at midnight, and conducted forth by the dawn in safety; and
thus meeting, Guernache soon forgot his own danger, and was
readily persuaded by Monaletta to believe that she stood in
none. The hours passed with them as with any other children,
who, sitting on the shores of the sea, in the bright sunset, see
not the rising of the waters, and feel not the falling of the night,
until they are wholly overwhelmed. They were happy, and in
their happiness but too easily forgot that there was such a person
as Captain Albert in their little paradise.

But the pitcher which goes often to the well, is at last broken.
They were soon destined to realize the proverb in their own
experience. Something in the movements of Lachane, awakened
the suspicions of Pierre Renaud, whose active hostility to Guernache
has been shown already. This man now bore within the
fortress the unenviable reputation of being the captain's spy upon
the people. This miserable creature, his suspicion's once
awakened, soon addressed all his abilities to the task of detecting
the connection of Lachane with his prisoner; and it was not
long before he had the maligmant satisfaction of seeing him
accompany another into the dungeon of Guernache. Though it
was after midnight when the discovery was made, it was of a kind
too precious to suffer delay in revealing it, and he hurried at once
to the captain's quarters, well aware that, with such intelligence
as he brought, he might safely venture to disturb him at any
hour. But his eagerness did not lessen his caution, and every
step was taken with the greatest deliberation and care. Albert
was immediately aroused; but, unwilling, by a premature alarm,
to afford the offenders an opportunity to escape, or to place
themselves in any situation to defy scrutiny, some time was lost
in making arrangements. The progress of Albert, and his

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[figure description] Page 074.[end figure description]

satellites, going the rounds, was circuitous. The sentries were
doubled with singular secrecy and skill. Such soldiers as were
conceived to be most particularly bound to him, were awakened,
and placed in positions most convenient for action and observation;—
for Albert and Renaud, alike, conscious as it would seem
of their own demerits, had come to suspect many of the soldiers
of treachery and insurrection. These, perhaps, are always the
fears most natural to a tyranny. Accordingly, with everything
prepared for an explosion of the worst description, Captain Albert,
in complete armor, made his appearance upon the scene.

Meantime, however, the proceedings of Renaud had not been
carried on without, at length, commanding the attention and
awakening the fears of so good a soldier as Lachane. Having
discovered, on his rounds, that the guards were doubled, and that
the sentinel at the sally-port had not only received a companion,
but that the individual by whom Monaletta had been admitted
was now removed to make way for another, he hurried away to
the dungeon of Guernache. Here, whispering hurriedly his
apprehensions, he endeavored to hasten the departure of the
Indian woman. But his efforts were made too late. He was
arrested, even while thus busied, by the Commandant himself,
who, followed by Renaud and two other soldiers, suddenly came
upon him from the rear of the building, where they had been
harboring in ambush. Lachane was taken into immediate custody.
An uproar followed, the alarm was given to the garrison, torches
were brought, and Guernache, with the devoted Monaletta, were
dragged forth together from the dungeon. She was wrapped up
closely in the cloak of Lachane, but when Renaud waved a torch
before her eyes, in order to discover who she was, she boldly
threw aside the disguise, and stood revealed to the malignant

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[figure description] Page 075.[end figure description]

scrutiny of the astonished but delighted despot. Upon beholding
her, the fury of Albert knew no bounds. The secret of Guernache
was now apparent; and the man whose vanity she had
outraged, by preferring another in the dance, was now in full
possession of the power to revenge himself upon both offenders.
In that very moment, remembering his mortification, he formed
a resolution of vengeance, which declared all the venom of a
mean and malignant nature. He needed no art beyond his own
to devise an ingenious torture for his victim. A few words sufficed
to instruct the willing Renaud in the duty of the executioner.
He commanded that the Indian woman should be scourged from
the fort in the presence of the garrison. Then it was that the
sullen soul of Guernache shuddered and succumbed beneath his
tortures. With husky and trembling accents, he appealed to his
tyrant'in behalf of the woman of his heart.

“Oh! Captain Albert, as you are a man, do not this cruel
thing. Monaletta is innocent of any crime but that of loving
one so worthless as Guernache. She is my wife! Do with me
as you will, but spare her—have mercy on the innocent woman!”

“Ah! you can humble yourself now, insolent. I have found
the way, at last, to make you feel. You shall feel yet more. I
will crush you to the dust. What, ho! there, Pierre Renaud!
Have I not said? the lash! the lash! Wherefore do ye linger?”

“Do not, Captain Albert! I implore you, for your own sake,
do not lay the accursed lash upon this young and innocent creature.
Remember! She is a woman—a princess—a blood relation
of our good friend, King Audusta. Upon me—upon my
back bestow the punishment, but spare her—spare her, in
mercy!”

But the prayers and supplications of the wretched man were

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[figure description] Page 076.[end figure description]

met only by denunciation and scorn. The base nature of Albert
felt only his own mortification. His appetite for revenge darkened
his vision wholly. He saw neither his policy nor humanity;
and the creatures of his will were not permitted to hesitate in
carrying out his brutal resolution. Armed with little hickories
from the neighboring woods, they awaited but his command, and
with its repeated utterance, the lash descended heavily upon the
uncovered shoulders of the unhappy woman. With the first stroke,
she bounded from the earth with a piercing shriek, at once of
entreaty, of agony, and horror. Up to this moment, neither she,
nor, indeed, any of the spectators, except Renaud, and possibly
Guernache himself, had imagined that Albert would put in execution
a purpose so equally impolitic and cruel. But when the blow
fell upon the almost fair and naked shoulders of the woman—
when her wild, girlish, almost childlike shriek rent the air, then
the long suppressed agonies of Guernache broke forth in a passion
of fury that looked more like the excess of the madman than the
mere ebullition, however intense, of a simply desperate man.
He had struggled long at endurance. He had borne, hitherto,
without flinching, everything in the shape of penalty which
his petty tyrant could fasten upon him—much more, indeed,
than the ordinary nature, vexed with frequent injustice, is
willing to endure. But, in the fury and agony of that
humiliating moment, all restraints of prudence or fear were
forgotten, or trampled under foot. He flung himself loose from
the men who held him, and darting upon the individual by whom
the merciless blow had been struck, he felled him to the earth by
a single blow of his Herculean fist. But he was permitted to do
no more. In another instant, grappled by a dozen powerful
arms, he was borne to the earth, and secured with cords which

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[figure description] Page 077.[end figure description]

not only bound his limbs but were drawn so tightly as to cut remorselessly
into the flesh. Here he lay, and his agony may be far
more easily conceived than described, thus compelled to behold
the further tortures of the woman of his heart, without being
able to struggle and to die in her defence. His own tortures
were forgotten, as he witnessed hers. In vain would his ears have
rejected the terrible sound, stroke upon stroke, which testified the
continuance of this brutal outrage upon humanity. Without
mercy was the punishment bestowed; and, bleeding at every
blow from the biting scourge, the wretched innocent was at
length tortured out of the garrison. But with that first shriek
to which she gave utterance, and which declared rather the
mental horror than the bodily pain which she suffered from
such a cruel degradation, she ceased any longer to acknowledge
her suffering. Oh! very powerful for endurance is the strength
of a loving heart! The rest of the punishment she bore with
the silence of one who suffers martyrdom in the approving eye of
heaven; as if, beholding the insane agonies of Guernache, she
had steeled herself to bear with any degree of torture rather
than increase his sufferings by her complaints. In this manner,
and thus silent under her own pains, she was expelled from the
fortress. She was driven to the margin of the cleared space by
which it was surrounded. She heard the shouts which drove her
thence, and heard nothing farther. She had barely strength to
totter forward, like the deer with a mortal hurt, to the secret cover
of the forest, when she sank down in exhaustion;—nature kindly
interposing with insensibility, to save her from those physical
sufferings which she could no longer feel and live!

With the morning of the next day, Guernache was brought
before the judgment-seat of Albert. The charges were

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[figure description] Page 078.[end figure description]

sufficiently serious under which he was arraigned. He had neglected
his duty—had permitted, if not caused, the destruction of the
fort by fire—had violated the laws, resisted their execution, and
used violence against the officer of justice! In this last proven
offence all of these which had been alleged were assumed against
him. He was convicted by the rapid action of his superior, as a
traitor and a mutineer; and, to the horror of his friends, and the
surprise of all his comrades, was condemned to expiate his faults
by death upon the gallows. Few of the garrison had anticipated
so sharp a judgment. They knew that Guernache had been
faulty, but they also knew what had been his provocations. They
felt that his faults had been the fruit of the injustice under which
he suffered. But they dared not interpose. The prompt severity
with which Captain Albert carried out his decisions—the merciless
character of his vindictiveness—discouraged even remonstrance.
Guernache, as we have shown, was greatly beloved, and had many
true friends among his people; but they were taken by surprise;
and, so much stunned and confounded by the rapidity with which
events had taken place, that they could only look on the terrible
proceedings with a mute and self-reproachful horror. The transition
from the seat of judgment to the place of execution was
instantaneous. Guernache appealed in vain to the justice of
Ribault, whose coming from France was momently expected.
This denied, he implored the less ignoble doom of the sword or
the shot, in place of that upon the scaffold. But it did not suit
the mean malice of Albert to omit any of his tortures. Short
was the shrift allowed the victim;—ten minutes for prayer—and
sure the cord which stifled it forever. In deep horror, in a
hushed terror, which itself was full of horror, his gloomy comrades
gathered at the place of execution, by the commands of

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[figure description] Page 079.[end figure description]

their petty despot. There was no concert among them, by which
the incipient indignation and fury in their bosoms might have declared
itself in rescue and commotion. One groan, the involuntary
expression of a terror that had almost ceased to breathe,
answered the convulsive motion which indicated the last struggle
of their beloved comrade.[14] Then it was that they began to feel
that they could have died for him, and might have saved him.
But it was now too late; and prudence timely interposed to
prevent a rash explosion. The armed myrmidons of Albert
were about them. He, himself, in complete armor, with his
satellite, Pierre Renaud, also fully armed, standing beside him;
and it was evident that every preparation had been made to quell
insubordination, and punish the refractory with as sharp and
sudden a judgment as that which had just descended upon their
comrade.

The poor Monaletta, crouching in the cover of the woods,
recovered from her stupor in the cool air of the morning, but it
was sunset before she could regain the necessary strength to
move. Then it was, that, with the natural tendency of a loving
heart, curious only about the fate of him for whom alone her
heart desired life, she bent her steps towards that cruel fortress
which had been the source of so much misery to both. Very
feeble and slow was her progress, but it was still too rapid; it
brought her too soon to a knowledge of that final blow which fell,
with worse terrors than the scourge, upon the soul. She arrived

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[figure description] Page 080.[end figure description]

in season to behold the form of the unfortunate Guernache,
abandoned by all, and totally lifeless, waving in the wind from
the branches of a perished oak, directly in front of the fortress.
The deepest sorrows of the heart are those which are born dumb.
There are some woes which the lip can never speak, nor the pen
describe. There are some agonies over which we draw the veil
without daring to look upon them, lest we freeze to stone in the
terrible inspection. There is no record of that grief which
seized upon the heart of the poor Indian woman, Monaletta, as
she gazed upon the beloved but unconscious form of her husband.
She approached it not, though watching it from sunset till the
gray twilight lapsed away into the denser shadows of the night.
But, with the dawn of day, when the Frenchmen looked forth
from the fortress for the body of their comrade, it had disappeared.
They searched for it in vain. From that day Monaletta disappeared
also. She was neither to be found in the neighboring
woods, nor among the people of her kindred. But, long afterwards
they told, with shuddering and apprehension, of a voice
upon the midnight air, which resembled that of their murdered
comrade, followed always by the piercing shriek of a woman,
which reminded them of the dreadful utterance of the Indian
woman, when first smitten upon the shoulders by the lash of the
ruffian. Thus endeth the legend of Guernache, and the Princess
Monaletta.

eaf373.n13

[13] The names are thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. But in
Charlevoix there is only one given to this personage, and that is “Lachau.”

eaf373.n14

[14] Says Charlevoix:—“Il pendit lui-méme un soldat, qui n'avoit point
merité la mort, il en dégrada un autre des arms avec aussi peu de justice,
puis il l'exila, et l'on crut que son dessein étoit de le laisser mourir de
faim et de misere, etc.”
But we must not anticipate the revelations of the
text.

-- --

p373-098 VII. LACHANE, THE DELIVERER.

[figure description] Page 081.[end figure description]

But the sacrifice of Guernache brought no peace to the colony.
Our Huguenots were scarcely Christians. They were of a rude,
wild temper, to which the constant civil wars prevailing in France
had brought a prejudicial training. Our chronicler tells us nothing
of their devotions. We hear sometimes that they prayed,
but rather for the benefit of the savages than their own. Their
public religious services were ostentatious ceremonials, designed to
impress the red-men with an idea of their superior faith and worship.
Laudonniere, who writes for them, and was one of their
number, seldom deals in a religious phraseology, which he might
reasonably be expected to have done as one of a people leaving
their homes for the sake of conscience. But there is good reason
to suppose that, with our Huguenots, as in the case of the New
England Puritans, the idea of religion was more properly the idea
of party. It was a struggle for political power that moved the
Dissenters, as well in France as England, quite as much as any
feeling of denial or privation on the score of their religion. This
pretext was made to justify a cause which might have well found
its sanction in its intrinsic merits; but which it was deemed politic
to urge on the higher grounds of conscience and duty to God.

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[figure description] Page 082.[end figure description]

Certain it is that we do not anywhere see, in the history of the
colony established by Coligny, any proofs of that strong devotional
sentiment which has been urged as the motive to its establishment.
Doubtless, this was a prevailing motive, along with
others, for Coligny himself; but the adventurers chosen to begin
the settlement for the reception of the persecuted sect in Florida,
were evidently not very deeply imbued with religion of any kind.
They were a wild and reckless body of men, whose deeds were
wholly in conflict with the pure and lovely profession of sentiment
which has been made in their behalf. How far their deeds are to
be justified by the provocations which they received, and the tyrannies
which they endured, may be a question; but there can be
no question with regard to the general temper which they exhibited—
the tone of their minds—the feelings of their hearts—by
all of which they are shown as stubborn, insubordinate and selfish.
It is not denied that they had great provocation to violence; but
Laudonniere himself admits that they were, in all probability,
“not so obedient to their captain as they should have been.”
“Misfortune,” he adds, “or rather the just judgment of God
would have it that those which could not bee overcome by fire nor
water, should be undone by their ownselves. This is the common
fashion of men, which cannot continue in one state, and had
rather to overthrow themselves, than not to attempt some new
thing dayly.”

Not only was no peace in the colony after the execution of
Guernache, but the evil spirit, in the mood of Captain Albert,
was very far from being laid. “His madness,” in the language
of the chronicler, “seemed to increase from day to day.” He
was not content to punish Guernache; he determined to extend
his severities to the friends and associates of the unhappy victim.

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[figure description] Page 083.[end figure description]

Some of these he only frowned upon and threatened; but his
threats were apt to be fulfilled. Others he brought up for
punishment;—sympathy with his enemy, being a prime offence
against the dignity and safety of our petty sovereign. Among
those who had thus rendered themselves obnoxious, Lachane was
necessarily a conspicuous object. In the same unwise and violent
spirit in which he had pursued Guernache, Captain Albert was
determined to proceed against this man, who was really equally
inoffensive with Guernache, and quite as much beloved among
the people. But the aspect of the two cases was not precisely
the same. The friends of Lachane, warned by the fate of Guernache,
were somewhat more upon their guard,—more watchful
and suspicious,—and inclined to make the support and maintenance
of the one, a tribute to the manes of the other. Besides,
Pierre Renaud, who had some how been the deadly enemy of
Guernache, had no hostility to Lachane. The latter, too, had
not so singularly offended the amour propre of Captain Albert,
by his successful rivalry among the damsels of Audusta. They
had not so decidedly shown the preference for him as they had
for the fiddler, over his superior. No doubt he was preferred, for
he, too, like Guernache, was a person very superior in form and
physiognomy to Albert. But, if they felt any preference for the
former, they had not so offensively declared it, as the indiscreet
Monaletta had done; and, with these qualifying circumstances,
in his favor, Lachane was brought up for judgment. His offence,
such as it was, did not admit of denial. Some palliation was
attempted by a reference to the claims of Guernache, the excellence
of his character, his usefulness, and the general favor he
had found equally among the red-men and his own people.
These suggestions were unwisely made. They censured equally

-- 084 --

[figure description] Page 084.[end figure description]

the justice and the policy of the tyrant, and thus irritated anew
his self-esteem. He thought himself exceedingly merciful,
accordingly, in banishing the offender, whom it was just as easy
and quite as agreeable to him, to hang. Lachane was accordingly
sentenced to perpetual exile to a desert island along the sea. To
this point he was conducted in melancholy state, by the trusted
creatures of the despot.

It is not known to us at the present day, though the matter is
still, probably, within the province of the antiquarian, to which of
the numerous sea islands of the neighborhood the unhappy man
was banished. It was one divided from the colony, and from the
main, by an arm of the sea of such breadth, and so open to the
most violent action of the waves, that any return of the exile by
swimming, or without assistance from his comrades, was not apprehended
or hoped for. His little desolate domain is described
as about three leagues from Fort Charles, as almost entirely barren,
a mere realm of sand, treeless and herbless, without foliage
sufficient to shelter from sun and storm, or to provide against famine
by its fruits. Should this island ever be identified with
that of Lachane's place of exile, it should receive his name to
the exclusion of every other.

Here, then, hopeless and companionless, was the unhappy victim
destined to remain, until death should bring him that escape
which the mercy of his fellows had denied. Yet he was not to
be abandoned wholly; a certain pittance of provisions was allowed
him that he might not absolutely die of famine. This allowance
was calculated nicely against his merest necessities. It was to be
brought him on the return of every eighth day, and this period
was that, accordingly, on which, alone, could he be permitted to
gaze upon the face of a fellow being and a countryman.

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[figure description] Page 085.[end figure description]

Certainly, a more cruel punishment, adopted in a mere wanton
exercise of despotic power, could not have been devised for
any victim by the ingenuity of any superior. Death, even the
death by which Guernache had perished, had been a doom more
merciful; for if, as was the case, the colonists at Fort Charles
themselves had already begun to find their condition of solitude
almost beyond endurance—if they, living as they did together,
cheered by the exercise of old sports and homely converse, the
ties and assurances of support and friendship, the consciousness
of strength—duties which were necessary and not irksome, and
the interchange of thoughts which enliven the desponding temper;—
if, with all these resources in their favor, they had sunk
into gloomy discontent, eager for change, and anxious for the returning
vessels of Ribault, that they might abandon for their old,
the new home which they found so desolate; what must have
been the sufferings and agonies of him whom they had thus banished,
even from such solace as they themselves possessed—uncheered
even by the familiar faces and the well-known voices of
his fellows, and deprived of all the resources whereby ingenuity
might devise some methods of relief, and totally unblessed by any
of those exercises which might furnish a substitute for habitual
employments. No sentence, more than this, could have shown
to our Frenchmen so completely the utter absence of sympathy
between themselves and their commander; could have shown how
slight was the value which he put upon their lives, and with what
utter contempt he regarded their feelings and affections. Albert
little dreamed how actively he was at work, while thus feeding his
morbid passions, in arousing the avenging spirit by which they
were to be scourged and punished.

These rash and cruel proceedings of their chief produced a

-- 086 --

[figure description] Page 086.[end figure description]

great and active sensation among the colonists—a sensation not
the less deep and active, because a sense of their own danger kept
them from its open expression. Had Albert pardoned Lachane,
or let him off with some slight punishment, it is not improbable
that the matter would have ended there; and the cruel proceedings
against Guernache might have been forgiven if not forgotten.
But these were kept alive by those which followed against their
other favorite; and some of the boldest, feeling how desperate
their condition threatened to become, now ventured to expostulate
with their superior upon his wanton and unwise severities.
But they were confounded to find that they themselves incurred
the danger of Lachane, in the attempt to plead against it. It
was one of the miserable weaknesses in the character of Captain
Albert, to suppose his authority in danger whenever he was approached
with the language of expostulation. To question his
justice seemed to him to defy his power—to entreat for mercy,
such a showing of hostility as to demand punishment also. He
resented, as an impertinence to himself, all such approaches; and
his answer to the prayers of his people was couched in the language
of contumely and threat. They retired from his presence
accordingly, with feelings of increased dislike and disgust, and
with a discontent which was the more dangerous as they succeeded
most effectually in controlling its exhibition.

But if such was the state of the relations between Albert and
his people, how much worse did they become, when, at the close of
the first eighth day after the banishment of Lachane, it was discovered
that the orders for providing him with the allowance of food
had been suspended, or countermanded. The captain was silent;
and no one, unless at his bidding, could venture to carry the

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poor exile his allotted pittance. The eighth day passed. The
men murmured among themselves, and their murmurs soon encouraged
the utterance of a bolder voice. Nicholas Barré, a
man of great firmness and intelligence, one of their number, at
length presented himself before the captain. He boldly reminded
him of the condition of Lachane, and urged him to hasten his
supplies of food before he perished. But the self-esteem and
consequence of Albert, under provocation, became a sort of madness.
He answered the suggestion with indignity and insult.

“Begone!” he exclaimed, “and trouble me no more with
your complaints. What is it to me if the scoundrel does perish?
I mean that he shall perish! He deserves his fate! I shall be
glad when ye can tell me that he no longer needs his allowance.
Away! you deserve a like punishment. Let me hear another
word on this subject, and the offender shall share his fate!”

The insulting answer was accompanied by all the tokens
of brute anger and severity. The most furious oaths sufficed
equally to show his insanity and earnestness. His, indeed,
was now an insanity such as seizes usually upon those
whom God is preparing for destruction. Barré deemed it only
prudent to retire from the presence of a rage which it was no
longer politic to provoke; but, in his soul, the purpose was
already taking form and strength, which contemplated resistance
to a tyranny so wild and reckless. He was not alone in this
purpose. The sentiment of resistance and disaffection was
growing all around him, and it only needed one who should
embody it for successful exercise. But, for this, time was requisite.
To decide for action, on the part of a conspiracy, it is
first required that what is the common sentiment shall become
the common necessity.

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“Meanwhile,” said Barré, “our poor comrade must not
starve!”

This was said to certain of his associates when they met that
night in secret. When two or three get together to complain of
a tyranny, resistance is already begun. They echoed his sentiments,
and arrangements were at once made for transmitting provisions
to the exile. A canoe was procured for this purpose,
and Barré, with one other comrade, set forth secretly at mid-night
on their generous and perilous mission.

The night was calm and beautiful—the sea, unruffled by a
breeze, lay smooth as a mirror between the lonely island and the
main. Though barren, and without shrub or tree, the island
looked lovely also—a very realm of faery, in the silver smiling
of the moon. With active and sinewy limbs, cheered by the
sight, our adventurous comrades pulled towards it, reaching it
with little effort, the current favoring their course. What, however,
was their surprise and consternation, when, on reaching the
islet, there was no answer to their summons. Drawing their
boat upon the shore, they soon compassed the little empire with
hasty footsteps; but they found nothing of the exile. The islet
lay bare and bright in the unshadowed moonlight, so that, whether
asleep or dead, his prostrate form must still have been
perceptible. What bewildering imaginations seized upon the
seekers? What had become of their comrade? Had he been
carried off by the savages, by a foreign vessel, or, in his desperation,
had he cast himself into the devouring sea? What
more probable? Yet, as there was no answer to their questioning,
there was no solution of their doubts. Hopeless of his fate,
after a frequent and a weary search, and dreading the worst, they
re-entered their canoe, and re-crossed the bay in safety—their

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hearts more than ever filled with disgust and indignation at the
cruelty and malice of their commander.

But their quest was not wholly hopeless. When they had
reached the main, and while approaching the garrison, they were
greatly surprised by the sudden appearance of a human form
between the fortress and the river. They remembered the poor
Guernache, and, for a moment, a fearful superstition fastened
upon their hearts. At first, the fugitive seemed to be approaching
them; but, in an instant, wheeling about, as if in panic, he
darted into the woods, and sought concealment in the thicket.
This re-inspired them. They gave chase instantly. The efforts
of the pursued were feebly made, and they soon overtook him.
To their great relief and surprise, they found him to be the person
they had been seeking—the banished and half-starved Lachane!

His story was soon told. He was nearly perished of hunger.
Beyond the crude berries and bitter roots which he had gathered
in the woods, he had not eaten for three days. The food which
had been furnished him from the garrison had been partly carried
from him by birds or beasts—he knew not which—while he
slept; and,in the failure of his promised supplies,he had become
desperate.

“For that matter,” said the wretched exile, “I had become
desperate before. Food was not my only or my chief want. I
wanted shade from the desolating sun. I wanted rescue from
the heavy hand of fire upon my brain; and, by day, I could
scarcely keep from quenching the furnace that seemed boiling in
my blood, by plunging deep down into the bowels of the sea. By
night, when the fiery feeling passed away, then I yearned, above
all, for the face and voice of man. It was this craving which

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made me resolve to brave the death which threatened me whichever
way I turned—that, if I perished, it should still be in the
struggle once more to behold the people of my love.”

How closely did they press the poor fellow to their hearts!

“You should not have perished,” said Nicholas Barré, boldly.
“I, for one, have become tired of this tyranny, under which we
no longer breathe in safety. I am resolved to bear it no longer
than I can. There are others who have resolved like me. But
of this hereafter. Tell us, Lachane, how you contrived to swim
across this great stretch of sea?”

“By the mercy of God which made me desperate—which
made the seas calm—which gave me a favoring current, and
which threw you fragment of a ship's spar within my reach.
But I nearly sunk. Twice did I feel the waters going over me;
but I thought of France, and all, and the strength came back to
me. I can say no more. I am weak—very weak. Give me to
eat.”

A flask of generous wine with which they had provided themselves,
cheered and inspirited the sufferer. They laid him down
at the foot of a broad palmetto, while one of them brought
food from the canoe. Much it rejoiced them to see him eat.
Ere he had satisfied his hunger, Lachane spoke again as follows:

“I rejoice to hear that you, and others, have resolved to submit
no longer to this tyranny. It was not the desire of food, or
friendship, only, that strengthened me to throw myself into the
sea, in the desperate desire to see the garrison once more. But
while my head flamed beneath the sun's downward blaze upon that
waste of sand, while mine eyes burned like living coals fresh from
the furnace, and my blood leaped and bounded like a mad thing
about my temples and in all my veins, I saw all the terrible

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sufferings of our poor Guernache anew. I heard his voice—his bitter
reproaches—and then the terrible scream of the poor Indian woman
when the heavy rods descended upon her shoulder. Then I
felt that I had not done what my soul commanded!—that I had
abandoned my innocent comrade like a lamb to the butcher. I
swore to do myself justice—to seek the garrison at Fort Charles,
if, for no other purpose, to have revenge upon Albert. I verily
believe, mes amis, that it was that oath that strengthened me in
the sea—that lifted me when the waves went over me, and my
heart was sinking with my body. I thought of the blows which
might yet be struck for vengeance and freedom. I thought of
Guernache and his murderer,—and I rose,—I struck out. I had
no fear! I got a strength which I had not at the beginning;
and I am here; the merciful God be praised forever more—
ready to strike a fair blow at the tyrant, though I die the moment
after!”

“That blow must now be struck very soon,” said Nicholas
Barré. “We are no longer safe. Albert rules us just as it
pleases him, by his mere humor, and not according to the laws or
usages of France. Every day witnesses against him. Some new
tyranny—some new cruelty—adds hourly to our afflictions, and
makes life, on such terms, endurable no longer. We are not men
if we submit to it.”

“Hear me,” said Lachane; “you have not laid the plan for
his overthrow?”

“Not yet! But we are ready for it. All's ripe. The proper
spirit is at work.”

“Let it work! All right; but look you, comrades, it is for
this hand to strike the blow. I demand the right, because

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Guernache was my closest friend. I demand it in compensation for
my own sufferings.”

“It is yours, Lachane! You have the right!”

“Thanks, mes amis! And now for the plan. You have resolved
on none yourselves. Hearken to mine.”

They lent willing ears, and Lachane continued. His counsel
was that Captain Albert should be advised of an unusual multitude
of deer on one of the “hunting islands” in the neighborhood.
These islands are remarkable—some of them—for the
luxuriance and beauty of their forests. Here, the deer were
accustomed to assemble in great numbers, particularly when
pressed by clouds of Indian hunters along the main; nor were
they loth to visit them at other seasons, when the tides were low
and the seas smooth. Swimming across the dividing rivers, and
arms of the sea, at such periods, in little groups of five or ten,
they found here an almost certain refuge and favorite browsing
patches. To one of these islands, Barré, or some other less objectionable
person, was to beguile Captain Albert. His fondness
for the chase was known, and was gratified on all convenient
occasions. He was to be advised of numerous herds upon the
island, which passed to it the night before. They had been seen
crossing in the moonlight from the main. Lachane, meanwhile,
possessing himself of the canoe which his friends had just employed,
armed with weapons which they were to provide, was to
place himself in a convenient shelter upon the island, and take
such a position as would enable him to seize upon the first safe
opportunity for striking the blow. Numerous details, not necessary
for our purpose, but essential to that of the conspirators,
were suggested, discussed, and finally agreed upon, or rejected.
Lachane simply concluded with repeating his demand for the

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[figure description] Page 093.[end figure description]

privilege of the first blow—a claim farther insisted upon, as, in
the event of failure, he who had already incurred the doom of
outlawry, and had offended against hope, might thus save others
harmless, who occupied a position of greater security. We need
not follow the arrangement of the parties. Enough, that, when
they were discussed fully, the three separated—Barré and his
companion to regain the fort, and Lachane to embark in the
canoe, ere day should dawn, for the destined islet where he was
equally to find security and vengeance.

Everything succeeded to the wishes of the conspirators. Albert,
who was passionately fond of the chase, was easily persuaded by
the representations of Barré and his comrades. The pinnace
was fitted out at an early hour, and, attended by the two conspirators,
and some half dozen other persons, the greater number
of whom were supposed to be as hostile to the tyrant as themselves,
the Captain set forth, little dreaming that he should be
the hunted instead of the hunter. Pierre Renaud, by whom he
was also accompanied, was the only person of the party upon
whom he could rely. But neither his creature nor himself had
the slightest apprehension of the danger. The jealousies of the
despot seemed for the moment entirely at rest, and, as if in the
exercise of a pleasant novelty, Albert threw aside all the terrors
of his authority. He could jest when the fit was on him. He,
too, had his moments of play; a sort of feline faculty, in the
exercise of which the cat and the tiger seem positively amiable.
His jests were echoed by his men, and their laughter gratified
him. But there was one exception to the general mirth, which
arrested his attention. Nicholas Barré alone preserved a stern,
unbroken composure, which the gay humor of his superior failed
entirely to overcome. Nothing so much vexes superiority as

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that it should condescend in vain; and the silence and coldness
of Barré, and the utter insensibility with which he heard the
good things of his captain, and which occasioned the ready
laughter of all the rest, finally extorted a comment from Albert,
which gave full utterance to his spleen.

“By my life, Lieutenant Barré,”—such was the rank of this
conspirator—“but that I know thee better, I should hold thee to
be one of those unhappy wretches to whom all merriment is a
hateful thing—to whom a clever jest gives offence only, and
whom a cheerful laugh sends off sullenly to bed. Pray, if it
be not too serious a humor, tell us the cause of thy present
dullness.”

“Verily, Captain Albert,” replied the person addressed, fixing
his eyes steadily upon him, and speaking in the most deliberate
accents, “I was thinking of the deer that we shall strike to-day.
Doubtless, he is even now making as merry as thyself among his
comrades—little dreaming that the hunter hath his thoughts
already fixed upon the choice morsels of his flanks, which, a few
hours hence, shall be smoking above the fire. Truly, are we but
little wiser than the thoughtless deer. The merriest of us may
be struck as soon. The man hath as few securities from the
morrow as the beast that runs.”

Captain Albert was not the most sagacious tyrant in the world,
or the moral reflections of our conspirator might have tended to
his disquiet. He saw no peculiar significance in the remark,
though the matter of it was all well remembered, when the subsequent
events came to be known. Little, indeed, did the victim
then dream of the fate which lay in wait for him. He laughed
at the shallow reflection of Barré, which seemed so equally mistimed
and unmeaning, and his merriment increased with every

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stroke of the oar which sent the pinnace towards the scene chosen
for the tragedy. All his severities were thrown aside; never had
he shown himself more gracious; and, though his good humor
was rather the condescension of one who is secure in his authority,
and can resume his functions at any moment, than the proof of
any sympathy with his comrades, yet he seemed willing for once
that it should not lose any of its pleasant quality by any frequent
exhibition of his usual caprice. But for an occasional sarcasm
in which he sometimes indulged, and by which he continued to
keep alive the antipathies of the conspirators, the gentler mood
in which he now suffered them to behold him, might have rendered
them reluctant to prosecute their purpose. They might have
relented, even at the last moment, had they been prepared to
believe that his present good humor was the fruit of any sincere
relentings in him. But he did not succeed to this extent, and,
with a single significant look to his comrades, the stern Nicholas
Barré showed to them that he, at least, was firm in the secret
purpose which they had in view. His silence and gravity for a
time served to amuse his superior, who exercised his wit at the
expense of the sullen soldier, little dreaming, all the while, at
what a price he should be required to pay for his temporary
indulgence. But as Barré continued in his mood, the pride of
the haughty superior was at length hurt; and, when they reached
the shore, the insolence of Albert had resumed much of its old
ascendancy.

Albert was the first to spring to land. He was impatient to
begin the chase, of which he was passionately fond. The sport,
as conducted in that day and region, was after a very simple
fashion. It consisted rather in a judicious distribution of the
hunters, at various places of watch, than in the possession of any

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particular skill of weapon or speed of foot. The island was
small—the woods not very dense or intricate, and the only outlet
of escape was across the little arm of the sea which separated
the island from the main. The hunters were required to watch
this passage, with a few other avenues from the forest. We need
not observe their order or arrangement. It will be enough to
note that Barré chose as the sentinel left in charge of the boat
one of the firmest of the conspirators. This was a person named
Lamotte—a small but fiery spirit—a man of equal passion and
vindictiveness, who had suffered frequent indignities from Albert,
which his own inferior position as a common soldier had compelled
him to endure without complaint. But he was not the less sensible
of his hurts, because not suffered to complain of them; and
his hatred only assumed a more intense and unforgiving character,
because it seemed cut off from all the outlets to revenge.

The arrangements of the hunters all completed, they began to
skirt slowly the woody region by which the centre of the island
was chiefly occupied. Gradually separating as they advanced,
they finally, one by one, found their way into its recesses. A
single dog which they carried with them, was now unleashed, and
his eager tongue very soon gave notice to the hunters that their
victim was afoot. As the bay of the hound became more
frequent, the blood of Albert became more and more excited,
and, pressing forward, in advance of all his companions, the
sinuosities of the route pursued soon scattered the whole party.
But this he did not heed. The one consciousness,—that which
appealed to his love of sport,—led to a forgetfulness of all others;
and it was no disquiet to our captain to find himself alone in
forests where he had never trod before, particularly when his
eager eye caught a glimpse of a fine herd of the sleek-skinned

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foresters, well-limbed, and nobly-headed, darting suddenly from
cover into the occasional openings before him. A good shot was
Captain Albert. He fired, and had the joy to see tumbled, headlong,
sprawling, in his tracks, one of the largest bucks of the
herd. He shouted his delight aloud;—shouted twice and clapped
his hands!

His shouts were echoed, near at hand, by a voice at once
strange and familiar! His instinct divined a sudden danger in
this strange echo. He stopped short, even as he was about to
bound forward to the spot in which the deer had fallen. Another
shout!—but this was to his companions! He was now confounded
at the new echo and the fearful vision which this summons
conjured up. At his side, and in his very ears, rose another
shout—a shriek rather—much louder than his own—a wild, indescribable
yell,—which sent a thrill of horror through his soul.
At the same instant, a gaunt, wild man—a half-naked, half-famished
form—darted from the thicket and stood directly before
him in his path!

“Ho! Ho! Ho!” howled the stranger.

“Guernache!” was the single word, forced from the guilty
soul of the criminal!

“Guernache! Yes! Guernache, in his friend Lachane!
Both are here! See you not? Look! Ho! Captain Albert,—
look and see, and make yourself ready. Your time is short.
You will hang and banish no longer!”

Wild with exulting fury was the face of the speaker—terrible
the language of his eyes—threatening the action of the uplifted
arm. A keen blade flashed in his grasp, and the discovery which
Albert made, that, in the wild man before him, he saw the person
whom he had so wantonly and cruelly decreed to perish, sufficed

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to make him nerveless. The surprise deprived him of resource,
while his guilty conscience enfeebled his arm, and took all courage
from his soul. His match-lock was already discharged. The
couteau de chasse was at his side; but, before this could be drawn,
he must be hewn down by the already uplifted weapon of his foe.
Besides, even if drawn, what could he hope, by its employment,
against the superior muscle and vigor of Lachane? These
thoughts passed with a lightning-like rapidity through the brain
of Albert. He felt that he had met his fate! He shrunk back
from its encounter, and sent up a feeble but a painful cry for his
creature,—“Pierre Renaud!”

“Ha! ha! you cry for him in vain!” was the mocking answer
of Lachane. “Renaud, that miserable villain—that wretch
after thy own heart and fashion—hath quite as much need of
thee as thou of him! Ye will serve each other never more to the
prejudice of better men. Hark! hear you not? Even now
they are dealing with him!”

And, sure enough, even as he spoke, the screams of one in
mortal terror, interrupted by several heavy blows in quick succession,
seemed to confirm the truth of what Lachane had spoken.
In that fearful moment Albert remembered the words, now full of
meaning, which Nicholas Barré had spoken while they set forth.
The hunter had indeed become the hunted. Lachane gave him
little time for meditation.

“They have done with him! Prepare! To your knees, Captain
Albert! I give you time to make your peace with God—
such time as you gave my poor Guernache! Prepare!”

But, though Albert had not courage for combat, he yet found
strength enough for flight. He was slight of form, small, and
tolerably swift of foot. Flinging his now useless firelock to the

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ground, he suddenly darted off through the forests, with a degree
of energy and spirit which it tasked all the efforts of the less
wieldy frame of Lachane to approach. Life and death were on
the event, and Albert succeeded in gaining the beach where the
boat had been left before he was overtaken. But Lamotte, to
whom the boat had been given in charge, pushed off, with a
mocking yell of laughter, at his approach! His cries for succor
were unheeded. Lamotte himself would have slain the fugitive
but that he knew Lachane had claimed for himself this privilege.
His spear had been uplifted as Albert drew nigh the water, but
the shout of Lachane, emerging from the woods, warned him to
desist. He used the weapon to push the pinnace into deep water,
leaving Albert to his fate!

“Save me, Lamotte!” was the prayer, of the tyrant in his
desperation, urged with every promise that he fancied might prove
potent with the soldier. But few moments were allowed him for
entreaty, and they were unavailing. Lamotte contented himself
with looking on the event, ready to finish with his spear what
Lachane might leave undone. Albert gazed around him, and as
Lachane came, with one shriek of terror, darted into the sea.
The avenger was close behind him. The water rose to the waist
and finally to the neck of the fugitive. He turned in supplication,
only to receive the stroke. The steel entered his shoulder,
just below the neck. He staggered and fell forwards upon the
slayer. The blade snapped in the fall, and the wounded man
sunk down irretrievably beneath the waters. Lachane raised the
fragment of his sword to Heaven, while, with something of a
Roman fervor, he ejaculated—

“Guernache! dear friend, behold! the hand of Lachane hath
avenged thee upon thy murderer!”

-- --

p373-117 VIII. FLIGHT, FAMINE, AND THE BLOODY FEAST OF THE FUGITIVES.

[figure description] Page 100.[end figure description]

The assassination of Captain Albert restored peace, at least,
to the little colony of Fort Charles. He had been the chief danger
to the garrison, by reason of his vexatious tyranny, fomented
ever by the miserable malice and espionage of Pierre Renaud.
Both of these had perished, and a sense of new security filled the
hearts of the survivors. They had also gratified all revenges.
The sequel of the narrative may be told, almost in the very
words of the simple chronicle from which our facts are mostly
drawn.

“When they (the conspirators) were come home againe, they
assembled themselves together to choose one to be Governor over
them.” In this selection there was no difficulty. Jealousies and
dissensions had ceased to exist, and the choice naturally fell upon
Nicholas Barré,[15] whose former position, as Lieutenant under Albert,
and whose recent connection with the party by which he

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was slain, had naturally given him a large influence among the colonists.
He was equal to his new duties. He “knewe so well to
quite himself of this charge that all rancour and dissention
ceased among them, and they lived peaceably one with another.”
But, though harmony was restored among them, it was a harmony
without hope. They had been abandoned by their countrymen.
The supplies which Ribault had promised them had
utterly failed. They had never, indeed, been levied. Ribault
returned to France only to find it convulsed with a renewal of the
civil war, under the auspices of that incarnate mischief, Catherine
de Medicis, and her fatherless and cruel son, in whose name
she swayed the country to its ruin. Coligny, the father of the
colony, had enough to do in fighting the battles of the Huguenots
at home. He could do nothing for those whom he had sent
abroad. The peace of Longjumean had been of short duration,
and there had been really no remission of hostilities on the part
of the Catholics. In the space of three months more than two
thousand of the former fell victims to the rage of the populace;
and, though reluctantly, the Prince of Condé and Coligny were
forced into a resumption of arms for the safety of their own persons.
The immediate necessities of their situation were such as
to defeat their efforts in behalf of the remote settlement at Fort
Charles. They needed all their soldiers and Huguenots in
France. Feeling themselves abandoned—they knew not why—
the colonists in Florida ceased to behold a charm or solace in
their solitary realm of refuge. Its securities were no longer sufficient
to compensate for its loneliness. Better the strife, perhaps,
than this unmeaning and unbroken silence. They were too
few for adventure, and the discouragements resulting from their
domestic grievances were enough to paralyze any such spirit.

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But for this there had been no lack of the necessary inducements.
In their second voyage to King Ouade, seeking “mil and beans,”
they had learned some of the secrets of the country which made
their eyes brighten. They had discovered that there was gold in
the land, and that the gold of the land was good. This prince
had freely given them of his treasure. He had bestowed on
them pearls of the native waters, stones of finest chrystal, and
certain specimens of silver ore, which he described, in reply to
their eager inquiries, as having been gathered at the foot of certain
high mountains, the bowels of which contained it in greatest
quantity. These were the mountains of Apalachia, and the truth
of Ouade's revelations have been confirmed by subsequent discovery.
The intelligence had greatly gladdened the hearts of our
Frenchmen, and nothing but the feebleness of the garrison prevented
Albert from prosecuting a search which promised so
largely to gratify the lusts of avarice. His subsequent errors and
fate put an end to the desire among his followers. They longed
for nothing now so much as home. They had been temporarily
abandoned by the Indians whose granaries they had emptied, and
who had been compelled to wander off to remote forests in search
of their own supplies. The gloom of the Frenchmen naturally
increased in the absence of their allies, who had furnished them
equally with food and recreation. Their provisions again began
to fail them. Their resources in corn and peas were quite exhausted;
and no more could be procured from the red-men, who
had preserved a supply barely sufficient for the planting of their
little fields. In this condition of want, with this feeling of destitution
and abandonment, it was resolved among the Huguenots, to
depart the colony. With a fond hope once more of recovering
the shores of that country, still most beloved, which had so

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unkindly cast them forth, they began to build themselves a
vessel sufficiently large to bear their little company. “And
though there were no men among them,” says the chronicle,
“that had any skill, notwithstanding, necessitye, which is the
maistresse of all sciences, taught them the way to build it.”
But how were they to provide the sails, the tackle and the
cordage? “Having no meanes to recover these things they were
in worse case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into
despayre.” They were succored, when most desponding, by the
help of Providence. “That good God, which never forsaketh
the afflicted, did favor them in their necessitie.” The Indians,
who had been for some time absent, seeking, by the chase, in
distant forests, to supply themselves with provisions in place of
those which they had yielded to the white men, now began to reappear;
and, in the midst of their perplexities, they were visited
by the Caciques, Audusta and Maccou, with more than two
hundred of their followers. These, our Frenchmen went forth to
meet, with great show of satisfaction; and had they been sufficiently
re-assured by the return of their red friends—had they
not been too much the victims of nostalgia, or homesickness, the
cloud might have passed from their fortunes, and the little colony
might have been re-established under favoring auspices. But
their only thought was of their native land. They declared their
wishes to the Indian chieftains, and, showing in what need of
cordage they stood, they were told that this would be provided
in the space of a few days. The Caciques kept their word, and,
in little time, brought an abundance of cordage. But other
things were wanted, and “our men sought all meanes to recover
rosen in the woodes, wherein they cut pine trees round about,
out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantitie to bray the

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vessel. Also they gathered a kind of mosse, which groweth on
the trees of this countrie, to serve to caulke the same withall.
There now wanted nothing but sayles, which they made of their
own shirtes and of their sheetes.” Thus provided with the things
requisite, our Frenchmen hastened to finish their brigantine, and
“used so speedie diligence,” that they were soon ready to launch
forth upon the great deep. They gave to their Indian friends all
their surplus goods and chattels, leaving to them all the merchandise
of the fort which they could not take away;—a liberality
which gave the red-men the “greatest contentation in the
worlde.” But they re-embarked their forge, their artillery and
other munitions of war. Unhappily, they were too impatient to
begin their journey. In the too sanguine hope of reaching
France, with a speed proportioned to their eager desires, they
laid in no adequate provision for a long voyage. “In the meane
season the wind came so fit for their purpose, that it seemed to
invite them to put to sea. Being drunken with the too excessive
joy which they had conceived for their returning into France, or
rather deprived of all foresight and consideration:—without
regarding the inconsistencie of the winds which change in a
moment, they put themselves to sea, and, with so slender victuals,
that the end of their enterprise became unlucky and unfortunate.”

They had not sailed a third part of the distance, when they
were surprised with calms, which so much hindered their progress
that, during the space of three weeks, they had not advanced
twenty-five leagues. In this period their provisions underwent
daily diminution. In a short time their stock had sunk so low
that it was necessary to limit the allowance to each man. We
may conceive their destitution from this allowance. “Twelve
grains of mill by the day, which may be in value as much as

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twelve peason!” But even this poor quantity was not long continued.
It was “a felicity,” in the language of the chronicle,
which was of brief duration. Soon the “mill” failed them
entirely—all at once—and they “had nothing for their more
assured refuge, but their shoes and leather jerkins, which they
did eate.” But their misfortune was not confined to their food.
Their supplies of fresh water failed them also. Never had
adventurers set forth upon the seas with such wretched provision.
Their beverage finally became the water of the ocean—the thirstprovoking
brine. Such beverage as this increased their miseries—
atrophy and madness followed—and death stretched himself
out among them on every side. Nor were they suffered to escape
from the most painful toils while thus contending against thirst
and famine. Their wretched vessel sprang a-leak. The water
grew upon them. Day and night were they kept busy in casting
it forth, without cessation or repose. Each day added to their
griefs and dangers. Their shoes and jerkins they had already
devoured in their desperation, and where to look for other material
to supply the materiel of distension, puzzled their thoughts.
While thus distressed by their anxieties, with their comrades
dying about them, a new danger assailed them, as if fortune was
resolved to crush them at a blow, and thus conclude their miseries.
The winds rose, the seas were lashed into fury by the storm.
Their vessel, no longer buoyant, “in the turning of a hand”
shipped a fearful sea, and was nearly swamped—“filled halfe full
of water, and bruised in upon the one side.” This was the last
drop in the cup of misfortune which finally makes it overflow.
Then it was that the hearts of our Frenchmen sunk utterly within
them. They no longer cared to contend for life. They gave
themselves up to despair. “Being now more out of hope than

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ever to escape out of this extreme peril, they cared not for casting
out of the water which now was almost ready to drown them;
and as men resolved to die, everie one fell downe backwarde, and
gave themselves over, altogether unto the will of the waves.”

It was at this moment of extreme despondency, that Lachane
tried to cheer them with new hope, and to new exertions. He
encouraged them by various assurance, to hold out against fate,
and struggle manfully to the last. He told them “how little
way they had to sayle, assuring them that if the winde helde,
they should see land within three dayes.” “At worst,” he added,
“we can die when we can do no better. It will be always time
enough for that. But this necessity is not now. We can surely
put it off for some time longer. At present, let us live!”

Speaking thus, in the most cheerful manner, the brave fellow
set them a proper example by which to dissipate their fears and
to provide against them. He began to bail and cast out the water
in which, in their extreme indifference to their fate, they either
sat or lay. They took heart as they beheld him, and joined in
the labor with new vigor, and that elastic spirit which is so characteristic
of Frenchmen. But, when the three days had gone
by, and still their eyes were unblessed with the sight of the promised
land—when they had consumed every remnant of shoe and
jerkin, and nothing more was left them to consume, they turned
their eyes in bitter reproach upon the man who had persuaded
them to live. He met their reproachful glances with a smile,
and instantly devised a remedy for their fears and weaknesses,
through one of those terrible thoughts which, at any other period,
would revolt, with extremest loathing, the humanity of the man,
however little human.

“My comrades!” said the noble fellow, “you hunger—you

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starve! You will perish unless you can get some food. I see it
in your eyes. They have no lustre, and the courage seems to
have gone out entirely from your hearts. You must not die!
You must not lose your courage. You shall not. You shall
drink life and courage out of my breast. I have enough there
for all who thirst and faint. You shall feed upon my heart—
you shall drink the blood of a brave man, and live for your friends
and country. I have few friends, and my country can spare me.
Better that one of us should die than that all should perish. I
am ready to die for you! What! You shake your heads—you
would not have it so—but it shall be so! You have loved me—
you have suffered for me. Well, Lachane loves you in return—
he will die for you. You shall remember him hereafter, when
our own dear France receives you again in safety. You will
bless his memory!”

A groan was the only reply of those around him. Lachane
threw open his breast.

“There!” he cried; “Look! I am ready! I fear not death.
Strike! See you not, my bosom is open to the knife. My hand
is down—there!”—grasping the seat upon which he sate,—
“There! it shall not be lifted to arrest the blow!”

The famished wretches looked with wolfish yearnings upon the
white breast of the offered sacrifice; but there was still a human
revolting in their hearts that kept them moveless and silent.
They longed for the horrible banquet, but still turned from it with
a lingering human loathing. But Lachane was resolute.

“Ah!” said he, reproachfully; “you fear—you would not
that I should die in this manner; but, mes amis, you know me not.
You know not how it will glad my heart to know that its dying
pulse shall add new life to yours Here, Lafourche, Genet—you are

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both beside me. You are the feeblest. You are dying fast.
You thirst; another day and you perish! You have a mother,
Genet—a dear sister, Lafourche—why will you not live for them?
Lo! you, now,—when I strike the blow,—do you both clap your
mouths upon the wound. Drink freely—drink deep—that you
may have strength—and let the rest drink after you. There!—
my braves!—there.”

With each of these last words, the brave fellow—thence called
“Lachane, the Deliverer”—struck two fatal blows, one upon his
heart, and one upon his throat. He leaned back between the
two famished persons whom he had especially addressed, and,
while the consciousness was yet in the eyes of the dying man,
they sprang like thirsting tigers, and fastened their mouths upon
each streaming orifice. The victim, smarting and conscious to
the last, sunk in a few seconds, into the sacred slumber of death.
This heroism saved the rest. He had struck with a firm hand and
a resolute spirit. In his death they lived. Slow to accept his
proffered sacrifice, he was scarcely cold, ere the survivors fastened
upon his body; and, ere the last morsel of the victim was
consumed, they had assurances of safety.[16]

It seemed as if expiation had been done; as if the sacrifice had
purged their offences and made them acceptable to heaven. The
land rose upon their vision,—a glimpse like that of salvation to

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the doomed one,—a sight “whereof they were so exceeding glad,
that the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without
sense; whereby they let the pinnesse floate this and that
way without holding any right way or course.” While thus wandering,
in sight of France, but still at the mercy of the winds and
waves, they were boarded by an English vessel. Here they were
recognized by a Frenchman who happened to be one of the crew
that had accompanied Ribault in his voyage. The most feeble
were put upon the coast of France; the rest were taken to England,
with the design that Queen Elizabeth, who meditated sending
an expedition to Florida, might have the benefit of their
report.

eaf373.n15

[15] “Il fallut songer ensuite à lui donner un successeur, et le choix que
l'on fit, fut plus sage, qu'on ne devoit l'attendre de gens, dont les mains
fumoient encore du sang de leur Chef. Ils mirent à leur tête un fort honnete
homme, nommé Nicholas Barré, lequel par son adresse et sa prudence
rétablit en peu de tems la paix et le bon ordre dans la colonie
.”—Charlevoix,
N. Fran.
, Liv. 1.

eaf373.n16

[16] Lest we should be suspected of exaggeration we quote a single sentence
from the condensed account in Charlevoix;—“Lachau, celui là
mème, que la Capitaine Albert avoit exilé, après l'avoir dégradé des
armes, déclara qu'il vouloit bien avancer sa mort, qu'il croyoit inévitable,
pour reculer de quelques jours celle de ses compagnons. Il fut pris au
mot, et on l'égorgea sur le champ, sans qu'il fît la moindre résistance, Il
ne fut pas perdu une goute de son sang, tous en bûrent avec avidité, le
corps fut mis en pieces, et chacun en eut sa part
.”

-- --

p373-127 IX. THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE HUGUENOTS TO FLORIDA.

The Fortress of La Caroline and the Colony of Laudonniere.

[figure description] Page 110.[end figure description]

Thus, unhappily, as we have seen, ended the first experiment
of Coligny for the establishment of a Huguenot colony in the
territory of the Floridian. The disasters which had attended
the fortunes of the garrison at Fort Charles, were due, in some
degree, to its seeming abandonment by their founder. But
Coligny was blameless in this abandonment. When Ribault
returned to France, from his first voyage, the civil wars had
again begun, depriving the admiral of the means for succoring
the colony, as had been promised. Nearly two years had now
elapsed from that period, before he could recover the power
which would enable him to send supplies or recruits for its maintenance.
In all this time, with the exception of the small domain
occupied by Fort Charles, the country lay wholly derelict, and
in the keeping of the savages. But Coligny was now in a condition
to resume his endeavors in behalf of his colony. He
was again in possession of authority. The assassination
of the Duke of Guise had restored to France the blessings of
peace; and Coligny seized upon this interval of repose, to in

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quire after the settlement which had been made by Ribault.
Three ships, and a considerable amount of money, were accorded
to his application; and the new armament was assigned to the
command of René Laudonniere—a man of intelligence, a good
seaman rather than a soldier, and one who had accompanied
Ribault on his first expedition, though he had not remained with
the colony.[17] Laudonniere found it easy enough to procure his
men, not only for the voyage but the colony. The civil wars had
produced vast numbers of restless and destitute spirits, who
longed for nothing so much as employment and excitement.
Besides, there was a vague attraction for the imagination, in the
tales which had reached the European world, of the wondrous
sweetness and beauty of the region to which they were invited.
Florida still continued, even at this period, to be the country
beyond all others in the new world, which appealed to the fancies
and the appetites of the romantic, the selfish, and the merely
adventurous. Ribault's own account of it had described the
wondrous sweetness of its climate, and the exquisite richness and
variety of its fruits and flowers. Then, there were the old dreams
which had beguiled the Spanish cavalier, Hernando de Soto, and
had filled with the desires and the hopes of youth, the aged
heart of Juan Ponce de Leon. It did not matter if death did
keep the portals of the country. This guardianship only seemed
the more certainly to denote the precious treasures which were
concealed within. In the absence of any certain knowledge,
men dreamed of spoils within its bowels, such as had been
yielded to Cortes and Pizarro, by the great cities and teeming
mountains of Tenochtitlan and Peru. They had heard true

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stories of its fruits and flowers; of its bland airs, so friendly to
the invalid; of its delicious fountains, in which healing and joy
lay together in sweet communion. It was the region in which,
according to tradition, life enjoyed not only an exquisite, but an
extended tenure, almost equalling that of the antediluvian ages.
Its genial atmosphere was supposed to possess properties particularly
favorable to the prolongation of human life. Laudonniere
himself tells us of natives whom he had seen who were certainly
more than two hundred and fifty years old, and yet, who entertained
a reasonable hope of living fifty or a hundred years
longer. These may have been exaggerations, but they are such
as the human imagination loves to indulge in. But there was
comparative truth in the assertion. Portions of the Floridian
territory are, to this day, known to be favorable to health and
longevity in a far greater degree than regions in other respects
more favored; and, in the temperate habits, the hardy exercises,
the simple lives of the red-men, unvexed by cares and anxieties,
and unsubdued by toils, they probably realized many of the
alleged blessings of a golden age. But the attractions of this
region were not estimated only with respect to attractions such
as these. The fountains of the marvellous which had been
opened by the great discoverers, Columbus and Cortes, Balboa
and Pizarro, were not to be quickly closed. The passion for
adventure, in the exploration of new countries, made men easy
of belief; and any number of emigrants were prepared to
accompany our second Huguenot expedition. The armament of
Laudonniere was ready for sea, and sailed from France on the
22d April, 1564.[18] A voyage of two months brought the

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voyagers to the shores of New France, which they reached the
25th of June, 1564. The land made was very nearly in the
same latitude as in the former expedition. It was a favorable
period for seeing the country in all its natural loveliness; and
the delight of the voyagers may be imagined, when, at May
River, they found themselves welcomed by the Indians, such of
the whites particularly as were recognized to have been of the
squadron of Ribault. The savages hailed them as personal
friends and old acquaintances. When they landed, they were
eagerly surrounded by the simple and delighted natives, men
and women, and conducted, with great ceremonials, to the spot
where Ribault had set up a stone column, with the arms of
France, “upon a little sandie knappe, not far from the mouth
of the said river.” It was with a pleased surprise that Laudonniere
found the pillar encircled and crowned with wreaths of bay
and laurel, with which the affectionate red-men had dressed the
stone, in proof of the interest which they had taken in this imposing
memorial of their intercourse with the white strangers.
The foot of the pillar was surrounded by little baskets of maize
and beans; and these were brought in abundance, in token of
their welcome, and yielded by these generous sons of the forest
to their new visitors, at the foot of the pillar which they had thus
consecrated to their former friendship. They kissed the column,
and made the French do likewise. Their Paracoussy, or king,
was named Satouriova, the oldest of whose sons, named Athore,

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is described by Laudonniere as “perfect in beautie.” Satouriova
presented Laudonniere with a “wedge of silver”—one of
those gifts which by no means lessened the importance of the
giver, or of his country, in the eyes of our voyager. His natural
inquiry was whence the silver came.

“Then he showed me by evident signes that all of it came
from a place more within the river, by certain days journeys
from this place, and declared unto us that all that which they had
thereof, they gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of this
place, named by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and natural
enemies, as hee largely declared. Whereupon, when I saw with
what affection and passion hee spake when hee pronounced
Thimogoa, I understood what he would say; and to bring myself
more into his favour, I promised him to accompany him with all
my force, if hee would fight against them: which thing pleased
him in such sorte, that, from thenceforth, hee promised himselfe
the victorie of them, and assured mee that hee would make a
voyage thither within a short space, and would commaund his
men to make ready their bowes and furnish themselves with such
store of arrows, that nothing should bee wanting to give battaile
to Thimogoa. In fine, he prayed me very earnestly not to faile
of my promise, and, in so doing, he hoped to procure me golde
and silver, in such good quantitie, that mine affaires should take
effect according to mine owne and his desire.”

Here then we see cupidity beginning to plant in place of
religion. Our Huguenot tells us of no prayers which he made, of
no religious services which he ordered, in presence of the savages,
for their benefit and his own. But his sole curiosity is to know
where the gold grows, and to prompt the evil passions of the

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red-men to violence and strife with one another, in order that he may
procure the object of his avarice.

With night, the parties separated, the French retiring to
their ships and the Indians to the cover of their forests. But
Laudonniere had something more to learn. The next day,
“being allured with this good entertainment,” the visit was renewed.
“We found him, (the Paracoussy) under shadow of an
arbor, accompanied with four-score Indians at the least, and
apparelled, at that time, after the Indian fashion; to wit, with a
great hart's skin dressed like chamois, and painted with divers
colours, but of so lively a portraiture, and representing antiquity,
with rules so justly compassed, that there is no painter so exquisite
that coulde finde fault therewith. The natural disposition of
this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that, without
any ayd and favour of artes, they are able; by the help of nature
onely, to content the eye of artizans; yea, even of those which,
by their industry, are able to aspire unto things most absolute.”

What Laudonniere means by the paintings of the Indians,
“representing antiquity,” is not so clear. But it may be well,
in this place, to mention that we do not rely here on the opinions
of a mere sailor or soldier. In this expedition, Coligny had sent
out a painter of considerable merit, named James Le Moyne,
otherwise de Morgues, who was commissioned to execute colored
drawings of all the objects which might be supposed likely to interest
the European eye. To this painter are we indebted for
numerous pictures of the people and the region, their modes of
life, costume and exercises, which are now invaluable.

The Huguenots left their Indian friends with reluctance. As
the ships coasted along the shores, pursuing their way up the
river, the word “ami,” one of the few French words which the

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simple red-men had retained, resounded, in varied accents, from
men and women, who followed the progress of the strangers,
running along the margin of the river, as long as the ships continued
in sight. The French have not often abused the
hospitality of the aborigines. In this respect, they rank much
more humanly and honorably than either the English or the
Spanish people. With a greater moral flexibility, which yields
something to acquire more, they accommodated themselves to the
race which they discovered, and, readily conforming to some of the
habits of the red-men, acquired an influence over them which the
people of no other nation have ever been able to obtain. It was
with tears that the simple hunters along May River beheld the
vessels of the Frenchmen gradually sinking from their eyes.

The vessels of Laudonniere passed up the river, himself and
parties of his people landing occasionally, to examine particular
spots of country. They are everywhere received with kindness.
Two of the Indian words—“Antipola Bonassou,”—meaning
“Friend and Brother,”—the French made use of to secure a
favorable welcome everywhere.

Monsieur de Ottigny, a lieutenant of Laudonniere, with a small
party, is conducted into the presence of a Cassique, whose great
apparent age prompts him to inquire concerning it. “Whereunto
he made answer, shewing that he was the first living originall
from whence five generations were descended, as he shewed unto
them by another olde man that sate directly over against him,
which farre exceeded him in age. And this man was his father,
which seemed to be rather a dead carkiss than a living body; for
his sinewes, his veines, his arteries, his bones and other partes
appeared so cleerely thorow his skinne, that a man might easily tell
them and discerne them one from one another. Also his age was so

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great that the goode man had lost his sight, and could not speake
one onely word but with exceeding great paine. Monsieur de
Ottigni, having seene so strange a thing, turned to the younger of
these two olde men, praying him to vouchsafe to answer to him
that which he demanded touching his age. Then the olde man
called a company of Indians, and striking twise upon his thigh,
and laying his hand upon two of them, he shewed him by synes
that these two were his sonnes; again smiting upon their thighes,
he shewed him others not so olde which were the children of the
two first, which he continued in the same manner until the fifth
generation. But, though this olde man had his father alive, more
olde than himselfe, and that bothe of them did weare their haire
very long and as white as was possible, yet it was tolde them that
they might yet live thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of
nature: although the younger of them both was not lesse than
two hundred and fiftie yeeres olde. After he had ended his communication
he commanded two young eagles to be given to our
men, which hee had bred up for his pleasure in his house.”

A fitting gift at the close of such a narrative! Certainly, a
patriarchal family; and, though we may doubt the correctness
of this primitive mode of computing the progress of the sun,
there can be no question that the Floridians were distinguished
by a longevity wholly unparalleled in modern experience. It is
claimed that the anglo-American races who have since occupied
the same region, have shared, in some degree, in this prolonged
duration of human life.

While the lieutenant of Laudonniere was thus held in discourse
by the aged Indians, his commander was enjoying himself in more
luxurious fashion. A particular eminence in the neighborhood
of the river had fixed his eye, which he explored. Here he

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reposed himself for several hours. It is pleasant to hear our
Frenchman's discourse of the beauty of the spot where his siesta
was enjoyed.

“Upon the top thereof, we found nothing else but cedars,
palms, and bay trees, of so sovereign odor, that balm smelleth
nothing in comparison. The trees were environed round with
vines, bearing grapes in such quantity that the number would
suffice to make the place habitable. Touching the pleasure of the
place, the sea may be seen plain and open from it; and more
than five leagues off, near the river Belle, a man may behold the
meadows, divided asunder into isles and islets, interlacing one
another. Briefly, the place is so pleasant, that those who are
melancholie would be forced to change their humour.”

There is no exaggeration in this. Such is the odor of the
shrubs—such is the picturesqueness of the prospect.

Laudonniere departed with great reluctance from a region so
favorable to health, so beautiful to the eye, and which promised
so abundantly of fruits and mineral treasures. His course lay
northwardly, in search of the colony of Captain Albert. He
passes the river of Seine, four leagues distant from the May, and
continues to the mouth of the Somme, some six leagues further.
Here he casts anchor, lands, and is received with friendly welcome
by the Paracoussy, or king of the place, whom he describes
as “one of the tallest and best-proportioned men that may be
found. His wife sate by him, which, besides her Indian beautie,
wherewith she was greatly endued, had so virtuous a countenance
and modest gravitie, that there was not one amongst us but
did greatly commend her. She had in her traine five of her
daughters, of so good grace and so well brought up, that I easily
persuaded myself that their mother was their mistresse.”

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Here Laudonniere is again presented with specimens of the
precious metals, and here we find him already in consultation with
his men, touching the propriety of abandoning the settlement of
Fort Charles, the fate of which he has heard in his progress
from the Indians, for the more attractive regions of the river
May. His arguments for this preference, may be given in his
own language.

“If we passed farther to the north to seeke out Port Royall, it
would be neither very profitable nor convenient,.... although
the haven were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that, in
this case, the question was not so much of the beautie of the place
as of things necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting,
it was much more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of
victuall, than in goodly havens, faire, deepe and pleasante to the
view. In consideration whereof, I was of opinion, if it seemed
goode unto them, to seate ourselves about the river of May: seeing
also, that, in our first voyage, wee found the same onely, among
all the rest, to abounde in maize and corn; besides the golde and
silver that was found there; a thing that put me in hope of some
happie discoverie in time to come
.”

Doubtless the last was the conclusive suggestion. The views
of Laudonniere were promptly agreed to by his followers; and,
sailing back to the river of May, they reached it at daybreak on
the 29th June. “Having cast anchor, I embarked all my stuffe
and the souldiers of my company, (in the pinnace we may suppose,)
to sayle right towards the opening of the river: wherein
we entered a good way up, and found a creeke of a reasonable
bignisse which invited us to refresh ourselves a little, while wee
reposed ourselves there. Afterward, wee went on shore to seeke

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out a place, plaine, without trees, which wee perceived from the
creeke.”

But this spot, upon examination, does not prove commodious,
and it was determined to return to a point they had before discovered
when sailing up the river. “This place is joyning to a
mountaine (hill), and it seemed unto us more fit and commodious
to build a fortresse;..... therefore we took our way towards
the forests..... Afterwards, we found a large plaine, covered
with high pine trees, distant a little from the other; under which
we perceived an infinite number of stagges, which brayed amidst
the plaine, athwart the which we passed: then we discovered a
little hill adjoyning unto a great vale, very greene and in forme
flat: wherein were the fairest meadows of the worlde, and grasse
to feede cattel. Moreover, it is environed with a great number of
brookes of fresh water, and high woodes which make the vale most
delectable to the eye.”

Laudonniere names this pleasant region after himself, the “vale
of Laudonniere
.” They pass through it, and, at length, after
temporary exhaustion from fatigue and heat, they recover their
spirits, and, penetrating a high wood, reach the brink of the river,
and the spot which they have chosen for the settlement.

We have preferred, at the risk of being tedious, to quote these
details, in order that the modern antiquarian may, if he pleases,
seek for the traces of this ancient settlement. The foundation was
not laid without due solemnity. Laudonniere remembers that his
people are Christians; and, at the break of day, on the 30th June,
1564, the trumpets were sounded, and our Huguenots were called
to prayer. The banks of the May, otherwise the St. Johns,[19] then

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echoed, for the first time, with a hymn of lofty cheer from European
voices.

“There we sang a psalme of thanksgiving unto God.”
Prayer was made, and, gathering courage from the exercise of
their devotions, our Huguenots applied themselves to the duty of
building themselves a fortress. In this work they were assisted
by the Indians.[20] A few days sufficed, with this help, to give their
fabric form. It was built in the shape of a triangle. “The
side towarde the west, which was towarde the lande, was enclosed
with a little trench and raised with towers made in forme of a
battlement of nine foote high: the other side, which was towarde
the river, was inclosed with a palisado of plankes of timber, after
the manner that gabions are made. On the south side, there was
a kinde of bastion, within which I caused an house for the munition
to be built. It was all builded of fagots and sand, saving about
two or three foote high with turfes, whereof the battlements were
made. In the middest I caused a great court to be made of
eighteen paces long and broad; in the middest whereof, on the
one side, drawing toward the south, I builded a corps de garde,
and an house, on the other side, towarde the north.” * * *

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“One of the sides that enclosed my court, which I made very faire
and large, reached unto the grange of my munitions: and, on the
other side, towarde the river, was mine owne lodgings, round
which were galleries all covered. The principal doore of my
lodging was in the middest of the great place, and the other was
towarde the river. A good distance from the fort, I built an
oven.”

It will be an employment of curious interest, whenever the
people of Florida shall happen upon the true site of the settlement
and structure of Laudonniere, to trace out, in detail, these several
localities, and fix them for the benefit of posterity. The work is
scarcely beyond the hammer and chisel of some Old Mortality,
who has learned to place his affections, and fix his sympathies,
upon the achievements of the Past.

eaf373.n17

[17] Charlevoix describes Laudonniere as “un gentilhomme de mérite—
bon officier de marine, et qui avoit même servi sur terre avec distinction.
que utilité dans une colonie naissante. Quantité de jeune gens de famille,
et plusiers gentilshommes voulurent faire ce voyage à leurs depens,
et on y joignoit des détachmens de soldats choisés dans de vieux
corps. L'Admiral eut soin surtout qu'il n'y eût aucun catholique dans cet armament
.”

eaf373.n18

[18] It was much superior to that originally sent out with Ribault. “On
lui donna des ouvriers habiles dans tous les arts, &c
.

eaf373.n19

[19] “The evidence,” says Johnson, however, in an appendix to his life of
Greene, “is in favor of the St. Mary's, and would point to the first bluff
on the south side of that river.” But this is certainly a mistake. The
general conviction now is, that our St. John's was the May River of the
French.

eaf373.n20

[20] Jacques de Moyne de Morgues represents the Indian Chief or Paracoussi
of the neighborhood, Satouriova by name, as taking great umbrage
at the erection of the fortress La Caroline within his dominions; thus
differing from Laudonniere, who describes him and his subjects as
cheerfully assisting in its erection. Charlevoix undertakes to reconcile
the difference between them; but in a manner which would soon leave
the chronicle and the historian at the mercy of the merest conjecture.
The matter is scarcely of importance.

-- --

p373-140 X. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

[figure description] Page 123.[end figure description]

Thus, then, was founded the second European settlement
on the Continent of America. The fortress was named La
Caroline
, in honor of the French monarch, whom it was still
the policy of the Huguenots to conciliate. The houses were of
frail structure, and thatched with leaves of the palmetto. The
domain was a narrow one, but it was probably sufficiently wide for
the genius of Laudonniere. He soon shows himself sensible of all
his dignities as the sole representative of his master in the New
World. From his own account, he does not appear to have been
the proper person for the conduct of so difficult, if not so great,
an enterprise. There is no doubt that he was sufficiently brave;
but bravery, unsustained by judgment, is at best a doubtful virtue,
and, in a situation of great responsibility, is apt to show itself at
the expense of all discretion. The object of the colony of La
Caroline was a permanent establishment—a place of refuge from
persecution—where the seeds of a new empire might be
planted on a basis which should ensure civil liberty to the citizen.
The proper aim of such a settlement should have been security,
self-maintenance, and peace with all men. These could only have
been found in the economizing of their resources, in the

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application of all their skill and industry to the cultivation of the soil,
and in the preservation of the most friendly relations among the
Indians. These, unhappily, were not objects sufficiently appreciated
by Laudonniere. His first error was that which arose
from the universal passion of his time. He had seen the precious
metals of the country—wedges of silver and scraps of gold—
which declared the abundance of its treasures, and aroused all his
passions for its acquisition. His whole energies were accordingly
directed to the most delusive researches. He had scarcely built
his fortress before he sent off his exploring expeditions. “I
would not lose a minute of an hour,” is his language, “without
imploying the same in some vertuous exercise,” and therefore he
despatches his Lieutenant, Ottigny, in seeking for Thimogoa; that
king, hostile to the Paracoussi Satouriova, whom he has pledged
himself to the latter to make war upon. Satouriova gives the
lieutenant a couple of warriors as guides, who were delighted at
the mission,—“seeming to goe as unto a wedding, so desirous
they were to fight with their enemies.”

But Ottigny, whose real purpose is to obtain the gold of the
people of Thimogoa, does not indulge his warlike guides in their
desires. They encounter some of the people whom they seek,
and make inquiries after the treasure. This is promised them
hereafter. With the report of a king named Mayrra, who lives
farther up the river, and abounds in gold and silver, Ottigny
returns to La Caroline. Other adventures follow, other kings
and chiefs are brought to the knowledge of our Frenchmen.
Plates of gold and silver are procured; large bars of the latter
metal; and the lures are quite sufficient to keep the colonists
employed in the one pursuit to the complete neglect of every
other. Instead of planting, they rely for their provisions wholly

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upon the Indians; and, for eighteen months, the lieutenants of
Laudonniere penetrated the forests in every possible direction.
They appear not only to have explored the interior of Florida,
Georgia and South Carolina, but to have prosecuted their insane
search even to the Apalachian mountains. It is not improbable
that our antiquarians frequently stumble upon the proofs
of their progress, which they fondly ascribe to a much earlier
period. We preserve, as subjects of proper comparison with
aboriginal words still in use, and by which localities may yet be
identified, the names of many of the chiefs with whom our
Frenchmen maintained communion. From the Indians of King
Mollova, Captain Vasseur obtains five or six pounds of silver.
Mollova is the subject of a greater prince, named Olata Ovae
Utina. The tributaries of this great chief are numerous;—
Cadeeha, Chilili, Eclavou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua,
Omittaqua, Acquera, Moquoso, and many others. Satouriova is
the chief sovereign along the waters of the May. He too hath
numerous tributaries. He is the great rival monarch of Olata
Utina. Potanou is one of his chiefs, “a manne cruel in warre,
but pitiful in the execution of his furie.” He usually took his
prisoners to mercy, branding them upon the arm, and setting
them free. Onatheaqua and Hostaqua are great chiefs, abounding
in riches, that dwell near the mountains. According to the
tales of the Indians of May River, the warriors of Olata Utina
“armed their breasts, armes, thighes, legs and foreheads with
large plates of gold and silver.” Molona is a chief of the river
of May, near the Frenchmen, and hostile also to the Thimogoans.
Malicá is another of these chiefs of Satouriova, eager, like all
the rest, to shed the blood of the hostile people whom the
Frenchmen have unwisely promised to destroy. In order to win

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the favor of Molona, while that Paracoussi is entertaining them
at his dwelling, Capt. Vasseur, returning from an expedition to
the territories of Thimogoa, reports that nothing but their flight
prevented him from utterly destroying that people. Improving
upon his superior, one Francis La Caille, a sergeant, insisted that,
with his sword, he has run two of the Thimogoans through the
body. But this falsehood demands another for its security. The
suspicious Indian insists upon handling the sword, “which the
sergeant would not denie him, thinking that hee would have
beheld the fashion of his weapon; but hee soon perceived that it
was to another ende; for the old man, holding it in his hand,
behelde it a long while on every place, to see if he could find any
blood upon it which might show that any of their enemies had
beene killed. Hee was on the point to say that he had killed
none of the men of Thimogoa; when La Vasseur preventing that
which hee might object, showing, that, by reason of the two
Indians which he had slain, his sword was so bloody, he was
enforced to wash and make it cleane a long while in the river.”

Another of the chiefs, dwelling near the Frenchmen, is Omoloa,
an ally of Satouriova. These two summon Laudonniere to the
expedition for which they have prepared themselves against the
Thimogoans, and are offended that he now excuses himself. He
was too busy with his explorations for any other object. But he
sent to request two of his prisoners from Satouriova, which were
denied him; the old savage properly saying that he owed him no
service, as he had taken no part in the expedition. This irritated
the Frenchman, who, with twenty soldiers, suddenly appeared
in the dwelling of the Paracoussi, and demanded and carried
off the prisoners. His policy was, by freeing these prisoners,
and sending them home to their sovereign, to conciliate his favor;

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but, in the meantime, he made an enemy of Satouriova. An
expedition was prepared to carry back the prisoners to Olata
Utina. It was confided to Monsieur D'Erlach, one of Laudonniere's
lieutenants, and consisted of ten soldiers. Their course
lay up the river of May, more than fourscore leagues. They
were received by the great Paracoussi Utina, with much favor,
and were easily persuaded by him to take part in a war which
he was even then waging with his hereditary enemy, Potanou.
A surprise is attempted, and a battle ensues, in which the fire-arms
of the French confound Potanou, and subject him to a
sore defeat. One of his towns is captured, and all its men,
women, and children, are made prisoners. Monsieur D'Erlach
returns to La Caroline, with no inconsiderable spoil of gold and
silver, skins painted, and other commodities of the Indians.

While thus engaged in the avaricious search for the precious
metals, Laudonniere began to receive some intimations of the
error into which he had fallen. The mistakes of his policy were
beginning to appear in their consequences. His ships had long
since departed for France. He had no present hope but in himself
and his neighbors; and his garrison were about to suffer
from the want of necessaries such as they should have relied upon
their own industry to secure. The provisions furnished by the
Indians were rapidly failing them. They had offended Satouriova,
and thus forfeited the supplies which his favor might have furnished.
In the always limited stores of the natives, there was a
natural limit, beyond which they could neither sell nor give;
since, to do so, would be to lose the grain necessary for sowing
their fields at the approaching season. The exigencies of the
colonies finally compelled them to seize upon the stores which the
providence of the Indians compelled them to retain. These

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thus despoiled, withdrew promptly from the dangerous neighborhood,
and, but for a fortunate, and seemingly providential circumstance,
which afforded them succor for awhile, the distress of the
garrison might have realized anew the misfortunes of the people
of Fort Charles. We must let Laudonniere himself record the
event, which had such beneficial consequences, in his own language:

“Thus,” said he, “things passed on in this manner, and the
hatred of Paracoussi Satouriova against mee did still continue,
untill that, on the nine and twentieth of August, a lightning from
heaven fell within halfe a league of our fort, more worthy, I believe,
to be wondered at, and to be put in writing, than all the
strange signes which have beene seene in times past. For, although
the meadows were at that season all greene, and halfe
covered over with water, neverthelesse the lightning, in one instant,
consumed above five hundred acres thereof, and burned,
with the ardent heate thereof, all the foules which took their
pastime in the meadowes—which thus continued for three dayes
space—which caused us not a little to muse, not being able to
judge whence this fire proceeded. One while we thought that
the Indians had burnt their houses and abandoned their places
for feare of us. Another while we thought that they had discovered
some shippes in the sea, and that, according to their
custome, they had kindled many fires here and there * * * I
determined to sende to Paracoussi Serranay to knowe the truth.
But, even as I was about to sende one by boate, sixe Indians
came unto me from Paracoussi Allimieany, which, at their first
entire, made unto mee a long discourse, and a very large and
ample oration (after they had presented mee with certain baskets
full of maiz, of pompions, and of grapes), of the loving amity

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which Allimicany desired to continue with mee, and that he
looked, from day to day, when it would please mee to employ
him in my service. Therefore, considering the serviceable affection
that hee bare unto mee, he found it very strange that I thus
discharged mine ordnance against his dwelling, which had burnt
up an infinite sight of greene meadowes, and consumed even
downe unto the bottom of the water.”

The simple message of the Paracoussi, suggested some advantages
to Laudonniere, who did not now scruple to admit that all
the mischief had been done by his wanton ordnance. He had
shot, not really to injure his neighbor, but to let him form a proper
idea of what he might do, in the way of mischief, should he
have the provocation at any time. Since, however, the Paracoussi
had come to the recollection of his duties, he, Laudonniere,
would protect him hereafter. The red-man had only to continue
faithful, and the white man would stifle his ordnance.

The sequel of this strange fire from heaven, may be given in
few words. For three days it remained unextinguished, and, for
two more days, the heat in the atmosphere was insupportable.
The river suffered from a sympathetic heat, and seemed ready
to seethe. The fish in it died in such abundance, of all sorts,
that enough were founde to have laden fiftie carts. The air became
putrid with the effluvia; the greater number of the garrison
fell sick, and suffered nearly to death; while the poor savages
removed to a distance from the region, which, since the settlement
of the colonists, had been productive of little but mischief
unto them. The distress of Laudonniere, under these events, was
increased by discontents and mutinies among his people. They
were not of a class so docile as their predecessors under Albert.
These, certainly, would not have borne so patiently with such a

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sway. The government of Laudonniere, if not a wise, was not
a brutal or despotic one. But they threatened equally his peace
and safety. They had cause for apprehension, if not for commotion.
The promised supplies from France, which were to be
brought by Ribault, had failed to arrive, and the discontent in
the colony was beginning to assume an aspect the most serious.
At this point, our narrative must enter somewhat more into details,
and, for the sake of compactness, we must somewhat anticipate
events.

-- --

p373-148 XI. THE CONSPIRACY OF LE GENRÉ. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

[figure description] Page 131.[end figure description]

The necessities of the colony now began to open the eyes of
Laudonniere in respect to the errors of which he had been guilty.
He found it important to discontinue his explorations among the
Indian tribes, and to employ his garrison in domestic labors.
They must either work or starve. Their tasks in the fields were
assigned accordingly. This produced discontent among those
who, having for some time, in Europe as well as recently in the
new world, been chiefly employed as soldiers, regarded labor as
degrading, and still flattered themselves with the more agreeable
hope of achieving their fortunes by shorter processes. Their appetite
for the precious metals had been sufficiently enlivened by the
glimpses which had been given them, during their intercourse
with the natives, of the unquestionable treasures of the country.
It was still farther whetted by the influence of two persons of the
garrison. One of these was named La Roquette, of the country
of Perigort; the other was known as Le Genré, a lieutenant, and
somewhat in the confidence of Laudonniere. Le Genré was the

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bold conspirator. La Roquette was perhaps quite as potential,
though from art rather than audacity. He pretended to be a
great magician, and acquired large influence over the more ignorant
soldiers on the score of his supposed capacity to read the
book of fate. Among his professed discoveries through this
medium, were certain mines of gold and silver, far in the interior,
the wealth of which was such—and he pledged his life upon it—
that, upon a fair division, after awarding the king's portion, each
soldier would receive not less than ten thousand crowns. The
arguments and assurances of La Roquette persuaded Le Genré,
among the rest. He was exceedingly covetous, and sought eagerly
all royal roads for the acquisition of fortune. He was more easily
beguiled into conspiracy, in consequence of the refusal of Laudonniere
to give him the command of a packet returning into France.
It was determined to depose and destroy the latter. Several
schemes were tried for this purpose; by poison, by gunpowder,
all of which failed, and resulted in the ruin only of the conspirators.
With this introduction we introduce the reader more
particularly to the parties of our history.

-- --

p373-150 XII. THE CONSPIRACY OF LE GENRÉ.

[figure description] Page 133.[end figure description]

Le Genré, one of the lieutenants of Laudonniere, was of
fierce and intractable temper. His passions had been thwarted
by his superior, whose preferences were clearly with another of
his lieutenants, named D'Erlach.[21] This preference was quite
sufficient to provoke the envy and enmity of Le Genré. His
dislike was fully retorted, and with equal spirit by his brother
officer. But the feelings of D'Erlach, who was the more noble
and manly of the two, were restrained by his prudence and sense
of duty. It had been the task of Laudonniere more than once
to interfere between these persons, and prevent those outrages
which he had every reason to apprehend from their mutual
excitability; and it was partly with the view to keep the parties
separate, that he had so frequently despatched D'Erlach upon
his exploring expeditions. One of these appointments, however,
which Le Genré had desired for himself, had given him no little
mortification when he found that, as usual, D'Erlach had received

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the preference from his superior. It was no proper disparagement
of the claims of others that D'Erlach had been thus preferred.
That he was a favorite, was, perhaps, quite as much due to his
own merits as to the blind partiality of his superior. In choosing
him for the command of his most important expeditions, Laudonniere
was, in fact, doing simple justice to the superior endowments
of caution, prudence, moderation, and firmness, which the young
officer confessedly possessed in very eminent degree. But Le
Genré was not the person to recognize these arguments, or to
acknowledge the superior fitness of his colleague. His discontents,
fanned by the arts of others, and daily receiving provocation
from new causes, finally wrought his blood into such a state
of feverish irritation, as left but little wanting to goad him to
actual insubordination and mutiny.

Laudonniere was not ignorant of the factious spirit of his discontented
lieutenant. He had been warned by D'Erlach that he
was a person to be watched, and his own observations had led
him equally to this conviction. His eye, accordingly, was fixed
keenly and suspiciously upon the offender, but cautiously, however,
so as to avoid giving unnecessary pain or provocation. But
Laudonniere's vigilance was partial only; and his suspicions were
by no means so intense as those of D'Erlach. Besides, his attention
was divided among his discontents. He had become painfully
conscious that Le Genré was not alone in his factious feelings.
He felt that the spirit of this officer was widely spreading in the
garrison. The moods of others, sullen, peevish, and doubtful,
had already startled his fears; and he too well knew the character
of his personnel, and from what sources they had been drawn, not
to be apprehensive of their tempers. Signs of insubordination
had been shown already, on various occasions; and had not

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Laudonniere been of that character which more easily frets with
its doubts than provides against them, he might have legitimately
employed a salutary punishment in anticipating worse offences.
The looks of many had become habitually sullen, their words few
and abrupt when addressed to their commander, while their tasks
were performed coldly and with evident reluctance. Without
exhibiting any positive or very decided conduct, by which to leave
themselves open to rebuke, their deportment was such as to
betray the impatience of bitter and resentful moods, which only
forbore open utterance by reason of their fears. Laudonniere,
without having absolute cause to punish, was equally wanting in
the nice tact which can, adroitly, and without a fall from dignity,
conciliate the inferior. Angry at the appearances which he could
neither restrain nor chastise, he was not sufficiently the commander
to descend happily to soothe. In this distracted condition
of mind, he prepared to despatch his third and last vessel to
France, to implore the long-expected supplies and assistance.

It was a fine evening, at the close of September, such an
evening as we frequently experience during that month in the
South, when a cool breeze, arising from the ocean, ascends to the
shores and the forests, and compensates, by its exquisite and
soothing freshness, for the burning heat and suffocating atmosphere
of the day. Our Frenchmen at La Caroline were prepared
to enjoy the embraces of this soothing minister. Some walked
upon the parapets of the fortress, others lay at length along the
bluff of the river, while others again, in the shade of trees farther
inland, grouped together in pleasant communion, enjoyed the song
or the story, with as much gaiety as if all their cares were about
to be buried with the sun that now hung, shorn of his fiery locks,
just above the horizon. Laudonniere passed among these groups

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with the look of one who did not sympathize with their enjoyments.
He was feeble, dull, and only just recovering from a
sickness which had nigh been fatal. His eye rested upon the
river where lay the vessel, the last remaining to his command,
which, in two days more, was to be despatched for France. He
had just left her, and his course now lay for the deep woods, a
mile or more inland. He was followed, or rather accompanied, by
a youth, apparently about nineteen or twenty years of age—a
younger brother of D'Erlach, his favorite lieutenant. This
young man shared in the odium of his brother, as he also was
supposed to enjoy too largely the favors of Laudonniere. The
truth was, that he was much more the favorite than his brother.
He was a youth of great intelligence and sagacity, observing
mind, quick wit, and shrewd, capacious remark. The slower
thought of his commander was quickened by his intelligence, and
relied, much more than the latter would have been willing to
allow, upon the insinuated, rather than expressed, suggestions of
the youth. Alphonse D'Erlach, but for his breadth of shoulders
and activity of muscle, would have seemed delicately made. He
was certainly effeminately habited. He had a boyish love of
ornament which was perhaps natural at his age, but it had been
observed that his brother Achille, though thirty-five, displayed
something of a like passion. Our youth wore his dagger and his
pistols, the former hung about his neck by a scarf, and the latter
were stuck in the belt about his waist. The dagger was richly
hilted, and the pistols, though of excellent structure, were rather
more remarkable for the beauty of their ornaments than for their
size and seeming usefulness as weapons for conflict.

“And you think, Alphonse,” said Laudonniere, when they had

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entered the wood, “that La Genré is really anxious to return to
France in the Sylph.”

“I say nothing about his return to France, but that he will
apply to you for the command of the Sylph, I am very certain.”

“Well! And you?—”

“Would let him have her.”

“Indeed! I am sorry, Alphonse, to hear you say so. Le
Genré is not fit for such a trust. He has no judgment, no
discretion. It would be a hundred to one that he never reached
France.”

“That is just my opinion,” said the youth, coolly.

“Well! And with this opinion, you would have me risk the
vessel in his hands?”

“Yes, I would! The simple question is, not so much the
safety of the vessel as our own. He is a dangerous person. His
presence here is dangerous to us. If he stays, unless our force is
increased, in another month he will have the fortress in his hands;
he will be master here. You have no power even now to prevent
him. You know not whom to trust. The very parties that you
arm and send out for provisions, might, if they pleased, turn upon
and rend us. If he were not the most suspicious person in the
world—doubtful of the very men that serve him—he would soon
bring the affair to an issue. Fortunately, he doubts rather more
than we confide. He knows not his own strength, and your seeming
composure leads him to overrate ours. But he is getting wiser.
The conspiracy grows every day. I am clear that you should let
him go, take his vessel, pick his crew, and disappear. He will not
go to France, that I am certain. He will shape his course for the
West Indies as soon as he is out of our sight, and be a famous
picaroon before the year is over.”

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“Alphonse, you are an enemy of Le Genré.”

“That is certain,” replied the youth; “but if I am his
enemy, that is no good reason why I should be the enemy of
truth.”

“True, but you suspect much of this. You know nothing.”

“I know all that I have told you,” replied the young man,
warmly.

“Indeed! How?”

“That I cannot tell. Enough that I am free to swear upon
the Holy Evangel, that all I say is true. Le Genré is at the
head of a faction which is conspiring against you.”

“Can you give me proof of this?”

“Yes, whenever you dare issue the order for his arrest and that
of others. But this you cannot do. You must not. They are
too strong for you. If Achille were here now!”

“Ay! Would he were!”

They now paused, as if the end of their walk had been reached.
Laudonniere wheeled about, with the purpose of returning. They
had not begun well to retrace their steps before the figure of a
person was seen approaching them.

“Speak of the devil,” said Alphonse, “and he thinks himself
called; here comes Le Genré.”

“Indeed!” said Laudonniere.

“See now if I am not right—he comes to solicit the command
of the Sylph.”

They were joined by the person of whom they had been speaking.
His approach was respectful—his manner civil—his tones
subdued. There was certainly a change for the better in his
deportment. A slight smile might have been seen to turn the
corner of the lips of young D'Erlach, as he heard the address of

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the new comer. Le Genré began by requesting a private interview
with his commander. Upon the words, D'Erlach went aside
and was soon out of hearing. His prediction was true. Le Genré
respectfully, but earnestly, solicited the command of the vessel
about to sail for France. He was civilly but positively denied.
Laudonniere had not been impressed by the suggestion of his
youthful counsellor; or, if he were, he was not prepared to yield
a vessel of the king, with all its men and munitions, to the control
of one who might abuse them to the worst purposes. The
face of Le Genré changed upon this refusal.

“You deny me all trust, Monsieur,” he said. “You refused
me the command when my claim was at least equal to that of
Ottigny. You denied me that which you gave to D'Erlach,
and now—Monsieur, do you hold me incompetent to this
command?”

“Nay,” said Laudonniere, “but I better prefer your services
here—I cannot so well dispense with them.”

A bitter smile crossed the lips of the applicant.

“I cannot complain of a refusal founded upon so gracious a
compliment. But, enough, Monsieur, you refuse me! May I
ask, who will be honored with this command?”

“Lenoir!”

“I thought so—another favorite! Well!—Monsieur, I wish
you a good evening.”

“You have refused him, I see,” said Alphonse, returning as
the other disappeared.

“Yes, I could do no less. The very suggestion that he might
convert the vessel to piratical purposes, was enough to make me
resolve against him.”

And, still discussing that and other kindred subjects,

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Laudonnierre and his young companion followed in the steps of La
Genré towards the fortress.

eaf373.n21

[21] Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, spells this name improperly. It is properly
written D'Erlach. “Ce Gentilhomme,” says Charlevoix, “étoit Suisse,
et il n'y a point de maison de Suisse plus connuë que celle d'Erlach.”

CHAPTER II.

That night the young Alphonse D'Erlach might have been
seen stealing cautiously from the quarters of Laudonnierre, and
winding along under cover of the palisades to one of the entrances
of the fortress. He was wrapped in a huge and heavy cloak
which effectually disguised his person. Here he was joined by
another, whom he immediately addressed:

“Bon Pre?”

“The same: all's ready.”

“Have they gone?”

“Yes!”

“Let us go.”

They went together to the entrance. The person whom
Alphonse called Bon Pre, was a short, thick-set person, fully
fifty years of age. They approached the sentry at the gate.

“Let us out, my son,” said Bon Pre; “we are late.”

When they were without the walls, they stole along through
the ditch, concealed in the deep shade of the place, cautiously
avoiding all exposure to the star-light. On reaching a certain
point, they ascended, and, taking the cover of bush and tree,
made their way to the river, and getting into a boat which lay
beneath the banks, pushed off, and suffered her to drop down the
stream, the old man simply using the paddle to shape her course.
A brief conversation, in whispers, followed between them.

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“You told him all?” asked Bon Pre.

“No; but just enough for our purpose. As I told you, he
believes nothing. He is too good a man himself to believe any
body thoroughly bad.”

“He will grow wiser before he is done. You did not suffer
him to know where you got your information?”

“No—surely not. He would have been for having a court,
and a trial, and all that sort of thing. You would have sworn to
the truth in vain, and they would assassinate you. We must only
do what we can to prevent, and leave the punishment for another
season. If time is allowed us—”

“Ay, but that “if!” said the old man. “Time will not be
allowed. Le Genré will be rather slow—but there are some
persons not disposed to wait for the return of the parties under
Ottigny and your brother.”

“Enough!” said D'Erlach—“Here is the cypress.”

With these words, the course of the canoe was arrested, the
prow turned in towards the shore, and adroitly impelled, by the
stroke of Bon Pre's paddle, directly into the cavernous opening
of an ancient cypress which stood in the water, but close to the
banks. This ancient tree stood, as it were, upon two massive
abutments. The cavern into which the boat passed was open in
like manner on the opposite side. The prow of the canoe ran in
upon the land, while the stern rested within the body of the tree.
Alphonse cautiously stepped ashore, and was followed by his older
companion. They were now upon the same side of the river
with the fortress. The course which they had taken had two
objects. To avoid fatigue and detection in a progress by land,
and to reach a given point in advance of the conspirators, who
had taken that route. Of course, our two companions had timed

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their movements with reference to the previous progress of the
former. They advanced in the direction of the fort, which lay
some three miles distant, but at the distance of fifty or sixty
yards from the place where they landed, came to a knoll thickly
overgrown with trees and shrubbery. A creek ran at its foot, in
the bed of which stood numerous cypresses—amongst these
Alphonse D'Erlach disappeared, while Bon Pre ascended the
knoll, and seated himself in waiting upon a fallen cypress.

He had not long to wait. In less than twenty minutes, a
whistle was heard—to which Bon Pre responded, in the notes of
an owl. The sound of voices followed, and, after a little interval,
one by one, seven persons ascended the knoll, and entered the
area which was already partially occupied by Bon Pre. There
were few preliminaries, and Le Genré opened the business.
Bon Pre, it is seen, was one of the conspirators and in their
fullest confidence. He had left the fort before them, or had
pretended to do so. They had each left at different periods.
We have seen his route. It is only necessary to add, that they
had come together but a little while before their junction at the
knoll. Of course, their several revelations had yet to be made.
Le Genré commenced by relating his ill success in regard to the
vessel.

“We must have it, at all hazards,” said Stephen Le Genevois,
“we can do nothing without it.”

“I do not see that;” was the reply of Jean La Roquette.
This person, it may be well to say, was one possessing large influence
among the conspirators. He claimed to be a magician,
dealt much in predictions, consulted the stars, and other signs,
as well of earth as of heaven; and, among other things, pretended,
by reason of his art, to know where, at no great distance, was a mine

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of silver, the richest in the world. Almost his sole reason for
linking himself with the conspirators, was the contempt with
which his pretensions had been treated by his commander, in regard
to the search after this mine.

“I do not see,” he replied, “that this vessel is so necessary to
us. A few canoes will serve us better.”

“Canoes—for what?” was the demand of Le Genevois.

“Why, for ascending the rivers, for avoiding the fatigue of
land travel, for bringing down our bullion.”

“Pshaw! You are at your silver mine again; but that is slow
work. I prefer that which the Spaniard has already gathered;
which he has run into solid bars and made ready for the king's
face. I prefer fighting for my silver, to digging for it.”

Ay! fighting—no digging;” said Le Genré and he was echoed
by other voices. But La Roquette was not to be silenced. His
opinions were re-stated and insisted upon with no small vehemence,
and the controversy grew warm as to the future course of
the party—whether they should explore the land for silver ore,
or the Spanish seas for bullion.

Messieurs,” said one named Fourneaux, “permit me to say
that you are counting your chickens before they are out of the
shell. Why cumber our discussion with unnecessary difficulties?
The first thing to consider is how to get our freedom. We can
determine hereafter what use we shall make of it. There are
men enough, or will be enough, when we have got rid of Laudonniere,
to undertake both objects. Some may take the seas,
and some the land; some to digging. Each man to his taste.
All may be satisfied—there need be no restraint. The only matter
now to be adjusted, is to be able to choose at all. Let us not
turn aside from the subject.”

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These sensible suggestions quieted the parties, and each proceeded
to report progress. One made a return of the men he
had got over, another of the arms in possession, and a third of
ammunition. But the question finally settled down upon the fate
of Laudonniere, and a few of his particular friends, the young
D' Erlach being the first among them. On this subject, the conspirators
not only all spoke, but they all spoke together. They
were vehement enough, willing to destroy their enemy, but their
words rather declared their anger, than any particular mode of
effecting their object. At length Fourneaux again spoke.

Messieurs,” said he, “you all seem agreed upon two things;
the first is, that, before we can do anything, Laudonniere and that
young devil, D'Erlach, must be disposed of; the second, that this
is rather a difficult matter. It is understood that they may rally a
sufficient force to defeat us—that we are not in the majority yet,
though we hope to be so; and that a great number who are now
slow to join us, will be ready enough, if the blow were once struck
successfully. In this, I think, you all perfectly agree.”

“Ay—ay! There you are right—that's it;” was the response
of Le Genré and Stephen Le Genevois.

“Very well; now, as it is doubtful who are certainly the friends
of Laudonniere, it is agreed that we must move against him
secretly. Is there any difficulty in this? There are several ways
of getting rid of an enemy without lifting dagger or pistol. Is
not the magician here—the chemist, La Roquette?—has he no
knowledge of certain poisons, which, once mingled in the drink of
a captain, can shut his eyes as effectually as if it were done with
bullet or steel? And if this fails, are there not other modes of
contriving an accident? I have a plan now, which, with your
leave, I think the very thing for our purpose. Laudonniere's

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quarters, as you all know, stand apart from all the rest, with the
exception of the little building occupied by the division of Le
Genré, with which it is connected by the old bath-room. This
bath-room is abandoned since Laudonniere has taken to the river.
Suppose Le Genré here should, for safe-keeping, put a keg of
gunpowder under the captain's quarters? and suppose farther,
that, by the merest mischance, he should suffer a train of powder
to follow his footsteps, as he crawls from one apartment to the
other; and suppose again, that, while Laudonniere sleeps, some
careless person should suffer a coal of fire to rest, only for a moment,
upon the train in the bath-house. By my life, I think such
an accident would spare us the necessity of attempting the life of
our beloved captain. It would be a sort of providential interposition.”

“Say no more! It shall be done!” said Le Genré. “I will
do it!”

“Ay, should the other measure fail; but I am for trying the
poison first;” said Fourneaux, “for such an explosion would send
a few fragments of timber about other ears than those of the captain.
He takes his coffee at sunrise. Can we not drug it?”

“Let that be my task;” said old Bon Pre, who had hitherto
taken little part in this conference.

“You are the very man,” said Fourneaux. “He takes his
coffee from your hands. La Roquette will provide the poison.”

“When shall this be done?” demanded Le Genré. “We can
do nothing to-night. It will require time to-morrow to prepare
the train.”

“Ay, that is your part; but may not Bon Pre do his to-morrow?
and should he fail—”

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“Why should he fail?” demanded La Roquette. “Let him
but dress his coffee with my spices, and he cannot fail.”

“Yes,” replied Bon Pre, “but it is not always that Laudonniere
drinks his coffee. If he happens to be asleep when I bring
it, I do not wake him, but put it on the table by his bedside, and,
very frequently, if it is cold when he wakes, he leaves it untasted.”

“Umph! but at all events, there is the other accident. That
can be made to take effect at mid-night to-morrow—eh! what
say you, Le Genré?”

“Without fail! It is sworn!”

Their plans being adjusted, the meeting was dissolved, and the
parties separately dispersed, each to make his way back, as he
best might, so as to avoid suspicion or detection, to Fort Caroline.
They had scarcely disappeared when Alphonse D'Erlach emerged
from the hollow of a cypress which stood upon the edge of the
knoll where their conference had taken place.

CHAPTER III.

Alphonse D'Erlach was one of those remarkable persons
who seem, in periods of great excitement, to be entirely superior
to its influence. He appeared to be entirely without emotions.
Though a mere youth, not yet firm in physical manhood, he was,
in morals, endowed with a strength, a hardihood and maturity,
which do not often fall to the lot of middle age. In times of
difficulty, he possessed a coolness which enabled him to contemplate
deliberately the approach of danger, and he was utterly

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beyond surprises. His conference with old Bon Pre, when they
met again that night was remarkably illustrative of these characteristics.

“What shall we do?” demanded the old man.

“Your part is easily done,” was the reply—“you are simply
to do nothing—to forbear doing. I understand your purpose in
volunteering to do the poisoning. I will see Laudonniere in an
hour. You will prepare the coffee—nay, let Fourneaux, or that
fool of a magician himself, introduce the poison. Laudonniere
will sleep, you understand.”

“But, Le Genré—the gunpowder!”

“I will see to that.”

“What will you do?”

“Nay, time must find the answer. I am not resolved; but, at
all events, for the present, Laudonniere must know nothing. He
must remain in ignorance.”

“Why?”

“For the best reason in the world. Did he guess what we
know, he would be for arming himself and all around him—creating
a confusion under the name of law—attempting arrests, and
so proceeding as to give opportunities to the conspirators to do
that boldly, which they are now content to do basely. I think we
shall thwart them with their own weapons. Let us separate now.
I will see Laudonniere but a few moments before I sleep.”

Can you sleep to-night? I cannot! I shall hardly be able
to sleep till the affair is over. I do not think, honestly speaking,
that I have slept a good hour for the last week. I am certainly
not conscious of having done so.”

“Nature provides for all such cases. For my part I never
want sleep—I always have it. I can sleep in a storm and enjoy

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it just as well. The uproar of winds and seas never troubles me.
If it does, it is only to lull me into sleep again. I am a philosopher
without knowing it, and by accident. But come—we must
part.”

The chamber of D'Erlach was in the same building with that
of Laudonniere. They slept in adjoining apartments. D'Erlach
purposely made some noise in approaching his, and Laudonniere
cried out,

“Who is there?—Alphonse?”

“The same, sir.”

“Come in—where have you been at this hour; is it not very
late?”

“Almost time for waking—an hour probably from dawn, though
I know not exactly. But, suffer me to extinguish this light. We
can talk as well in the dark.”

“What have you to say?” demanded Laudonniere, half rising
at this preliminary.

“I have been getting some new lessons in chess from old Marchand.”

“Ah! what new lesson?” asked Laudonniere, whose passion
for the game had prompted D'Erlach with the suggestion he made
use of.

“Marchand, sir, is a most wonderful player. I have seen a
great many persons skilled at the game, not to speak of yourself,
and I am sure there is no one who can stand him. He absolutely
laughs at my opposition. I wish you could play with him, sir.”

“I should like it, Alphonse,” replied the other, “but you
know my position. This man, Marchand, is a turbulent person;
scarcely respectful to me, and, if there be, as you think, a conspiracy
on foot against me, he is at the head of it, be sure.”

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“Not so;” said the other, quietly, but decisively; “not so.
His bluntness is that of an honest man. His turbulence is that
of self-esteem. He is above a base action, and, secure in his own
character, he defies the scrutiny of superiority. I think you mistake
him; at all events it is necessary that you should know him
in chess. I am anxious to see you and him in conflict; and, if
you will permit me, he shall bring his own men—for he will play
with no other—he has his notions on the point—here, to-morrow
night, when you will discover that he is not only a great player
but a good fellow.”

“You are a singular person, Alphonse;” said Laudonniere,
smiling. “What should put chess into your head at such a time,
particularly when you say there is such danger?”

“The man who can play chess when danger threatens is the
very man to discover it; and the conspirator is never more likely
to become resolved in his purpose than when he finds his destined
victim in a state of anxiety. I should rather my enemy see me
at chess—provided I can see him—than that he should find me
putting my arms in readiness. They may be conveniently under
the table, while the chess-board is upon it; and while I am moving
my pawn with one hand, I can prepare my pistol with the other.
But, sir, with your further permission, I will bring Challus and
Le Moyne to see the match. They are both passionately fond of
the game, and Le Moyne plays well, though nothing to compare
either with yourself or Marchand.”

“By the way, Alphonse, how is Le Moyne getting on with his
pictures? It certainly was a strange idea of the Admiral, that of
sending out, with such an expedition, painters of pictures and such
persons. I can see the use of a mineralogist and botanist, but—
these painters!'

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“Le Moyne has made some very lovely pictures of the country.
His landscapes are to the life, and he has that rare knowledge of
the painter, which enables him to choose his point of view happily,
and tells him how much to take in, and how much to leave out.
The Admiral will be able to form a better idea of the country from
the pictures of Le Moyne, than he will from the pebbles of Delille
or the dried flowers and leaves of Serrier. Le Moyne shows him
the rivers and the trees, the valleys and the hills; and, if his pictures
get safely to France, the people there will envy us the paradise
here which we are so little able to enjoy.”

Laudonniere heard the youth with half-shut eyes, and the dialogue
languished on the part of the former; but D'Erlach seemed
resolute to keep him wakeful, and suggested continually new provocatives
to conversation, until his superior, absolutely worn out
with exhaustion, bade him go to sleep himself or suffer him to do
so. Alphonse smiled, and left the room perfectly satisfied, as he
beheld the faint streakings of daylight gliding through the interstices
between the logs of which the building was composed. In
less than an hour, hearing a sound as of one entering, he hastily
went out of his chamber, for he had neither undressed himself nor
slept, and met Bon Pre, with the salver of coffee, about to go into
the chamber of Laudonniere.

“Well, is it spiced? Has La Roquette furnished the drug?”

“His own hands put it in.”

“Very well; let us in together. Laudonniere is not likely to
awaken soon, and I will remain with him 'till he does. If the
coffee cools, and he offers not to drink, well. I will say nothing
It is best that he should know nothing 'till all's over.

“But the rest!” said Bon Pre, in a whisper.

“We must manage that, also, quite as well as this.”

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“If you should want help?”

“We must find it. But the thing must go forward to the end.
Remember that! This scoundrel must be suffered to burn his
fingers.”

“Can you contrive it—you, alone?

“I think so; but, Bon Pre, you are here, and Challus, and
Le Moyne, and Beauvais and Marchand, and, perhaps, one or two
more—true men upon whom we can rely—and these, mark me,
must be in readiness. Of this you shall learn hereafter.”

They entered the chamber of Laudonniere. He still slept.
Bon Pre placed the vessel of coffee beside him and disappeared.
D'Erlach seated himself at a little distance from the couch.
When Laudonniere wakened the liquor was cold. He laid it down
again.

“What! you here, Alphonse; but you have been to bed?”

“I do not sleep as soundly as you. I left my chamber as old
Bon Pre brought your coffee, and entered with him. You do not
drink?”

“The coffee is cold.”

“It spoils your breakfast, too, I imagine. You do not eat
heartily at breakfast.”

“No; dinner is my meal. But, Alphonse—did I dream, or
did we not have some conversation about Marchand and chessplaying
last night?”

“We did! This morning rather.”

“Is he the great player you describe him?”

“He is. I can think of none better.”

“Well—saucy as he is, I must meet him.”

“You permitted me to arrange for it, to-night. I had your consent
to bring some amateurs.”

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“Yes, I do recollect something of it—Le Moyne and—”

“Challus.”

“Very well—let them come; but they must be patient. If
Marchand is such a player, I must be cool and cautious. I must
beat him.”

“You will, but you will work for it. Marchand will keep you
busy. And now, sir, there is another matter which I beg leave to
bring to your remembrance. You remember the cypress canoe
that lies upon the river banks, three miles or more above. It was
claimed by the old chief Satouriova. We shall want it here for various,
and, perhaps, important uses, when the ship sails. She will
take most of your boats with her. Let me recommend that you
send a detachment for this boat to-day. It should be an armed
detachment, for the old chief is most certainly our enemy, and may
be in the neighborhood. I would send Lieutenant Le Genré, as
he lacks employment. I would give him his choice of six or eight
companions, as, if he does not choose his own men, he might be
apt to tyrannize over those who are friendly to you. Perhaps it
would be better to give your orders early, that he should start at
noon, as, at mid-day, the tide will serve for bringing the boat up
without toil.”

“Why, Alphonse, you are very nice in your details. But, you
are right, and the arrangement is a good one.”

“The sooner Le Genré receives his orders the more time for
preparations;” said the youth indifferently.

“He shall have them as soon as I go below.”

By this time Laudonniere was dressed and they descended the
court together.

“Has he drunk,” asked Le Genré anxiously, with Forneaux and
La Roquette on each side, as they beheld Bon Pre descending

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from the chamber of Laudonniere with the vessel in his hand.
The old man raised the silver lid of the coffee-pot, and showed the
contents.

“Diable!” was the half-suppressed exclamation of La Roquette.

“Enough, comrade!” said Le Genré, in a whisper—“it remains
for me.”

They separated, and entered, from different points, the area
where Laudonniere stood.

“Lieutenant;” said the latter, as Le Genré appeared in sight—
“Take six men at noon and go up to the bluff of the old chief
Satouriova and bring away the cypress canoe of which we took possession
some time since. Launch her and bring her up. The tide
will serve at that hour. Let your men be armed to the teeth, and
keep on your guard, for you may meet the old savage on your
way.

Le Genré touched his hat and retired.

“It is well, said he to Fourneaux, whom he had chosen as one
of his companions, “that the commission did not send me off at
once. I must make my preparation quickly and before I go.”

Unseen and unsuspected, Alphonse D'Erlach was conscious all
the while that the enemy was busy. But Laudonniere saw nothing
to suspect, either in his countenance, or in the proceedings of the
conspirator. At noon, Le Genré commenced his march, the only
toils of which were over, when once the canoe was in their possession.
The vessel was amply large to carry twenty soldiers as well
as six, and the tide alone would bring them to the fortress in an
hour or two.

The labors of Alphonse began as soon as Le Genré had disappeared
with his party. The six men whom he had taken with

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him, were his confederates. The object of the youth was to operate
in security, free from their surveillance. Still, his proceedings
were conducted with great caution. Laudonniere neither
suspected his industry nor its object. Arms and ammunition
were accumulated in his chamber. Beauvais, and one or two
brave and trusty friends, were placed there without the privity of
any one, and the chess-party, including Marchand, Le Moyne and
Challus, were properly apprized of the arrangements for the game
between the former and Laudonniere. They were all amateurs,
and there was good wine to be had on such occasions. They did
not refuse. Alphonse took pains to noise about the expected
meeting, and its object, and showed his own interest by betting
freely upon his captain. He soon found those who were willing
to risk their gold upon Marchand; and the lively Frenchmen of
La Caroline, were very soon all agog for the approaching contest.
But the labors of the youth did not cease here. He explored the
cellar of the building in which he and Laudonniere slept, and
there, as he expected, the arrangements had been already made
for sending the Chief and himself by the shortest possible road
to heaven. A keg of powder had been wedged in beneath the
beams, with a train, following which, on hands and knees, Alphonse
was conducted under the old bath-house, till he found
himself beneath that of Le Genré. He did not disturb the train.
He simply withdrew the keg of powder, carefully putting back, in
the manner he found them, the old boxes and piles of wood, with
which the incendiary had wedged it between the beams. This
done, he rolled the keg before him over the path, by which it had
evidently come, beneath the bath-house, and to that of Le Genré.
Here he left it, still connected with the train of powder, but
rather less distant from the match than Le Genré had ever

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contemplated. Perhaps, he sprinkled the train anew with fresh
powder—it is certain that he went away secure and satisfied, long
before Le Genré returned from his expedition, with the canoe of
Satouriova.

CHAPTER IV.

At the hour appointed that night, for the contest between the
chess players, Marchand, accompanied by Le Moyne and Challus,
made his appearance in the apartments of René Laudonniere.
Those of Alphonse D'Erlach were already occupied by four or
five trusty fellows; and the arms which filled the apartment were
ample for the defence of the party, while in the building, against
any number assailing from without. The foresight of Alphonse
had made all the necessary preparations, to encounter any foe,
who might, after the explosion, attempt to carry their object in a
bold way. He had no fear of this, but his habitual forethought
led to the precautions. Meanwhile, of the designs against him
and of the means taken for his safety, Laudonniere had not the
slightest suspicion. His thoughts were occupied with one danger
only—that of being beaten by Marchand. He valued himself
upon his play—was one of those persons who never suffer themselves
to be beaten when they can possibly help it—even by a
lady. If our captain made any preparations, that day, it was for
the supper that night, and the contest which was to follow it.
His instruction, on the first matter, given to his cook, he retired
to his chamber and exercised himself throughout the day in a
series of studies in the game—planning new combinations to be

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brought into play, if possible, in the contest which was to follow.
His welcome to Marchand declared the opinion which he himself
entertained of his studies.

“I shall beat you, Marchand.”

“You can't—you shan't,” was the ready answer; “you're
not my match, captain.”

This answer piqued Laudonniere.

“We shall see—we shall see; not your match! Well! we
shall see.”

We need not waste time upon the preliminaries of the contest.
Enough that, about ten o'clock at night, we find the rival players
placed at the table; the opposing pieces arrayed in proper order
of battle, with Le Moyne and Challus, looking on with faces filled
with expectation and curiosity. The face of Alphonse D'Erlach
might also be perceptible, in a momentary glance over the
shoulders of one or other of the parties; but his movements were
capricious, and, passing frequently between his own and the chamber
of Laudonniere, he only looked at intervals upon the progress
of the game. Unhappily, the details of this great match, the
several moves, and the final position of the remaining pieces, at
the end of the contest, have not been preserved to us, though it is
not improbable that the painter Le Moyne, as well as Challus,
took notes of it. Enough, that Laudonniere put forth all his skill,
exercised all his caution, played as slowly and heedfully as possible,
and was—but we anticipate. Marchand, on the contrary,
seemed never more indifferent. He scarcely seemed to look at
the board—played promptly, even rapidly, and wore one of those
cool, almost contemptuous, countenances which seemed to say,
“I know myself and my enemy, and feel sure that I have no
cause of fear.” That his opinions were of this character is

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beyond all question; but, though his countenance expressed as
much, Laudonniere reassured himself with the reflection that Marchand
was well understood to be one of those fortunate persons
who know admirably how to disguise their real emotions, however
deeply they may be excited or anxious. Laudonniere's self-esteem
was not deficient, in the absence of better virtues. He had
his vanity at chess, and the game was so played, that the issue
continued doubtful, except possibly to one of the spectators,
almost to the last moment. Leaving the parties at the board,
silent and studious, let us turn to the counsels of the conspirators,
whom we must not suppose to be idle all this time.

They had assembled—half a dozen of them at least—and were
in close conference at the quarters of La Roquette, at the opposite
extremity of the fortress. They were all excited to the highest
pitch of expectation. The hour was drawing nigh for the attempt,
and all eyes were turned upon Le Genré.

“It is half past eleven,” he exclaimed, “and the thing is to be
done. But what is to be done, if those men whom we hold doubtful
should take courage, and, in the moment of uproar take arms
against us? We have made no preparations for this event.
Now, this firing the train from my lodgings is but the work of a
boy. It may be done by any body. It is more fitting that, with
six or eight select men, well armed, I should be in reserve, ready
to encounter resistance should there be any after the explosion.”

Villemain, a youth of twenty-two, a dark, sinister-looking person,
slight and short, promptly volunteered to fire the train. His offer
was at once accepted.

“It is half-past eleven, you say? I will go at once,” said Villemain.

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“We will go with you,” cried La Roquette and Stephen Le
Genevois in the same breath.

“No! no! not so!” said Le Genré. “You have each duties to
perform. You must scatter yourselves as much as possible, so as to
increase the alarm at the proper moment. There will be little
danger, I grant you, with Laudonniere, and that imp of the devil,
D'Erlach, out of the way; but it must be prepared for. Once
show the rest that these are done for, and we shall do as we think
proper.”

“What a fortunate thing for us is this game of chess. It disposes
of the only persons we could not so easily have managed;”
said Fourneaux. “Boxes them up, as one may say, so that they
only need a mark upon them to be ready for shipment.”

“And yet, somehow, I could wish,” said Le Genevois, “that
Marchand were not among them. I like that fellow. He is so
bold, so blunt, and plays his game just as if it were his religion.”

“I could wish to save the painter, if any,” remarked La Roquette;
“but at all events, we shall inherit his pictures.”

“Bah! let the devil take him and them together! Why bother
about such stuff; what's his pictures of the country to us,
when the country itself is our own, to keep or to quit just as it
pleases us? We are wasting time. Where's Villemain?”

“Here—ready!”

“Depart, then,” said Le Genré; “the sooner you light the
match after you reach my quarters, the better. We shall be ready
for the blast.”

“He is gone!” said Fourneaux.

“Let us follow, and each to his task;” cried Le Genré. “Each
of you take care of the flying timbers; find you covers as you

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may. My men are mustered behind the old granary. Adieu, my
friends
,—the time has come!”

With these words, the company dispersed, each seeking his
several position and duty. Let us adjourn our progress to the chamber
of Laudonniere, where that meditative gamester still sits deliberate,
with knotted brow, watching the movements of Marchand.

CHAPTER V.

The game was still unfinished. The repeater of Alphonse
D'Erlach was in his hand, as he entered from his own chamber,
and threw a hasty glance across the chess-board. There Laudonniere
sate, seeing nothing but the pieces before him. He
was in the brownest of studies. His thoughts were wholly with
the game, which had the power of contracting his forehead with a
more serious anxiety than possibly all the cares of his colony had
done. His opponent was the very personification of well-satisfied
indifference. He leaned back in his seat, smiling grimly, and
with a wink, now and then, to those who watched and waited upon
the movements of Laudonniere. Alphonse D'Erlach smiled also.
The slightest shade of anxiety might be observed upon his brow,
and his lips were more rigidly compressed than usual. He
leaned quietly towards the board, and remarked indifferently—

“I see you are nearly at the close of your game.”

“Indeed!” said Laudonniere, with some sharpness in his accents,—
“and pray Monsieur Alphonse, how do you see that?”

“You will finish by twelve,” was the reply. “I see that it now
lacks but a few minutes of that hour.”

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“Pshaw, Monsieur!” exclaimed Laudonniere—“you talk illogically,
you know nothing about it. Chess is one of those
games—”

And he proceeded to expatiate upon the latent resources of the
game, and how a good player might retrieve a bad situation in
the last perilous extremity, by a lucky diversion.

“But there is no such extremity now,” he continued to say,
“and it is not improbable that we shall keep up the struggle till
morning. The game cannot finish under an hour, let him do his
best, even if he conquers in the end, which is very far from certain,
though I confess he has some advantages.”

“We shall see,” was the reply, as Alphonse left the room, and
returned in a few moments after. It was not observed by the
parties, so intent were they on the game, that he now made his
appearance in complete armor, nor did they hear the bustle in
the adjoining apartment. Alphonse still held his watch in his
grasp.

“The game is nearly finished. According to my notion, you
have but two minutes for it.”

“Two! how!” said Laudonniere, not lifting his head.

“But one!”

“There!” said Laudonniere, making the move that Marchand
had anticipated. Marchand bent forward with extended finger
to the white queen, when a shade of uneasiness might be traced
by a nice observer in the countenance of D'Erlach. His lips
were suddenly and closely compressed. The hand of the timepiece
was upon the fatal minute. On a sudden, a hissing sound
was heard, and, in the next instant, the house reeled and quivered
as if torn from its foundation. A deep roar followed, as if the

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thunderbolt had just broke at their feet, and the whole was succeeded
by a deafening ringing sound in all their ears.

“Jesus—mercy!” exclaimed Laudonniere—“The magazine!”

“Checkmate!” cried Marchand, as he set down the white
queen in the final position which secured the game.

“Ay! it is checkmate to more games than one! Gentlemen,
to arms, and follow me!” exclaimed Alphonse. “We are safe
now!”

CHAPTER VI.

They rushed out, and were immediately joined by the select
party from the chamber of D'Erlach, all armed to the teeth.
Another party, under Bon Pre, of which none knew but the same
person, encountered them when they emerged into the Place
D'Armes
. Alphonse led the way with confidence, and, while all
was uproar and confusion below—while men were seen scattered
throughout the area, uncertain where to turn, the sharp, stern voice
of command was heard in their midst, in tones that forbade the idea
of surprise. The drums rolled. The faithful were soon brought
together, and presented such an orderly and strong array, that
conspiracy would have been confounded by their appearance, even
was there nothing else in the event to palsy their enterprise. But
their engine had exploded in their own house. The dwelling of
Laudonniere was only shaken by the explosion. It was that of
Le Genré which was overthrown, and was now in flames. Its
blazing timbers were soon seattered, and the flames extinguished,
when the body of the conspirator was drawn forth, blackened and

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mangled, from the place where he had met his death; still grasping
between his fingers the fragment of match with which he had
lighted the train to his own destruction. The conspirators, in an
instant, felt all their feebleness. Already were the trusted soldiers
of Laudonniere approaching them. Baffled in the scheme from
which they had promised themselves so much, and apprehending
worse dangers, they lost all confidence in themselves and one
another; and Le Genré, apprehending everything, seizing the
moment of greatest confusion, leaped the walls of the fortress, and
succeeded in escaping to the woods. The other leading conspirators,
Le Genevois, La Fourneaux, and La Roquette, at first
determined not to fly, not yet dreaming that they were the objects
of suspicion; but when they beheld Bon Pre, late one of their
associates, marshalling one of the squads of Laudonniere, they at
once conjectured the mode and the extent of the discovery.
They saw that they had been betrayed, and soon followed the
example of Le Genré. In regard to the inferior persons concerned
in the conspiracy, D'Erlach said nothing to Laudonniere,
and counselled Bon Pre to silence also. He was better pleased
that they should wholly escape than that the colony should lose
their services, and easily persuaded himself that in driving Le
Genré and his three associates from the field, he had effectually
paralyzed the spirit of faction within the fortress. He had made
one mistake, however, but for which he might not have been so
easily content. Not anticipating the change in the plan of the
conspirators, by which it had been confided to Villemain to fire
the train instead of Le Genré, he had naturally come to the
conclusion that the only victim was the chief conspirator. He
was soon undeceived, and his chagrin and disappointment were
great accordingly.

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“Whose carcass is this?” demanded Laudonniere, as they
threw out the mangled remains of the incendiary from the scene
of ruin.

“That of your lieutenant, Le Genré,” was the answer of
D'Erlach, given without looking at the object.

“Not so!” was the immediate reply of more than one of the
persons present. “This is quite too slight and short a person
for Le Genré.”

“Who can it be, then?” said D'Erlach, looking closely at the
body, which was torn and blackened almost beyond identification.
The face of the corpse was washed, and with some difficulty it was
recognized as that of Philip Villemain, a thoughtless youth, whom
levity rather than evil nature had thrown into the meshes of
conspiracy.

“But what does it all mean, Alphonse?” demanded the bewildered
Laudonniere, not yet recovered from his astonishment and
alarm.

“Treason! as I told you!” was the reply. “There lies one
of the traitors—the poor tool of a cunning which escapes. I had
looked to make his principal perish by his own petard. But we
must look to this hereafter. We must stir the woods to-morrow.
They will shelter the arch traitor for a season only. Enough
now, captain, that we are safe. Let us in to our fish. Those
trout were of the finest, and I somehow have a monstrous appetite
for supper.”

-- --

p373-181 XIII. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

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The policy of Laudonniere, influenced by the judgment of
Alphonse D'Erlach suffered the proceedings of the conspiracy to
pass without farther scrutiny. His chief care was to provide
against future attempts of the same character. He had been for
some time past engaged, among other labors, in putting the
fortress in the best possible order, and he now strenously addressed
all his efforts to the completion of this work. A portion
of his force was employed in sawing plank, and getting out timber;
others were engaged in making brick for buildings, at or near
an Indian village called Saravahi, which stood about a league and
a half from the fort, upon an arm of the same river; others were
employed in gathering food, and still other parties in exploring
the Indian settlements for traffic. Le Genré, meanwhile, wrote
to Laudonniere, in repentant language, from the neighboring
forests. He had taken shelter among the red-men,—probably of
the tribes of Satouriova, at present the enemy of the Frenchmen.
He admitted that he deserved death, but declared his sorrow for
his crime and entreated mercy. But his professions did not
soothe or deceive his superior. About this time, a vessel with
supplies arrived from France which enabled Laudonniere to send

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despatches home, containing a full narrative of the events which
had passed. It was the misfortune of the garrison to have received
an addition by the arrival of this vessel. Six or seven of
the most refractory of the soldiers of the garrison were put on
board ship, and others left in their place with our captain.
These proved in the end, quite as mischievous as those which he
had dismissed. They leagued with the old discontents of the
colony. They stole the barks and boats of the garrison, ran
away to sea, and became picaroons, seizing, among others, upon
a Spanish vessel of the Island of Cuba, from which they gathered
a quantity of gold and silver. Laudonniere proceeded to build
other boats; which were seized when finished by the leaders of a
new conspiracy, among whom were La Fourneaux, Stephen le
Genevois, and others who were distinguished in this manner before.
They finally seized Laudonniere in person, and extorted
from him a privateer's commission. Then, compelling him to
yield up artillery, guns, and the usual munitions of war, together
with Trenchant, his most faithful pilot, they hurried away to sea
under the command of one of his sergeants, Bertrand Conferrant,
while La Croix became their ensign. Thus was the commandant
of La Caroline stripped of every vessel of whatever sort, his stores
plundered, and his garrison greatly lessened by desertions, while
select detachments of his men, under favorite lieutenants, were
engaged in new explorations among the red-men of the country.
Our detailed narrative of these proceedings will employ the following
chapters.

-- --

p373-183 XIV. THE SEDITION AT LA CAROLINE.

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There was bustle of no common sort in the fortress of La Caroline.
The breezes of September had purged and relieved of its
evil influences the stagnant atmosphere of summer. The sick of
the garrison had crawled forth beneath the pleasant shadows of
the palms, that grew between the fortress and the river banks,
and there were signs of life and animation in the scene and among
its occupants, which testified to the favorable change which healthier
breezes and more encouraging moral influences, were about
to produce among the sluggish inhabitants of our little colony.
There were particular occasions for movement apart from the
cheering aspects of the season. Enterprise was afoot with all its
eagerness and hope. Men were to be seen, in armor, hurrying to
and fro, busy in the work of preparation, while Monsieur Laudonniere
himself, just recovered from a severe illness, conspicuous in
the scene, appeared to have cast aside no small portion of his
wonted apathy and inactivity. He was in the full enjoyment of his
authority. He had baffled the disease which preyed upon him, and
had defeated the conspiracy by which his life and power had been

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threatened. He was now disposed to think lightly of the dangers
he had passed, though his having passed them, in safety, had
tended greatly to encourage his hope and to stimulate his adventure.
He now stood, in full uniform, at the great gate of the
fortress, reading at intervals from a paper in his grasp, while extending
his orders to his lieutenants. He was evidently preparing
to make considerable use of his authority. It is, perhaps, permitted
to a Gascon to do so, at all seasons, even when he owes his security
to better wits than his own, and has achieved his successes
in his own despite. Our worthy captain of the Huguenot garrison
upon the river of May, was not the less disposed to insist upon
his authority, because it had been saved to him without his own
participation. It might have been difficult, under any circumstances,
to persuade him of that, and certainly, the conviction,
even if he had entertained it, would, at this juncture, have done
nothing to dissipate or lessen the confident hope which prompted
his present purposes. The present was no ordinary occasion. It
was as an ally of sovereigns that Laudonniere was extending his
orders. He had, already, on several occasions, permitted his lieutenants
to take part in the warfare between the domestic chieftains,
and he was now preparing to engage in a contest which threatened
to be of more than common magnitude and duration. A warfare
that seldom knew remission had been long waged between the rival
warriors, whose several dominions embraced the western line of the
great Apalachian chain. Already had the Huguenots fought on
the side of the great potentate Olata Utina, commonly called
Utina, against another formidable prince called Potanou. He
was now preparing to second with arms the ambition of Kings Hostaqua
and Onathaqua, who were preparing for the utter annihilation
of the power of the formidable Potanou. Of the two former

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kings, such had been the account brought to Laudonniere, that he
at first imagined them to be Spaniards. They were described as
going to battle in complete armor, with their breasts, arms and
thighs covered with plates of gold, and with a helmet or headpiece
of the same metal. Their armor defied the arrows of the
savages, and proved the possession of a degree of civilization
very far superior to anything in the experience or customs of the
red-men. Subsequently it was ascertained that they were Indians
like the rest. differing from the rest, however, in this other remarkable
trait, that, while all the other tribes painted their faces red,
these warriors of Hostaqua and Onathaqua employed black only to
increase the formidable appearance which they made in battle.
The golden armor used by this people, and the excess of the
precious metals which this habit implied, were sufficient inducements
for our Huguenot leader to attempt his present enterprise.
It had furnished the argument of the conspirators against him,
that he done so little towards the discovery of the precious metals;
having provoked that cupidity, which his necessities alone compelled
him to refuse to gratify. His error, at the present moment
was, in employing other than the discontents of his colony in making
the discovery. But of this hereafter.

Laudonniere had not been wholly neglectful, even while he
seemed to sleep upon his arms, of the reported treasures of the
country. He had sent two of his men, La Roche Ferrière a
clever young ensign, and another, to dwell in the dominions of
King Utina, and these two had been absent all the summer, engaged
in rambling about the country. Others, as we have seen,
were sent in other directions. Lieutenant Achille D'Erlach, the
brother of the favorite Alphonse, had been absent in this way,
during all the period when Laudonniere was threatened by

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conspiracy; and it was now decreed that, even while his brother
continued absent, Alphonse should depart also. The eagerness
of Laudonniere would admit of no delay. His curiosity had just
received a new impulse from a present which had been sent him
by Hostaqua, consisting of a “Luzerne's skinne full of arrows, a
couple of bowes, foure or five skinnes painted after their manner,
and a chaine of silver weighing about a pounde weight.” These
came with overtures of friendship and alliance, which the Huguenot
chief did not deem it polite to disregard. He sent to the
savage king, “two whole sutes of apparell, with certain cutting
hookes or hatchets,” and prepared to follow up his gifts, by sending
a small detachment of picked soldiers, under Alphonse d'Erlach,
still more thoroughly to fathom the secrets of the country,
but ostensibly to unite with Hostaqua and his ally against the
potent savage Potanou, who was described as a man of boundless
treasures, also.

The bearer of these presents from Hostaqua was an inferior
chieftain named Oolenoe. This cunning savage, of whom we
shall know more hereafter, did not fail to perceive that the ruling
passion of our Huguenots was gold. It was only, therefore, to
mumble-the-precious word in imperfect Gallic—to extend his
hand vaguely in the direction of the Apalachian summits, and
cry “gold—gold!” and the adroit orator of the Lower Cherokees,
on behalf of his tribe or nation, readily commanded the
attention of his gluttonous auditors. His auguments and entreaties
proved irresistible, and the present earnestness of Laudonniere,
at La Caroline, was in preparing for this expedition.
To conquer Potanou, and to obtain from Hostaqua the clues to
the precious region where the gold was reputed to grow, with almost
a vegetable nature, was the motive for arming his

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European warriors. It was also his policy, borrowed from that of the
Spaniards, to set the native tribes upon one another;—a fatal
policy in the end, since they must invariably, having first destroyed
the inferior, turn upon the superior, through the irresistible
force of habit. But, even with the former object, we do not perceive
that there was any necessity to take any undue pains in its
attainment. Tribes that live by hunting only, must unavoidably
come into constant collision. No doubt the natural tendency of
the savage might be stimulated and made more inveterate and
active, by European arts; and Laudonniere, however Huguenot,
was too little the Christian to forbear them. With this policy he
proposed to justify himself to those who were averse to the present
enterprise. One of these was his favorite, Alphonse D'Erlach,
the youth to whom he owed his life. This young man, on
the present occasion, approached him where he stood, eager and
excited with the business of draughting the proper officers and
men for the present hopeful expedition. At a little distance,
stood the stern old savage, Oolenoe, grimly looking on with a satisfaction
at his heart, which was not suffered to appear on his
immovable features. The artist of the statuesque might have
found in his attitude and appearance, an admirable model.
While his eye caught and noted every look and movement, and
his ear every known and unknown sound and accent, the calm
unvarying expression of his glance and muscles was that of the
most perfect and cool indifference. They only did not sleep.
He leaned against a sapling that stood some twenty paces removed
from the entrance of the fort, a loose cotton tunic about his loins,
and his bow and quiver suspended from his shoulders, in a richlystained
and shell-woven belt, the ground work of which was cotton
also. A knife, the gift of Laudonniere, was the only other

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weapon which he bore; but this was one of those very precious
acquisitions which the Indian had already purposed to bury with
him.

As Alphonse D'Erlach approached his commander, a close observer
might have seen in the eyes of Oolenoe, an increased brilliancy
of expression. The sentiment which it conveyed was not
that of love. It is with quick, intelligent natures to comprehend,
as by an instinct of their own, in what quarter to find sympathies,
and whence their antipathies are to follow. Oolenoe had soon
discovered that D'Erlach was not friendly to his objects. With
this conviction there arose another feeling, that of contempt, with
which the extreme youth, and general effeminacy of the young
man's appearance, had inspired him. He did not seem the warrior,—
and the Indian is not apt to esteem the person of whose
conduct in battle he has doubts. Besides, the costume of D'Erlach
was that of dandyism; and, though the North American
savage was no humble proficient in the arts of the toilet, yet
these are never ventured upon until the reputation of the hunter
and warrior have been acquired. Of the abilities of D'Erlach,
in these respects, Oolenoe had no knowledge; and his doubts,
therefore, and disrespects, were the natural result of his conviction
that the youth was suspicious of, and hostile to, himself. Of
these feelings, D'Erlach knew nothing, and perhaps cared as little.
His features, as he drew nigh to Laudonniere, were marked
with more gravity and earnestness than they usually expressed;
and, touching the wrist of his commander, as he approached him,
he beckoned him somewhat farther from his followers:

“It is not too late,” said he, “to escape this arrangement.”

“And why seek to escape it, Alphonse?” replied the other,
with something like impatience in his tones.

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“For the best of reasons. You can have no faith in this savage.
If there be this abundance of gold in the country, why
brings he so little. Where are his proofs? But this is not all.
But lately our enemy, jealous of our presence, and only respectful
because of his fears, we can have no confidence in him, as an
ally. He will lead the men whom you give him, into ambuscade—
into remote lands, where provision will be found with difficulty,—
require to be fought for at every step, and where the best valor
in the world, and the best conduct will be unavailing for their extrication.”

“To prevent this danger, Alphonse, you shall have command
of the detachment,” said Laudonniere, with a dry accent, and a
satirical glance of the eye.

“I thank you, sir, for this proof of confidence,” replied the
other, no ways disquieted, “and shall do my best to avoid or
prevent the evils that I apprehend from it; but—”

“I have every confidence in your ability to do so, Alphonse,”
said the other, interrupting him in a tone which still betrayed the
annoyance which he felt from the expostulations of his favorite.
The latter proceeded, after a slight but respectful inclination of
the head.

“But there is another consideration of still greater importance.
Your security in La Caroline is still a matter of uncertainty. You
know not the extent of the late conspiracy. You know not who
are sound, and who doubtful, among your men. Le Genré,
Fourneaux, Le Genevois, and La Roquette, are still in the woods.
You are weakening yourself, lessening the resources of the fortress,
and may, at any moment—”

“Pshaw!” exclaimed Laudonniere, with renewed impatience.
“You are only too suspicious, Alphonse. You make too much

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of this conspiracy. It does not seem to me that it was ever so
dangerous. At all events, the danger is over, the ringleaders
banished and in the woods, and will rot there, if the wolves do
not devour them. They, at least, shall not be made wolves of
for me.”

D'Erlach bowed in silence. His mouth was sealed against all
further expostulation. He saw that it was hopeless—that his
captain had got a fixed idea, and men of few ideas, making one
of them a favorite, are generally as immovable as death. Besides,
Alphonse saw that the obligations which he had so lately conferred
upon his commander, in baffling the conspiracy of Le Genré, by
his vigilance, had somewhat wounded his amour propre. It is a
misfortune, sometimes, to have been too useful. The consciousness
of a benefit received, is apt to be very burdensome to the
feeble nature. The quick instinct of Alphonse D'Erlach readily
perceived the condition of his captain's heart. A momentary
pause ensued. Lifting his cap, he again addressed him, but with
different suggestions.

“Am I to hope, sir, that you really design to honor me with
this command?”

“Certainly, if you wish it, Alphonse.”

“I certainly wish it, sir, if the expedition be resolved on.”

“It is resolved on,” said Laudonniere, with grave emphasis.

“I shall then feel myself honored with the command.”

“Be it yours, lieutenant. In one hour be ready to receive
your orders.”

“One minute, sir, will suffice for all personal preparation;”
and, with the formal customs of military etiquette, the two officers
bowed, as the younger of them withdrew to his quarters. In one

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hour, he was on the march with twenty men, accompanied by
Oolenoe and his dusky warriors.

CHAPTER II. —THE OUTLAWS.

The little battalion of Alphonse D'Erlach marched along the
edge of a wood which skirted a pleasantly rising ground—one of
those gentle undulations which serve to relieve the monotonous
levels of the lower regions of Florida. Deep was the umbrage—
dense in its depth of green, and dark in its voluminous foliage,
the thicket which overlooked their march. Their eyes might not
penetrate the enclosure, from which eyes of hate were yet looking
forth upon them. The wood concealed the outlaws who had
lately made their escape from La Caroline, after the exposure of
their conspiracy. They had not ceased to be conspirators. Bold,
bad men—sleepless discontents, yearning for plunder and power—
the defeat of their schemes, and the necessity of their sudden
flight from the scene of their operations, had not lessened the
bitterness of their feelings, nor their propensity to evil. Fierce
were the glances which they shot forth upon the small troop which
D'Erlach conducted before their eyes on his purposes of doubtful
policy. Little did he dream what eyes were looking upon him.
Could they have blasted with a glance or curse, he had been
transformed with all his followers where he passed. But the
three conspirators had no power for more than curses. These,
though “not loud, were deep.” With clenched fists extended
towards him on his progress, they devoted him to the wrath of a
power which they did not themselves possess; and, watching his

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course through the parted foliage, until he was fairly out of sight,
they delivered themselves, in muttered execrations, of the hate
with which his very sight had inspired them. Stephen Le Genevois
was the first to speak. He was a stalwart savage, of broad
chest, black beard, and most dauntless expression.

“Death of my soul!” was his exclamation; “but that we
have lost so much by the game, it were almost merry to laugh at
the way in which that brat of a boy has outwitted us. We have
been children in his hands.”

“He is now in ours,” said La Roquette, gloomily.

“Aye, if the Indian keeps his faith,” was the desponding
comment of Fourneaux.

“And why should he not keep faith,” said Le Genevois. “He
has good reason for it. When did the hope of plunder fail to
secure the savage?”

`You must give him blood with it,” responded Fourneaux.

“Aye, it must be seasoned. He must have blood,” echoed La
Roquette.

“Well, and why not? Do we not give him blood? will he
not have this imp of Satan in his power? may he not feed on him
if he will? Aye, and upon all his twenty!” exclaimed Le Genevois,
fiercely.

“True—but —”

“But, but, but—ever with your buts! You lack confidence,
courage, heart, Fourneaux—you despair too easily! I wonder
how you ever became a conspirator!”

“I sometimes wonder myself. Ask La Roquette, there. He
can tell you. I owe it all to his magic.”

“What says your magic now, Roquette—have you any signs
for us?”

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“Aye, good ones! We shall have what we desire. I have
seen—I have said! Be satisfied.” This was spoken with due
solemnity by the person in whom the credulity of his companions
had found sources of power unknown to their experience.

“But why not show us what you have seen? Speak plainly,
man. Out with it, and leave that mysterious shaking of the head,
which has really nothing in it.”

Such was the language of the more manly and impetuous Le
Genevois. It provoked only a fierce glance from the magician.

“All in good time,” said the latter. “Be patient. We shall
soon hear from Oolenoe.”

“Good! and you have seen that we shall be successful?”
demanded Fourneaux.

“We shall be successful.”

“That will depend upon ourselves, rather than upon your
visions, I'm thinking,” said Le Genevois. “We must have
courage, my friends. The signs are not good when we call for
signs. If we despond, we are undone.”

“Stay—hark!” said Fourneaux, interrupting him eagerly.
“I hear sounds.”

“The wind only.”

“No!—hist.”

They bent forward in the attitude of listeners, but heard
nothing. They had begun again to speak, when an Indian, covered
with leaves artfully glued upon his person, stood suddenly
among them. They started to their feet and graspel their
weapons.

Ami!” was the single word of the intruder, at he stretched
out his arms in signification of friendship.

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“Said I not?” demanded the magician, confidently. “This
is our man.”

His assurance was confirmed by the savage, who spoke the
French sufficiently to make himself understood. He came from
Oolenoe, and a few sentences sufficed to place both parties in
possession of their mutual plans. The outlaws were not without
friends in La Caroline. They were to find their way once more
into that fortress. They had no fears from the sagacity of Laudonniere,
during the absence of the youthful but vigilant D'Erlach;
and, for the latter, he was to be disposed of by Oolenoe. And
now the question arose, who should venture to “bell the cat?”
who should venture himself within the walls of La Caroline?

“Ah!” said one of the conspirators, “if we could only bring
Le Genré to his senses. He would be the man.”

“Speak nothing of him,” cried Le Genevois, quickly; “he
is no longer a man. He is a priest. That defeat has killed his
courage. He repents, and is constantly writing to Laudonniere
for mercy and pity, and all that sort of thing. He must not
know what we design.”

“Who has seen him lately?”

“I know not. He was crossed to the other side of the river
by Captain Bourdet in his boats. He crossed to seek refuge with
the people of Mollova.”

“He is not far, be sure. He will linger close to the fort, in
the hope to get back to it, and, finally, to France. He is not to
be thought of in this expedition.”

“Who then?” was the demand of Le Genevois. “Somebody
must muzzle the cannon. Who? Who will take the peril and
the glory of the enterprise, and in the character of an Indian will
put his head in the jaws of the danger?”

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The question remained unanswered. Fourneaux excused himself
on a variety of pleas, not one of which would be satisfactory
with a brave man. La Roquette declared that his magical powers
were always valueless when any restraint was set upon his person;
in other words, he could better perform his incantations
when the danger threatened everybody but himself. He certainly
would not think of risking them within La Caroline, while
Laudonniere was in power. Besides “he had no arts of imitation.
He had no abilities as an actor.” Stephen Le Genevois
smiled as he listened to their pleas and excuses.

“My friends!” he exclaimed. “Did you think that I would
suffer a good scheme to be spoiled by such as you? I but waited
that you should speak. This adventure is mine, and I claim it.
I will return to La Caroline. I will play the spy, and take the
danger. Mark ye, now, comrade!”—addressing the Indian,—
“prepare me for the business. Clothe me in copper, and make
me what you please. I have no beauty that you need fear to
spoil.”

Thus saying, he threw off, with an air of scornful recklessness,
the costume which he wore. Wild was the toilet, and wilder still
the guise of our buoyant Frenchman. In an open space within
the thicket, beneath a great moss-covered oak, which wore the
beard of three centuries upon his breast, the chief conspirator
yielded himself to the hands of the Indian. A keen knife shore
from his head the thick black hair with which it was covered. A
thin ridge alone was suffered to remain upon the coronal region, significant
of the war-lock of that tribe of Apalachia, to which
Oolenoe belonged. The small golden droplets which hung from
the Frenchman's ears, were made to give way to a more massive
ornament of shells, cunningly strung upon a hoop of copper wire.

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His body, stripped to the buff, was then stained with the brown
juices of a native plant, which, with other dye-stuffs, the Indian
produced from his wallet. His brow was then dyed with deeper
hues of red—his cheeks tinged with spots of the darkest crimson,
while a heavy circlet of black, about his eyes, gave to his countenance
the aspect of a demon rather than that of a man. This
done, the savage displayed a small pocket mirror before the eyes
of the metamorphosed outlaw. With an oath of no measured
emphasis, the Frenchman bounded to his feet, his eyes flashing
with a strange delight.

“It will do!” he shouted. “It likes me well! Were I now
in France, there would be no wonder beside myself. I should
stir the envy of the men—I should win the hearts of the women.
I should be the loveliest monster. Ho! Ho! Would that my
voice would suit my visage!”

A cotton tunic with which the Indian had provided himself,
was wrapped round the loins of our new-made savage, his feet
were cased with moceasins, and his legs with leggins made of
deerskin—a bow and quiver at his shoulder—a knife in his girdle—
a string of peäg or shells about his neck;—and his toilet was
complete. That very night, accompanied by his Indian comrade,
Stephen Le Genevois entered the walls of La Caroline, bearing
messages from Oolenoe and Alphonse D'Erlach—the latter
of which, we need scarcely say, were wholly fraudulent. The
credulous Laudonniere, delighted with assurances of success on
the part of his lieutenant, was not particularly heedful of the nature
of the evidence thus afforded him, and laid his head on an
easy pillow, around which danger hovered in almost visible forms,
while he, unconsciously, dreamed only of golden conquests, and
discoveries which were equally to result in fame and fortune.

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His guardian angel was withdrawn. His mortified vanity had
driven from his side the only person whose vigilance might have
saved him. His own unregulated will had yielded him, bound,
hand and foot, into the power of a relentless enemy.

CHAPTER III. —THE MIDNIGHT ARREST.

Sweet were the slumbers of Monsieur Laudonniere, commandant
of the fortress of La Caroline. Anxious was the wakening of
Stephen Le Genevois, the conspirator, who, in garbing himself
after the fashion of the Indian, had not succeeded in clothing his
mind in the stolid and stoic nature of his savage companion. The
conspirators watched together in one of the inner chambers of the
fortress. They had not restricted themselves to watching merely.
Already had Le Genevois made his purpose known to one of his
ancient comrades. The name of this person was La Croix. He
was one of the trusted followers of Laudonniere, whose superior
cunning alone had saved him from suspicion, even that of D'Erlach,
at the detection of the former conspiracy. La Croix, in the
absence of the latter, was prepared for more decisive measures.
He was one of those whose insane craving for gold had surrendered
him, against all good policy, to the purposes of the conspirators.
He was now in charge of the watch. As captain of the night, he
led the way to the gates, which, at midnight, he cautiously threw
open to the two companions of Le Genevois. Fourneaux and
Roquette had been waiting for this moment. They were admitted
promptly and in silence. Darkness was around them. The
fortress slept,—none more soundly than its commander. In

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silence the outlaws led by La Croix, all armed to the teeth, made
their way to his chamber. The sentinel who watched before it,
joined himself to their number. They entered without obstruction
and without noise; and, ere the eyes of the sleeper could unclose
to his danger, or his lips cry aloud for succor, his voice was
stifled in his throat by thick bandagings of silk, and his limbs
fastened with cords which, at every movement of his writhing
frame, cut into the springing flesh. He was a prisoner in the
very fortress, where, but that day, he exulted in the consciousness
of complete command. A light, held above his eyes, revealed
to him the persons of his assailants;—the supposed Indians,
in the outlaws whom he had banished, and others, whom, for the
first time, he knew as enemies. When his eyes were suffered to
take in the aspects of the whole group, he was addressed, in his
own tongue, by the leading conspirator.

“René Laudonniere,” said Stephen Le Genevois, in his bitter
tones, “you are in our power. What prevents that we put you
to death as you merit, and thus revenge our disgrace and banishment?”

The wretched man, thus addressed, had no power to answer.
The big tears gathered in his eyes and rolled silently down his
cheeks. He felt the pang of utter feebleness upon him.

“We will take the gag from your jaws, if you promise to make
no outcry. Nod your head in token that you promise.”

The prisoner had no alternative but to submit. He nodded,
and the kerchief was taken from his jaws.

“You know us, René Laudonniere?” demanded the conspirator.

“Stephen Le Genevois, I know you!” was the answer.

“'Tis well! You see to what you have reduced me. You
have held a trial upon me in my absence. You have sentenced

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me and my companions to banishment. You have made us outlaws,
and we are here! You see around you none but those on
whom you have exercised your tyranny. What hope have you
at their hands and mine? Savage as you have made me in
aspect, what should prevent that I show myself equally savage in
performance. The knife is at your throat, and there is not one
of us who is not willing to execute justice upon you. Are you
prepared to do what we demand?”

“What is it?”

“Read this paper.”

A light was held close to the eyes of the prisoner, and the paper
placed near enough for perusal. The instrument was a commission
of piracy—a sort of half-legal authority, common enough in
that day, to the marine of all European countries, under maxims
of morality such as made the deeds of Drake, and Hawkins, and
other British admirals, worthy of all honor, which, in our less
chivalrie era, would consign them very generally to the gallows.

As Laudonniere perused the document, he strove to raise himself,
as with a strong movement of aversion;—but the prompt
grasp of Genevois fastened him down to the pillow.

“No movement, or this!”—showing the dagger. “Have you
read?”

“I will not sign that paper!” said the prisoner, hoarsely.

“Will you not?”

“Never!”

“You have heard the alternative!”

Laudonniere was silent.

“You do not speak! Beware, René Laudonniere. We have
no tender mercies! We are no children! We are ready for any
crime. We have already incurred the worst penalties, and have

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nothing to fear. But you can serve us, living, quite as effectually
as if dead. We do not want your miserable fortress. We are
not for founding colonies. It is your ships that we will take, and
your commission. We will spare your life for these. Beware!
Let your answer square with your necessities.”

“Genevois!” said the prisoner, “even this shall be pardoned—
you shall all be pardoned—if you will forego your present
purpose.”

“Pshaw!” exclaimed the person addressed. “This to me!
I scorn your pardon as I do your person! Speak to what concerns
you, and what is left for you to do. Speak, and quickly,
too, for the dawn must not find us here.”

“I will not sign!” said the prisoner, doggedly.

“Then you die!” and the dagger was uplifted.

“Strike—why do you stop?” exclaimed Fourneaux; “we can
slay him, and forge the paper.”

His threatening looks and attitude, with the stern air which
overspread the visage of Genevois, and, indeed, of all around him
contributed to overcome the resolution of the wretched commander.
Besides, a moment's reflection served to satisfy him,
that the conspirators, having gone too far to recede, would not
scruple at the further crime which they threatened.

“Will my life be spared if I sign? Have I your oath,
Stephen Le Genevois? I trust none other.”

“By G—d and the Blessed Saviour! as I hope to be saved,
René Laudonniere, you shall have your life and freedom!”

“Undo my hands and give me the paper.”

“The right hand only,” said Fourneaux, with his accustomed
timidity.

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“Pshaw, unbind him!” exclaimed Genevois; “unbind him,
wholly. There, René Laudonniere, you are free!”

“I cannot forgive you, Genevois; you have disgraced me forever,”
said the miserable man, as he dashed his signature upon
the paper.

“You will survive it, mon ami,” replied the other, with something
like contempt upon his features. “You are not the man to
fret yourself into fever, because of your hurts of honor. And
now must you go with us to the ships. We will muffle your jaws
once more.”

“You will not carry me with you,” demanded the commander,
with something like trepidation in his accents.

“No! You were but an incumbrance. We will only take
you to the ships, and keep you safe until we are ready to cast off.
To your feet, men, and get your weapons ready. Softly, softly—
we need rouse no other sleepers. Onward,—the night goes!—
away!”

-- --

p373-202 XV. THE MUTINEERS AT SEA. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

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For fifteen days was Laudonniere kept a close prisoner by the
conspirators on board of one of his own vessels, attended by one
of their own number, and denied all intercourse with his friends
and people. One of the objects of this rigid duresse, was the
coercion of the garrison. With its captain in their power, even
were his followers better prepared, with the proper spirit and energy,
to give them annoyance, they were thus able to put them at
defiance; since any show of hostility on the part of the garrison
might be visited upon the head of their prisoner. By this means
they got possession of the armory, the magazines, the granaries;
and, when ready to put to sea, and not before, did they release the
unhappy commandant from his degrading durance.

It was at dawn on the morning of the 8th of December, that
the two barks which the conspirators had prepared for sea, might
have been seen dropping down the waters of May River, their
white sails gleaming through the distant foliage. At the same
moment, with head bowed upon his bosom, the unhappy Laudonniere,
for the first time fully conscious of his weakness and his

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misfortune,—deeply sensible now to all his shame as he reflected
upon the roving commission which had been extorted from him by
the mutineers,—turned his footsteps from the banks of the river,
and made his way slowly towards the fortress;—confident no
longer in his strength—suspicious of the faith of all around him—
and half tempted to sink his shame forever, with his dishonored
person, in the waters of the river which had witnessed his disgrace.
But he gathered courage to live when he thought of the
revenge which fortune might yet proffer to his embrace.

We must now follow the progress of our maritime adventurers.
They had, as we have seen, succeeded in fitting out two barks;
one on which was confided to Bertrand Conferrant, one of Laudonniere's
sergeants; the other to a soldier named D'Orange.
La Croix was named the ensign to the former; Trenchant, the
pilot of Laudonniere, was compelled, against his will, to assume
this station on board the vessel of D'Orange. The original plan
of the rovers was to pursue a common route, and mutually to support
each other: but the plans of those who have given themselves
up to excess, are always marked by caprices, and the two
parties quarrelled before they had left the mouth of the river.
They had arranged to descend together upon one of the Spanish
islands of the Antilles, and on Christmas night, while the inhabitants
were assembled at the midnight mass, at their church, to
set upon and murder the inmates and sack the building and the
town. Their dissentions affected this purpose; and when they
emerged from the river May, they parted company;—one of the
vessels keeping along the coast, in order the more easily to
double the cape and make for Cuba;—the other boldly standing
out to sea and making for the Lucayos. Both vessels proceeded
with criminal celerity to the performance of those acts of piracy

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which had seduced them from their duties. The bark which took
her way along the coast, was that of D'Orange. Near a place
called Archaha, he took a brigantine laden with cassavi, the Indian
breadstuff, and a small quantity of wine. Two men were
slain, two taken in a sharp encounter with the people of Archaha.
Transferring themselves and stores to the brigantine which they
had captured, on account of its superiority, the pirates made sail
for the cape of Santa Maria; and from thence, after repairing a
leak in their vessel, to Baracou, a village of the island of Jamaica.
Here they found an empty caravel which they preferred to their
brigantine; and after a frolic among the people of Baracou,
which lasted five days, they made a second transfer of their persons
and material to the caravel. Dividing their force between
their own and this vessel, which was of fity or sixty tons burthen,
they made for the Cape of Tiburon, where they met with a patach,
to which chase was immediately given. A sharp encounter
followed. The patach was well manned and provided, for her
size. She had particular reasons for giving battle and for fighting
bravely. Her cargo was very precious. It consisted of
a large supply of gold and silver plate and bullion, merchandise,
wines, provisions, and much besides to tempt the rovers, and
quite as much to move the crew to a vigorous defence. But,
over all, it had a-board the Governor of Jamaica himself, with
two of his sons. This nobleman was equally fearless and skilful.
He directed the resistance of his people, and gave them efficient
example. But the force of our rovers was quite too great to be
successfully resisted by one so small as that of the Governor, and
he directed his people to yield the combat, as soon as he saw its
hopelessness.

Greatly, indeed, were our free companions delighted with their

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successes. The treasure they had acquired was large, but they
were not the persons to be content with it. They were apprised
of another caravel laden with greater wealth and a more valuable
merchandise, and they followed eagerly after this prey. But she
escaped them, getting in safety into the port of Jamaica. The
governor was a subtle politician. He soon discovered the character
of the men with whom he had to deal, and he wrought succesfully
upon their cupidity. He proposed to ransom himself at an
enormous price; and, with this object, they stood towards the
mouth of the harbor in which the caravel had taken shelter.
Blinded by their avarice, our rovers were persuaded to suffer the
governor to despatch his two boys to their mother, his wife, in a
boat which his captors were to furnish. The boys were to procure
his ransom, and supplies were to be sent to the vessel also.
But the secret counsel of the Governor to his sons, contemplated
no such ransom as the free companions desired. They knew not
that, in one of the contiguous havens, there lay two or more vessels,
superior in burthen to their own, and manned and equipped
for war. The Governor, with but a look and a word, beheld his
sons depart. The lads knew the meaning of that look, and that
single word; they felt all the ignominy of their father's position,
and they knew their duty. A noble and courageous dame was
the mother of those boys. With tears and tremors did she clasp
her children to her breast; with horror did she hear of her lord's
captivity; but she yielded to no feminine weaknesses which could
retard her in the performance of her duty. Her movements were
prompt and resolute. The Governor concealed his anxieties, and
spoke fairly to his captors. Quite secure in their strength and
position, eager with expectations of further gain, rioting in the
rich wines they had already won, they entertained no

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apprehensions of defeat or disappointment. They lay at the mouth of the
haven, which stretched away for two leagues into the mainland.
Here, suddenly, about the break of day, they saw emerging through
a heavy fog, a couple of vessels of greater size than their own.
Apprehending no danger, the pirates were taken by surprise.
The enemy was upon them before they could prepare for action,
and they had scarcely an opportunity to attempt their flight. A
volley of Spanish shot soon rang against their sides, and as the
trumpets of D'Orange, from his brigantine, blew to announce their
danger to those in charge of the captured vessels, he cut his
cables and stood off for sea, closely pressed by his swift-footed
enemies. Then it was that, watching his moment, the Governor
of Jamaica seized upon the enemy nearest him and plunged him
into the sea. His example was followed by his people, and the
Spaniards coming up with the captured patach at the fortunate
moment, the Frenchmen, with whom it was left in charge, threw
down their arms, and yielded themselves at discretion to their
enemies. Both vessels were recovered, while the brigantine of
D'Orange, well navigated by Trenchant, succeeded in showing a
clean pair of heels to her pursuers. The chase continued for
several leagues without success; and the brigantine, passing Cape
des Aigrettes, and the Cape of St. Anthony, swept on to the
Havanna. This was the desired destination of D'Orange; but his
people were not wholly with him. Several of them, like Trenchant,
the pilot, had been forced to accompany the expedition.
These were anxious to escape from a connection which was not
only against their desires, but was likely, by the crimes of their
superiors, to result in the destruction of the innocent. Accordingly,
under the guidance of Trenchant, a conspiracy was conceived
against the conspirators. The wind serving, while D'Orange

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slept, Trenchant passed the channel of the Bahamas, and made
over for the settlement on May River. The route taken was unsuspected,
until the morning of the 25th of March, when they
found themselves upon the coast of Florida. By this time, it
was too late to prevent the determination of those who had resolved
upon their return to La Caroline. The latter had grown
strong by consultation together, and the true men urged the less
guilty of the conspirators with promises of pardon at the hands
of Laudonniere. This hope gradually extended to some of the
most guilty; but the discussion which led to this conclusion, was
productive of a scene which strikingly illustrates the profligacy
of the human heart, particularly when it once throws off the restraints
of social authority. The unhappy criminals, in nominal
command of the roving brigantine were prepared to dance upon
the brink of the precipice,—to sport with the dangers immediately
before them, and convert into a farce the very tragedy
whose denouêment they had every reason to dread. Well charged
with wine, and quaffing full beakers to fortune, they suddenly
conceived the idea of a mock court of justice, for the trial of
their own offences. The idea was scarcely suggested than it was
fastened upon by the wanton imaginations of this besotted crew.
The court was convened, on the deck of the vessel, as it would have
been at La Caroline. One of the parties personated the character
of the judge: another counterfeited the costume and manner of
Laudonniere, and appeared as the accuser. Counsel was heard on
both sides. There were officers to wait upon and obey the decrees
of the court. The cases were elaborately argued. Heavy
accusations were made; ingenious pleas put in; and in the very
excess of their recklessness, their ingenuity became triumphant.
They showed themselves excellent actors, if not excellent men;

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and caught from their own art, a momentary respite from the oppressive
doubts which hung upon their destinies. It was somewhat
ominous, however, that their judge—himself one of the most
guilty—should say to them, when summing up for judgment—
“Make your case as clear as you please—exert your ingenuity as
you may, in finding excuses, yet, take my word for it, that, when
you reach La Caroline, if Laudonniere causes you not to swing
for it, then I will never take him for an honest man again.”

This may have been intended as a mere jocularity. But fate
frequently shapes our own words, as she does those of the oracle,
in that double sense, which confounds the judgment while it ensures
the doom. The counterfeit judge spoke prophetically. It was
only when the offenders were fairly in the hands of Laudonniere,
beyond escape or remedy, that they were taught to apprehend
that they had too greatly exaggerated their sense
of his mercy. He detached immediately from the rest
four of the leading criminals, who were put in fetters. That
was the judgment that prefigured their doom. They were
sentenced to be hanged. They strove to question this judgment.
The pleasant jest which they had enjoyed on ship-board was quite
too recent, to suffer them to forego the hope that this summary
decision upon their fate would turn out a jest also. But when
they could doubt no longer, three of them took to their prayers
with an appearance of much real contrition. The fourth,—a
sturdy villain,—still had his faith in human agency. He appealed
for protection to his friends and comrades.

“What,” said he, “brethren and companions, will you suffer us
to die so shamefully?”

“These are none of your companions,” said Laudonniere;—

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“they are no authors of seditions—no rebels unto the king's service.
Ye appeal to them in vain.”

A corps of thirty soldiers with their matchlocks ready, and
under the command of Alphonse D'Erlach, who had returned
from his Indian expedition, and who now stood ready and prompt
to execute the orders of the chief, were, perhaps, more potent in
silencing the appeal of the mutineer, and quieting the active sympathies
of those to whom he prayed, than all the words of Laudonniere.
But, at the entreaty of his people, the form of punishment
was changed, and the criminals, instead of perishing by
the rope, met their death from the matchlock. Among the victims
of this necessary justice, were three of the original conspirators,
and the ringleader, Stephen le Genevois. Thus ends the
history of one of our roving vessels. The other, commanded by
Bertrand Conferrent, which we parted with, on her progress towards
the Lucayos, was never heard of after, and probably perished
in the deeps, with all her besotted crew. Let us now leave
the ocean, and follow, for a season, the progress of Alphonse
D'Erlach upon the land, and into the territories of Paracoussi
Hostaqua.

-- --

p373-210 XVI. THE ADVENTURE OF D'ERLACH.

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It was in sullen and half resentful mood that Alphonse D'Arlach
parted from his superior at the gates of La Caroline. Not
that he felt any chagrin because of an outraged self-esteem, on
account of his rejected counsels. His mortification and annoyance
arose from his vexation at leaving a man in the hands of his
enemies, whom he could not persuade of his danger, and who
was, by this very proceeding, depriving himself of the only
means with which he may have safely combated their hostility.
It was probably with a justifiable sense of his own efficiency, that
D'Erlach felt how necessary was his presence in the garrison at
this juncture. He was quite familiar with the vanity of Laudonniere,
his several weaknesses of character, and the facility with
which he might be deluded by the selfish and the artful. But he
had counselled him in vain; and it was with a feeling somewhat
allied to scorn, that he was taught to see that his superior, having
hitherto regarded him with something more than friendship—as a
favorite indeed—had now, in consequence of the most important
services, begun to look upon him somewhat in the light of a
rival. We have witnessed the last interview between them. We
are already in possession of the events which followed the absence

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of the lieutenant; events which positively would not have taken
place, had not the scheme proved successful for procuring his absence
from the fortress. Laudonniere's conscience smote him
with a sense of his ingratitude, as the flowing plumes of D'Erlach
disappeared amidst the distant umbrage; but he had no misgivings
of that danger which the prescient thought of his lieutenant
had described as already threatening. He had sufficient time allowed
him to meditate equally upon his own blindness and the
foresight of the youth, while his mutineers, for fifteen days kept
him a close prisoner on board his own brigantine!

During this period, his young lieutenant, with his twenty
Frenchmen, was making his way from forest to forest, under the
somewhat capricious guidance of the subtle savage, Oolenoe.
D'Erlach was more than once dissatisfied with this progress. He
found himself frequently doubling, as it were, upon his own
ground; not steadily ascending the country in the supposed direction
of the Apatahhian Mountains, but rather inclining to the
southwest, and scarcely seeming to leave those lower steppes
which belonged wholly to the province of the sea. Without absolutely
suspecting his dusky guide, D'Erlach was eminently
watchful of him, and frequently pressed his inquiries in regard to
the route they were pursuing,—when—noting the course of the
sun, he found himself still turning away from those distant mountain
summits which were said to await them in the north, with all
their world of treasure. The plea of Oolenoe, while acknowledging
a temporary departure from the proper path, alleged the difficulties
of the country, the spread of extensive morasses, or the
presence of nations of hostile Indians, which cut off all direct
communication with the province which they sought.

To all this D'Erlach had nothing to oppose. The pretences

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seemed sufficiently specious, and he continued to advance deep
and deeper into the internal intricacies of the unbroken wild,
making a progress, day by day, into regions which the European
had never penetrated before. On this progress, each soldier had
been provided with a certain allowance of food of a portable
nature, which was calculated to last many days. The adoption
of the Indian customs, in several respects, had made it easy
to provide. The maize and beans of the country constituted the
chief supply. The former, and sometimes both, crushed or
ground, separately or together, and browned slightly before the
fire, furnished a wholesome and literally palatable provision for
such a journey. They were also to receive supplies from the
contributions of Indian tribes through whose settlements they
were to pass, and to traffic with other nations whom as yet they
did not know. With this latter object the party was provided
with a small stock of European trifles—knives, reaphooks, small
mirrors, and things of this description.

Thus provided, they pressed forward for several days, on a
journey which brought them no nearer to the province which they
sought. Still the country through which they travelled was
unbroken by a mountain. Gentle eminences saluted their eyes,
and they sometimes toiled over hills which, even their exhaustion,
which rendered irksome the ascent, did not venture to
compare with those mighty ranges, scaling the clouds, of which
the swelling narratives of the savage chiefs, and their own adventurers,
had given such extravagant ideas. In this march they
probably reached the Savannah, and crossed its waters to the
rivers of Carolina. The scenery improved in loveliness, and to
those who are accessible to the influences of mere external
beauty, the progress at every step was productive of its own

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charm. Gentle valleys spread away before them in the embrace
of guardian ranges of hill, and clear streams gushed out through
banks that seemed to gladden in perpetual green. Enormous
trees spread over them a grateful cover from the sun, and luscious
berries of the wood, and unknown fruits, green and purple,
were to be found lying in their path, which was everywhere traversed
by the trailing vines which produced them. Birds of
unknown plumage, and of wild and startling song, darted out
from the brake to cheer them as they passed;and as they reached
the steeps of sudden hills, they could catch glimpses of herds of
sleek deer, that sped away with arrowy fleetness from the green
valleys where they browsed, to the cover of umbrageous thickets
where they lodged in safety.

The mind of the soldier, however, particularly the adventurer
whom one passionate thirst alone impels, is scarcely ever sensible
to the charms and attractions of the visible nature. Where they
appeal simply to his sense of the beautiful, they are but wasted
treasures, like gems that pave the great bed of ocean, and have
no value to the finny tribes that glide below—each seeking the
selfish object which marks his nature. The passion for the beautiful,
with but few exceptions, is a passion that belongs to training
and education; and even these seldom suffice, in the presence of
more morbid desires, to wean the attention to the things of taste,
unless these are recognized as accessories of the object of a more
intense appetite. Even Alphonse D'Erlach, the éleve of a superior
class—one who had been benefitted by society and the
schools, appreciated but imperfectly the loveliness of the landscape,
and the fresh luxuriance of a vegetable life in a region that
seemed so immediately from the hands of its Creator. His thoughts
were of another nature. His anxieties were elsewhere. His eye

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was fixed upon his Indian guide, of whom his doubts had now
become suspicions. Nightly had Oolenoe disappeared from the
encampment. It was in vain that our lieutenant set spies upon
his movements. He would disappear without giving the alarm,
and re-appear, when least expected, before the dawning. D'Erlach's
vigilance was increased. He did not suffer his men to
straggle; marching with care by day, his watches were equally
divided by night, and his own eyes were kept open by intense
anxiety, through hours when most were sleeping. Occasionally,
glimpses of Indians were caught on distant hills, or on the edge
of suddenly glancing waters. But any attempt to approach sent
them into their canoes, or over the hill side—increasing the suspicions
of D'Erlach, and awakening the apprehensions of his men.
A something of insolence in the tone and manner of Oolenoe led
our young lieutenant to suppose that the moment of trial was at
hand; and he already began to meditate the seizure of his guide,
as a security for the conduct of the Indians, when an incident
occurred which the foresight of our lieutenant, great as it was,
had never led him to anticipate.

It was at the close of a lovely evening in September, when the
little detachment of Frenchmen were rounding a ravine. Oolenoe
was advanced with D'Erlach some few paces before the rest.
Both of them were silent; but they pressed forward stoutly,
through a simple forest trail, over which the Frenchmen followed
in Indian file. Suddenly, their march was arrested by a cry from
the foot of the ravine, in the rear of the party, and along the
path which they had recently traversed. The cry was human.
It was that of a voice very familiar to the ears of the party. It
was evidently meant to compel attention and arrest their progress.
At the instant, D'Erlach wheeled about and made for the rear.

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A similar movement changed in like manner the faces of his followers;
and, in a moment after, a strange, but human form darted
out of the forest and made towards them.

The appearance of the stranger was wild beyond description.
He had evidently once been white; but his face, hands, breast,
and legs, for these were all uncovered, had been blackened by
smoke, bronzed by the sun, and so affected by the weather, that
it was with the greatest difficulty that his true complexion was
discernible. But sure instincts and certain features soon enabled
our Huguenots to see that he was a brother Frenchman. Of his
original garments, nothing but tatters remained; but these tatters
sufficed to declare his nation. His beard and hair, both black,
long, and massive, were matted together, and hung upon neck
and shoulders in flakes and bunches, rather than in shreds or
tresses. His head was without covering, and the only weapon
which he carried was a couteau de chasse, which, as it was of
peculiar dimensions, silver-hilted, and altogether of curious shape,
was probably the only means by which the Frenchmen identified
the stranger.

The keen, quick eye of Alphonse D'Erlach seemed first, of
the whites, to have discovered him. It is probable, from what
took place at the moment, that Oolenoe had made him out in
the same moment. The stranger was no other than Le Genré—
the banished man who had headed the first conspiracy against
Laudonniere. As he approached, rushing wildly forward, with
his couteau de chasse grasped firmly in uplifted hand, D'Erlach
raised his sword, prepared to cut him down as he drew nigh;
when the words of his voice, shouted at the utmost of his strength,
caused them to cast their eyes in another direction.

“Seize upon Oolenoe. Suffer him not to escape you.”

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At that moment, the keen, quick glance of the lieutenant beheld
the rapid bounds of the savage, as he made for the cover of
the neighboring thicket. His orders were instantly given. A
dozen bodies instantly sprang forward in pursuit—a dozen matchlocks
were lifted in deadly aim, but the lithe savage doubling
like a hare, bounding forward, now squat, and seeming to
fly along the surface of the ground like a lapwing, stealthy in
every movement as a cat, as swift and agile,—succeeded in gaining
the woods, though the carbines rang with their volley, and,
throwing down their weapons, a score of the light-limbed Frenchmen
started in the chase. A wild warwhoop followed the discharge
of the pieces, declaring equally the defiance and disdain of the
savage. The pursuit was idle, as a few seconds enabled him to
find shelter in a morass, which the inexperienced Europeans knew
not how to penetrate. Alphonse D'Erlach recalled his men from
pursuit, fearing lest they might fall into an ambush, in which,
wasting their ammunition against invisible enemies, they would
only incur the risk of total destruction. He prepared to confront
the stranger, whose first appearance had been productive of such
a startling occurrence. Le Genré, meanwhile, had paused in his
progress. He no longer rushed forward like a maniac; but satisfied
with having given the impulse to the pursuit of Oolenoe, and
apparently conscious of how much was startling in his appearance,
he now stood beside a pine which overhung the path, one hand
resting against the mighty shaft, as if from fatigue, while from
the other his couteau de chasse now drooped, its sharp extremity
pointing to the ground.

His appearance thus indicated a pacific disposition; but remembering
his ancient treacheries only, and suspicious of his relations
with Oolenoe, D'Erlach approached him with caution, as if to the

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encounter with an enemy. As he drew nigh, followed by his
band, Le Genré addressed them with mournful accents.

“Is there no faith for me hereafter, mes amis? Am I forever
cut off from the communion with my comrades? Shall there be
no fellowship between us, D'Erlach? Shall we not forget the
past—shall I not be forgiven for my crime, even when I repent it
in bitterness and bloody tears. Behold, my brother—I proffer
you the last assurance.”

These words were accompanied by a sign, that of the mystic
brotherhood—the ancient masons—which none but a few of the
party beheld or comprehended. The weapon of Alphonse D'Erlach
was dropped instantly, and his hand extended. He, too,
belonged to the ancient order, and the security which was guaranteed
by the exhibition of its token, on the part of the offender,
served, when all other pleas would have failed, to secure him
sympathy and protection.

“I have sinned, Alphonse—I know it—beyond forgiveness—
sinned like a madman; but I have borne the penalty. Seldom
has human sinner suffered from mental penalty, as I from mine.
Behold me! look I longer human? I have taken up my covert
with the wild beasts of the desert, and they fly from my presence
as from a savage more fearful than any they know. In my
own desperation I have had no fears. I have herded with beast
and reptile, and longed for their hostility. I have lived through
all, though I craved not to live, and the food which would have
choked or poisoned the man not an outcast from communion with
his fellows, has kept me strong, with a cruel vitality that has
increased by suffering. The crude berries of the wood, the indigestible
roots of the earth, I have devoured with a hideous craving;
and, in the griefs and privations of my body, my mind has

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been purged of its impurities. I have seen my sin in its true
colors—my folly, my vicious passions, the wretch that I was—the
miserable outlaw and destitute that I am! That I repent of the
crimes that I have done and sought to do, is the good fruit of this
bitter on which I have rather preyed than fed. I wrote to
Laudonniere of my sorrow and repentance, but he refused to hear
me. Bourdet I sought, that he might take me once more to
France; but he too dreaded communion with me; and when I
rushed into his boat, he only bore me to the opposite shore of the
river, and set me down to the exploration of new forests, and the
endurance of new tortures. I blame them not, that they would
not believe me—that they refused faith in one who had violated all
faith before—that, equally due to his God and to his sovereign.
Oh! brother, do not you drive me from you also!”

And the miserable outlaw clasped his hands passionately together
in entreaty, with a face wild with woe and despair, and would
have fallen prostrate in humiliation before his comrades, if the
arm of Alphonse D'Erlach had not sustained him.

“But what of this savage, Oolenoe!” demanded the lieutenant,
when the first burst of grief had subsided from the lips of Le
Genré.

“Ah! you know that I have been the prisoner to this savage,
and to the very comrades of my sin. For this I have pursued
you hither. While you march onward to snares such as the
savages of Potanou have provided for you by means of this
Oolenoe, treachery is busy and successful at La Caroline.”

“Successful?”

“Ay! successful! But hear me. When I fled to the forest,
I took shelter first with the people of Satouriova. I was found
out and followed by Fourneaux, Stephen Le Genevois, and La

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Roquette. To them, at times, came La Croix, whom Laudonniere
still trusted, and whom even you did not suspect. They
came to me with new plans. They were to contrive pretexts for
sending you off to a distance, with the best men of the garrison.
Oolenoe was a ready agent at once of Potanou, Satouriova, and
the conspirators. In your absence, they were to get possession of
the garrison and secure the person of Laudonniere.”

“You mean not to say, Le Genré, that they have succeeded
in this?”

“Ay, do I—the garrison is in their hands—the shipping; and
Laudonniere is himself a close prisoner on board the unfinished
brigantine.”

“God of heaven! and I am here!”

“When the conspirators found that I no longer agreed to
second them in their machinations, and when I threatened to
expose them to Laudonniere, they employed Oolenoe to secure
my person. Five of his people beset me at the same moment,
and held me fast in one of their wigwams until their scheme had
been carried into execution. With Laudonniere in their hands,
I was abandoned by my keepers, and suffered to go forth. From
them I learned the history of all that had taken place in the
colony. I saw the danger, and felt that the only hope for Laudonniere
lay in you. Fortunately, I had only to follow those who
had held me captive, in order to find the route that you had taken.
The people of Oolenoe were soon upon his tracks. I compassed
theirs. It is one profit in the outlawed life which I have been
doomed to endure, that it has taught me the arts of the savage—
taught me the instincts of the beast,—his stealth, his endurance,
his far-sight, and his eager and appreciating scent. Hark! dost

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hear! Put thy men in order. The subtle savage is about to gird
thee in.”

Scarcely had he spoken, when the forest was alive with cries of
warfare. Wild whoops rang through the great avenues of wood,
and sudden glimpses of the red-men, followed by flights of arrows,
warned the Frenchmen still more emphatically to prepare against
the danger. But the arrows, though discharged with skill and
muscle, were sent from far;—the dread of the European fire-arms
prompting a decent caution, which, in a great degree, lessened
the superiority which the savages possessed in numbers.
The woods were now filled with enemies. Tribe after tribe had
collected, along their route, as the Frenchmen had advanced,
and every forward step had served only to increase the great impediments
in the way of their return. It was due wholly to the
excellence of the watch nightly kept by D'Erlach, that they had
not been butchered while they slept. It was in consequence of
his admirable caution, and provision against attack while they
marched, that they had not fallen into frequent ambush, as they
moved by noonday. Nightly had the subtle chief, Oolenoe, stolen
away to his comrades, arraying his numbers, and counselling their
pursuit and progress. His schemes detected, the mask was
thrown aside as no longer of use, and open warfare was the cry
through the forests. The necessity was before our Frenchmen of
fighting their way back. The effort of the red-men was to cut
them off in detail, by frequent surprises, by incessant assaults and
annoyances, and by straitening them in the search after water and
provisions.

It would be a weary task to pursue, day by day, and hour by
hour, the thousand details, by which each party endeavored to
attain its object. The events of such a conflict must necessarily

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be monotonous Enough to say, that the whole genius of
Alphonse D'Erlach was brought forth during the constant emergencies
of his march and proved equal to them all. His first object
was to pursue a new route on his return. This greatly shortened
the distance, and increased the chances of food, since it was
only from the route along which he came that Oolenoe had contrived
the removal of all the provisions. The progress was thus
varied on their return. It was enlivened by incessant attacks of
the savages. Their arrows were continually showered upon our
Frenchmen from every thicket that could afford an ambush; but,
habited as they were with the escaupil, or stuffed cotton doublets,
which the Spaniards had invented for protection in their warfare
with the Indians, the damage from this source was comparatively
small. Some few of the Frenchmen were galled by slight wounds,
one or two were seriously hurt, and one of them suffered the loss
of an eye. In all these conflicts, Le Genré fought with the
greatest bravery—with a valor, indeed, that seemed to set at
scorn every thought of danger or disaster. He was always the
first to rush forward to the assault, and always the last to leave
the pursuit, when the trumpets sounded the recal. He proved an
admirable second to Alphonse D'Erlach, and materially contributed
to the success of the various plans adopted by the latter
for the safety of his people.

It was the ninth day from that on which they left La Caroline,
when Le Genre made his appearance, and Oolenoe fled to the
forests. Six days had they been engaged in their backward
journey. In this route, diverging greatly from that which they
had pursued before, and following the course indicated by the sun
with a remarkable judgment, which tended still more to raise the
reputation of Alphonse D'Erlach in the eyes of his followers, they

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suddenly struck into a path with which Le Genré himself was
familiar. It proved to be one of those which he had pursued on
a previous occasion, when, in the possession of the confidence of
his chief, he had been permitted to lead forth a party for exploration.
Our Frenchmen now knew where they were, and thirty-six
hours of steady travelling would, they felt assured, bring them
within sight of the fortress of La Caroline. But, as if the inveterate
chieftain, Oolenoe, had made a like discovery at the same
moment, his assaults became more desperate, and were urged with
a singular increase of skill and fury. Now it was that the barbarian
tribes of Florida seemed to gather into a host—such a
host as encountered the famous Ponce de Leon and other Spanish
chieftains when they sought to overrun the land. They no longer
sped their arrows from a distance, which, in giving themselves
security from the fire-arms of the Frenchmen, rendered their own
shafts in great degree innocuous. But it was observed that,
when they had succeeded in drawing the fire of the Frenchmen by
two successive assaults, they usually grew bolder at a third, and
came forward with an audacity which seemed to put at defiance
equally the weapons and the spirit of their enemies. The inequality
of numbers between the respective parties, made this
subtle policy of Oolenoe particularly dangerous to the weaker.
Alphonse D'Erlach felt his danger, and the openly-expressed apprehensions
of Le Genré declared it. The subject was one of great
anxiety. The whole day had been spent in conflicts,—conflicts
which were interrupted, it is true, by frequent intervals of rest,
but which continued to increase in their violence as evening
approached. Several of the Frenchmen were now wounded, two
of them dangerously, and all of them were greatly wearied. Le
Genré urged D'Erlach to a night movement, in which they might

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leave their enemies behind them, and perhaps cause them to give
up the pursuit, particularly as they would then be almost within
striking distance of La Caroline; but the coolness and judgment
of D'Erlach had not deserted him, or been impaired by his
increase of difficulties.

“And how,” said he, “am I to know whether we shall find
friends or foes in possession of La Caroline? This is not the
least of my dangers. I must preserve my force against that doubt;
but keep them fresh, certainly, and if possible without diminution,
so that I may rescue Laudonniere or sustain myself. Besides, to
attempt the night march I must leave these poor fellows, Mercœur
and Dumain, to be scalped by the savages, or force them forward
only that they may drop by the way. No! we must take rest
ourselves, and give them all the rest we can. We must encamp
as soon as possible, and the shelter of yon little bay, to which we
are approaching, seems to offer an excellent cover. We will make
for that.”

He did as he said. His camp was formed on the edge of one
of those basins which, in the southern country is usually termed a
bay—so called in consequence of the dense forests of the shrub
laurel that covers the region with the most glistening green, and
fills the languid atmosphere with a most rich but oppressive
perfume. Here he disposed his little command, so that the approaches
were few and such as could be easily guarded. Here he
was secure from those wild flights of arrows which, in a spot less
thickly wooded, might have been made to annoy a company, discharged
even in the darkness of the night. But Alphonse
D'Erlach had another reason for selecting this as his present place
of shelter. As soon as he had taken care of his wounded men, he
examined the munitions of all. He had been sparing his powder,

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and he was now rejoiced to find that the quantity was quite
sufficient, according to the exigencies of the warfare of that day,
to suffice for two or more days longer. This enabled him to devise
a project by which to ensnare the savages to their ruin. Hitherto
he had classed his men in three divisions. The first of these encountered
the first onslaught of the enemy, and the second were
prepared for its renewal, while the third was a reserve for a
continuance of the struggle, giving time to the two first divisions
to reload. But it had been seen, during the day, that the savages
had made a corresponding division of their force;—that successive
attacks, followed up with great rapidity, drew the fires of his
several squads, and so well aware did the assailants now appear to
be of this practice, that, after the third fire, they boldly rushed
almost within striking distance of the Frenchmen, hurling their
stone hatchets with wonderful dexterity and precision. To provide
for this contingency—to convert it to profitable results—was the
study of D'Erlach. He felt that, but for some stratagem, it was
not improbable that the whole party would lose their scalps before
the closing of another day. He had observed that the bay in
which he harbored his men contained, interspersed with its laurels,
a perfect wilderness of canes, the fluted reeds of the swamp and
morass, common to the country, some of which grew to be nearly
twenty feet in height. These were still green in September, their
feathery tops waving to and fro in every breeze, while, under the
pressure of the sudden gust, their shafts, in seeming solid
phalanx, laid themselves almost to the earth, to recover, like an
artful and plumed warrior, when the danger had overblown.
Without declaring his plans, D'Erlach had a number of these
canes cut down in secresy, and divided into sections of four or five
feet. The extreme barrel of each of these sections was filled

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tightly with gunpowder, and a fuse introduced at the orifice which
received the powder. Strips from the shirts of his people were
employed to bind the portion of the reed thus filled, and two of
these shafts were lashed tightly to each matchlock, the charged
portion protruding near the muzzle. He needed no words to
explain his policy to his people. They understood the object in
beholding the process, and admired the ingenuity which promised
them hereafter the most signal advantages.

Rigid was the watch maintained that night in the camp of our
Frenchmen. Fortunately, they had obtained that day a fresh
supply of food while passing through a miserable hamlet, from
which the occupants had fled at their approach. Their supper was
eaten in silence and anxiety. The watches throughout the night
were two, Le Genré taking the first, while D'Erlach, from twelve
till daylight, maintained the last. There were no alarms. The
Indians had retired, as was conjectured, to place themselves in
some favorite place of ambush against the coming of the Frenchmen
the next day. One of the two men who had been most severely
wounded among the Frenchmen, died that night in great
agony. The arrow of the savage had penetrated to his lungs.
He had imprudently thrown off his coat of escaupil, in consequence
of the great heat of the noonday, and a skirmish took place before
he could reclothe himself, in which he received his hurt. D'Erlach
had the body laid in the deepest portion of the bay, its only
covering being a forest of canes, which were cut down and thrown
over the corpse.

With the first rosy blush of the dawn, the little troop was in
motion. At setting off D'Erlach gave ample directions for the
anticipated conflict. His command was divided into three companies.
From the first of these, three men were commissioned

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to deliver the fire of their pieces on the appearance of the Indians.
The rest were to discharge one of the two loaded sections
of cane attached to the matchlocks. The second and third
were to do likewise. The effect of this arrangement would be to
leave ten out of nineteen pieces undischarged, and ready for fatal
use on the more daring approach of the savages. Their preparations,
and the proposed ruse were soon put to proof. It was
about nine o'clock in the morning, when the company was about
to enter a defile which led to an extensive tract of pines. At the
entrance, on each hand, stretched a morass that seemed interminable.
The opening to the pine forest seemed a narrow gorge, the
jaws of which were densely occupied with a tangled thicket that
seemed to baffle approach. D'Erlach saw the dangers which
awaited him in such a defile. His three bands were made to
march separately as they approached it, and very slowly. A
moderate interval lay between them, which would enable them,
while an enemy could only attack them singly, in turn to support
each other. The judgment of our young lieutenant did not
deceive him. On each side of this gorge, Oolenoe had posted
his warriors. They occupied the shelter of the thicket on both
hands. Their eagerness and impatience, increased by the slow
progress of the Frenchmen, whom they regarded as only marching
to the slaughter, lost them some of the advantages of this
position. They showed themselves too soon. With a horrid
howl the young warriors discharged their arrows from the covert,
and then boldly dashed out among the pines. The Frenchmen
were nerved for the struggle. Forewarned, they had been forearmed.
There was no surprise. Coolly, the three select men delivered
the fire of their pieces, and each with fatal effect. In the
same moment the charged barrels of the cane were ignited and

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torn asunder by an explosion which was sufficiently gun-like to
deceive the unpractised ear of the Indian. The savages answered
this fire by a cloud of arrows, and began to advance. It was
now that the remaining section of the division, which had retained
their fire, delivered it with great precision and an effect
similar to the former; those who had emptied their pieces on the
previous occasion, contenting themselves with discharging a cane.
By this time, the two other divisions, under D'Erlach, had pushed
through the gorge, and were spreading themselves right and left,
among the pines, in a situation to practice the same game with
their assailants, which had been played so well by the foremost
party. We must not follow the caprices of the battle. It is
enough to say that, deceived by the apparent discharge of all the
pieces of the Frenchmen, the Indians, headed by Oolenoe himself,
dashed desperately upon their enemies, and were received
by the fatal fire from more than a dozen guns, which sent their
foremost men headlong to the ground, the subtle chief, Oolenoe
himself, among them. At this sight, the savages set up a howl
of dismay, and fled in all directions; while Oolenoe, thrice staggering
to his feet, at length sunk back upon the ground, writhing
in an agony which did not, however, prevent him, on the approach
of D'Erlach, from making a desperate effort to smite him with
his stone hatchet. His whole form collapsed with the effort,
and wrenching the rude but heavy implement from the dying
savage, the lieutenant drove it into his brain and ended his
agonies with a single stroke.

With this adventure, the difficulties of the party ceased. That
night they reached the fortress, in season to confirm the authority
of Laudonniere; and, as we have seen, to assist in the execution
of the mutineers by whom he had been temporarily overthrown.

-- --

XVI. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

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Sustained and reassured by the return of his lieutenant, Laudonniere,
released from his bonds, proceeded to re-organize his
garrison. He promoted those who had proved faithful when all
threatened to be false, and deprived the doubtful, or the dangerous,
of all their previous trusts. To improve and strengthen his
forts, to build vessels, which were to supply the places of those
which the mutineers had taken, and others of smaller burthen for
the express navigation of the river, were his immediate cares, in
all of which his progress was considerable. During this period
he lived on relations of tolerable amity with his Indian neighbors.
Their little crops had, by this time, been harvested, and they
were not unwilling to exchange their surplus productions for the
objects of European manufacture which they coveted. The supplies
brought by the red-men were “fish, deere, turki-cocks,
leopards, little beares, and other things, according to the place of
their habitation,” for which they were recompensed with “certaine
hatchets, knives, beades of glasse, combs, and lookingglasses.”
The “leopards and little beares” were probably wild
cats and raccoons, or opossums, all of which furnished excellent
feeding to our hungry Frenchmen in September. The wild-cat

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is usually a fat beast, differing very considerably from the more
savage tribes to whom we liken him, the wolf and the panther;
while the opossum is probably the fattest of all animals at seasons
when the forest mast is abundant. Of the quality of the meat
we will say nothing. To those with whom the appetite has been
made properly subservient to the taste, and who suffer from no
necessities, his flavor is scarcely such as legitimates his admission
into the kitchen. But the case is far otherwise with those inferior
tribes with whom the appetites are coarse and eager. The negro
is seldom so well satisfied as when he feeds on 'possum. “'Possum,”
is the common remark among this people, “'possum heap
better than pig!” To those who know how high is the estimate
which the negro sets upon the pig family—an estimate which is
the occasion of an epidemic under which a fat pig, straying into
the woods in June and July, is sure to perish—the compliment is
inappreciable.

Thus, feeding well, with his health and self-esteem gradually
recovering, Laudonniere began to resume his explorations, and to
cast his eyes about him with his old desire for precious discoveries
It was about this time that he was visited by a couple of savages
from the dominions of King Maracou. This potentate dwelt
some forty leagues to the south of La Caroline. The Indians,
among other matters, related to Laudonniere that, in the service
of another native monarch named Onathaqua, there was a man
whom they called “Barbu, or the bearded man,” who was not of
the people of the country. Another foreigner, whose name they
knew not, was said to inhabit the house of King Mathiaca, a
forest chieftain, whose tribes occupied a contiguous region. From
the descriptions thus given him, Laudonniere readily conceived
that these strange men were Christians. He accordingly opened

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a communication with the tribes by which the intermediate
country was occupied, and under the stimulus of a liberal
recompense, promised them in European goods, the two strangers
were brought in safety to La Caroline. The conjecture of
Laudonniere proved rightly founded. They were white men and
Christians—Spaniards who had suffered shipwreck some fifteen
years before, upon the flats called “The Martyrs,” and
over and against that region of the country, which at this
period was called Calos—from a great native prince of that
name.[22] This savage repaired to the wreck, and carried off into
captivity its crew and passengers. Many of these were women,
who became the wives of their conquerors. The king of Calos,
whom a Spaniard described as the “goodliest and the tallest
Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, and having many
subjects under his obedience,” not only saved the Europeans
from their wreck, but, by diligent and indefatigable perseverance,
rescued most of the treasure that was in the vessel; the wealth
which had been gleaned with unsparing cruelties from the bowels
of the earth in Peru and Mexico. The treasures thus obtained
by King Calos, were represented to be of almost limitless value.
“He had great store of golde and silver, so farre forth that, in a
certaine village, he had a pit full thereof, which was at the least
as high as a man, and as large as a tunne.” According to our
Spaniards, it might be easy, “with an hundred shot,” to obtain all
this spoil; to say nothing of the scattered treasures which might
be gleaned from the common people of the country. That the extent
of their resources might not be under-valued, the captive

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Christians farther informed him, that the young women of the country,
when engaged in their primitive dances, assembled to their
festivities in a glorious costume, such as would be an irresistible
charm in any European assembly. They were not only lovely
in themselves, with their dark beauties partially unfolded to the
gaze, and the tawny hues enlivened by the warm lustre of the
sun, shining in crimson flushes through the prevailing hue of the
complexion, but they wore, suspended from their girdles, plates
of gold, large as a saucer, the number and weight of which
would have totally impeded the action as well as agility of any
but a people so exquisitely and vigorously proportioned. The
men wore similar decorations, though not perhaps in such great
profusion. This gold, according to their account, was derived
chiefly from vessels cast away—the coasts of the territory of
King Calos being particularly treacherous, and their secret, lurking
shoals frequently rising up suddenly to rob the king of Spain
of his hardly-won ingots. The residue of his wealth in the precious
metals, King Calos derived from the kings and chiefs of the
interior. Perhaps more of it was obtained in this way than our
Spaniards knew. There can be no doubt but that the mines of
the great Apalachian ranges were explored, however imperfectly,
by the red-men of the country, following, in all probability, some
superior races, who first taught them where to look, and of whom
we have now but the most imperfect vestiges.

Among the articles of traffic, which the people of Calos sold to
the interior tribes, was a domestic root, constituting a favorite
bread-stuff which was particularly grateful to the palates of their
people. This is described as forming a fine flour, than which it
it is impossible to find better, and as supplying the wants of an
immense tract of country. It was undoubtedly the breadstuff

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known as coonti in modern periods. This, and a species of date,
taken from a sort of palm tree—the persimmon probably—were
commodities in which they dealt to great extent. Of the root
from which they made their favorite breadstuff, it is written, that
the proprietors were very slow to part with, unless well paid for
it. The people of King Calos are probably to be traced through
a thousand fluctuations of place, character and fortune, to the
Seminoles of recent periods—a like people, living in the same
region, and rejoicing in the same fruits and freedom.

Of this King Calos, the narrative of our Spaniards goes farther,
passing finally into the province of the miraculous. He is described
as a prince held in special reverence by his subjects;—not simply
for his valor as a soldier, or his wisdom as a ruler, but his
wondrous powers as a magician. He seems to have combined the
civil and the religious powers of the nation—to have been priest
and prophet as well as Governor. The government of his country,
like that of simple nations generally, was theocratic and patriarchal.
His people were taught to believe that it was through
his spells and incantations, that the earth brought forth her
fruits. He resorted to various arts to perpetuate this faith, and
various cruelties to subdue and punish that spirit of inquiry which
might test too closely the propriety of his spiritual claims.
Twice a year he retired from the sight of all his subjects, two or
three of his friends alone excepted, and was supposed, at this season,
to be busy with his mighty sorceries. Woe to the unlucky
wretch who, whether purposely or by accident, intruded upon his
mysteries. The dwelling to which he had resort was tabooed on
every hand; and death, with the most fearful penalties, stood
warningly at all the avenues by which it was approached. Each
year a prisoner was sacrificed to the savage god he served; and

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this prisoner, so long as Barbu had been a captive, had been a
Spaniard always—the supply being sufficient, from the frequency
of wrecks upon the coast, by which an adequate number of captives
was always to be had. The dominions of Calos are described as
lying along a river, beyond the cape of Florida, forty or fifty leagues
towards the southwest; while those of Onathaqua were nearer to
La Caroline, on the northern side of the cape, “in a place which
we call in the chart, Cannaverel, which is in 28 degreees.”

When the two Spaniards were brought before Laudonniere they
were entirely naked. Their hair hung below their loins, as did
that of the savages; and so completely had they become accustomed
to the habits of the red-men, that the resumption of the
costume of civilization was not only strange but irksome. But
Laudonniere was not disposed to permit their acquired habits to
supersede those of their origin. He caused the hair of his newlyfound
Christians to be shorn, as heedless of the loss of strength
which might follow as ever was Dalilah while docking the long
locks of her giant lover. It was with great reluctance that the
wild men submitted to this shearing. When the hair was finally
taken off they insisted upon preserving it, and rolling it in linen
put it away carefully, to be shown in Europe as a proof of their
wild and cruel experience. In removing the shock from one of
them, a little treasure of gold was found hidden in its masses, to
the value of five-and-twenty crowns, by which the Spaniard
conclusively proved that one portion of his Spanish education had
never deserted him. What a commentary upon the wisdom of
civilization, that, in such a state, with such bonds, after such
losses, of freedom, position, and the society of all the well-beloved
and equal, his heart should still yearn for the keeping of a treasure
which must, at every moment, have only served to mock

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the possessor with the dearer treasures of home, country, friends,
religion, of which his fortunes had made utter forfeit. But let us
pass to the narrative of Barbu, himself—one of the recovered
Spaniards—which we owe, in some degree to history, but mostly
to tradition.

eaf373.n22

[22] “Ces Calos ou Carlos, sont an thropophages, et fort cruel, ils demeurent
dans une Baye, qui porte également leur nom, et celui de Ponce de
Leon
.”—Charlevoix.

-- --

p373-235 XVII. THE NARRATIVE OF LE BARBU: THE BEARDED MAN OF CALOS.

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Now when Barbu, the bearded man, who had been dwelling
among the people of Calos, had been shorn of the long and matted
hair and beard, which had made him much more fearful to the
eye than any among the savages themselves,—and when our right
worthy captain had commanded that we should bathe and cleanse
him, and had given him shirts of fine linen and clothes from his own
wardrobe, so that he should once more appear like a Christian man
among his kindred,—albeit he seemed to be greatly disquieted, and
exceedingly awkward therein,—then did he conduct him into the
corps de garde, where our people were all bidden to assemble.
There, being seated all, Barbu, the Spaniard, being entreated thereto
by our right worthy captain, proceeded to unfold the full relation of
the grievous strait and peril by which he had fallen into the power
of King Calos, and of what happened to him thereafter. And it
was curious to see how that he, a Spaniard born, and not illeducated
in one of the goodly towns of old Spain, in all gentle
learning, should, in the space of fifteen years sojourn among the
savages, have so greatly suffered the loss of his native tongue.
Slow was he of speech, and greatly minded to piece out with the

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Indian language the many words in which the memory of his own
had failed him. Well was it for our understanding of what he
delivered, that so many of us had been dwelling among the red-men
at other times,—to speak nothing of Monsieur D'Erlach,
Monsieur Ottigny, both lieutenants in the garrison, and Monsieur
La Roche Ferriere, who, with another, by special commandment
of our captain, had dwelt for a matter of several months among
the people of King Olata Utina. By means of the help brought
by these, we were enabled to find the meaning of those words in
which Barbu failed in his Spanish. So it was that we followed
the fortunes of the bearded man, according to the narrative as here
set down.

Then, at the repeated entreaty of Monsieur Laudonniere,
Barbu arose and spoke:

“First, Señor Captain, I have to declare how much I thank
you for the protection you have given me, the kindness which has
clad me once more in Christian garments, and the cost and travail
with which you have recovered me from my bonds among the
heathen. Albeit, that I feel strangely in these new habits, and
that my native tongue comes back to me slowly when I would
speak from a full and overflowing heart, yet will I strive to make
you sensible of all the facts in my sad history, and of the great
gratitude which I feel for those by whose benevolence I may fondly
hope that my troubles are about to end. I know not now the day
or season when we left the port of Nombre de Dios, in an excellent
ship, well filled with treasures of the mine, and a goodly company,
on our return to the land of our fathers beyond the sea. My own
share in the wealth of this vessel was considerable, and I had
other treasures in the person of a dear brother, and a sister who

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accompanied us. Our sister was married to one who was with us
also, and the united wealth of the three, such was our fond expectations,
would enable us to retire to our native town of Burgos,
and commend us to the favor of our people. But it was written
that we should not realize these blessed expectations, and that I
alone, of the four, should be again permitted to dwell among a
Christian people. Yet I give not up the hope that I shall yet
see my brother, who was carried away among the Indians of the
far west, when we were scattered among the tribes, in the
grand division of our captives. But this part of my story comes
properly hereafter.

“We put to sea from the port of Nombre de Dios with
very favoring winds; but these lasted us not long, ere they
came out from all quarters of the heavens, and we ran before the
storm under a rag of sail, without knowing in what course
we sped. Thus, for three days, we were driven before the baffling
winds; and when the storm lulled, the clouds still hung about us,
and our pilot wot nothing of that part of the sea in which we
went. Two days more followed, and still we were saddened
by the clouds that kept evermore coming down from heaven,
and brooding upon the deep like great fogs that gather in
the morn among the mountains. Thus we sped, weary and desponding
as we were, without any certainty as to the course we
kept, or the region of space or country round about us. Meanwhile,
the seams of our vessel began to yawn, and great was the
labor which followed, to all hands, to keep her clear of water.
This we did not wholly; and it was in vain that our carpenter
sought for, in order to stop, the leak. Thus, weary and sad, we
continued still sweeping forward slowly, looking anxiously, with
many prayers, for the sun by day and the moon and stars by

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night. But the Blessed Virgin was implored in vain. We had
offended. There was treasure on board the vessel, but it was
stained with blood. You have not heard in your histories of the
bloody Juan de Mores y Silva, who tortured the unhappy
Mexicans by fire, even in the caverns where they resided, seeking
the gold, which they gained not sufficiently soon, or in sufficient
quantity, to satisfy his cruel lust for wealth. He was one of our
companions on this voyage, bound homewards with an immense
subsidy in ingots—huge chests of gold and silver—with which he
aimed to swell into grandeur with new titles, when he arrived in
Spain. But the just Providence willed it otherwise. He was,
doubtless, the Jonah in our vessel, who fought against the prayers
for mercy and protection which the true believers addressed to
the Holy Virgin in our behalf.”

Here our captain, Laudonniere, interrupted Barbu, and said—

“Verily, Señor Spaniard, had thy prayer been addressed to
God himself, the Father, through the intervention and the mediation
of the Blessed Saviour, his Son, whose blood was shed for sinners,
it might have better profited thy case. Thy prayers to the
Virgin were an unseemly elevation of a mortal woman over the
divinity of the Godhead. But I will not vex thee with disputation.
Thou art a Christian, though it is after a fashion which, to
me seems scarcely more becoming than that of these poor savages
of Calos, who yield faith, as thou tellest me, to the spells and
enchantments of their bloody sovereign. But, proceed with thy
story, which I shall be slow to break in upon again until thou art
well ended.”

With the permission thus vouchsafed him, Barbu, the bearded
man, thus resumed his discourse:

“We plead for the interposition of the Virgin, Monsieur le

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Capitaine, not as we deem her the source of power and of mercy,
but as we hold it irreverent to rush even with our prayers to the
feet of the awful Father himself; and rejoice to believe that she
who was specially chosen, as one who should bear the burden of
the Saviour-child, was of a spirit properly sanctified and pure for
such purposes of interposition. But, as thou sayest, we will leave
this matter. If we offend in our rites and offices, it is because
we err in judgment, and not that our hearts wish to afflict the
feelings or the thoughts of those who see with other eyes
the truth. Besides, my long and outlandish abode among the
red-men, might well excuse me many errors.”

“And so, indeed, it might, Señor Spaniard,” said Laudonniere
graciously; then, as the latter remained silent, Barbu continued:

“Doubtless, Señor, as I said before, the bloody Juan de Mores
y Silva, was the Jonah of our vessel, on whose account the
Blessed Providence turned a deaf ear to our prayers and entreaties.
It was not decreed that he should escape to rejoice in his
ill-gotten treasure; and his fortunes were so mixed up with ours,
that the overthrow of one was necessarily at the grievous loss and
peril of us all. How many days we lay tossing on the tumultuous
waves, or swept to and fro, beaten and sore distressed by the violent
and changeful winds, I do not now remember, but it was in
very sickness and hopelessness of heart, that we lay down at night
as one lies down and submits to a power with which he feels himself
wholly powerless to contend. Thus did we cast ourselves
down—as the dreary shades of night came over us, with a deeper
and drearier cloud than ever,—not seeking sleep, but seized upon by
it, as it were, to save us from the suffering, akin to madness, which
must haply follow upon our fearful waking thoughts. While we slept,
our vessel struck upon the low flats of the Martyrs — those shoals

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which have laid bare the ribs of so many goodly and gold-laden
ships of my countrymen, sucking down their brave hearts and all
their treasures in the deep. We were lifted high by the surges,
and rested, beyond recovery, upon the shoals, from which the remorseless
seas refused again to lift us off. Our vessel lay upon
one side, and the greedy waves rushed into her hold. We were
stunned rather than awakened by the shock. We strove not for
safety or repair. How many perished in the moment when the
ship fell over I know not, but one of these was the husband of my
sister. He was drowned in the first rush of the billows into the
ship, though, as it was night, we knew it not. My sister had
thrown herself beside my brother, and was sleeping upon his arm.
She was the first to learn her misfortune, awaking, as she averred,
to hear the faint cries of her lord for succor, though she knew not
whence the sounds arose. When our eyes opened upon the scene,
strange to say, the clouds had disappeared. The dark waves
of the tempest had sped away to other regions. A gentle
breeze from the land had arisen, full of sweet fragrance and a
healing freshness, and, bright over head, in the blessed heavens,
blossomed fresh the eternal host of the stars. Oh! the life and
soothing in that smile of God. But we were not strong for the
blessing, nor sufficiently grateful that life was still vouchsafed us.
The day dawned upon us to increase our wretchedness. It left
us without hope. Our food was ruined by the waves that filled
the vessel, and though the land was spread before us in a lengthened
stripe, bearing forests which were surely full of fragrance,
we beheld not the means by which we should gain its pleasant
shores with safety. Our boats had perished in the surf; one of
them stove to pieces, and the other swept away. In our despondency
and our sleep we had yielded our courage and our

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providence, and we lay now in the sight of heaven, amidst the equal
realm of sea and sky, with the land spreading lovelily before us,
yet could we do nothing for ourselves. We lay without food or
drink all day, seeing nothing but the bare skies, the sea, and the
shore, which only mocked our eyes. My sister sorrowed and
sickened in my arms. She cried for water as one cries in the
delirious agonies of fever. She would drink of the water of the
deep, but this we denied her; and the day sunk again, and with it
her hope and strength. With the increase of the winds that
night, she grew delirious; and, when we knew not—and this was
strange, for I cannot believe that I closed mine eyes that night—
she disappeared. Once, it seemed that I heard her voice, in a
wild scream, calling me by name, and I started forward to feel
that she was gone. She left my arms while I lay insensible. It
was not sleep. It was stupor. My consciousness was drowned
in my great grief, and in the exhaustion of all my strength for
lack of food.

“My brother and myself alone survived of all our family.
With the knowledge that our sister was really gone—swallowed
up, doubtless, in the remorseless deep, into which she had darted
in her delirium—we came to a full consciousness. Then, when
it was only misery to know, we were permitted to know all, and
to feel the whole terrible truth pressing upon us, that we were
alone in that dreary world of sea. Not alone of our company;
only of our people. Many there were who still kept in life,
watchful but hopeless. We could see their dusky forms by the
faint light of the stars, crouching along the slanting plane of the
vessel, upon which, by cord, and sail, and spar, we still contrived
to maintain foothold; and, anon, our company would lessen.
The solemn silence of all things, except the dash of the waves

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against us, rolling up with murmurs, and breaking away in wrath,
was interrupted only by a sullen plunge, ever and anon, into the
engulphing deep, as the hope went out utterly in the heart of the
victim, and he yielded to death, rather than prolong the wretched
endurance of a life so full of misery.

“Thus the night passed; not without other signs to cheer as
well as startle us. Through the darkness we could see lights in
the direction of the shore, as if borne by human hands. With
the dawn of day, our eyes were turned eagerly in that direction.
Nor did we look in vain. The shore swarmed with human forms.
A hundred canoes were already darting along the margin of the
great deep, and evident were the preparations of the people of
this wild region, to visit our stranded vessel. In a little time
they came. Their canoes were some of them large enough to
carry forty warriors, though made from a single tree. They
came to us in order of battle; a hundred boats, holding each
from ten to fifty warriors. These carried spear and shield, huge
lances, and well-curved bows, drawn with powerful sinews of the
deer. Their arrows were long shafts of the feathery reed, such
as flourish in all these forests. The feather from the eagle's wing
gave it buoyancy, and the end of the shaft was barbed with a
keen flint, wrought by art to an edge such as our best workmen
give to steel. Many were the chief men among these warriors,
who approached us in full panoply of barbaric pomp. Turbans
of white and crimson-stained cotton, such as the Turk is shown
to wear, though folded in a still nobler fashion, were wrapped
about their heads, over which shook bunches of plumes taken
from the paroquet, the crane, and the eagle. Robes of cotton,
white, or crimson, or scarlet, colored with native dies of the
forest, clothed their loins, and fell flowing from their shoulders;

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and, ever and anon, as they came, they shook a thousand gourds
which they had made to rattle with little pebbles, which, with their
huge drum, wrought of the mammoth gourd, and covered with
raw deer skin, made a clamor most astounding to our hapless
ears. Thus they hailed our vessel, making it appear as if they
intended to have fought us; but when they beheld how famishing
we lay before them, with scarcely strength and courage enough to
plead for mercy—speaking only through our dry and scalded eyes,
and by clasping our hard and weary hands together—then it
seemed as if they at once understood and felt for us; and they
drew nigh with their canoes, and lowered their weapons, and
darting with lithe sinews upon the sides of our leaning vessel,
they held gourds of water to our lips, which cheered us while we
swallowed, as with the sense of a fresh existence.

“Thus were we rescued from the yawning deep. The savages
took us, with a rough kindness, from the wreck. They carried
us in their canoes to the shore; and several were the survivors,
as well women as men. They gave us food and
nourishment, and when we were refreshed and strengthened, they
separated us from our comrades, sharing us among our captors,
each according to his rank, his power, or his favor with his sovereign.
Seventeen of our poor Christians were thus scattered
among the tribes and over the territories of the king of Calos.
Some were kept in his household; but my hapless brother was
not among them. He was given to a chief of the far tribes of
the West, who made instant preparation to depart with him.
When they would have borne us apart, with a swift bound and a
common instinct, we buried ourselves in a mutual embrace. The
chiefs looked on with a laugh that made us shudder; while he to
whom my brother was given, with a savage growl, thrust his hands

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into the flowing locks of my brother, and hurled him away to the
grasp of those who stood in waiting for the captive. He struggled
once more to embrace me, and long after I could hear his cry—
`Brother, brother, shall we see each other never more!' They
heeded not his cries or struggles, or mine. They threw him to
the ground with violence, bound him hand and foot, with gyves of
the forest, and placing him in one of their great canoes, they sped
away with him along the shores, as they treated to the mighty
West, where roll the great waters of the Mechachebe.

“Thus was I separated from my only surviving kinsman; and
neither of us could tell the fate which was in waiting for the
other. Verily, then did I look to find the worst. I no longer
had a hope. It is my shame, as a Christian, that, in that desolate
moment, I ceased to have a fear. I not only expected death,
but I longed for it. I could have kissed the friendly hand that
had driven the heavy stone hatchet of the savage into my brain.
But, the Blessed Mother of God be praised, I thought not, in my
despair, to do violence to my own self. That sin was spared me
among my many sins, in that hour of despondency and woe; and
all my crime consisted in the criminal indifference which made
me too little heedful to preserve life. But this indifference lasted
not long. I was the captive of the king of Calos himself. Nine
others were kept by him including me, and among these was the
cruel tyrant upon whose head lay the blood of so many of the
wretched people of Mexico, Don Juan de Mores y Silva. He
was the tyrant no longer. All his strength and courage had departed
in his afflictions; and in the hour of our despair and terror,
he was feebler than the meanest among us; feebler of soul than
the girl whose heart beats with the dread that she cannot name,
fearfully, as that of the little bird which you cover with your

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hand. We loathed him the worse for his miserable fear; and it
made us all more resolute in courage to see one so cast down with
his terrors, whom we had seen of late so insolent in his triumphs.

“When the lots were determined, the king of Calos drew nigh to
examine us more heedfully. He had not before regarded us with
any consideration. Verily, he was a noble savage to the eye.
His person was tall, like one of the sons of Anak, and his carriage
was that of a great warrior, born a prince, to whom it was
natural equally to conquer and to rule. Rich were the garments
of flowing cotton which he wore loosely, like a robe, mostly white,
but with broad stains of crimson about the skirts and shoulders.

“A great baldrick hung suspended at his back, which bore a
quiver, made of the skin of the rattle-snake, filled with arrows,
each shaft better than a cloth-yard's length. The macana which
he carried in his grasp, was a mighty club of hard wood, close in
grain, and weighty as stone, which, save at the grasp or handle,
was studded with sharp blades of flint, which resembled it to the
mighty blade of the sword-fish. With this weapon mine eyes
have seen him smite down two powerful enemies at a single
stroke. Great was his forehead and high, and his cheek bones
stood forth like knots upon his face, as if the cheeks were
guarded by a shield. Black was his piercing eye, which grew
red and fiery when he was angered; and, at such seasons, it was
easier for him to smite than to speak. Unlike his people, he
wore the natural growth of his hair, long and flowing straight
adown his back, glossy with its original blackness, and with the
oil of the bear, of which, like all his people, the lord of Calos
made plentiful use. This king might be full forty years of age.
Yet looked he neither young nor old—neither so young that you
might not hold him the gravest and best counsellor of wisdom in

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the land, nor so old, but that he might better and more ingeniously
lead in battle than any of his warriors. Certes, he was the most
ready first to march when the invasion of the distant tribes had
been resolved on; and, of a truth, never was statesman in the
great courts of Europe—not the counsellors of the great Carlos
himself—so cool in speculation, so just in judgment, so heedful to
consider all the advantages and all the risks of an enterprise,
before the first step was set down in the adoption of a policy. For
seven years had I sufficient means, in the immediate service of his
household, to watch the courses of his thoughts and character, and
to know the virtues and the strength thereof. I saw him devise
among his chiefs, and inform them with his own devices. I have
seen him lead in battle, when all the plans were his own, and it
was his equal teaching and valiancy by which the field was won.
Verily, I say that this lord of Calos were a prince to mate with
the best in Europe; and, but that we have in European warfare
such engines of mischief as come not within the use or knowledge
of his race, it were difficult to circumvent him in stratagem, or
overcome his braves in battle. With an hundred shot—no less—
and employing at the same time all the red-men as allies, who
are hostile to this king of Calos—and they are many—and I
doubt not Monsieur Laudonniere, but that you could penetrate
his dominions and make the conquest thereof. But of him could
you make no conquest. He is a warrior of the proudest stomach,
who would rather perish than lose the victory; and who, most
surely, would never survive the overthrow of his dominion.

“Me, did this great king examine with more curious eyes
than he bestowed upon the other captives. I know not for what
reason, unless because of the superior size and strength which I
possess, and the extreme length and thickness of my beard and

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hair, of which, as a Christian man, I have always made too much
account. All of us did he assign to labor; to the gathering of
wood, and work in the maize fields, with the women. By-and-by,
there came a preference for me beyond the others. I was
brought into the king's household, and barbed his arrows, and
wrought upon his great macanas, and strove, among the Indians,
in hewing out his canoes from the cypress, first burning out the
greater core with fire. But when harvest time came, a great
festivity was held among the savages. Bitter roots were gathered
in the woods, and great vessels of the beverage which was made
thereof, was placed within the council or round house of the nation.
Thither did the chiefs resort and drink; and ever as they drank
they danced, though the liquor wrought upon them like a guardiente
with the European, and moved them even as the most violent
of emetic medicines. Still danced they, and still they danced for
the space of three whole days.—But the lord of Calos seemed not
to mingle at this strange festival. He purposed rites still more
strange—rites, which even now, I think upon with horror only.
He had a dwelling to himself in the deep woods, whither he retired
the night before the day when the great feast of the nation
was to begin. Here he waited all the night, watching with reverence
and patience the burning of a strange fire which had been
wrought of many curious and fragrant herbs and roots. Three of
the ancient people, the priests or Iawas, as they style themselves,
retired with him to build this fire, which, when it began to burn,
placing in store a sufficient supply of aromatic fuel that he
might feed it still, they left him, with strange exorcising, to himself.
And there he kept watch throughout the night. But
early with the next morning he came forth, and he sprinkled the
ashes of the fire upon the maize field, and he cried thrice, with a

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loud voice, of Yo-he-wah, which, I believe to mean the sacred
name as known among the red-men. With each cry, as our poor
Spaniards, myself among them, were gathering the green ears
from the maize stalks, the priests who followed the king of Calos,
seized bodily upon three of our brethren, taking us by surprise,
and putting us all in a quaking fear. These three were all
brought before the lord of Calos, who, not looking upon them
as they lay bound at his feet, threw yet another vessel of sacred
ashes into the air, and as these three Spaniards lay separate, with
their faces looking up, I beheld the ashes sink immediately upon
the breast of him whom I have already named to you—the Jonas
by whom our vessel was doomed to wreck—the cruel Don Juan
de Mores y Silva. Now, though the king surely looked not as he
threw the ashes into the air, yet did it descend upon the breast of
this said Spaniard, as certainly as if the eye and arm of this lord
had been upon this particular person at the moment when he
threw. Verily, though I know not well how it should be—being
counselled by Holy Church against such belief—yet, verily, had
this lord of Calos certain powers which did seem to justify the
saying among his people, that he was a master of magic and of
arts superior to those of common men.

“Now, when the Iawas, or priests, beheld where the ashes
fell, they seized incontinently upon the Spaniard aforesaid. They
bore him away from us, wondering and fearing all the while.
But those who remained loosed the other two who had been
bound, and they were set free with the rest, to pursue their
labors in the corn-field. But we were not let to know the awful
fate which befel the Spaniard who was taken. Verily, he saw his
danger in the moment when the ashes lighted on his breast. His
face was whiter than the blossom of the dogwood when it first

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opens to the spring. His eye glared, and his lip quivered like a
leaf in the gusts of March, though nothing he spake at anything
they did to him. But when they bore him away from our eyes,
then a terrible fear and agony caused him to cry aloud—`Oh!
my countrymen, will you not save me from the bloody savage!' I
cannot soon forget that cry, which was clearly that of a person
who beholds his doom. But of what avail? We had not the
people, nor the strength, nor the weapons! A thousand savages
danced wildly around the council-house, and the fields were full of
these who came to drink and dance. Besides, we thought not of
any danger but our own. We knew not how soon the fate was
to befal us; for had it not seized upon Don Juan without a
warning or a sign.

“They bore him to the secret tabernacle in the woods, where
the lord of Calos watched alone. We saw not then, but afterwards
we knew, what had been his fate. There they laid him
upon a great mound of earth, with the sacred fire burning at his
head in a large vessel of baked clay, formed with a nice art by
the savages, and painted with the mystic figure of a bloody hand.
The garments which he wore were taken off, and his limbs were
fastened separately to great stakes driven in places about the
mound. Thus were his hands and legs, his body and his very
neck made fast, so that whatever might be the deed done upon
him, he could oppose it not even in the smallest measure. But it
was permitted him to cry aloud—and those of us who stole into
the woods seeking to hear,—with a terrible curiosity which our
very apprehensions fed,—we heard,—we heard,—and even as the
awful scream of our late companion came piercing through the
woods upon our ears,—we fled afar from the sound, which was
that of a mortal agony and anguish. And, verily, the torture to

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which he was doomed was that which might well compel the poor
outraged heart of humanity to cry aloud. With a keen knife,
and the hand of one who had practised long at the cruel rite, the
lord of Calos laid bare the breast of the victim, he not able to
struggle even,—only to shriek,—he laid it bare as one peels the
ripe fruit, and exposes the precious heart thereof! Even this did
the lord of Calos. He stripped the skin from the breast of his
victim, then, with sharp strokes, he smote away the flesh, until
the quaking ribs lay bare to his point. With a sharp stone chisel
he smote the breast-bone asunder, lifted the ribs, and tore away
the smoking heart, which he cast, reeking red, into the burning
fire of odorous woods and herbs, which then flamed up and
brightened in the dark chamber, as if fed with some ichorous
fuel. In that terrible agony, when the soul and the human life
were thus rudely torn apart from the mutual embrace, it was told
me by the lord of Calos, himself, that the victim burst one of the
wythes that bound him, and freed his right hand, which he waved
violently thrice, even while his murderer was plucking his heart
away from its quivering fastenings! Oh! the horror, though for
a moment only, of that awful consciousness! Verily, my friends,
if the lord of Calos did possess a power of magic such as his people
affirm, verily, I say, he paid a terrible price to the eternal
hater of human souls, when he gat from him his perditious
privilege!

“But the sufferings of that wretched victim, who then and thus
perished, were they greater than those which followed our footsteps,—
we, the survivors,—haunting us by night and day, with
the mortal terrors of a fear that such must be our doom also?
Every rustle of an approaching footstep among the maize-stalks
where we toiled, breaking the stems and gathering the ripened

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ears, seemed to our woe-stricken souls, as the step of one who
came as an executioner; while we labored in the gloomy thicket,
gathering fuel for the winter fires, the same fear was hanging over
us with a threat of the impending doom. We lived and slept in
a continual dread of death, which made the hair whiten on every
brow, even of the youngest, before that terrible winter was gone
over.

“To us it was assigned to put away the body of our murdered
comrade. But this was only after the three days of the feast was
elapsed, and when the duty was tenfold distressing. Still, though
all our senses revolted at the task, a fearful curiosity compelled a
close examination of the victim. Then it was that we saw how
the execution had been done, though we knew not then, nor until
some time after, that the cell which enshrined and kept the heart
had been torn open, and the sacred possession wrenched away with
violent hands, even while the wretched victim had eyes to see, as
well as sensibilities to feel, the sacrilegious and bloody theft. We
bore the body far into the woods, wrapping it with leaves so as to
hide it from our eyes, while we carried it in the bottom of an old
canoe which we found for this purpose. Our burial was conducted
after the fashion of the red-men. We laid the corse of our comrade
upon a bed of leaves on the naked earth, and laid heavy fragments
of pine and other combustible wood about him. With this
we made a great pile, which we set on fire, and let to burn until
everything was consumed. We then, with sad, sorrowing, and
trembling hearts, returned, each one of us, in a mournful silence
that wist not what to say, to our separate tasks, and the places
which had been assigned us.

“Now, many months had passed in this manner, and still I
was employed about the king's household. This lord of Calos

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distinguished me, as I have said, beyond my comrades. I had
a great vigor of limb which is not common among this people,
except in so much as it moves them to great agility. They are
rather light, swift and expert, than powerful in war; and trust
rather to great cunning than superior strength, in the meeting
with their enemies. The king of Calos greatly admired to see me
lift heavy logs of timber, such as would have borne down any
among his people if laid upon his shoulders. But he himself had
a strength superior to his people, and he wondered even more
when, striving to lift the logs which I laid down, he found it beyond
his mastery. Then, he put his bow into my hand, and
giving me a cloth-yard shaft of reed, well tipped with a flinty
barb, and dressed with an eagle's feather, he bade me draw it to
the head, and send it as I would. Upon which, doing so, he
greatly wondered to see how rapid and distant was the flight, for
well he knew that the ability to shoot the arrow far comes rather
from sleight than from strength, and is an art that only grows
from practice. But this, perhaps, had not fully given me to the
confidence of the king, had it not been for a service which I rendered
on one occasion to his favorite son, a boy of but twelve
years of age, whom I plucked from beneath the feet of a great
stag, which the hunters had wounded in the forest. The red-men
greatly delight to see their sons take part in the chase, even while
their gristle is yet soft and their limbs feeble; for by this early
practice they desired to make them strong and skilful. The son
of the lord of Calos was a youth, tall and strong beyond his
years; and because of the fondness of his father, exceedingly
audacious in all manner of sports and strifes. Thus it was that,
having seen a great stag wounded by the shaft of his sire, he had
run in upon him with his slender spear. The staff of the spear

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broke, even as the barb penetrated the breast of the beast, and
the boy fell forward at the mercy of his mighty antlers. Then
was it that, seeing the lad's danger,—for I was at hand, bearing
the victuals for the hunters—I threw down the basket, and rushing
in, took the stag by his horns, in season for the lad to recover
himself. The lord of Calos drew nigh and saw, but he offered no
help, leaving it to his son to draw the keen knife which he carried,
over the throat of the struggling beast. And, excepting what the
boy said to me of thanks, nothing did I hear of the thing which I
had done. But, three weeks after, the king made his preparations
for a war party against the mountain Indians. Then he spoke to
me, saying, in his own language,—which, by this time, I could
understand,—Barbu,—this was the name which had been given
me because of my beard—Barbu, it is not fit that one with such
limbs and skill as thou hast, should labor still in the occupation of
the women. Get thee a spear, such as will suit thy grasp, and
there are bows and arrows for thy choice,—make thee satisfied
with sufficient provision, and get thee ready to go against mine
enemies. Thou shalt have to tear the flesh of a strong man!

“Verily, my friends, though it shames me to confess, that I, a
Christian man, could lift weapon in behalf of one against another
savage of the wilderness; yet such had been my sorrow, and so
wretched did I feel at the base tasks to which I had been given,—
so very unlike the valiant duties which had distinguished mine
ancient service in the armies of Castile,—that I even rejoiced at
the chance of putting on the armor of war,—and the meaner
weapon of the red-men satisfied me then, who of old had carried,
with great favor, the matchlock and the sword. But the weapon
of the savage, as perchance thou knowest, is not greatly inferior,
according to their usage, and in their country, to the superior

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implements with which the Christian warrior takes the field. If the
arquebuse is more fatal than the barbed arrow of the Indian, it is
yet less frequently ready for the danger. While you shall have
put your pieces in readiness for a second fire, the savage will
deliver thirty javelins, each of which, if within bullet reach,
shall inflict such an injury, short of death, as may disarm the
wounded person. Their reeds are always ready at hand. To
them every bay and river bank affords an armory, and the loss
of their weapons, which were fatal to Frenchman or Spaniard,
causes them but little mischief, since a single night will repair all
their losses. Neither much time nor much cost is it to them to
supply their munitions, of which they can always carry a more
abundant provision than can we. The great superiority of the
European, in his encounter with the red-man, is in his wisdom,
the fruit of many ages of civilization, and not in the weapons
which he wields in conflict. Let him exchange weapons with the
savage, and he will still obtain the victory.

“It was because of this showing of superiority, together with
the service which I had thus rendered to his son, that made the
lord of Calos take me with him, armed as a warrior, on his expedition
against the mountain Indians of Apalachy. I hastened
to provide myself with weapons, as I was commanded, and I made
for myself a great mace, such as that which the strongest warriors
carried, which was a billet of hard wood, not more than four feet
in length, with a handle easy to the grasp, while at each side ran
down a great row of flinty teeth, each broad and sharpened like
to a spear-head. It is a fatal weapon, with a well-delivered blow.
In like manner did I imitate the practice of the red-men in dressing
the head and breast for war. I put on the paints, red and
black, which I beheld them use; but, instead of the unmeaning

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and rude figures which they scored upon the breast, I drew there
the figure of a large cross, by which, though none but myself
might know, I made anew my assurance to Holy Mother, of a
faith unperishing, in Him who bore its burthen; and implored His
protection against the perils which might lurk along the path. In
the same manner, with a bloody cross, did I inscribe my forehead
and each cheek, while I dipped my hands above the wrist in the
black dyes which they also used as paints, and which they took
from the walnut and other woods of the forest. Greatly did my
Christian comrades wonder to behold me, painted after this
fashion, with a bunch of turkey feathers tied about my head like
the savage, and the strange weapons of the red-men in my
grasp. These rejoiced exceedingly as they beheld me, and
laughed and chatted among themselves, saying—`Yah-hee-wee!
Yah-hee-wee!' with other words, by which they testified their
satisfaction. But our Spaniards were in the same degree sorry,
as it seemed to them that, in spite of the holy emblem upon my
breast, I had delivered myself up to the enemy, and had put on,
with the habit, all the superstitions of the Heathen. They had
sorrow upon other grounds, since I was about to leave them, and,
from the favor I had found with the lord of Calos, I had grown to
be one to whom they began to look as to a mediator and protector.

“We set out thus for the country of the enemy, the lord of
Calos leading the way upon the march, as is the custom with the
Indians, while the foe is yet at a distance from the spot. But, as
we drew nigh to the hills of the Apalachian, the young men were
scattered on every hand, as so many light troops. They covered
all the paths, they harbored in all places where they could maintain
watch and find security, and nightly they sent in runners to

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the camp, reporting their discoveries. I entreated of the lord of
Calos to be sent with these young men; but, whether he feared
that I would seek an opportunity to fly and escape to the enemy,
I know not. He refused, saying that it required scouts of experience,—
men who knew the ways of the country, and that I
could be of no use in such adventures. He was pleased to add
that he wished me near him, as one of his own warriors—that is,
the warriors of his family or tribe—that I might do battle at his
side, and in his sight!

“We were not long in finding the enemy, who had received
tidings of our approach. Several battles were fought, in which
I did myself credit in the eyes of our warriors. The lord of Calos
was greatly pleased. He took me with him into counsel, and it
was fortunate that the advice which I gave, as to the conduct of
the war, was adopted, and was greatly successful. Many were
the warriors of the mountain whom we slew. Many scalps were
taken, and more than a hundred captive boys and damsels.
These, if young, are always spared, and taken into the conquering
tribe. The former are newly marked with the totem of the people
who take them, while the latter become the wives of the
chiefs, who greatly value them. I confess to you, my brethren,
that I was guilty of the sin of taking one of these same women
into my cabin, who was to me as a wife, though no holy priest,
with appointed ceremonials of the church, gave his sanction to our
communion. She was a lovely and a loving creature, scarcely
sixteen, but very fair, almost like a Spaniard, and of hair so long
that she hath thrice wrapt it around her own neck and mine.”

“Why didst thou not tell me of that woman?” said Laudonniere,
interrupting the narrator. “Had we known, she should
have been procured with thee. But, even now, it is not too late.

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We will bid the chief, Onathaqua, send her after thee, so that
thou may'st wed her according to the rites of the church.”

“Alas!” replied Barbu, “thou compellest me, Señor Laudonniere,
to unravel sin after sin before thee. I have greatly
erred and wandered from the paths of virtue, and from the laws
of Holy Church, in my grievous sojourn among the savages.
That woman filled no longer the place which she had at first in
my affections. With increase of power and security, I grew
wanton. I grew weary of her, and sold her to one of the chiefs
for a damsel of his own house, which mine eyes coveted.”

The Spaniard hung his head as he made this confession, while
Laudonniere with severe aspect rated him for his lecheries.
When the captain had ceased his rebuke, Le Barbu continued his
story thus:

“We gained many battles in this war with the mountain Indians,
who are neither so fierce, nor so subtle as those who dwell along
the regions of the sea. Verily, the people of the lord of Calos
are great dissemblers, treacherous beyond the serpent, valiant of
their persons, and fight with excellent address. Great was the
favor which I found with them because of my conduct in the war;
and, in each succeeding war, for a space of six years, I became,
in like manner, distinguished, until I became a most favorite
chief with the lord of Calos, and a bosom friend and companion
of his son—he whom I had rescued from the stag, and who had
now grown up to manhood. Greatly did this lad favor his father.
He was of a light olive complexion, scarcely more dark than the
people of Spanish race, but superior in stature, well-limbed, and
of admirable dexterity. With him I hunted from the fall of the
leaf in autumn, to the budding of the leaf again in spring; and,
when the summer time came, we sped away in our canoes, up the

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vast rivers of the country, through great lakes, many of which
lie embadey in forests of mangrove and palm, where the forest
swims upon the water. If it were possible for a Christian man—
for one who has heard the sound of a great bell in the cities of
the old world, and who has communed with the various good and
wondrous things of civilization—to be content with a loss of these,
and their utter exclusion from sight for ever, then might I have
passed pleasantly the years of my captivity among the people of
Calos. I had become a chief and was greatly honored. I had
power and I was much feared. I had wealth—such wealth as
the savage estimates—and I was loved; and the lord of Calos and
his noble son, put in me a faith which never betrayed a doubt or
a denial. But I had not power to shield my brother Christians,
save in one case. Each year witnessed the sacrifice of a comrade.
They were the victims to the Iawas. The priesthood
was a power under which the kings themselves were made to
tremble. With them was it to determine upon peace or war,
life or death, bonds or freedom; and the strength of the king lay
greatly in his alliance with the priesthood. But for this, the rule
among the savage nations would be wholly with the people.
Season after season, when came the harvest, one of our luckless
Spaniards was taken away from the rest and doomed to the
sacrifice. In this way the savages propitiate the unknown God,
to whom they looked for victory over their enemies. Do not suppose
that I beheld this cruelty without toiling against it. But I
spoke in vain. I made angry the Iawas, until the lord of Calos
himself addressed me, after this fashion—`Son of the stranger,
art thou not well thyself? Why wouldst thou be sick, being
well? Art thou not thyself safe? Why, being so, put thy
head under the macana? It is not wise in thee to see the things

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over which the power is denied thee. Go then, with Mico
Wa-ha-la,'—such was the name of his son—`go then with him
into the great lake of the forest, and come not back for a season.
Depart thou thus, always, when the maize is ready for the harvest.
'

“I obeyed him; but not until I found that I was endangering
my own safety to attempt further expostulation; and then it was
that my companions perished, all save the one who now sits before
thee with myself, and whom I saved because of a service
which I rendered to the Iawa, and whom I persuaded to take my
white brother into his wigwam. He went, even before myself,
but through my means, into the service of Onathaqua.”

Here Captain Laudonniere interrupted the speaker.

“For what reason,” said he, “being such a favorite with the
king of Calos and his son, didst thou at last leave his service
for that of the King Onathaqua?”

“Alas, Señor Laudonniere, thy question shames me again,
since it requires of me to lay bare another of the vices of my
evil heart, and to confess how the bad passions thereof could
lead me into follies which proved fatal to my better fortune. I
had gained great honor among the savages by my prudence and
my skill in war, my strength in battle, and the excellence of my
counsel in the country of the enemy. I had gained the good will
and protection of the great king of Calos, and the affection of
his son, the noble young Mico Wa-ha-la! But these contented
me nothing, though they brought plenty and security to my
wigwam, and such delights as might satisfy the man, a dweller in
the wilderness. I have said that I was greatly trusted by the
king, the prince, and the head men of the country. These then,
after I had been eight years in their service, confided to my

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charge a great and sacred commission. The time had come
when it became proper that this Mico Wa-ha-la should take to
himself a wife. Now, tidings had reached Calos of a creature,
lovely as a daughter of the sun, who was the youngest child of
the King Onathaqua. A treaty was agreed upon between the
two kings for the marriage of their children; and I was dispatched,
with a select body of warriors, to bring the maiden
home to her new sovereign. It was not the custom for a chief
desiring a wife, that he should seek her in person. Accordingly
I was dispatched, and I reached the territories of Onathaqua in
safety. Here I beheld the maiden in pursuit of whom I came,
and my froward heart instantly conceived the wildest affection for
her beauty. Beautiful she was as any of our Castilian maidens,
and as delicate and modestly proper in her bearing, as one may
see in the gentlest damsel of a Christian country. Deeply was I
smitten with this new flame, and greatly did I strive to please
the maiden who had fired me with these fresh fancies. I spake
with her in the Indian language, with charms of thought which
had been taken from the Castilian, such as were vastly superior
to those which belonged to Indian courtship. I sang to her many
a glorious ballad of the sweet romance of my country, discoursing
of the tender loves between the Castilian cavaliers and the
dark-eyed and dark-tressed maidens of Grenada. Verily, the
beauty of the delicate daughter of Onathaqua, the precious
Istakalina—by which the people of Onathaqua understand the
white lily of the lake before it opens—was no unbecoming representative
of that choice dark beauty which made the charm of
the Moorish damsel of my land, ere Boabdil gave up his sceptre
into the hands of the holy Ferdinand. For Istakalina, I rendered
the language of the Castilian romance into the dialect of

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her people; and with a sad fondness in her eyes, that drooped
ever while looking upwards at the passionate gaze of mine, did
she listen to the story of feelings and affections to which her own
young and innocent nature did now tenderly incline. Thus was
it that she was delivered into my keeping by her sire, that I
should conduct her to the young Mico Wa-ha-la, my friend.
And thus, with fond discourse of song and story, which grew
more fond with every passing hour—with me to speak and she to
listen—did we commence our journey homeward to the dominions
of the lord of Calos. Alas! for me, and alas! for the hapless
maiden, that, in the fondness of my passion, I forgot my trust;
forgot preciously to guard and protect the precious treasure in
my keeping; and, in the increase of my blind love, forgot all the
lessons of war and wisdom, and all the necessary providence
which these equally demand. Thus was it that I was dispossessed
of my charge, at the very moment when it was most dear
to my delight. Didst thou ask me for the hope which grew with
this blind passion, verily, señor, I should have to say to thee that
I had none. I thought not of the morrow; I dared not think of
the time when Istakalina should fill the cabin of Wa-ha-la. I
knew nothing but that she was with me, with her dark eyes ever
glistening beneath their darker lids, as she met the burning
speech of mine; that we thridded the sinuous paths of silent and
shady forests, with none to reproach our speech or glances; our
attendants, some of them going on before, and some following;
and that, when she ascended the litter, which was borne by four
stout savages, or sat in the canoe as we sped across lake or
river—for both of these modes of travel did we at times pursue—
I was still the nearest to her side, drunk with her sweet beauty,
and the sad tenderness which dwelt in all her looks and actions.

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Nor was it less my madness that I fondly set to the account of
her fondness for me, the very sadness with which she answered
my looks, and the sweet sigh which rose so often to her softly
parted lips. Verily, was never man and Christian so false and
foolish as was I, in those bitter blessed moments. Thus was I
blinded to all caution—thus was I heedless of all danger—thus
was I caught in the snare, to the loss of all that was precious as
well to my captor as myself.

“How was this? How happened it?” demanded Laudonniere
as Le Barbu paused, and covered his face with his hands in
silence, as if overcome with a great misery.

“Thou shalt hear, Señor. I will keep nothing from thee of
this sad confession; for, verily, have I long since repented of
the sin and folly which brought after them so much evil. Thou
shalt know that, distant from the territories of the lord of Calos,
a journey of some three days, and nearly that far distant also
from the dwelling of Onathaqua, there lieth a great lake of fresh
water, in the midst of which is an island named Sarropee. This
island and the country which surrounds the lake, is kept by a
very powerful nation, a fierce people, not so numerous as strong,
because they have places of retreat and refuge, whither no enemy
dare pursue them. On the firm land, and in open conflict, the
lord of Calos had long before conquered this strange people;
but in their secure harborage and vast water thickets, they
mocked at the power of all the surrounding kings. These,
accordingly, kept with them a general peace, which was seldom
broken, except under circumstances such as those which I shall
now unfold. The people of this lake and island are rich in the
precious root called the Coonti, of which they have an abundance,
of a quality far superior to that of all the neighboring country.

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Their dates, which give forth a delicious honey, are in great
abundance also, and of these their traffic is large with all other
nations. But that they are a most valiant people, and occupy a
territory so troublesome to penetrate, they had been destroyed by
other nations, all of whom are greedy for the rich productions
which their watery realm bestows. Now, it was, that, in our
journey homewards, we drew nigh to the great lake of the people
of the isle of Sarropee. Here it was that my footstep faltered, and the
vision of mine eyes was completely shut. I knew that our people
were at peace with the people of Sarropee, and I thought not of
them. But had I not been counselled to vigilance in bringing
home the daughter of Onathaqua, even as if the woods were
thick with enemies? But I had forgotten this caution. I sent
forth no spies; I sought for no wisdom from my young warriors;
and, like an ignorant child that knows not of the deep gulf
beneath, I stepped confidently into the little canoe which was to
take Istakalina and myself across an arm of the lake which set
inwards, while our warriors fetched a long compass around it.
Alas! señor, I was beguiled to this folly by the fond desire that I
might have the lovely maiden wholly to myself in the little canoe,
for already did I begin to grieve with the thought that in a few
days, the journey would be at an end, and I should then yield her
unto the embraces of another. And thus we entered the canoe.
I made for her a couch, in the bottom of the little boat, of leaves
gathered from the scented myrtle. With the paddle in my
hand, I began to urge the vessel, but very slowly, lest that we
should too soon reach the shore, and find the warriors waiting for
us. Sweetly did I strive to discourse in her listening ears; and
with what dear delight did I behold her as she answered me only

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with her tears. But these were as the cherished drops of hope
about mine heart, which gave it a life which it never knew before.
While thus we sped, dreaming nothing of any danger, over the
placid waters, with the dark green mangrove about us, and a soft
breeze playing on the surface of the great lake, suddenly, from
out the palm bushes, darted a cloud of boats, filled with painted
warriors, that bore down upon us with shows of fury and a
mighty shout of war. I answered them with a shout, not unlike
their own, for already had I imbibed something of the Indian
nature. I shouted the war-whoop of the lord of Calos, and
tried to make myself heard by the distant warriors that formed
my escort. And they did hear my clamors; for already had they
rounded the bayou or arm of the lake which I had sought to
cross, and were pressing down towards us upon the opposite banks.
Then did I bestir the paddle in my grasp, making rapid progress
for the shore, while the canoes of the Sarropee strove to dart
between us and the place for which I bent. But what could my
single paddle avail against their better equipment? Theirs
were canoes of war, carrying each more than a score of powerful
warriors armed for action, and prepared to peril their lives in
the prosecution of their object. I, too, was armed as an Indian
warrior, and with their approach, I betook me to my weapon. I
had learned to throw the short lance, or the javelin of the
savage, with a dexterity like his own; and, ere they could approach
me, I had fatally struck with these darts two of their
most valiant warriors. They strove not to return the arrows
lest they should hurt the maiden, Istakalina, who had raised herself
at the first danger, and now strove with the paddle which I
had thrown down. As one of the canoes which threatened us
drew nigh, I seized the great macana which I carried, and

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prepared myself to use it upon the most forward warriors; but when
I expected that they would assail me with war-club and spear,
the cunning savages thrust their great prow against our little
boat, amidships, and even while my macana lighted on the head
of one of the assailants, smiting him fatally, I fell over into the
lake with the upsetting of our vessel. In a moment had they
grasped Istakalina from the lake, and taken her to themselves in
their own canoe, and as I raised my head from the water, beholding
this mishap, a heavy stroke upon my shoulder, which
narrowly missed my head, warned me of my danger. Then,
seeing that I could no longer save the captive maiden, I dived
deeply under, making my way like an otter, beneath the water,
for the shore. A flight of arrows followed my rising to take the
air, but they were hurriedly delivered, with little aim, and only
one of them grazed my cheek. The mark is still here as thou
seest. Again I dived beneath the water, still swimming shoreward,
and when I next rose into the light and air, I was among
the people of the lord of Calos. They were now assembled along
the banks of the lake, as near as they could go to the enemy,
some of them, indeed, having waded waist deep in their wild fury
and desperate defiance. But of what avail were their weapons
or their rage? The maiden, Istakalina, the princess and the
betrothed of Wa-ha-la, was gone. The people of the Sarropee
had borne her off, heeding me little even as they had taken her.
She was already far off, moving towards the centre of the lake,
and faint were the cries which now came from her, though it
delighted my poor vain heart, in that desperate hour, to perceive
that, in her last cries, it was my unhappy name that she uttered.
They bore her away to the secret island where they dwelt, in
secure fastnesses; and long and fruitless, though full of

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desperation, was the war that followed for her recovery. But, though I
myself fought in this war, as I never have fought before, yet did
I not dare to do battle under the eye, or among the warriors of
the lord of Calos. I fled from his sight and from the reproaches
of my friend, the Mico Wa-ha-la, for, in my soul, I felt how
deep had been my guilt, and my conscience did not dare the
encounter with their eyes. I took refuge with Onathaqua, the
father of Istakalina; and when he knew of the valor with which
I strove against the captivity of the maiden, he forgave me
that I lost her through my own imprudence. Of the blind and
selfish passion which prompted that imprudence, he did not
dream, and he so forgave me. Under his lead, I took up arms
against the tribes of Sarropee, and for two years did the war
continue, with great slaughter and distress among the several
nations. But, in all our battles, I kept ever on the northern side of
the great lake, and never allowed myself to join with the warriors
of Calos. They but too well conceived my guilt. The keen
eyes of mine escort distinguished my passion, and saw that it was
not ungracious in the sight of Istakalina. Too truly did they
report us to the lord of Calos, and to my friend, the young Mico
Wa-ha-la. Bitter was the reproach which he made me in a last
gift which he sent me, while I dwelt with Onathaqua. It consisted
of a single arrow, from which depended a snake skin, with
the warning rattles still hanging thereto. `Say to the bearded
man,' said the Mico, `when you give him this, that it comes from
Wa-ha-la. Tell him that his friend sends him this, in token that
he knows how much he hath been wronged. Say to the bearded
man, that Wa-ha-la had but one flower of the forest, and that
his friend hath gathered it. Let his friend beware the arrow of

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the warrior, and the deadly fang of the war-rattle, for the path
between us is everywhere sown with the darts of death.'

Thus he spake, and I was silent. I was guilty. I could
not excuse myself, and did not entreat. I felt the truth of
his complaint and the justice of his anger. I felt how great had
been my folly and my crime. Istakalina was lost to us both.
Thus then, a fugitive, and an outlaw from Calos, dreading every
moment the vengeance of Wa-ha-la and his warriors, I dwelt
for seven years with Onathaqua, who hath ever treated me as a
son. I have fought among his warriors, and shared the fortunes
of his people, of which nothing more need be said. Tidings at
length came to me, of a people in the country bearded like
myself. Then came your messengers to Onathaqua, and you
behold me here. I looked not for Frenchmen but for Spaniards.
I thank and praise the Blessed Mother of God, that I have found
friends if not countrymen, and that I see, once more, the faces
of a Christian people.”

Thus ended the narrative of Le Barbu, or the Bearded Man
of Calos.

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p373-268 XVIII. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

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We have already mentioned that, with the restoration of
Laudonniere to power, and the complete subjection of his
mutineers, he resumed by degrees his projects of exploration and
discovery. Among other places to which he sent his barks, was
the territory of King Audusta, occupying that region in which
Fort Charles had been erected by Ribault, in the first attempt to
colonize in the country. To Audusta, himself, were sent two suits
of apparel, with knives, hatchets and other trifles; “the better,”
as Laudonniere says, “to insinuate myselfe into his friendship.”
To render this hope more plausible, “I sent in the barke, with
Captaine Vasseur, a souldier called Aimon, which was one of those
which returned home in the first voyage, hoping that King
Audusta might remember him.” This Aimon was instructed to
inquire after another soldier named Rouffi, who, it appears, had
preferred remaining in the country, when it had been abandoned
by the colonists under Nicolas Barré.

Audusta received his visitors with great favor,—sent back to
Laudonniere a large supply of “mil, with a certaine quantity of
beanes, two stagges, some skinnes painted after their manner, and
certaine pearles of small value, because they were burnt.” The

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old chief invited the Frenchmen once more to remove and plant
in his territories. He proffered to give him a great country, and
would always supply him with a sufficient quantity of grain.
Audusta had known the Frenchmen almost entirely by benefits
and good fellowship. The period of this visit to Audusta, which
was probably in he month of December, is distinguished in the
chronicle of Laudonniere, by expressions of delightful surprise at
the number of stock doves (wild pigeons) which came about the
garrison—“in so greate number, that, for the space of seven
weekes together,” they “killed with harquebush shot at least two
hundred every day.” This was good feeding. On the return of
Capt. Vasseur from his visit to Audusta, he was sent with a present
“unto the widow of Kinge Hiocaia, whose dwelling was
distant from our fort about twelve leagues northward. She
courteously received our men, sent me backe my barkes, full of
mil and acornes, with certaine baskets full of the leaves of
cassine, wherewith they make their drinke. And the place where
this widow dwelleth, is the most plentifull of mil that is in all the
coast, and the most pleasante. It is thought that the queene is
the most beautiful of all the Indians, and of whom they make the
most account: yea, and her subjects honour her so much that
almost continually they beare her on their shoulders, and will not
suffer her to go on foot.”

The visit of Laudonniere, through his lieutenant, was returned,
in a few days, by the beautiful widow, through her Hiatiqui,
“which is as much as to say, her Interpreter.”

Landonniere continued his explorations, still seeking provisions,
and with the view to keeping his people from that idleness which
hitherto had caused such injurious discontents in his garrison.
His barks were sent up May River, to discover its sources, and

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make the acquaintance of the tribes by which its borders were occupied.
Thirty leagues beyond the place called Mathiaqua,
“they discovered the entrance of a lake, upon the one side
whereof no land can be seene, according to the report of the
Indians, which had oftentimes climbed on the highest trees in the
country to see land, and notwithstanding could not discerne any.”

These few sentences may assist in enabling the present occupants
of the St. John's to establish the location along that
river, at the period of which we write. The ignorance of the
Indians in regard to the country opposite, along the lake,
indicates equally the presence of numerous tribes, and the absence
of much adventure or enterprise among them—results that would
seem equally to flow from the productive fertility of the soil, and
the abundance of the game in the country. With this account of
it as a terra incognita, the explorers ceased to advance. In returning,
they paid a visit to the island of Edelano—one of those
names of the Indians, which harbors in the ear with a musical
sweetness which commends it to continued utterance. We should
do well to employ it now in connection with some island spot of
rare beauty in the same region.

This island of Edelano is “situated in the midst of the river;
as fair a place as any that may be seene thorow the world; for,
in the space of some three leagues that it may containe, in length
and breadth, a man may see an exceedingly rich countrey and
marvellously peopled. At the coming out of the village of
Edelano, to goe unto the river side, a man must passe thorow an
alley about three hundred paces long and fifty paces broad; on
both sides whereof great trees are planted, the boughes whereof
are tied [blended?] together like an arch, and meet together so
artificially [as if done by art] that a man would thinke it were an

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arbour made of purpose, as faire, I say, as any in all Christendom,
although it be altogether naturall.”

Leaving the island of Edelano, thus equally famous for its
beauties of nature and name, our voyagers proceeded “to
Eneguape, then to Chilily, from thence to Patica, and lastly they
came unto Coya.” This place seems to have been, at this period,
one of the habitations of the powerful king Olata Utina. In the
name Olata, we find an affix such as is common to the Seminoles
and Creeks of the present day. Holata, as we now write the
word, is evidently the Olata of Laudonniere. It was probably a
title rather than a name.[23] Olata Utina received his visitors with
great favor, as he had always done before; and six of them were
persuaded to remain with him, in order the better to see the
country, while their companions returned to La Caroline. Some
of these remained with the Indian monarch more than two months.
One of them, named Groutald, a gentleman who had taken great
pains in this exploration, reported to Laudonniere that he had
never seen a fairer country. “Among other things, he reported
to me that he had seene a place, named Hostaqua, and that the
king thereof was so mighty, that he was able to bring three or four
thousand savages into the field.” Of this king we have heard
before. It was the counsel of Monsieur Groutald to Laudonniere
that he should unite in a league with this king, and by this means
reduce the whole country into subjection. “Besides, that this
king knew the passages unto the mountaine of Apalatci, which
the Frenchmen desired so greatly to attaine unto, and where the
enemy of Hostaqua made his abode, which was easie to be subdued,
if so be wee would enter into league together.” Hostaqua

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sent to Laudonniere “a plate of a minerall that came out of this
mountaine,—out of the foote whereof”—such was the glowing
account given by the Indian monarch—“there runneth a streame
of golde or copper.” The process by which the red-men obtain
the pure treasures of this golden stream was an exceedingly
primitive one, and reminds us of the simple process of gathering
golden sands in California. “They dig up the sand with an
hollow and drie cane of reed, until the cane be full; afterward
they shake it, and find that there are many small graines of
copper and silver among this sand; which giveth them to understand
that some rich mine must needs be in the mountaine.”
Laudonniere is greatly impressed by this intelligence, “and
because the mountaine was not past five or six days journey from
our fort, lying towards the north-west, I determined, as soone as
our supply should come out of France, to remove our habitation
unto some river more towards the north, that I might be nearer
thereunto.”

An incident, which occurred about this time, still further increased
the appetites of Laudonniere. He had suffered, and
indeed sent, certain favorite soldiers to go into several parts of
the country, among the savage tribes with whom he kept terms of
amnesty and favor, in order that they should acquire as well a
knowledge of the Indian language as of the country. One of
these was named Peter Gambier. This man had rambled
somewhat farther than his comrades. He had shared in all the
more adventurous expeditions of the Indians, and had succeeded
in gathering a considerable quantity of gold and silver, all of
which was understood to have been directly or indirectly from the
Indians, who dwelt at the foot of the Apalachian Mountains.
These were tribes of the Cherokee nation, with whom the Indian

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nations along the sea-board were perpetually at war. Full of
news, and burdened with his treasure, Peter Gambier prepared to
return to La Caroline. He had made his way in safety until he
reached the beautiful island with the beautiful name, Edelano,
lying in the midst of but high up May River. On the same
stream which was occupied by his countrymen, in force, the
thoughtless soldier conceived himself to be quite safe. He was
hospitably entertained by the chief or king of Edelano, and a
canoe was accorded him, with two companions, with whom to
descend the river to the fort. But the improvident Frenchman,
allowed his precious treasures to glitter in the eyes of his host.
He had not merely gold and silver, but he had been stocked with
such European merchandises as were supposed most likely to
tempt the savages to barter. A portion of this stock remained
in his possession. The natural beauties of the island which they
occupied had not softened the hearts of the savages with any just
sense of humanity. They were as sensible to the auri sacra
fames
as were the Europeans, and just as little scrupulous, we
shame to say it, in gratifying their appetites as their pale-faced
visitors. The possessions of the Frenchmen were sufficient to
render the Mico of Edelano indifferent to all considerations of
hospitality, and the two Indians whom he lent to Gambier were
commissioned to take his life. Thus, accompanied by his assassins,
he entered the canoe, and they were in progress down the
river, when, as the Frenchman stooped over some fish which he
was seething in the boat, the red-men seized the opportunity to
brain him with their stone hatchets, and possess themselves of
his treasures. When the tidings came to Laudonniere, he was
not in a situation to revenge the crime; but the large acquisitions
of gold and silver procured by his soldier, as reported to him,

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confirmed him in his anxiety to penetrate these tantalizing
realms, in which the rivers ran with such glittering abundance
from rocks whose caverns promised to outvie all that Arabian
story had ever fabled of the magical treasures of Aladdin.

Scarcely had this event taken place, when the war was renewed
between Olata Utina and Potanou. The former applied for
assistance to Laudonniere, who, adopting the policy of the
“Spaniards, when they were imployed in their conquests, who
did always enter into alliance with some one king to ruine
another,” readily sent him thirty arquebusiers, under Lieutenant
Ottigny. These, with three hundred Indians, led by Utina,
penetrated the territories of Potanou, and had a severe fight,
which lasted for three hours, with the people of that potentate.
“Without doubt, Utina had been defeated, unlesse our harquebusiers
had borne the burthen and brunt of all the battell, and
slaine a great number of the soldiers of Potanou, upon which occasion
they were put to flight.” The lieutenant of the French
would have followed up the victory, but Utina, the Paracoussi,
had gathered laurels quite enough for a single day, and was
anxious to return home to show his scalps and enjoy his triumphs
among his people. His tribes and villages were assembled at his
return, and, for several days, nothing but feasts, songs and
dances, employed the nation. Ottigny returned to the fort, after
two days spent in this manner with Utina, and his return was
followed by visits from numerous other chiefs, nearer neighbors
than Utina, and enemies of that savage, who came to expostulate
with Laudonniere against his lending succor to a prince who was
equally faithless and selfish. They, on the other hand, entreated
him to unite with them in the destruction of one who was a common
enemy. This application had been made to him before;

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but his policy had been rather to maintain terms of alliance,
offensive and defensive, with a powerful chieftain, at some little
distance, than to depend wholly upon others more near at hand.
This policy was again drawn from that of the Spaniard. He was
soon to be taught how little was the reliance which he could place
in any of the forest tribes. He was about to suffer from those
deficiencies and evils which were due to his anxious explorations
of the country, when his people had been much better employed
in the wholesome labors of the field, in the very eye of the
garrison.

It was the custom of the Indian tribes, after the gathering and
storing away of their harvests, to commence hunting with the first
fall of the leaves, probably about the middle of September. The
chase, during this period, was seldom such as to carry them far
from the fields which they had watched during the summer.
Near at hand, for a season at least, the game was in sufficient
quantity to supply their wants. But, as the season advanced,
and towards the months of January, February and March, they
gradually passed into the deeper thickets, and disappeared from
their temporary habitations. During this period, they build up
new abodes, which are equally frail, in the regions to which they
go, and which are contiguous to the hunting-grounds which they
are about to penetrate. To these retreats the whole tribe retires;
and hither they carry all the commodities which are valuable in
their eyes. Their summer dwellings are thus as completely
stripped as if the region were abandoned forever.

This removal, for which their previous experience should
sufficiently have prepared our Frenchmen, was yet destined to
have for them some very pernicious results. We have seen that
certain subsidies of corn and beans had been procured from

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various tribes and nations; enough, according to Laudonniere, to
serve them until the arrival of expected succors from France.
But, calculating on these succors, and confident of their arrival
during the month of April, our Frenchmen had become profligate
of their stores. April found them straitened for provisions, and
not an Indian could be seen. April passed slowly and brought no
succor. With the month of May the Indians had returned to their
former abodes; but, by this time, their remaining stock of grain
had mostly found its way into the ground, in the setting of another
crop. From the savages, accordingly, nothing but scanty
supplies of fish could be procured, without which, says Laudonniere,
“assuredly wee had perished from famine.” Of the
incompetence of this captain, and the wretched order which
prevailed among his garrison, his incapacity and other incompetence,
this statement affords sufficient proof. They neither tilled
the earth for its grain, nor sounded the river for its finny tribes;
though these realms were quite as much under their dominion as
that of the savages; but they relied solely upon this capricious
and inferior race, in the exploration of land and sea, for maintaining
them against starvation.

May succeeded to April, and still in vain did our Frenchmen
look forth upon the sea, for the ships of their distant countrymen.
June came, and their wants increased. They fell finally into
famine, of which Laudonniere himself affords us a sufficiently impressive
picture.

“We were constrayned to eate rootes, which the most part of
our men punned in the mortars which I had brought with me to
beate gunnepowder in, and the graine which came to us from
other places. Some tooke the wood of esquine, (?) beate it, and
made meale thereof, which they boiled with water, and eate it.

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Others went with their harquebusies to seeke to kill some foule.
Yea, this miserie was so great, that that one was founde that had
gathered up all the fish-bones that he could finde, which he dried
and beate into powder to make bread thereof. The effects of
this hidious famine appeared incontinently among us, for our bones
eftsoones beganne to cleave so neare unto the skinne, that the
most part of the souldiers had their skinnes pierced thorow with
them in many partes of their bodies, in such sort that my greatest
feare was, least the Indians would rise up against us, considering
that it would have beene very harde for us to have defended ourselves
in such extreme decay of all our forces, besides the scarsitie
of all vittualls, which fayled us all at once. For the very river
had not such plentie of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that
the very land and water did fight against us.” In this condition
were they till the beginning of June. “During which time,”
says the chronicler, further—“the poore souldiers and handicraftsmen
became as feeble as might be, and being not able to
worke, did nothing but goe, one after another, as centinels, unto
the clift of an hill, situate very neare unto the fort, to see if they
might discover any French ship.”

But their watchings still ended with disappointment. Thus
was the hope with which the heart sickens, deferred too long.
No ships greeted their famishing eyes, and they at length appealed
to their commander, in a body, to take measures for returning
to France, and abandoning the colony,—“considering that if wee
let passe the season to embarke ourselves, wee were never like to
see our country;” and alleging, plausibly enough, that new
troubles had probably broken out in France, which was the
reason that they had failed to receive the promised succors.
Laudonniere lent an easy ear to their demands. He, himself, was

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probably quite as sick of the duties, to which he was evidently
unequal, as were his followers. It was, perhaps, prudent to submit
to those for whom he could no longer provide. The bark
“Breton” was fitted up, and given in charge to Captain Vasseur;
and, as this vessel could carry but a small portion of the colony,
it was determined to build a “faire ship,” which the shipwrights
affirmed could be made ready by the 8th of August. “Immediately
I disposed of the time to worke upon it. I gave charge to
Monsieur de Ottigny, my lieutenant, to cause timber necessary
for the finishing of bothe the vessels to be brought, and to Monsieur
D'Erlach, my standard-bearer, to goe with a barke a league
off from the forte, to cut down trees fit to make plankes.”
Sixteen men, under the charge of a sergeant, were set “to labour
in making coals; and to Master Hence, keeper of the artillery,”
was assigned the task of procuring rosin to bray the vessels.
“There remained now but the principal, [object,] which was to
recover vittualls, to sustain us while the worke endured.”
Laudonniere, himself, undertook to seek for this supply. He
embarked with thirty men in the largest of his vessels, with the
purpose of running along the coast for forty or fifty leagues. But
his search was taken in vain. He procured no supplies. He
returned to the fort only to defraud the expectations of his people,
who now grew desperate with hunger and discontent. They
assembled together, riotously, and, with one voice, insisted that
the only process by which to extort supplies from the savages was
to seize upon the person of their kings.

To this, at first, Laudonniere would not consent. The enterprise
was a rash one. The consequences might be evil, in regard
to any future attempts at settlement. He proposed one more trial
among them, and sent despatches communicating his desire to

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traffic for food with the surrounding tribes. The Indians were
not averse to listen. But they knew the distress under which
the Frenchmen suffered, and were prepared to turn it to account.
They came into the garrison with small supplies of grain and fish,
enough to provoke appetite rather than to satisfy it. For these
they demanded such enormous prices, as, if conceded, would have
soon exhausted all the merchandise of the garrison. With one
hand they extended their produce, while the other was stretched
for the equivalent required. Knowing the desperation of the
Frenchmen, they took care, while thus tantalizing their hopes and
hunger, to keep out of reach of shot of arquebuse. In this way,
they took the very shirts from the backs of the starving soldiers.
When Laudonniere remonstrated against their prices, their
answer was a bitter mockery.

“Very good,” said the savages, “if thou make such great
account of thy merchandise, let it stay thy hunger. Do thou eat
of it and we will eat of our fish.” This reply would be cheered
with their open-throated laughter. The old ally of the French,
the Paracoussi Utina, mocked them in like manner. His subjects
followed his example; and, in the end, goaded to madness, Laudonniere
resolved on adopting the course which his people had
counselled; that, by which, taking one of their kings prisoner,
food could be extorted for his ransom. The ingratitude of Utina,
for past services, a recent attempt which he had made to employ
the French soldiers in his own conquests, while professing to lead
them only where they should find provisions, and the supposed
extent of his resources, pointed him out to all parties as the
proper person upon whom to try the experiment, on a small scale,
which Cortez and Pizzarro had used, on a large one, in the conquest
of Peru and Mexico.

eaf373.n23

[23] Holata Mico (or Blue King), and Holata Amathla, were distinguished
leaders of the Seminoles in the late war in Florida.

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p373-280 XIX.

Of the captivity of the Great Paracoussi—Olata Ouvac Utina, and the war which followed
between his people and the French.

[figure description] Page 263.[end figure description]

CHAPTER I.

It being determined by Laudonniere, in the necessities of his
people, to seize upon the person of the great Paracoussi, Olata
Ouvae Utina, in order, by the ransom which he should extort, to
relieve the famine which prevailed among the garrison, he proceeded
to make his preparations for the event. Two of his
barks were put in order for this purpose, and a select body of
fifty men was chosen from his ranks to accompany him on the
expedition. But this select body, though the very best men of
the garrison, exhibited but few external proofs of their adequacy
for the enterprise. So lean of flesh, so shrunk of sinew, so
hollow-eyed were they, that their picture recals to us the description
given by Shakspeare of the famished and skeleton regiments
of Henry of Monmouth at the famous field of Agincourt—`A
poor and starved band,' the very `shales and husks of men,'
with scarcely blood enough in all their veins, to stain the
Indian hatchet, which they travel to provoke. But famine
endows the sinews with a vigor of its own. Hunger enforced to
the last extremities of nature, clothes the spirit of the man in the

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passions of the wolf and tiger. Lean and feeble as are our
Frenchmen, they are desperate. They are in the mood to brave
the forest chief in his fastnesses, and to seize upon his own heart,
in the lack of other food. The very desperation of their case
secures them against any misgivings.

The dominions of Holata Utina were distant from La Caroline,
between forty and fifty leagues up the river. His chief town,
where he dwelt, lay some six more leagues inland, a space over
which our Frenchmen had to march. Leaving a sufficent guard
in their vessels, Laudonniere and his company landed and proceeded
in this quarter. He marched with caution, for he knew
his enemy. His advance was conducted by Alphonse D'Erlach,
his standard-bearer—one, whose experience and skill had been
too frequently tried to leave it doubtful that his conduct would be
a safe one. He had traversed the space before, and he knew the
route thoroughly. The progress was urged with as much secrecy
as caution. The cover of the woods was carefully maintained,
the object of the party being a surprise. They well knew that
Utina had but little expectation of seeing them, at this juncture,
in his own abodes. None, so well as himself, knew how feeble was
their condition, how little competent to any courageous enterprise.
They succeeded in appearing at the village of the chief
without provoking alarm. He himself was at home, sitting in
state in the royal wigwam, with but few warriors about him.
The fashion of the Indian, with less royal magnificence, in other
words, with less art and civilization—is not greatly unlike that of
the Turk. Olata Utina sat crossed legs upon a dais prepared of
dressed skins of the deer, the bear and panther. The spotted
hides hung over the raised portions of the seat which he kept,
upon which also might be seen coverlets of cotton ingeniously

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manufactured, and richly stained with the bright crimson, scarlet,
and yellow, of native dye-woods. This art of dyeing, the savages
had brought to a comparatively high state of perfection. His
house itself stood upon an artificial eminence of earth, raised in
the very centre of his village, and overlooking it on every hand.
It was an airy structure, with numerous openings, and the breeze
played sweetly and capriciously among the coverlets which hung
as curtains before the several places of egress and entrance.
Utina himself was a savage of noble size and appearance. He
carried himself with the ease and dignity of one born to the
purple. His form, though an old man, was still unbending and
tall. His countenance was one of great spirit and nobleness.
With forehead equally large and high, with a dark eye that
flashed with all the fires of youth, with lips that opened only to
discourse in tones of a sweet but majestic eloquence, and with a
shrewd sagacity, that made him, among a cunning people, a
recognised master of all the arts of the serpent, he was necessarily
a person to impress with respect and admiration those even
who came with hostility.

It is probable that Utina knew nothing of the approach of the
Frenchmen, until it was too late to escape them. But, before
they entered the opened space assigned to the settlement, he was
advised of their coming. Then it was that he threw aside his domestic
habit and assumed his state. Then it was that he resumed
his dignity and ascended the dais of stained cotton and flowing
deer-skin. His turban of purple and yellow cotton was bound
skilfully about his brow, his bow and quiver lay beside him, while
at his feet was extended his huge macana, or war-club, which it
scarcely seemed possible that his aged hands should now grasp
with vigor sufficient for its formidable use. His hands, when the

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Frenchmen entered the dwelling, held nothing more formidable
than the earthen pipe, and the long tubulated reed which he busied
himself in inserting within the bowl. Two of his attendant warriors
retired at the same moment. These, Laudonniere did not
think proper to arrest, though counselled to do so by D'Erlach.
He knew not that they had been despatched by the wily Paracoussi
for the purpose of gathering his powers for resistance.

Laudonniere appeared in the royal wigwam with but ten companions.
Forty others had been dispersed by D'Erlach at proper
points around the village. Of their proximity the king knew nothing.
His eye took in, at a single glance, the persons of his
visitors; and a slight smile, that looked derisive, was seen to overspread
his visage. It was with something like good humor in his tones
that he gave them welcome. A page at the same time brought forth
a basket of wicker-work, which contained a large collection of pipes
of all sorts and sizes. Another basket afforded a sufficient quantity
of dried leaves of the tobacco and vanilla. The Paracoussi
nodded to his guests as the boy presented both baskets, and Laudonniere,
with two others of his company, helped themselves to
pipes and weed. Thus far nothing had been said but “Ami,” and
Bonjour.” The welcome of the Indians was simple always, and
a word sufficed among them as amply as the most studied and
verbose compliment. The French had learned to imitate them in
this respect, to be sparing of words, and to restrain the expression
of their emotions, particularly when these indicated want or suffering.

But the necessities of our Frenchmen were too great and pressing,
at the present time, to be silenced wholly by convention; and
when, as if in mockery, a small troncher of parched corn was set

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before them, with a vessel of water, the impatience of Laudonniere
broke into utterance.

“Paracoussi Utina,” said he, “you have long known the want
which has preyed upon our people,”

“My brother is hungry,” replied Utina, with a smile more
full of scorn than sweetness—“let my brother eat. Let his
young men eat. There is never famine among the people of
Utina.”

“And if there be no want among the people of Utina, wherefore
is it that he suffers the French to want? Why has he forgotten
his allies? Did not my young men fight the battles of
Utina against the warriors of the mighty Potanou? Did not
many captives grace the triumph of Utina? Has the Paracoussi
forgotten these services? Why does he turn away from his
friends, and show himself cold to their necessities?”

“Why will my pale brother be talking?” said the other, with
a most lordly air of indifference. “The people of Utina have
fought against the warriors of Potanou for more than a hundred
winters. My French brother is but a child in the land of the
red-people. What does he know of the triumphs of my warriors?
He saw them do battle once with the tribes of Potanou, and he
makes account because he then fought on behalf of my people.
My people have fought with the people of Potanou more than a
hundred battles. Our triumphs have been witnessed by every
bird that flies, every beast that runs, every fish that swims, between
the villages of Potanou and the strong house of the Frenchman
where he starves below. What more will our pale brother
say, being thus a child among the red-men?”

“Why parley with the savage?” said Alphonse D'Erlach,
“if you mean to take him? I care not for his insolence which

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chafes me nothing; but we lose time. You have suffered some
of his warriors to depart. They are gone, doubtless, to gather
the host together. We shall need all the time to carry our
captive safely to the boats.”

These words were spoken aloud, directly in the rear of Utina,
D'Erlach having taken a place behind him in the conference. The
Paracoussi was startled by the language. Some of it was beyond
his comprehension. But he could not misunderstand the tone
and manner of the speaker. D'Erlach was standing above him,
with his hand stretched over him, and ready to grasp his victim
the moment the word should be spoken. His slight form and
youthful features, contrasted with the cold, inflexible expression
of his eyes and face, very forcibly impressed the imagination of
the Indian monarch, as, turning at the interruption, he looked up
at the person of the speaker. But, beyond the first single start
which followed the interruption, Utina gave no sign of surprise
or apprehension.

“Awhile, awhile, Alphonse—be not too hasty, my son;” was
the reply of Laudonniere. He continued, addressing himself to
the Paracoussi:

“My red brother thinks he understands the French. He is
mistaken. He will grow wiser before he grows much older. But
it will be time then that I should teach him. It matters now
only, that I should say to the Paracoussi Utina, we want, and
you have plenty
. We have fought your battles. We are your
friends. We will trade with you for mil and beanes. Give us
of these, according to our need, and you shall have of the merchandize
of the French in just proportion. Let it be so, brother,
that peace may still flourish between our people.”

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“There is mil and beanes before my white brother. Let him
take and divide among his people.”

“But this will not suffice for a single meal. Does the Paracoussi
laugh to scorn the sufferings of my people?”

“The Paracoussi laughs because the granaries of the red-men
are full. There is no famine among his people. Hath the Great
Spirit written that the red-man shall gather food in the proper
season that the white man may sleep like the drowsy buffalo in
the green pasture? Let my white brother drive from his ear the
lying bird that sings to him: `Sleep—take thy slumber under
the pleasant shade tree, while the people of Utina get thee
food!”'

“Would the Paracoussi make the Frenchmen his enemies? Is
their anger nothing? Is their power not a thing to be feared?”

“And what is the Paracoussi Olata Ovae Utina? Hath he not
many thousand warriors? The crane that rises in the east in the
morning, though he flies all day, compasses not the land at sunset,
which belongs to my dominions. East and west my people
whoop like the crane, and hear no birds that answer but their
own. Let my pale brother hush, for he speaks a foolish thing
of his warriors. Did I dream, or did any runners tell me that
the bones of the Frenchmen break through the skin, lacking food,
and their sinews are so shrunken that they can never more strive
in battle? Who shall fear them? I had pity on my brother
when I heard these things. I sent him food, and bade my people
say—`take this food which thou needest; the great Paracoussi
asks for nothing in recompense, but thy guns, thy swords, and
thy lances; weapons which they tell me thou hast strength to use
no longer.”

“Did they tell thee so, Utina? But thou shalt see. Once

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more, my brother, I implore thee to give us of thy abundance,
and we will cheerfully impart to thee from our store of knives,
reap-hooks, hatchets, mirrors, and lovely beads, such as will
delight thy women. Here, behold,—this is some of the treasure
which I have brought thee for the purposes of barter.”

The lordly chieftain deigned not a single glance to the European
wares, which, at a word from Laudonniere, one of the
French soldiers laid at his feet. The French captain, as if loth
to proceed to extremities, continued to entreat; while every new
appeal was only answered, on the part of the savage prince, with
a new speech of scorn, and new gestures of contempt. At length,
Laudonniere's patience was exhausted, and he gave the signal
which had been agreed upon with his lieutenant. In the next
moment, the quick grasp of Alphonse D'Erlach was laid upon
the Paracoussi's shoulders. He attempted to rise, and to grasp,
at the same time, the macana which lay at his feet. But D'Erlach
kept him down with his hands, while his foot was struck
down upon the macana. In that moment, the war-conch was
sounded at the entrance by several Indians who had been in waiting.
It was caught up and echoed by the bugles of D'Erlach;
the blast of which had scarcely been heard throughout the village,
before it had been replied to, four several times, from as many
different points where the French force had been stationed, ten
soldiers in each. One desperate personal struggle which the
Paracoussi made, proved fruitless to extricate him from the grasp
of his captor; and he then sat quietly, without a word, coldly
looking his enemies in the face.

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CHAPTER II.

[figure description] Page 271.[end figure description]

The captive Paracoussi lost none of his dignity in his captivity.
He scorned entreaty. He betrayed no symptom of fear.
That he felt the disgrace which had been put upon him, was evident
in the close compression of his lips; but he was sustained by
the secret conviction that his warriors were gathering, and that
they would rescue him from his captors by the overwhelming
force of their numbers. At first his stoicism was shared by his
family and attendants; but when Laudonniere declared his purpose
to remove his prisoner to the boats, then the clamors of
women, not less eloquent in the wigwam of the savage, than in
the household of the pale faces, became equally wild and general.
The Paracoussi had but one wife, foregoing, in this respect,
some of his princely privileges, to which the customs of the red-men
afforded a sufficient sanction. But there were many females
in the royal dwelling, all of whom echoed the tumultuous cries of
of its mistress. This devoted woman, with her attendants,
accompanied the captive to the boats, where, following the precautions
adopted by D'Erlach, the Frenchmen arrived in safety.
The warriors of the red-men had not yet time to gather and
array themselves. Laudonniere gave the women and immediate
companions of the Paracoussi to understand that his purpose was
not to do his captive any injury. The French were hungry and
must have food. When a sufficient supply was brought them,
Olata Utina should be set free.

But these assurances they did not believe. They themselves,
seldom set free their captives. Ordinarily, they slew all their
male prisoners taken by surprise or in war, reserving the young
females only. They naturally supposed, that what was the

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custom with them, founded upon sufficient reasons, at once of
fear and superstition, must be the custom with the white men
also. Accordingly, the queen of Utina, was not to be comforted.
She followed him to the river banks, clinging to him to the last,
and stood there ringing her hands and filling the air with her
shrieks, while the people of Laudonniere lifted him into the bark,
and pushed out to the middle of the river. It was well for them
that this precaution was taken. The warriors of the Paracoussi
were already gathering in great numbers. More than five hundred
of them showed themselves on the banks of the river, entreating
of Laudonniere to draw nigh that they might behold
their prince. They brought tidings that, taking advantage of his
captivity, the inveterate Potanou had suddenly invaded his chief
village, had sacked and fired it, destroying all the persons whom
he encountered. But Laudonniere was properly suspicious, and
soon discovered, that, while five hundred archers showed themselves
to him as suppliants, the shores were lined with thrice five
hundred in snug ambush, lying close for the signal of attack.
Failing to beguile the Frenchmen to the land, a few of them, in
small canoes, ventured out to the bark in which their king was
a prisoner, bringing him food—meal and peas, and their favorite
beverage, the cassina tea. Small supplies were brought to the
Frenchmen also; but without softening their hearts. Laudonniere
had put his price upon the head of his captive, and would
'bate nothing of his ransom.

But it so happened, that the Indians were quite as suspicious
and inflexible as the Frenchmen. They believed that Laudonniere
only aimed to draw from them their stores, and then
destroy their sovereign. A singular circumstance, illustrative of
the terrible relations in which all savage tribes must stand toward

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each other, even when they dwell together in near neighborhood,
occurred at this time, and increased the doubts and fears of
the people of Utina. As soon as it was rumored about that this
mighty potentate, whom they all so much dreaded, was a prisoner
to the white man, the chiefs of the hostile tribes gathered to the
place of his captivity, as the inhabitant of the city goes to behold
in the menagerie the great lion of Sahara, the lord of the desert,
of whom, when free in his wild ranges, it shook their hearts only
to hear the roar. With head erect, though with chains about his
limbs,—with heart haughty, though with hope humbled to the
dust—the proud Paracoussi sate unmoved while they gathered,
gazing upon him with a greedy malice that declared a long history
of scorn and tyranny on the one hand, and hate and painful submission
on the other. They walked around the lordly savage,
scarcely believing their eyes, and still with a secret fear, lest, in
some unlucky moment, he should break loose from his captivity,
and resume his weapon for the purposes of vengeance. Eagerly
and earnestly did they plead with Laudonniere either to put him
to death, or to deliver him to their tender mercies. Among
those who came to see and triumph over his ancient enemy, and,
if possible, to get him into his power, was the Paracoussi Satouriova,
one of Laudonniere's first acquaintances, whose power,
perhaps, along the territories of May River, was only next to that
of Utina. He, as well as the rest of the chiefs, brought bribes
of maize and beans, withheld before, in order to persuade Laudonniere
to yield to their desires. In this way he procured supplies,
much beyond those which were furnished by the people of
the prisoner, though still greatly disproportioned to his wants.
The people of Utina, meanwhile, persuaded that their monarch
could not escape the sacrifice, and aware of the several and strong

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influences brought to bear upon his captors, proceeded to do that
which was likely to defeat all the hopes and calculations of the
French. Their chiefs assembled in the Council House, assuming
that Utina was dead already, and elected another for their sovereign,
from among his sons. The measure was a hasty one, ill
considered, and promised to lead to consequences the most injurious
to the nation. The new prince immediately took possession
of the royal wigwam, and began the full assertion of his authority.
Parties were instantly formed among the tribes, from among the
many who were dissatisfied with this assumption, and, but for the
great efforts of the nobles of the country, the chiefs, the affair
would have found its finish in a bloody social war; since, already
had one of the near kinsmen of Olato Utina set up a rival claim
to the dominion of his people.

But, it was sufficient that the election of the son of their captive,
to the throne of his father, rendered unavailing the bold
experiment of the Frenchmen, and threatened to defeat all the
hopes which they had founded on the securing his person. The
savages had adopted the most simple of all processes, and the
most satisfactory, by which to baffle the invaders. Olata Utina
was an old man, destined, in the ordinary course of nature, to give
way in a short time to the very successor they had chosen. Why
should they make any sacrifices to procure the freedom of one
whom they did not need. Their reverence for royalty in exile
was hardly much greater than it is found to-day in civilized
Europe; and they resigned themselves to the absence of Olata
Utina with a philosophy duly proportioned to the quantities of
corn and peas which they should save by the happy thought
which had already found a successor to his sway. In due degree
with their resignation to the chapter of accidents, however, was

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the mortification of our Frenchmen, who thus found themselves
cut off from all the hopes which they had built upon their bold
proceeding. They had made open enemies of a powerful race,
without reaping those fruits of their offence, which might have
reconciled them to its penalties. Still they suffered in camp as
well as in garrison, from want of food, and were allowed to entertain
no expectations from the anxieties of the savages in regard to
the fate of the captive monarch. His importance naturally
declined in the elevation of his successor. Whether governed by
policy or indifference, his people betrayed but little sympathy in
his condition; and though keeping him still in close custody,
treating him with kindness the while, Laudonniere was compelled
to seek elsewhere for provisions. Apprised by certain Indians
that, in the higher lands above, but along the river, there were
some fields of maize newly ripening, he took a detachment of
his men in boats and proceeded thither. Coming to a village
called Enecaque, he was hospitably entertained by the sister of
Utina, by whom it was governed. She gave him good cheer, a
supper of mil, beans, and fish, with gourds of savory tea, made
of cassina. Here it was found that the maize was indeed ripe:
but the hungry Frenchmen suffered by the discovery and their
own rapacity. They fastened upon it in its fresh state, without
waiting for the slow process of cooking, to disarm it of its hurtful
juices, and they became sick accordingly. Yet how could men
be reproached for excess, who had scarcely eaten for four days,
and for whom a portion of the food that silenced hunger during
this time, consisted of a dish of young puppies newly whelped.

While on this expedition, it occurred to Laudonniere to
revenge upon the lord of Edelano, the cruel murder of his soldier,
Peter Gambier, whose story has been given in previous pages.

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He was now drawing nigh to that beautiful island; and after
leaving Enecaque, he turned his prows in search of its sweet
retreats. But, with all his caution, the bird had flown. The
lord of Edelano had been advised of what he had to fear, and, at
the approach of the Frenchmen he disappeared, crossing the
stream between, to the opposite forests, and leaving his village at
the mercy of the enemy. Baffled of their revenge upon the
offender, the Frenchmen vented their fury upon his empty
dwellings. The torch was applied to the village, which was soon
consumed. Returning to Enecaque, Laudonniere swept its fields
of all their grain, with which he hastened back to his starving
people at La Caroline. These, famishing still, “seeing me
afar off coming, ranne to that side of the river where they thought
I would come on land; for hunger so pinched them to the heart,
that they could not stay until the victuals were brought them to
the fort. And that they well showed as soon as I was come, and
had distributed that little maize among them which I had given
to each man, before I came out of the barke; for they eate it
before they had taken it out of the huske.”

The necessity of the garrison continued as great as ever. The
wretched fields of the red-men afforded very scanty supplies.
Other villages were sought and ransacked, those of Athoré,
swayed by King Emola, and those of a Queen named Nia Cubacani.
In ravaging the fields of the former, two of the Frenchmen
were slain. But the provisions got from Queen Nia Cubacani,
were all free gifts. The pale faces seem to have been favorites
with the female sovereigns wherever they went. In the adventures
of the Huguenots, as in those of the Spaniards under Hernan de
Soto and other chiefs, the smiles of the Apalachian women
seemed to have been bestowed as freely as were the darts and

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arrows of their lords and masters. In this way was the path of
enterprise stripped of many of its thorns, and he whose arm was
ever lifted against the savage man, seldom found the heart of the
savage woman shut against his approach. This is a curious history,
but it seems to mark usually the fortunes of the superior,
invading the abodes of the inferior people. The women of a
race are always most capable of appreciating the social morals of
a superior

The Paracoussi Olata Utina, now made an effort to obtain his
liberty. The hopes of the Frenchmen, in respect to his ransom,
had failed. His people had shown a stubbornness, which, to do
the Indian monarch justice, had not been greater than his own.
He saw the poverty and distress which prevailed among his
captors, in spite of all their attempts at concealment. He saw
that the lean and hungry famine was still preying upon their
hearts. He said to Laudonniere—

“Of what avail is it to you or to me, that you hold me here a
captive? Take me to my people. The maize is probably
ripened in my fields. One of these shall be set aside for your
use wholly, with all its store of corn and beans, if you will set me
free in my own country.”

Laudonniere consulted with his chief men. They concurred
in granting the petition of the Paracoussi. The two barks were
accordingly fitted out, and, with a select detachment, Laudonniere
proceeded with his captive to a place called Patica, some
eight or nine leagues distant from the village of Utina. The red-men
fled at their approach, seeking cover in the forests, though
their king, himself, cried to them to await his coming. To
pursue them was impossible. To trust the king out of their possession,
without any equivalent, was impolitic. Another plan was

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pursued. One of the sons of the Paracoussi, a mere boy, had
been taken with his father. It was now determined to dismiss
this boy to the village, accompanied by one of the Frenchmen,
who had been thither before, and who knew the character and
condition of the country. His instructions were to restore the
boy to his mother and his kindred, and to say that his father
should be delivered also, if an adequate supply of provisions was
brought to the vessel. The ancient chronicle, briefly, but very
touchingly, describes the welcome which was given to the enfranchised
child. All were delighted to behold him, the humblest
making as much of him as if he had been the nearest kindred,
and each man thinking himself never so happy as when permitted
to touch him with his hand. The wife of Utina, with her father,
came to the barks of the Frenchmen, bringing bread for the
present wants of the company; but the policy of the Indians did
not suffer the pleadings of the woman to prevail. The parties
could not agree about the terms of ransom; the red-men, meanwhile,
practised all their arts to delay the departure of the vessels.
It was discovered that they were busy with their forest strategy,
seeking rather to entrap the captain of the French, than to bargain
for the recovery of their own chieftain. Laudonniere was
compelled finally to return with his prisoner to La Caroline, as
hungry as ever, and with no hopes of the future.

Here, a new danger awaited the captive. Furious at their
disappointment, the starving Frenchmen, as soon as the failure of
the enterprise was known, armed themselves, and with sword and
matchlock assailed the little cavalcade which had the chief in
custody, as they were about to disembark. With gaunt visages
and staring eyes, that betrayed terribly the cruel famine under
which they were perishing, and cries of such terrible wrath, as

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left but little doubt of the direst purpose, they darted upon their
prey. But Laudonniere manfully interposed himself, surrounded
by his best men, between their rage and his victim. Captain La
Vasseur and Ensign D'Erlach, each seized upon a mutineer whom
they held ready to slay at a stroke given; and other good men
and true, coming to the rescue, the famishing mutineers were
shamed and frightened into forbearance. But bitterly did they
complain of the lack of wisdom in their captain, who had released
the son, the precious hope of the nation, retaining the sire, for
whom, having a new king, the savages cared nothing. Their
murmurs drove Laudonniere forth once more. Taking the Paracoussi
with him, after a brief delay, he proceeded to explore
other villages along the river. The red-men planted two crops
during the growing season. Their maize ripened gradually, and
fields that yielded nothing during one month, were in full grain in
that ensuing. For fifteen days the French commandant continued
his explorations with small success; when the Paracoussi,
whom nothing had daunted, of his proper and haughty firmness,
during all his captivity, once more appealed to his captors:

“That my people did not supply you with maize and beanes
when you sought them last, was because they were not ripe. I
spake to you then as a foolish young man, anxious to set foot once
more among my people. I should have known that the grain
could not be ready then for gathering. But the season is now.
It is ripened everywhere, and, in the present abundance of my
people, they will gladly yield to your demands, and give full ransom
for their king. Take me thither then, once more, and my
people will not stick to give you ample victual.”

The necessities of the French were too great to make them hesitate
at a renewal of the attempt, where all others had proved so

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profitless; particularly when the old king, with some solemnity,
placing his hand upon the wrist of the French captain, said to
him—

“Brother, doubt me not—doubt not my people. If they answer
thee not to thy expectations as well as mine, bring me back
to thy people, and let them do with me even as they please?”

Again was the Paracoussi brought into the presence of his subjects.
They assembled to meet him on the banks of a little river,
which emptied into the main stream, and to which Laudonniere
had penetrated in his vessels. They appeared with considerable
supplies of bread, fish and beans, which they shared among the
Frenchmen. They put on the appearance of great good feeling
and friendship, and entered into the negotiations for the release of
their king, with equal frankness and eagerness. But in all this
they exhibited only the consummate hypocrisy of their race;—a
hypocrisy not to be wondered at or complained of, as it is the
only natural defence which a barbarous people can ever possibly
oppose to the superior power of civilization. Their effort was
simply still so to beguile the Frenchmen, as to ensnare their
leader,—get him within their power, and then compel an exchange
with his people of chief for chief. For this purpose they prolonged
the negotiations. Small supplies of food, enough to provoke
expectation, without satisfying demand, were brought daily
to their visitors. But, in the meantime, their warriors began to
accumulate along the shores, covered in the neighboring thickets,
or crouching in patient watch along the reedy tracts that fringed
the river. The vigilant eye of Alphonse D'Erlach soon detected
the ambush; and at length, finding Laudonniere preparing
to leave them, still keeping their king a captive, the savages

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resumed their negotiations with more activity, and withdrew their
archers from the neighborhood.

It must not be supposed that their love for their monarch was
small, because they showed themselves so slow in bringing the
humble ransom of corn and beans, which the French demanded.
To them, that ransom was by no means insignificant. It swept
their granaries. It took the food from their children. It drove
them into the woods in winter without supplies, leaving them to
the rigors of the season, the uncertainties of the chase, and with
no other dependence than the common mast of the forest. It deprived
them of the very seed from which future harvests were to
be gathered. The drain for the supply of the hungry mouths at
La Caroline, seemed to them perpetual, and Laudonniere aimed
now not only to meet the wants of the present, but to store ships
and fort against future necessities. It was of the last importance
to the people of Olata Utina, that they should recover their
king without subjecting their people to the horrors of such a
famine as was preying upon the vitals of the Frenchmen.

They over-reached Laudonniere at last. They persuaded him
that the presence of the king, among his people, was necessary
to compel each man to bring in his subsidy;—that they must see
him, in his former abodes, freed entirely from bonds, before they
would recognize his authority;—that they feared, when they
should have brought their grain, that the French would still retain
their captive;—and, in short, insisted so much upon the
freedom of Utina, as the sine quâ non, that the doubts of Laudonniere
were overcome. It was agreed that two chiefs should
become hostages for Olata Utina, and, in guaranty of the fulfilment
of his pledges.

We are not told of the exact amount of ransom required for

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the surrender of their king. It was probably enormous, according
to the equal standards of Indian and Frenchmen, in this period
and region. Willingly came the two chiefs to take the place of
Olata Utina. They were admitted on board the bark, where he
was kept in chains. They were warriors, and as they approached
him, they broke their bows and arrows across, and threw them
before him: Then, as they beheld his bonds, they rushed to his
feet, lifted up and kissed his chains, and supported them, while
the Frenchmen unlocked them from the one captive to transfer
them to the hands and feet of those who came to take his place.
These looked not upon the bonds as they were riveted about their
limbs. They only watched the movements of their king with
eyes that declared a well-satisfied delight. He rose from his
place, and shook himself slowly, as a lion might be supposed to
do, rousing himself after sleep. Never was head so erect, or carriage
so like one who feels all his recovered greatness. He waved
his hand in signal to the shore, where hundreds of his people
were assembled to greet his deliverance.

The signal was understood, a mantle of fringed and gorgeouslydyed
cotton was brought him by one of his sons. His macana,
or war-club, and a mighty bow from which he could deliver a
shaft more than five English feet in length, were also brought
him. Over his shoulder the mantle was thrown by one of his attendants.
The war-club was carried before him by a page. But,
before he left the vessel, he bent his bow, fixed one of the shafts
upon the deer sinews, which formed the cord, and drawing it to
its head, sent it high in air, until it disappeared for a few seconds
from the sight. This was a signal to his people. Their king,
like the arrow, was freed from its confinement. It had gone
like a bird of mighty wing, into the unchained atmosphere. A

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cloud of arrows from the shore followed that of their sovereign.
To this succeeded a great shout of thanks and deliverance—
“He! He! yo-he-wah! He—he—yo-he-wah.” The echo of
which continued to ring through the vaulted forests, long after
the Paracoussi had disappeared within their green recesses.

CHAPTER III.

The Paracoussi, on parting with Laudonniere, renewed his
assurances of good will, and repeated the promises which had been
given to ensure his deliverance from captivity. The engagement
required that a certain number of days should be allowed him, in
which to gather supplies in sufficient quantity to discharge his
ransom. Laudonniere left his lieutenants, Ottigny and D'Erlach,
with the two hostages, in one of the barks, to receive the provisions
which Utina was to furnish, while he himself returned to
La Caroline. The lieutenants moored their vessel within a little
creek which emptied into the May, and adopted all necessary
precautions against savage artifice. The vigilance of Alphonse
D'Erlach, in particular, was sleepless. He knew, more certainly
than his superior, the necessities and dangers of the French, and
the subtlety of the Indians. By day and night they lurked in the
contiguous thickets, watchful of every opportunity for assault.
An arquebuse presented in wantonness against the ledge which
skirted the river, would frequently expel a group of shrieking
warriors, well armed and covered with the war paint; and, with
the dawn of morning, the first thing to salute the eyes of our Frenchmen
would be long strings of arrows, planted in the earth, their
barbs of flint turned upwards, from which long hairs shreds from

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heads which had been shorn for war, were to be seen waving in the
wind. These were signs, too well understood by previous experience,
of a threatened and sleepless hostility

It was soon found that the Paracoussi either could not or would
not comply with his engagements. He sent a small supply of
grain to the lieutenant, but said that more could not be provided
except by a surrender of the hostages. The Frenchmen were
required to bring the captives to the village, when and where they
should be furnished with the full amount of the promised ransom.
Satisfied that all this was mere pretence, indicating purposes of
treachery, the Frenchmen were yet too much straitened by want
to forego any enterprise which promised them provisions. They,
accordingly, set forth for the place appointed, in two separate
bodies, marching so that they might support each other promptly,
under the several leads of D'Erlach and Ottigny. The former
held the advance. The village of Utina was six French leagues
from the river where they left their barque, and the route which
they were compelled to pursue was such as exposed them frequently
to the perils of ambuscade. But so vigilant was their watch, so
ready were they with matches lighted, and so close was the custody
in which they kept their hostages, that the Indians, whom
they beheld constantly flitting through the thickets, dared never
make any attempt upon them. They reached the village in
safety, and immediately proceeded to the dwelling-house of Olata
Utina, raised, as before described, upon an artificial eminence.
Here they found assembled all the chiefs of the nation; but the
Paracoussi was not among them. He kept aloof, and was not to
be seen at present by the Frenchmen. His chiefs received their
visitors with smiles and great professions; but, as their own proverb
recites, when the enemy smiles your scalp is in danger.

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They pointed to great sacks of mil and beans which had already
been accumulated, and still they showed the Frenchmen where
hourly came other of their subjects adding still more to the pile.

“But wherefore,” they demanded, “wherefore come our white
brethren, with the fire burning in their harquebuses? See they
not that it causes our women to be afraid, and our children to
tremble in their terror. Let our brethren put out this fire, which
makes them dread to come nigh with their peace-offerings, and
know us for a friend, under whose tongue there is no serpent.”

To this D'Erlach replied—“Our red brothers do themselves
wrong. They do not fear the fire in our harquebuses. They know
not its danger. The Frenchmen have always forborne to show
them the power that might make them afraid. But this power is
employed only against our enemies. Let the chiefs of the people
of the Paracoussi Utina show themselves friends, and the thunder
which we carry shall only send its fearful bolts among the foes
of Utina, the people of Potanou, and the warriors of the great
mountain of Apalatchy.

“If we are thus friends of the Frenchmen, why do they keep
our beloved men in bondage? Are these the ornaments proper
to a warrior and a great chief among his people?”

They pointed as they spoke to the fetters which embraced the
legs and arms of the hostages, who sat in one corner of the
council-house.

“Our red brothers have but to speak, and these chains fall
from the limbs of their well beloved chiefs.”

“Heh!—We speak!—Let them fall!”

“Speak to your people that these piles be complete,” pointing
to the grain.

“They have heard. See you not they come?”

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“But very slowly;—and hearken to us now, brothers of the
red-men, while we ask,—do the skies that pavilion the territories
of the Paracoussi Utina rain down such things as these.”

Here D'Erlach showed them a bunch of the arrows which they
had found planted by the wayside as they came. The thin lips of
the savages parted into slight smiles as they beheld them.

“These grow not by nature,” continued D'Arlach; “they fall
not from heaven in the heavy showers. They are sown by the
red-men along the path which the white man travels. What is
the fruit which is to grow from such seed as this?”

The chiefs were silent. The youth proceeded:

“Brothers, we are calm;—we are not angry, though we well
know what these arrows mean. We are patient, for we know our
own strength. The Paracoussi has promised us supplies of grain,
and hither we have come. Four days shall we remain in waiting
for it. Till that time, these well-beloved men shall remain in our
keeping. When we receive the supplies which have been promised
us, they shall be yours. We have spoken.”

Thus ended the first conference. That night the French
lieutenants found their way to the presence of the Paracoussi. He
was kept concealed in a small wigwam, deeply embowered in the
woods, but in near and convenient neighborhood to the village.
He himself had sent for them, and one of his sons had shown the
way. They found the old monarch still maintaining the state of
a prince, but he was evidently humbled. His captivity had
lessened his authority; and his anxiety to comply with the engagements
made with the French had in some degree impaired his
influence over his people. They had resolved to destroy the
pale-faces, as insolent invaders of their territory, consumers of its
substance and enemies of its peace. It was this hostility and this

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determination that had interposed all the obstacles in the way of
procuring the supplies promised.

“They resist me, their Paracoussi,” said Utina bitterly, “and
have resolved on fighting with you! They will wage war against
you to the last. See you not the planted arrows that marked
your pathway to my village? These arrows are planted from
the territories of Utina, by every pathway, to the very gates of
La Caroline. They will meet your eyes wherever you shall return
to the fortress. They mean nothing less than war, and such
warfare as admits of no peace. Go you, therefore, go you with
all speed to your vessels, and make what haste you can to the
garrison. The woods swarm with my warriors, and they no
longer heed my voice. They will hunt you to your vessel.
They mean to throw trees athwart the creek so that her escape
may be cut off, while they do you to death with their arrows,
and I cannot be there to say to my people—`stay your shafts,
these be our friends and allies.' They no longer hearken to my
voice. I am a Paracoussi without subjects, a ruler without obedience,—
a shadow, where I only used to be the substance.”

The despondency of the king was without hypocrisy. It
sensibly impressed our Frenchmen. They felt that he spoke the
truth. He was then, in fact, excluded from the house of council,
as incurring the suspicion of the red-men as fatally friendly
to the whites. While they still conversed, they were alarmed by
violent shrieks, as of one in mortal terror.

“That scream issues from a French throat!” exclaimed
D'Erlach, as he rushed forth. He was followed by Lieutenant
Ottigny and another. The Paracoussi never left his seat. The
screams guided them into a neighboring thicket, into which they
hurried, arriving there not a moment too soon. A Frenchman

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struggled in the grasp of five stalwart savages, who had him down
and were preparing to cut his throat. He had been beguiled
from the place which had been assigned him as a watch, and was
about to pay the penalty of his folly with his life. In an instant
the gallant Alphonse D'Erlach had sprung among them, his sword
passing clear through the back of the most prominent in the
group of assailants. His body, falling upon that of the captive,
prevented the blows which the rest were showering upon him.
They started in sudden terror at this interruption. Their own
and the clamors of the Frenchman had kept them from all knowledge
of the approaching rescue. In an instant they were gone.
They waited for no second stroke from a weapon whose first address
was so sharp and sudden. They left their captive, bruised
and groaning, but without serious injury to life or limb.

The warnings and assurances of the Paracoussi were sufficiently
enforced by this instance of the hostility of the red-men. But
the necessity of securing all the supplies they might possibly procure
from the natives, either through their own artifices or because
of the apprehension for their chiefs, caused our Frenchmen to
linger at the village of Utina. They were determined to wait the
full period of four days which they had assigned themselves. In
this period they saw the Paracoussi more than once. At each
interview his admonitions were delivered with increased solemnity.
They found his chiefs less and less accommodating at every interview.
The piles of grain at the council-house increased slowly.
Occasionally an Indian might be seen to enter and east the contents
of his little basket among the rest. The Frenchmen endeavored
to persuade the chiefs to furnish men to carry the grain
to their vessel, but this was flatly denied. Resolved, finally, to
depart, each soldier was required to load himself with a sack

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as well filled as it was consistent with his strength to bear. This
was slung across his shoulder, and, in this way, burdened with
food for other mouths as well as their own, and carrying their
matchlocks besides, the Frenchmen prepared to depart, on the
morning of the 27th July, 1565, from the village of Utina to the
bark which they had left. It was a memorable day for our adventurers.
In groups, scornfully smiling as they beheld the soldiers
staggering beneath their burdens, the chiefs assembled to
see them depart from the village. Alphonse D'Erlach beheld
the malignant triumph which sparkled in their eyes.

“We shall not be suffered to reach the bark in quiet;” was his
remark to Ottigny. “Let me have the advance, Monsieur, if you
please; I have dealt with the dogs before.”

To this Ottigny consented; and leading one of the divisions of
the detachment, as at coming, D'Erlach prepared to take the
initiate in a progress, every part of which was destined to be
marked with strife. The immediate entrance to the village of
the Paracoussi, the only path, indeed, by which our Frenchmen
could emerge, lay, for nearly half a mile, through a noble avenue,
the sides of which were densely occupied by a most ample and
umbrageous forest. The trees were at once great and lofty, and
the space beneath was closed up with a luxuriant undergrowth
which spread away like a wall of green on either hand. D'Erlach
remembered this entrance.

“Here,” said he to Ottigny, “Here, at the very opening of the
path, our trouble is likely to begin. Let your men be prepared
with matches lighted, and see that your fire is delivered only in
squads, so that, at no time, shall all of your pieces be entirely
empty.”

Ottigny prepared to follow this counsel. His men were all

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apprised of what they had to expect; and were told, at the first
sign of danger, to cast down their corn bags, and betake themselves
to their weapons wholly. The grain might be lost—probably
would be—but better this, than, in a vain endeavor to
preserve it, lose life and grain together. Thus prepared,
D'Erlach began the march. He was followed, at a short interval,
by Ottigny, with the rest of the detachment; a small force of
eight arquebusiers excepted, who, under charge of a sergeant,
were sent to the left of the thicket which bounded the avenue on
one hand, with instructions to scour the woods in that quarter,
yet without passing beyond reach of help from the main body.

All fell out as had been anticipated. D'Erlach was encountered
as he emerged from the avenue, by a force of three
hundred Indians. They poured in a cloud of arrows, but fortunately
at such a distance as to do little mischief. With the first
assault the Frenchmen dispossessed themselves of their burdens,
and prepared themselves for fight. The savages came on more
boldly, throwing in fresh flights of arrows as they pushed forward,
and rending the forests with their cries. D'Erlach preserved all
his steadiness and coolness. He saw that the arrows were yet
comparatively ineffectual.

“Do not answer them yet, my good fellows,” he cried, “but
stoop ye, every man, and break the arrows, as many as ye can,
that fall about ye.”

He had seen that the savages, having delivered a few fires, were
wont to rush forward and gather up the spent shafts, which, thus
recovered, afforded them an inexhaustible armory, upon which it
is their custom to rely. When his assailants beheld how his men
were engaged, they rushed forward with loud shouts of fury, and
delivering another storm of darts, they made demonstrations of a

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desire for close conflict, with their stone hatchets and macanas.
At this show, D'Erlach spoke to his men in subdued accents.

“Make ye still as if ye would stoop for the fallen arrows, ye
of the first rank; but blow ye your matches even as ye do so,
and falling upon your knees deliver then your fire; while the
second rank will cover you as ye do so, and while ye charge
anew your pieces.”

The command was obeyed with coolness; and, as the Indians
darted forward, coming in close packed squadrons into the gorge
of the avenue, the soldiers delivered their fire with great precision.
Dreadful was the howl which followed it, for more than
thirteen of the savages had fallen, mortally hurt, and two of their
chief warriors had been made to bite the dust. Seizing the
bodies of their slain and wounded comrades, the survivors immediately
hurried into cover, and D'Erlach at once pushed forward
with his command. But he had not advanced more than four
hundred paces, when the assault was renewed, the air suddenly
being darkened with the flight of bearded shafts, while the forest
rang with the yells of savage fury. They were still too far
for serious mischief, and were besides covered with the woods;
so, giving the assailants little heed, except to observe that they
came not too nigh, or too suddenly upon him, D'Erlach continued
to push forward, doing as he had done before with the hostile
arrows whenever they lay in the pathway. But the courage of
the red-men increased as they warmed in the struggle, and they
grew bolder because of the very forbearance of the Frenchmen
Besides, their forces had been increased by other bodies, each
approaching in turn to the assault, so as to keep their enemies
constantly busy. In parties of two or three hundred, they darted
from their several ambushes, and having discharged their arrows,

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and met with repulse, retired rapidly to other favorite places of
concealment to renew the conflict as it continued to advance.
By this time, the whole body of the Frenchmen had become engaged
in the fight. The force under Ottigny, following the
example of that led by D'Erlach, had succeeded in pressing forward,
though not without loss, while making great havoc with the
red-men. These people fought, never men more bravely; and,
but for the happy thought, that of destroying their arrows as fast
as they fell, it is probable that the detachment had never reached
La Caroline. They hovered thus about the march of the Frenchmen
all the day, encouraging each other with shouts of vengeance
and delight, and sending shaft upon shaft, with an aim, which,
had they not been too greatly sensible of the danger of the arquebuse,
to come sufficiently nigh, would have been always fatal.
Yet well did the savage succeed, so long as they remained unintoxicated
by their rage, in dodging the aim of the weapon. As
Laudonniere writes—“All the while they had their eye and foot
so quicke and readie, that as soone as ever they saw the harquebuse
raised to the cheeke, so soon were they on the ground, and
eftsoone to answer with their bowes, and to flie their way, if by
chance they perceived that we were about to take them.”

This conflict lasted from nine o'clock in the morning until night.
It only ceased when the darkness separated the combatants.
Even then, but for the deficiency of their arrows, they probably
would not have withdrawn from the field. It was late in the
night when the Frenchmen reached their boats, weary and exhausted,
their grain wrested from them, their hostages rescued,
and twenty-four of their number killed and wounded. The
Floridians had shown themselves warriors of equal spirit and
capacity. The determined exclusion of their Paracoussi from

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counsels which it was feared that he would dishonor, their manly
resistance to the white invaders, their scornful ridicule of their
necessities, their proud defiance of their power, and the fierce
and unrelenting hostility with which they had chased their adversaries,
remind us irresistibly of the degradation of Montezuma
by his subjects, their prolonged warfare with the Spaniards,
their sleepless hostility, and that bloody struggle which first drove
them over the causeways of Tenochtitlan. The inferior state
and wealth of the Paracoussi, Olata Ouvae Utina, constitutes no
such sufficient element of difference, as to lessen the force of the
parallel between himself and people, and those of the Atzec
sovereign.

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p373-311 XX. IRACANA, OR THE EDEN OF THE FLORIDIAN.

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The disasters which befel his detachment, brought Laudonniere
to his knees. He had now been humbled severely by the
dispensations of Providence—punished for that disregard of the
things most important to the colonization of a new country, which,
in his insane pursuit of the precious metals, had marred his administration.
His misfortunes reminded him of his religion.

“Seeing, therefore, mine hope frustrate on that side, I made
my prayer unto God, and thanked him of his grace which he had
showed unto my poore souldiers which were escaped.”

But his prayers did not detain him long. The necessities of
the colony continued as pressing as ever. “Afterward, I thought
upon new meanes to obtaine victuals, as well for our returne into
France, as to drive out the time untill our embarking.” These
were meditations of considerable difficulty. The petty fields of
the natives, never contemplated with reference to more than a
temporary supply of food;—never planted with reference to providing
for a whole year, were really inadequate to the wants of
such a body of men, unless by grievously distressing their

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proprietors. The people of Olata Utina had been moved to rage in all
probability, quite as much because of their grain crops, about to
be torn from them, as with any feeling of indignation in consequence
of the detention of their Paracoussi. In the sacks of corn
which the Frenchmen bore away upon their shoulders, they beheld
the sole provisions upon which, for several months, their
women and children had relied to feed; and their quick imaginations
were goaded to desperation, as they depicted the vivid horrors
of a summer consumed in vain search after crude roots and indigestible
berries, through the forests. No wonder the wild wretches
fought to avert such a danger; as little may we wonder that they
fought successfully. The Frenchmen, compelled to cast down
their sacks of grain, to use their weapons, the red-men soon repossessed
themselves of all their treasure. When Laudonniere
reviewed his harrassed soldiers on their return from this expedition,
“all the mill that he found among his company came but to
two men's burdens.” To attempt to recover the provisions thus
wrested from them, or to revenge themselves for the indignity
and injury they had undergone, were equally out of the question.
The people of the Paracoussi could number their thousands; and,
buried in their deep fortresses of forest, they could defy pursuit.
Laudonniere was compelled to look elsewhere for the resources
which should keep his company from want.

Two leagues distant from La Caroline, on the opposite side of
May River, stood the Indian village of Saravahi. Not far from
this might be seen the smokes of another village, named Emoloa.
The Frenchmen, wandering through the woods in search of game,
had alighted suddenly upon these primitive communities. Here
they had been received with gentleness and love. The natives
were lively and benevolent. They had never felt the wrath of

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the white man, nor been made to suffer because of his improvidence
and necessities. His thunderbolts had never hurled among
their columns, and mown them down as with a fiery scythe from
heaven. The Frenchmen did not fail to remark that they were
provident tribes, with corn-fields much more ample than were
common among the Indians. These, they now concluded, must
be covered with golden grain, in the season of harvest, and
thither, accordingly, Laudonniere dispatched his boats. A judicious
officer conducted the detachment, and stores of European
merchandize were confided to him for the purposes of traffic. He
was not disappointed in his expectations. His soldiers were
received with open arms; and a “good store of mil,” speaking
comparatively, was readily procured from the abundance of the
Indians.

But, in preparation for the return to France, other and larger
supplies were necessary. The boats were again made ready, and
confided to La Vasseur and D'Erlach. They proceeded to the
river to which the French had given their name of Somme, now
known as the Satilla, but which was then called among the
Indians, the Iracana, after their own beautiful queen. Of this
queen our Frenchmen had frequently been told. She had been
described to them as the fairest creature, in the shape of woman,
that the country had beheld: nor was the region over which
she swayed, regarded with less admiration. This was spoken of
as a sort of terrestrial paradise. Here, the vales were more
lovely; the waters more cool and pellucid than in any other of
the territories of earth. Here, the earth produced more abundantly
than elsewhere; the trees were more stately and magnificent,
the flowers more beautiful and gay, and the vines more
heavily laden with grapes of the most delicious flavor. Sweetest

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islets rose along the shore over which the moon seemed to linger
with a greater fondness, and soft breezes played ever in the
capacious forests, always kindling to emotions of pleasure, the
soft beatings of the delighted heart. The influences of scene and
climate were felt for good amongst the people who were represented
at once as the most generous and gentle of all the Floridian
natives. They had no wild passions, and coveted no fierce
delights. Under the sway of a woman, at once young and beautiful,
the daughter of their most favorite monarch, their souls had
become attuned to sympathies which greatly tended to subdue
and to soothe the savage nature. Their lives were spent in sports
and dances. No rebukes or restraints of duty, no sordid cares or
purposes, impaired the dream of youth and rapture which prevailed
everywhere in the hearts of the people. Gay assemblages
were ever to be found among the villages in the forests;
singing their own delights and imploring the stranger to be
happy also. They had a thousand songs and sports of youth and
pleasure, which made life a perpetual round of ever freshening
felicity. Innocent as wild, no eye of the ascetic could rebuke
enjoyments which violated no cherished laws of experience and
thought, and their glad and sprightly dances, in the deep shadows
of the wood, to the lively clatter of Indian gourds and tambourines,
were quite as significant of harmless fancies as of thoughtless lives.
Happy was the lonely voyager, speeding along the coast, in his
frail canoe, when, suddenly darting out from the forests of Iracana,
a slight but lovely creature, with flowing tunic of whit
cotton, stood upon the head land, waving her branch of palm or
myrtle, entreating his approach, and imploring him to delay his
journey, while he shared in the sweet festivities of love and youth,
for a season, upon the shore, — crying with a sweet chant,—

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“Love you me not, oh, lonely voyager—love you me not?
Lo! am I not lovely; I who serve the beautiful queen of Iracana?
will you not come to me, for a while!—come, hide the canoe
among the reeds, along the shore, and make merry with the damsels
of Iracana. I give to thee the palm and the myrtle, in
token of a welcome of peace and love. Come hither, oh!
lonely voyager, and be happy for a season!”

And seldom were these persuasions unavailing. The lonely
voyager was commonly won, as was he who, sailing by Scylla and
Charybdis, refused to seal his ears with wax against the song of
the Syren. But our charmers, along the banks of the Satilla,
entreated to no evil, laid no snares for the unwary, meditating
their destruction. They sought only to share the pleasures
which they themselves enjoyed. The benevolence of that love
which holds its treasure as of little value, unless its delights may
be bestowed on others, was the distinguishing moral in the Indian
Eden of Iracana; and he who came with love, never departed
without a sorrow, such as made him linger as he went, and soon
return, when this were possible, to a region, which, among our
Floridians, realized that period of the Classic Fable, which has
always been designated, par excellence, as the “age of gold.”

Our Frenchmen, under the conduct of La Vasseur and D'Erlach,
reached the frontiers of Iracana, at an auspicious period.
The season of harvest, among all primitive and simple nations,
is commonly a season of great rejoicing. Among a people like
those of Iracana, habitually accustomed to rejoice, it is one in
which delight becomes exultation, and when in the supreme felicity
of good fortune, the happy heart surpasses itself in the extraordinary
expression of its joy. Here were assembled to the
harvest, all the great lords of the surrounding country. Here

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was Athoree, the gigantic son of Satouriova, a very Anak,
among the Floridians. Here were Apalou, a famous chieftain,—
Tacadocorou, and many others, whom our Frenchmen had met
and known before;—some of whom indeed, they had known in
fierce conflict, and a strife which had never been healed by any
of the gentle offices of peace.

But Iracana was the special territory of peace. It was not
permitted, among the Floridians, to approach this realm with
angry purpose. Here war and strife were tabooed things,—shut,
out, denied and banished, and peace and love, and rapture, were
alone permitted exercise in abodes which were too grateful to all
parties, to be desecrated by hostile passions. When, therefore,
our Frenchmen, beholding those only with whom they had so
lately fought, were fain to betake themselves to their weapons,
the chiefs themselves, with whom they had done battle, came
forward to embrace them, with open arms.

“Brothers, all—brothers here, in Iracana;” was the common
speech. “Be happy here, brothers, no fight, no scalp, nothing
but love in Iracana,—nothing but dance and be happy.”

Even had not this assurance sufficed with our Frenchmen, the
charms of the lovely Queen herself, her grace and sweetness, not
unmixed with a dignity which declared her habitual rule, must
have stifled every feeling of distrust in their bosoms, and effectually
exorcised that of war. She came to meet the strangers with
a mingled ease and state, a sweetness and a majesty, which
were inexpressibly attractive. She took a hand of La Vasseur
and of D'Erlach, with each of her own. A bright, happy smile
lightened in her eye, and warmed her slightly dusky features
with a glow. Rich in hue, yet delicately thin, her lips parted
with a pleasure, as she spoke to them, which no art could

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simulate. She bade them welcome, joined their hands with those of
the great warriors by whom she was attended, and led them away
among her damsels, of whom a numerous array were assembled,
all habited in the richest garments of their scanty wardrobes.

The robes of the Queen herself were ample. The skirts of her
dress fell below her knees, a thing very uncommon with the
women of Florida. Over this, she wore a tunic of crimson, which
descended below her hips. A slight cincture embraced, without
confining, her waist. Long strings of sea-shell, of the smallest
size, but of colors and tints the most various and delicate, drooped
across her shoulders, and were strung, in loops and droplets,
to the skirts of her dress and her symar. Similar strings encircled
her head, from which the hair hung free behind, almost to
the ground, a raven-like stream, of the deepest and most glossy
sable. Her form was equally stately and graceful—her carriage
betrayed a freedom, which was at once native and the fruit of habitual
exercise. Nothing could have been more gracious than the
sweetness of her welcome; nothing more utterly unshadowed than
the sunshine which beamed in her countenance. She led her
guests among the crowd, and soon released La Vasseur to one of
the loveliest girls who came about her. Alphonse D'Erlach she
kept to herself. She was evidently struck with the singular
union of delicacy and youth with sagacity and character, which
declared itself in his features and deportment.

Very soon were all the parties engaged in the mazes of the
Indian dance of Iracana,—a movement which, unlike the walts
of the Spaniards, less stately perhaps, and less imposing—yet requires
all its flexibility and freedom, and possesses all its seductive
and voluptuous attractions. Half the night was consumed
with dancing; then gay parties could be seen gliding into canoes

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and darting across the stream to other villages and places of
abode. Anon, might be perceived a silent couple gliding away
to sacred thickets; and with the sound of a mighty conch, which
strangely broke the silence of the forest, the Queen herself retired
with her attendants, having first assigned to certain of her
chiefs the task of providing for the Frenchmen. Of these she
had already shown herself sufficiently heedful and solicitous. Not
sparing of her regards to La Vasseur, she had particularly devoted
herself to D'Erlach, and, while they danced together, if the
truth could be spoken of her simple heart, great had been its
pleasure at those moments, when the spirit of the dance required
that she should yield herself to his grasp, and die away
languidly in his embrace.

“Ah! handsome Frenchman,” she said to her companion,—
“You please me so much.”

His companions were similarly entertained. Captain La Vasseur
was soon satisfied that he too was greatly pleasing to the
fair and lovely savage who had been assigned him; and not one
of the Frenchmen, but had his share of the delights and endearments
which made the business of life in Iracana. The soldiers
had each a fair creature, with whom he waltzed and wandered;
and fond discourse, everywhere in the great shadows of the wood,
between sympathizing spirits, opened a new idea of existence to
the poor Huguenots who, hitherto, had only known the land of
Florida by its privations and its gold. The dusky damsels, alike
sweet and artless, brought back to our poor adventurers precious
recollections of youthful fancies along the banks of the Garonne
and the Loire, and it is not improbable, that, under the excitement
of new emotions, had Laudonniere proposed to transfer La
Caroline to the Satilla, or Somme, instead of May River, they

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might have been ready to waive, for a season at least, their impatient
desire to return to France.

Night was at length subdued to silence on the banks of the Satilla.
The sounds of revelry had ceased. All slept, and the
transition from night to day passed, sweetly and insensibly, almost
without the consciousness of the parties. But, with the
sunrise, the great conch sounded in the forest. The Eden of
the Floridian did not imply a life of mere repose. The people
were gathered to their harvesting, and the labors of the day,
under the auspices of a gracious rule, were made to seem a pleasure.
Hand in hand, the Queen Iracana, with her maidens,
and her guests, followed to the maize fields. Already had she
found D'Erlach, and her slender fingers, without any sense of
shame, had taken possession of his hand, which she pressed at
moments very tenderly. He had already informed her of the
wants and the sufferings of his garrison, and she smiled with a
new feeling of happiness, as she eagerly assured him that his
people should receive abundance. She bent with her own hands
the towering stalks; and, detaching the ears, flung to the ground
a few in all these places, on which it was meant that the heaps
should be accumulated. “Give these to our friends, the Frenchmen,”
she said, indicating with a sweep of the hand, a large tract
of the field, through which they went. D'Erlach felt this liberality.
He squeezed her fingers fondly in return,—saying words
of compliment which, possibly, in her ear, meant something more
than compliment.

Then followed the morning feast; then walks in the woods;
then sports upon the river in their canoes; and snaring the fish
in weirs, in which the Indians were very expert. Evening
brought with it a renewal of the dance, which again continued late

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in the night. Again did Alphonse D'Erlach dance with Iracana;
but it was now seen that her eyes saddened with the overfulness
of her heart. Love is not so much a joy as a care. It is so vast
a treasure, that the heart, possessed of the fullest consciousness
of its value, is for ever dreading its loss. The happiness of the
Floridian Eden had been of a sort which never absorbed the
soul. It lacked the intensity of a fervent passion. It was the
life of childhood—a thing of sport and play, of dance and
dream—not that eager and avaricious passion which knows never
content, and is never sure, even when most happy, from the
anxieties and doubts which beset all mortal felicity. Already did
our Queen begin to calculate the hours between the present, and
that which should witness the departure of the pleasant Frenchmen.

“You will go from me,” said she to D'Erlach, as they went
apart from the rest, wandering along the banks of the river and
looking out upon the sea. “You will go from me, and I shall
never see you any more.”

“I will come again, noble Queen, believe me,” was the assurance.

“Ah! come soon,” she said, “come soon, for you please me
very much, Aphon.”

Such was the soft Indian corruption of his christened name.
No doubt, she too gave pleasure to `Aphon.' How could it be
otherwise? How could he prove insensible to the tender and
fervid interest which she so innocently betrayed in him? He did
not. He was not insensible; and vague fancies were quickening
in his mind as respects the future. He was opposed to the plan
of returning to France. He was for carrying out the purposes of
Coligny, and fulfilling the destinies of the colony. He had

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warned Laudonniere against the policy he pursued, had foreseen
all the evils resulting from his unwise counsels, and there was
that in his bosom which urged the glorious results to France, of
a vigorous and just administration of a settlement in the western
hemisphere, in which he was to participate, with his energy and
forethought, without having these perpetually baffled by the imbecility
and folly of an incapable superior. In such an event,
how sweetly did his fancy mingle with his own fortunes those of
the gentle and loving creature who stood beside him. He told
her not his thoughts—they were indeed, fancies, rather than
thoughts—but his arm gently encircled her waist, and while her
head drooped upon her bosom, he pressed her hand with a tender
earnestness, which spoke much more loudly than any language to
her heart.

The hour of separation came at length. Three days had
elapsed in the delights of the Floridian Eden. Our Frenchmen
were compelled to tear themselves away. The objects for which
they came had been gratified. The bounty of the lovely Iracana
had filled with grain their boats. Her subjects had gladly borne
the burdens from the fields to the vessels, while the strangers
revelled with the noble and the lovely. But their revels were
now to end. The garrison at La Caroline, it was felt, waited
with hunger, as well as hope and anxiety for their return, and
they dared to delay no longer. The parting was more difficult
than they themselves had fancied. All had been well entertained,
and all made happy by their entertainment. If Alphonse
D'Erlach had been favored with the sweet attentions of a queen,
Captain La Vasseur had been rendered no less happy by the
smiles of the loveliest among her subjects. He had touched her
heart also, quite as sensibly as had the former that of Iracana.

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Similarly fortunate had been their followers. Authority had
ceased to restrain in a region where there was no danger of insubordination,
and our Frenchmen, each in turn, from the sergeant
to the sentinel, had been honored by regards of beauty, such as
made him forgetful, for the time, of precious memories in France.
Nor had these favors, bestowed upon the Frenchmen, provoked
the jealousy of the numerous Indian chieftains who were present,
and who shared in these festivities. It joyed them the rather to
see how frankly the white men could unbend themselves to unwonted
pleasures, throwing aside that jealous state, that suspicious
vigilance, which, hitherto, had distinguished their bearing
in all their intercourse with the Indians.

“Women of Iracana too sweet,” said the gigantic son of
Satouriova, Athore, to Captain La Vasseur, as the parties, each
with a light and laughing damsel in his grasp, whirled beside each
other in the mystic maze of the dance.

“I much love these women of Iracana,” said Apalou, as fierce
a warrior in battle, as ever swore by the altars of the Indian
Moloch. “I glad you love them too, like me. Iracana woman
good for too much love! They make great warrior forget his
enemies.”

“Ha!” said one addressing D'Erlach, “You have beautiful
women in your country, like Iracana, the Queen?”

But, we need not pursue these details. The hour of separation
had arrived. Our Frenchmen had brought with them a
variety of commodities grateful to the Indian eye, with which
they designed to traffic; but the bounty of Iracana, which had
anticipated all their wants, had asked for nothing in return. The
treasures of the Frenchmen were accordingly distributed in gifts
among the noble men and women of the place. Some of these

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Iracana condescended to take from the hands of Aphon. Her
tears fell upon his offering. She gave him in return two small
mats, woven of the finer straws of the country, with her own
hands—wrought, indeed, while D'Erlach sat beside her in the
shade of a great oak by the river bank—and “so artificially
wrought,” in the language of the chronicle, “as it was impossible
to make it better.” The poor Queen had few words—

“You will come to me, Aphon—you will? you will? I too
much want you! Come soon, Aphon. Iracana will dance never
no more till Aphon be come.”

Aphon” felt, at that moment, that he could come without
sorrow. He promised that he would. Perhaps he meant to keep
his promise; but we shall see. The word was given to be
aboard, and the trumpet rang, recalling the soldier who still
lingered in the forest shadows, with some dusky damsel for companion.
All were at length assembled, and with a last squeeze
of her hand, D'Erlach took leave of his sorrowful queen. She
turned away into the woods, but soon came forth again, unable to
deny herself another last look.

But the Frenchmen were delayed. One of their men was missing.
Where was Louis Bourdon? There was no answer to his
name. The boats were searched, the banks of the river, the
neighboring woods, the fields, the Indian village, and all in vain.
The Frenchmen observed that the natives exhibited no eagerness
in the search. They saw that many faces were clothed with
smiles, when their efforts resulted fruitlessly. They could not
suppose that any harm had befallen the absent soldier. They
could not doubt the innocence of that hospitality, which had
shown itself so fond. They conjectured rightly when they supposed
that Louis Bourdon, a mere youth of twenty, had gone

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off with one of the damsels of Iracana, whose seductions he had
found it impossible to withstand. D'Erlach spoke to the Queen
upon the subject. She gave him no encouragement. She professed
to know nothing, and probably did not, and she would
promise nothing. She unhesitatingly declared her belief that he
was in the forest, with some one that “he so much loved:” but
she assured D'Erlach that to hunt them up would be an impossibility.

“Why you not stay with me, Aphon, as your soldier stay
with the woman he so much love? It is good to stay. Iracana
will love you too much more than other woman. Ah! you love
not much the poor Iracana.”

“Nay, Iracana, I love you greatly. I will come to you again.
I find it hard to tear myself away. But my people—”

“Ah! you stay with Iracana, and much love Iracana, and you
have all these people. They will plant for you many fields of
corn; you shall no more want; and we will dance when the
evening comes, and we shall be so happy, Aphon and Iracana, to
live together; Aphon the great Paracoussi, and Iracana to be
Queen no more.”

It was not easy to resist these pleadings. But time pressed.
Captain La Vasseur was growing impatient. The search after
Louis Bourdon was abandoned, and the soldiers were again ordered
on board. The anxieties of La Vasseur being now awakened, lest
others of his people should be spirited away. Of this the danger
was considerable. The Frenchman was a more flexible being
than either the Englishman or Spaniard. It was much easier for
him to assimilate with the simple Indian; and our Huguenot
soldiers, who had very much forgotten their religion in their
diseased thirst after gold, now, in the disappointment of the one

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appetite were not indifferent to the consolations afforded by a life
of ease and sport, and the charms which addressed them in forms
so persuasive as those of the damsels of Iracana. La Vasseur
began to tremble for his command, as he beheld the reluctance
of his soldiers to depart. He gave the signal hurriedly to
Alphonso D'Erlach, and with another sweet single pressure of the
hand, he left the lovely Queen to her own melancholy musings.
She followed with her eyes the departing boats till they were
clean gone from sight, then buried herself in the deepest thickets
where she might weep in security.

Other eyes than hers pursued the retiring barks of the Frenchmen,
with quite as much anxiety; and long after she had ceased
to see them. On a little headland jutting out upon the river
below, in the shade of innumerable vines and flowers, crouching
in suspense, was the renegade, Louis Bourdon. By his side sat
the dusky damsel who had beguiled him from his duties. While
his comrades danced, he was flying through the thickets. The
nation were, many of them, conscious of his flight; but they held
his offence to be venial, and they encouraged him to proceed.
They lent him help in crossing the river, at a point below; the
father of the woman with whom he fled providing the canoe with
which to transport him beyond the danger of pursuit. Little did
our Frenchmen, as the boats descended, dream who watched them
from the headland beneath which they passed. Many were the
doubts, frequent the changes, in the feelings of the capricious
renegade, as he saw his countrymen approaching him, and felt
that he might soon be separated from them and home forever, by
the ocean walls of the Atlantic. Whether it was that his Indian
beauty detected in his face the fluctuations of his thoughts, and
feared that, on the near approach of the boats, he would change

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his purpose and abandon her for his people, cannot be said; but
just then she wound herself about within his arms, and looked up
in his face, while her falling hair enmeshed his hands, and contributed,
perhaps, still more firmly to ensnare his affections. His
heart had been in his mouth; he could scarcely have kept from
crying out to his comrades as the boats drew nigh to the cliff;
but the dusky beauties beneath his gaze, the soft and delicate
form within his embrace, silenced all the rising sympathies of
brotherhood in more ravishing emotions. In a moment their boats
had gone by; in a little while they had disappeared from sight,
and the arms of the Indian woman, wrapped about her captive,
declared her delight and rapture in the triumph which she now
regarded as secure. Louis Bourdon little knew how much he had
escaped, in thus becoming a dweller in the Floridian Eden.

-- --

p373-327 XXI. HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

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The glowing accounts of the delights of the Floridian Eden
which were brought by our returning voyagers, were not sufficient
to persuade the garrison to forego their anxious desire to return
to France. The home-sickness under which they labored had
now reached such a height as to suffer no appeal or opposition.
Nothing but the stern decree of authority could have silenced
the discontents; and the authority lay neither in the will nor in
the numbers under the control of Laudonniere. To such a degree
of impatience had this passion for their European homes
arisen, that, when it was found that the building of the vessel for
their deportation would be delayed beyond the designated period, in
consequence of the death, in battle with the savages, of two of the
carpenters, the multitude rose in mutiny setting upon Jean de
Hais, the master-carpenter,—who had innocently declared the impossibility
of doing the work within the given time,—with such
ferocity, as to make it scarcely possible to save his life. With
this spirit prevailing among his garrison, Laudonniere was compelled
to abandon the idea, altogether, of building the ship; and
to address all his energies to the repair, for the desired purpose,
of the old brigantine, which had been brought back to La

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Caroline, by the returning pirates. To work, with this object, all
parties were now set with the utmost expedition. The houses
which had been built without the fort were torn down, in order
that the timber should be converted into coal for the uses of the
forge; this being a labor much easier than that of using the axe
upon the trees of the forest. The palisade which conducted from
the fort to the river was torn down also by the soldiery, for the
same purpose, in spite of the objections of Laudonniere. It was
their policy to make their determination to depart inevitable, by
rendering the place no longer habitable. The fort, itself, it was
determined to destroy, when they were ready to sail, “lest some
new-come guest should have enjoyed and possessed it.” Our
Frenchmen were very jealous of the designs of the English queen.
They well knew that the haughty and courageous Elizabeth was
meditating a British settlement in the New World; and though,
after their own voluntary abandonment of the country, they had no
right to complain that another should occupy the waste places, yet
their jealousy was too greatly that of the dog in the manger, to
behold, with pleased eye, the possession by another of the things
which they themselves had been unable to enjoy. “In the meanwhile,”
says Laudonniere—seeking to excuse his own unwise
management and feeble policy—“In the meanwhile, there was
none of us to whome it was not an extreme griefe to leave a
country wherein wee had endured so greate travailes and necessities,
to discover that which wee must forsake through our owne
countrymen's default. For if wee had beene succoured in time
and place, and according to the promise that was made unto us,
the war which was between us and Utina had not fallen out, neither
should wee have had occasion to offend the Indians, which, with
all paines in the world, I entertained in good amitie, as well with

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merchandize and apparel, as with promise of greater matters; and
with whome I so behaved myself, that although sometimes I was
constrained to take victuals in some few villages, yet I lost not
the alliance of eight kings and lords, my neighbours, which continually
succoured and ayded me with whatever they were able to
afford. Yea, this was the principal scope of all my purposes, to
winne and entertaine them, knowing how greatly their amitie might
advance our enterprise, and principally while I discovered the
commodities of the country, and sought to strengthen myself
therein. I leave it to your cogitation to think how neare it went
to our hearts to leave a place abounding in riches (as we were
thoroughly enformed thereof) in coming whereunto, and doing
service unto our prince, we lefte our owne countrey, wives, children,
parents and friends, and passed the perils of the sea, and were
therein arrived as in a plentiful treasure of all our heart's desire.”

It was while distressing himself with these cogitations that Laudonniere,
on the 3d of August, 1565, took a walk, “as was his custom
of an afternoon,” to the top of a little eminence, in the
neighborhood of the fort, which afforded a distant prospect of the
sea. Here, looking forth with yearning to that watery waste
which he was preparing to traverse, he was suddenly excited, as
he beheld four sail of approaching vessels. At first, the tidings
made the soldiers of the garrison to leap for joy. The vessels
were naturally supposed to be those of their own countrymen;
and such was the gladness inspired by this supposition, that “one
would have thought them to be out of their wittes, to see them
laugh and leap.” But, something in the behavior of the strange
ships, after a while, rendered our Frenchmen a little doubtful of
their character. Instead of boldly approaching, they were seen to
cast anchor and to send out one of their boats. A prudent fear

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of the Spaniards made Laudonniere get his soldiers in readiness;
while Captain La Vasseur, with a select party, advanced to the
river side to meet the visitors. They proved to be Englishmen—
a fleet under the command of the celebrated John Hawkins; and
had on board one Martin Atinas, of Dieppe; a Frenchman, who
had been one of the colonists of Fort Charles,—one of those who,
returning to France, had been taken up at sea and carried into
England. He had guided the English admiral along the coast,
and his information had contributed to prompt the voyage of exploration
which Hawkins had in hand. But the object of the
British admiral was quite pacific, and his conduct exceedingly
generous and noble. His ostensible purpose in putting into May
River was to procure fresh water. Laudonniere permitted him to
do so. Hawkins, perceiving the distressed condition of the
Frenchmen, relieved them with liberal supplies of bread, wine and
provisions. Apprised of their desire to return to France, he, with
greater liberality and a wiser policy, offered to transport the whole
colony. But Laudonniere was still jealous of the Englishman,
and was apprehensive that, while he carried off the one colony, he
would instantly plant another in its place. He declined the
generous offer, but bargained with him for one of his vessels, for
which Laudonniere chiefly paid by the furniture of the fortress,—
the cannon, &c.,—viz.: “two bastards, two mynions, one
thousand of iron (balls), and one thousand (pounds) of powder.”
These items included only a portion of the purchase consideration,
in earnest of the treaty. Moved with pity at the wretched condition
of the Frenchmen, the generous Englishman offered supplies
for which he accepted Laudonniere's bills. These the subsequent
misfortunes of the latter never permitted him to satisfy.
In this way our colonists procured “twenty barrels of meale, six

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pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred (cwt.?) of
waxe to make candles. Moreover, forasmuch as hee saw my souldiers
goe barefoote, hee offered me besides fifty paires of shoes,
which I accepted.” “He did more than this,” says Laudonniere.
“He bestowed upon myselfe a great jarre of oyle, a jarre of
vinegar, a barell of olives, a great quantitie of rice, and a barell
of white biscuit. Besides, he gave divers presents to the principal
officers of my company according to their qualities: so that, I
may say, that we received as many courtesies of the Generall as
was possible to receive of any man living.”

Here, we are fortunately in possession of the narrative of Hawkins
himself, and his report of the encounter with our Frenchmen. It
affords a good commentary upon the bad management of Laudonniere,
and the worthless character of his followers; the sturdy
Englishmen seeing, at a glance, where all the evils of the colony
lay. He describes their first settlement as gathered from their
own lips; their numbers, the period they had remained in the
country, their frequent want, and the modes resorted to for escaping
famine. His details comprise all the facts of our history, as
already given. Of their discontents and rebels, he speaks as of a
class, “who would not take the paines so much as to fishe in the
river before their doores, but would have all things put in their
mouthes. They did rebell against the Captaine, taking away first
his armour, and afterwards imprisoning him, &c.” The narrative
of Hawkins gives the subsequent history of the rebels, their
piracy, capture and fate. He mentions one particular, which we
do not gather from Laudonniere, showing the sagacity of the
Floridian warriors. Finding that the Frenchmen, in battle, were
protected by their coats of mail, or escaupil, and the bucklers in
familiar use at the time, they directed their arrows at the faces

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and the legs of their enemies, which were the parts in which they
were mostly wounded. At the close of this war, according to our
Englishmen, Laudonniere had not forty soldiers left unhurt.
After detailing the supplies accorded to the colonists from his
stores, he adds, “notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen
had, the ground doth yield victuals sufficient, if they would
have taken paines to get the same; but they being souldiers, desired
to live by the sweat of other men's browes
.” Here speaks
the jealous scorn of the sailor. “The ground yieldeth naturally
great store of grapes, for in the time the Frenchmen were there
they made twenty hogsheads of wine.” Our poor Huguenots
could seek gold and manufacture wine, but could not raise provisions.
They were of too haughty a stomach to toil for any but
the luxuries of life. “Also,” says Hawkins, “it (the earth)
yieldeth roots passing good, deere marvellous store, with divers
other beastes and fowle serviceable to man. These be things
wherewith a man may live, having corne or maize wherewith to
make bread, for maize maketh good savory bread, and cakes as
fine as flowre; also, it maketh good meale, beaten and sodden
with water, and nourishable, which the Frenchmen did use to drink
of in the morning, and it assuageth their thirst, so that they have
no need to drink all the day after. And this maize was the
greatest lack they had, because they had no labourers to sowe the
same; and therefore, to them that should inhabit the land, it
were requisite to have labourers to till and sowe the ground; for
they, having victuals of their owne, whereby they neither spoil nor
rob the inhabitants, may live not only quietly with them, who
naturally are more desirous of peace than of warre
, but also shall
have abundance of victuals proffered them for nothing, &c.”
The testimony of Hawkins is as conclusive in behalf of the

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Floridians as it is unfavorable to our Frenchmen. He speaks in the
highest terms of the qualities and resources of the country, as
abounding in commodities unknown to men, and equal to those of
any region in the world. He tells us of the gold procured by the
Huguenot colonists, one mass of two pounds weight being taken
by them from the Indians, without equivalent. The latter he describes
as having some estimation of the precious metals; “for it
is wrought flat and graven, which they wear about their necks,
&c.” The Frenchmen eat snakes in the sight of our Englishmen,
to their “no little admiration;” and affirm the same to be
a delicate meat. Laudonniere tells Hawkins some curious snake
stories, which could not well be improved upon, even in the
“Hunter's Camp,” on a “Lying Saturday.” “I heard a miracle
of one of these adders,”—snakes a yard and a half long,—“upon
the which a faulcon (hawk) seizing, the sayd adder did claspe her
taile about her; which, the French captaine seeing, came to the
rescue of the faulcon, and took her,—slaying the adder.” There
is no improbability in this story; but we shall be slow to give our
testimony in behalf of that which follows: “And the Captaine of
the Frenchmen saw also a serpent with three heads and foure
feet, of the bignesse of a great spaniel, which, for want of a harquebuse,
he durst not attempt to slay.” Laudonniere had evidently
some appreciation of the marvellous; but only four feet to
three heads was a monstrous disproportion. The account which
Hawkins gives of the abundance of fish in the neighborhood of
the garrison, is no exaggeration, and only adds to the surprise
that we feel at the wretched indolence and imbecility of the
colonists, who, with this resource “at their doores,” depended for
their supply upon the Floridians.

Hawkins's account of the coast and characteristics of Florida

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is copious and full of interest, but belongs not to this narrative.
He left the Huguenots, on the 28th July, 1565, making all preparations
to follow in his wake; and on the fifteenth of August
Laudonniere was prepared to depart also. The biscuit was made
for the voyage, the goods and chattels of the soldiers were taken
on board, and most of the water;—nothing delayed their sailing
but head-winds;—when the whole proceeding was arrested by the
sudden appearance of Ribault, with the long-promised supplies
from France. The approach of Ribault was exceedingly cautious;
so circumspect, indeed, that fears were entertained by the garrison
that his ships were those of the Spaniards. The guns of the
fortress were already trained to bear upon them when the strangers
discovered themselves. The reasons for their mysterious deportment,
as subsequently given, arose from certain false reports which
had reached France, of the conduct of Laudonniere. He had
been described, by letters from some of his malcontents in the
colony, as affecting a sort of regal state—as preparing to shake
off his dependence upon the mother-country—and setting up for
himself, as the sovereign lord of the Floridas. Poor Laudonniere!
living on vipers, crude berries and bitter roots, mocked by the
savages on one hand, fettered and flouted by his own runagates
and rebels on the other,—defied in his authority, and starving in
all his state, was in no mood to affect royalty upon the River
May. He was, no doubt, a vain and ostentatious person; but,
whatever may have been his absurdities and vanities, at first, they
had been sufficiently schooled by his necessities, we should think,
to cure him of any such idle affectations. He had been subdued
and humbled by defeat,—the failure of his plans, and the evident
contempt into which he had sunk among his people. Yet of all
this, the King of France and Monsieur de Coligny could have

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known nothing; and when we recollect that the colony was made up
of Huguenots only, a people of whose fidelity the former might reasonably
doubt, the suspicions of the Catholic monarch may not be
supposed entirely unreasonable. At all events, Ribault was sent to
supersede the usurping commander, and bore imperative orders for
his recall. The armament confided to Ribault consisted of seven
vessels, and a military force corresponding with such a fleet. We are
also made aware that, on this occasion, the force which he commanded
was no longer made up of Huguenots exclusively, as in the previous
armament. A large sprinkling of Catholic soldiers accompanied
the expedition, and the temporary peace throughout the
realm enabled a great number of gentlemen and officers to employ
themselves in the search after adventure in the New World.
They accordingly swelled the forces of Ribault, and showed conclusively
that the colonial establishment in Florida had grown
into some importance at home. That Laudonniere should become
a prince there, was calculated to exaggerate the greatness of the
principality; and the jealousy of the French monarch, in all probability,
for the first time, awakened his sympathy for the settlement.
The same accounts which had borne the tidings of
Laudonniere's ambition, may have exaggerated the resources and
discoveries of the country; and possibly some specimens of gold—
the mass of two pounds described by Hawkins—had dazzled
the eyes and excited the avarice of court and people. Enough
that Laudonniere was to be sent home for trial, and that Ribault
was to succeed him in the government.

The approach of Ribault with his fleet was exceedingly slow.
Head-winds and storms baffled his progress, and as he reached the
coast of Florida he loitered along its bays and rivers, seeking to
obtain from the Indians all possible tidings of the colony, before

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venturing upon an encounter with the supposed usurper of the
sovereignty of the country. When, at length, he drew nigh to
La Caroline, so suspiciously did he approach, that he drew upon
him the fire of Laudonniere's men, and, but for the distance, and
the seasonable outcry which was made by his followers, announcing
who they were, a conflict might have ensued between the parties.
To the great relief of Ribault, Laudonniere received him with
submission. The former apprised him frankly of the reports in
France to his discredit, and delivered him the letters of Coligny
to the same effect. Laudonniere soon succeeded in convincing
his successor that he had been greatly slandered—that he was
entirely innocent of royalty, and almost of state, of any kind—
that, however unfortunate he may have been—however incompetent
to the duties he had undertaken, he was certainly not
guilty of the extreme follies, the presumption, or the cruelty,
which constituted the several points in the indictment urged
against him. Ribault strove to persuade him to remain in
the colony, and to leave his justification to himself. But this
Laudonniere declined to do, resolving to return to France;—a
resolution which, as we shall see hereafter, was only delayed too
long,—to the further increase of the misfortunes of our captain.
Meanwhile he fell sick of a fever, and the authority passed into
the hands of Jean Ribault, whose return was welcomed by crowds
of Indian chiefs, who came to the fortress to inquire after the
newly-arrived strangers. They soon recognised the chief by
whose hands the stone pillar had been reared, which stood conspicuous
at the entrance of the river. He was easily distinguished,
by many of them, by reason of the massy beard which he
wore. They embraced him with signs of a greater cordiality than
they were disposed to show to his immediate predecessor. The

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Kings Homoloa, Seravahi, Alimacani, Malica, and Casti, were
among the first to recall the ties of their former friendship, and to
brighten the ancient chain of union, by fresh pledges. They
brought to Ribault, among other gifts, large pieces of gold, which,
in their language, is called “sieroa pira,” literally “red metal,”—
which, upon being assayed by the refiner, proved to be “perfect
golde.” They renewed their offers to conduct him to the Mountains
of Apalachia, where this precious metal was to be had for the
gathering. Ribault was not more inaccessible to this attractive
showing than Laudonniere had been; but before he could project
the desired enterprise, in search of the mountains which held such
glorious possessions, new events were in progress, involving such
dangers as superseded the hopes of gain among the adventurers,
by necessities which made them doubtful of their safety The
Spaniards, of whom they had long been apprehensive, were at
length discovered upon the coast.

-- --

p373-338 XXII. THE FATE OF LA CAROLINE.

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CHAPTER I.

The fleet of Ribault consisted of seven vessels. The three
smallest of these had ascended the river to the fortress. The four
larger, which were men of war, remained in the open roadstead.
Here they were joined on the fourth of September by six Spanish
vessels of large size and armament. These came to anchor, and,
at their first coming, gave assurance of amity to the Frenchmen.
But Ribault had been warned, prior to his departure from France,
that the Spaniards were to be suspected. The crowns of France
and Spain, it is true, were at peace, but the Spaniards themselves
contemplated settlements in Florida, to which they laid claim, by
right of previous discovery, including, under this general title,
territories of the most indefinite extent. Philip the Second, that
cold, malignant and jealous despot, freed by the amnesty with
France from the cares of war in that quarter, now addressed his
strength and employed his leisure in extending equally his sway,
with that of the Catholic faith, among the red-men of America.
Prior to the settlements of Coligny, he had begun his preparations
for this object. The charge of the expedition was confided
to Don Pedro Melendez de Avilez, an officer particularly famous

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among his countrymen for his deeds of heroism in the New World.
He himself, bore a considerable portion of the expense of the enterprise,
and this was a consideration sufficiently imposing in the
eyes of his sovereign, to secure for him the dignity of a Spanish
Adelantado, with the hereditary government of all the Floridas.
It was while engaged in the preparations for this expedition that
tidings were received by the Spaniards of the settlements which
had been begun by the Huguenots. The enterprise of Don Pedro
de Melendez now assumed an aspect of more dignity. It became
a crusade, and the eager impulse of ambition was stimulated by
all the usual arguments in favor of a holy war. To extirpate
heresy was an object equally grateful to both the legitimates of
France and Spain; and the heartless monarch of France, Charles
the Ninth, in the spirit which subsequently gave birth to the horrible
massacre of St Bartholomew, it is reported—though the act
may have been that of the Queen Mother—cheerfully yielded up
his Protestant subjects in Florida, to the tender mercies of the
Spanish propagandist. There is little doubt that the French
monarch had signified to his Spanish brother, that he should resent
none of the wrongs done to the colonies of Coligny; he himself
being, at this very time, busied in the labor which was preparing
for the destruction of their patron and brethren at home.
Coligny well knew how little was the real sympathy entertained
by the monarch for this class of his subjects, and he felt that
there were sufficient reasons to fear, and to be watchful of, the
Spaniards. He had some better authority than mere suspicion for
his fear. Just as Ribault was about to take his departure from
France, the Lord Admiral wrote him as follows, in a hasty postscript:—
“As I was closing this letter, I received certain advices
that Don Pedro Melendez departeth from Spain to go to the coast

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of New France, (Florida,) see that you suffer him not to encroach
upon you, no more than you will suffer yourself to encroach on him.”

The preparations of Melendez began to assume an aspect of
great and imposing magnificence. Clergy and laity crowded to
his service. Noarly twenty vessels, some of very considerable
force, were provided; and three thousand adventurers assembled
under his command. But Heaven did not seem at first to smile
upon the enterprise. His fleet was encountered by tempests as
had been the “Grand Armada,” and the number of his vessels
before he reached Porto Rico had been reduced nearly two thirds.
Some doubt now arose in the minds of the Spanish captains, whether
they were in sufficient force to encounter Ribault. The bigotry
and enthusiasm of Melendez rejected the doubt with indignation.
His fanaticism furnished an argument in behalf of his
policy, imposing enough to the superstitious mind, and which his
followers were sufficiently willing to accept. “The Almighty,”
said the Adelantado, “has reduced our armament, only that his
own arm might achieve the holy work.”

The warning of danger contained in the letter of the Lord
Admiral to Ribault did not fall upon unheeding senses. Still, the
French captain was quite unprepared for the rapidity of the progress
made by the Spaniards. When, with six large vessels, they
suddenly appeared in the roadstead of May River, Ribault was at
La Caroline. His officers had been apprised of the propriety of
distrusting their neighbors, and accordingly showed themselves
suspicious as they drew nigh. It was well they did so. In the
absence of Ribault, with three of the ships at La Caroline, they were
inferior in force to the armament of Melendez, and were thus doubly
required to oppose vigilance to fraud and force. Fortunately, the
Spaniards did not reach the road till near evening, when they had

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too little time for efficient operations. Hence the civility of their
deportment, and the pacific character of their assurances. They
lowered sail, cast anchor, and forbore all offensive demonstrations.
But one circumstance confirmed the apprehensions of the Frenchmen.
In the brief conversation which ensued between the parties,
after the arrival of the Spaniards, the latter inquired after the
chief captains and leaders of the French fleet, calling them by
their names and surnames, and betraying an intimate knowledge
of matters, which had been judiciously kept as secret as possible
in France. This showed, conclusively, that, before Melendez left
Spain, he was thoroughly informed by those who knew, in France,
of the condition, conduct, and strength of Ribault's armament.
And why should he be informed of these particulars, unless there
were some designs for acting upon this information? The French
captains compared notes that night, in respect to these communications,
and concurred in the belief that they stood in danger of
assault. They prepared themselves accordingly, to cut and run,
with the first appearance of dawn, or danger. With the break of
day, the Spaniards began to draw nigh to our Frenchmen;
but the sails of these were already hoisted to the breeze. Their
cables were severed, at the first sign of hostility, and the chase
begun within the greatest animation. But, if the ships of the
Huguenots were deficient in force, they had the advantage of
their enemies in speed. They showed the Spaniards a clean pair
of heels, and suffered nothing from the distant cannonade with
which their pursuers sought to cripple their flight. The chase
was continued through the day. With the approach of evening,
the Spaniards tacked ship and stood for the River Seloy, or Selooe,
called by the French, the River of Dolphins; a distance, overland,
of but eight or ten leagues from La Caroline. Finding that

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they had the advantage of their enemies in fleetness, the French
vessels came about also, and followed them at a respectful distance.
Having made all the discoveries which were possible, they returned
to May River, when Ribault came aboard. They reported to
him that the great ship of the Spaniards, called “The Trinity,”
still kept the sea; that three other ships had entered the River of
Dolphins; that three others remained at its mouth; and that the
Spaniards had evidently employed themselves in putting soldiers,
with arms, munition, and provisions, upon shore. These, and
further facts, reached him from other quarters. Emoloa, one of
the Indian kings in amity with the French, sent them word that
the Spaniards had gone on shore at Seloy in great numbers—that
they had dispossessed the natives of their hourse at that village;
had put their “negro slaves, whom they had brought to labor,” in
possession of them; and were already busy in entrenching themselves
in the place, making it a regular encampment.

Not doubting that they meant to assail and harrass the settlement
of La Caroline from this point, with the view to expelling
the colonists from the country, Ribault boldly conceived the idea
of taking the initiate in the war. He first called a council of his
chief captains. They assembled in the chamber of Laudonniere,
that person being sick. Here Ribault commenced by showing the
relative condition of their own and the enemy's strength. His
conclusion, from his array of all the facts, was, that the true
policy required that he should embark with all his forces, and seek
the fleet of the Spaniards, particularly at a moment when it was
somewhat scattered; when one great ship only kept the seas;
when the rest were in no situation to support each other in the
event of sudden assault, and when the troops of the Adelantado,
partly on the shore, and partly in his vessels, were, very probably,

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not in proper order to be used successfully. His argument was
not deficient in force or propriety. Certainly, with his own seven
ships, all brought together, and all his strength in compact order
and fit for service, he might reasonably hope to fall successfully
upon the divided forces and scattered squadrons of his enemy, and
sweep them equally from sea and land.

But Laudonniere had his argument also, and it was not without
its significance. He opposed the scheme of Ribault entirely; representing
the defenceless condition of the fortress, and the danger
to the fleet at sea, and upon the coast, during a season proverbially
distinguished by storms and hurricanes. His counsel
was approved of by other captains; but Ribault, an old soldier
and sea captain, was too eager to engage the enemy to listen to
arguments that seemed to partake of the pusillanimous. It was
very evident that he did not regard Laudonniere as the best of
advisers in the work of war. He took his own head accordingly,
and commanded all soldiers that belonged to his command to go
on board their vessels. Not satisfied with this force, he lessened
the strength of the garrison by taking a detachment of its best
men, leaving few to keep the post but the invalids, who, like
Laudonniere, were suffering, or but just recovering, from the diseases
of the climate in midsummer. Laudonniere expostulated,
but in vain, against this appropriation of his garrison. On the
eighth of September, Ribault left the roadstead in pursuit of the
Spaniards, and Laudonniere never beheld him again. That very
day the skies were swallowed up in tempests. Such tempests
were never beheld before upon the coast. The storms prevailed
for several days, at the end of which time, apprehending the worst,
Laudonniere mustered his command, and proceeded to put the
fortress in the best possible condition of defence. To repair the

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portions of the wall which had been thrown down, to restore the
palisades stretching from the fortress to the river, was a work of
equal necessity and difficulty; which, with all the diligence of
the Frenchmen, advanced slowly, in consequence of the violence
and long continuance of the stormy weather. The whole force
left in the garrison consisted of but eighty-six persons supposed
to be capable of bearing arms. Of their doubtful efficiency we
may boldly infer from these facts. Several of them were mere
boys, with sinews yet unhardened into manhood. Some were old
men, completely hors de combat from the general exhaustion of
their energies; many were still suffering from green wounds, got
in the war with Olata Utina, and others again were wholly unprovided
with weapons. Relying upon the assumption that he should
find his enemy at sea and in force, Ribault had stripped the garrison
of its real manhood. His vessels being better sailers than
those of the Spaniards, he took for granted that he should be
able to interpose, at any moment, for the safety of La Caroline,
should any demonstration be made against it. This was assuming
quite too much. It allowed nothing for the caprices of wind and
wave; for the sudden rising of gales and tempests; and accorded
too little to the cool prudence, and calculating generalship of
Pedro Melendez, one of the most shrewd, circumspect and successful
of the Spanish generals of the period: nor, waiving these
considerations, was the policy of Ribault to be defended, when
it is remembered that he had been specially counselled that the
Spaniards had made their lodgments in force upon the shores of
Florida, not many leagues, by land, from the endangered fortress.
His single virtue of courage blinded him to the danger from the
former. He calculated first to destroy the fleet of the enemy,
thus cutting off all resource and all escape, and then to descend

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upon the troops on land, before they could fortify their camp,
and overwhelm them with his superior and unembarrassed forces.
We shall see, hereafter, the issue of all these calculations. In all
probability his decision was influenced quite as much by his fanaticism
as his courage. He hated the Spaniards as Catholics,
quite as much as they hated him and his flock as heretics. This
rage blinded the judgment of the veteran soldier, upon whom fortune
was not disposed to smile.

The condition of things at La Caroline, when Ribault took his
departure, deplorable enough as we have seen, was rendered still
worse by another deficiency, the fruit of this decision of the
commander. The supplies of food which were originally brought
out for the garrison, were mostly appropriated for the uses of the
fleet, allowing for its possibly prolonged absence upon the seas.
This absorbed the better portion of the store which was necessary
for the daily consumption at La Caroline. A survey of the quantity
in the granary of the fortress, made immediately after the
departure of the fleet, led to the necessity of stinting the daily
allowance of the garrison. Thus, then, with provisions short,
with Laudonniere sick, and otherwise incompetent,—with the
men equally few and feeble, improvident hitherto, and now spiritless,—
the labors of defence and preparation at La Caroline
went forward slowly; and its watch was maintained with very
doubtful vigilance. We have seen enough, in the previous difficulties
of the commandant with his people, to form a just judgment
of the small subordination which he usually maintained.
His government was by no means improved with the obvious
necessity before him, and the hourly increase of peril. Alarmed,
at first, by the condition in which he had been left, Laudonniere,
as has been stated, proceeded with the show of diligence, rather

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than its actual working, to repair the fortress, and put himself in
order for defence. But, with the appearance of bad weather, his
exertions relaxed; his people, accustomed to wait upon Providence
and the Indians,—praying little to the One and preying
much upon the others—very soon discontinued their unfamiliar
and disagreeable exertions. They could not suppose—
averse themselves to bad weather—that the Spaniards could possibly
expose themselves to chills and fevers during an equinoctial
tempest, under any idle impulses of enterprise and duty; and
their watch was maintained with very doubtful vigilance. On
the night of the nineteenth of September, Monsieur de La Vigne
was appointed to keep guard with his company. But Monsieur
de La Vigne had a tender heart, and felt for his soldiers in bad
weather. Seeing the rain continue and increase, “he pitied the
sentinels, so much moyled and wet; and thinking the Spaniards
would not have come in such a strange time, he let them depart,
and, to say the truth, hee went himself into his lodging.” But
the Spaniards appear to have been men of inferior tastes, and of
a delicacy less sympathising and scrupulous than Monsieur de
La Vigne. Bad weather appeared to agree with them, and we
shall see that they somewhat enjoyed the very showers, from the
annoyance of which our French sentinels were so pleasantly relieved.
We shall hear of these things hereafter. In the meanwhile,
let us look in upon the Adelantado of Florida, Pedro
Melendez, a strong, true man, in spite of a savage nature and a
maddening fanaticism,—let us see him and the progress of his
fortunes, where he plants the broad banner of Spain, with its castellated
towers, upon the lonely Indian waters of the Selooe, that
river which our Huguenots had previously dignified with the title
of “the Dolphin.”

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CHAPTER II. RIBAULT'S FORTUNES AT SELOOE.

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It was on the twenty-eighth of August, the day on which the
Spaniards celebrated the festival of St. Augustine, that the Adelantado
entered the mouth of the Selooe or Dolphin River. He
was attracted by the aspect of the place, and here resolved to
establish a settlement and fortress. He gave the name of the
Saint to the settlement. Having landed a portion of his forces,
he found himself welcomed by the savages, whom he treated with
kindness and who requited him with assurances of friendship.
From them he learned something of the French settlements, and
of their vessels at the mouth of the May River, and he resolved
to attempt the surprise of his enemies. We have seen the failure
of this attempt. Disappointed in his first desire, like the tiger
who returns to crouch again within the jungle from which he has
unsuccessfully sprung, Melendez made his way back to the waters
of the Selooe, where he proposed to plant his settlement, and
which his troops were already beginning to entrench. Here he
employed himself in taking formal possession in the name of the
King of Spain, and having celebrated the Divine mysteries in a
manner at once solemn and ostentatious, he swore his officers to
fidelity in the prosecution of the expedition, upon the Holy
Sacrament.

It was while most busy with his preparations, that the fleet of
Ribault made its appearance at the mouth of the river. The
two heaviest of the Spanish vessels, being relieved of their armament
and troops, which had been transferred to the land, had
been despatched, on the approach of the threatened danger, with
all haste to Hispaniola. The two other vessels, at the bar or

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entrance of the harbor, were unequal to the conflict with the superior
squadron of Ribault. Melendez was embarked in one of
them, and the three lighter vessels of the French, built especially
for penetrating shallow waters, were pressing forward to the certain
capture of their prey, for which there seemed no possibility
of escape. Melendez felt all his danger, but he had prepared
himself for a deadly struggle, and was especially confident in the
enthusiastic conviction that himself and his design were equally the
concern of Providence. It would seem that fortune was solicicitous
to justify the convictions of so much self-esteem. Ribault's
extreme caution in sounding the bar to which his vessels were
approaching, lost him two precious hours; but for which his
conquest must have been certain. There was no hope, else, unless
in some such miraculous protection as that upon which the
Spanish general seemed to count. Had these two vessels been
taken and Melendez a prisoner, the descent upon the dismayed
troops on shore, not yet entrenched, and in no preparation for
the conflict with an equal or superior enemy, and the annihilation
of the settlement must have ensued. The consequence
of such an event might have changed the whole destinies of Florida,
might have established the Huguenot colonies firmly upon
the soil, and given to the French such a firm possession of the
land, as might have kept the fleur-de-lis waving from its summits
to this very day. But the miracle was not wanting
which the Spanish Adelantado expected. In the very moment
when the hands of Ribault, were stretched to seize his prizes, the
sudden roar of the hurricane came booming along the deep. The
sea rose between the assailant and his prey,—the storm parted
them, and while the feebler vessels of Melendez, partially under
the security of the land, swept back towards the settlement

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which he had made on shore, the brigantines and bateaux of Ribault
were forced to rejoin their greater vessels, and they all
bore away to sea before the gale. Under the wild norther that
rushed down upon his squadron, Ribault with a groan of rage
and disappointment, abandoned the conquest which seemed already
in his grasp.

Melendez promptly availed himself of the Providential event,
to insist among his people upon the efficiency of his prayers.
They had previously been desponding. They felt their isolation,
and exaggerated its danger. The departure of their ships
for Hispaniola, their frequent previous disasters, the dispersion
of nearly two thirds of the squadron with which they had left the
port of Cadiz, but three months before; the labors and privations
which already began to press upon them with a novel
force; all conspired to dispirit them, and made them despair of
a progress in which they were likely to suffer the buffetings only,
without any of the rewards of fortune;—and when they beheld
the approaching squadron of the French, in force so superior as
to leave no doubt of the capture of their only remaining vessels,
they yielded themselves up to a feeling of utter self-abandonment,
to which the stern, grave self-reliance of Melendez afforded no
encouragement. But when, with broad sweep of arm, he pointed
to the awful rising of the great billows of the sea, the wild
raging of cloud and storm in the heavens, the scudding flight
of the trembling ships of Ribault, their white wings gradually
disappearing in distance and darkness like feeble birds borne
recklessly forward in the wild fury of the tempest, he could, with
wonderful potency, appeal to his people to acknowledge the
wonders that the Lord had done for them that day.

“Call you this the cause of our king only, in which we are

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engaged my brethren? Oh! shallow vanity! And yet, you say
rightly. It is the cause of our king—the greatest of all kings—
the king of kings; and he will make it triumphant in all lands,
even though the base and the timid shall despair equally of themselves
and of Him! We shall never, my brethren, abandon this
cause to which we have sworn our souls, in life and death, without
incurring the eternal malediction of the Most High God,
forever blessed be his name! We are surrounded by enemies, my
friends; we are few and we are feeble; but what is our might,
when the tempest rises like a wall between us and our foes, and
in our greatest extremity, the hand of God stretches forth from
the cloud, and plucks us safely from the danger. Be of good
heart, then; put on a fearless courage; believe that the cause is
holy in which ye strive, and the God of Battles will most surely
range himself upon our side!”

Loud cries of exultation from his people answered this address.
A thousand voices renewed their vows of fidelity, and pledged
themselves to follow blindly wherever he should lead. He commanded
that a solemn mass of the Holy Spirit should be said that
night, and that all the army should be present. He vouchsafed
no farther words. Nothing, he well knew, that he could say,
could possibly add to the miraculous event that had saved their
vessels, before their own eyes, in the very moment of destruction.
“Our prayers, our faith, my brethren; to these we owe
the saving mercies of the Blessed Jesus!”

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CHAPTER III. MELENDEZ AT SELOOE.

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But the enthusiasm excited by the dispersion of Ribault's vessels,
and the escape of their own, was of short-lived duration
among the Spaniards at Selooe. Human nature may obey a
grateful impulse, and,while it lasts, will be insensible to common
dangers and common necessities; but the enthusiasm which excites
and strengthens for a season, is one also which finally exhausts;
and when the enervation which succeeds to a high-strung
exultation, is followed by great physical trials, and the continued
pressure of untoward events, the creature nature is quite too apt
to triumph over that nobler spirit whose very intensity is fatal to
its length of life. The sign of providential favor which they had
beheld wrought visibly in their behalf, the inspiriting language of
their stern and solemn leader, the offices of religion, meant to
evoke the presence of the Deity, and to secure, by appropriate
rites, his farther protection, of which they had recently witnessed
so wonderful a manifestation; these wore away in their
effects upon our Spaniards, and in the toils and sufferings which
they were subsequently to endure.

Perhaps nothing more greatly depresses the ordinary nature
than an abode in strange and savage regions during a prevalence
of cheerless, unfriendly weather. The soul recoils as it were
upon itself, under the ungenial pressure from without, and looking
entirely within, finds nothing but wants which it is impossible to
satisfy. Memory then studiously recals, as if for the purposes
of torture and annoyance, the aspects of the beloved ones
who are far from us in foreign lands. The joys which we have
had with old and loving associates, the sweets of dear homes, and

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the sounds of friendly voices, these are the treasures which she
conjures up at such periods, in mournful contrast with present
privations and all manner of denial. But if, in addition to these,
we are conscious of accumulating dangers; if the storm and
savage howl without; if hunger craves without being answered,
and thirst raves for the drop of moisture to cool its tongue, in
vain, we must not wonder if the ordinary nature sinks under its
sorrows and apprehension, and loses all the elastic courage which
would prompt endeavor and conduct to triumph. The master
mind alone, may find itself strong under these circumstances—the
man of inexorable will, great faith, and a far-sighted appreciation
of the future and its compensations. But it is the master
mind only which bears up thus greatly. The common herd is
made of very different materials, and in quite another mould.

Don Pedro de Melendez was one of the few minds thus extraordinarily
endowed. His prudence, keeping due pace with his
religious fanaticism, approved him a peculiar character; a man
of rare energies, extraordinary foresight and indomitable will.
Resolute for the destruction of the heretics of La Caroline, he
was yet one of that class of persons—how few—who can forego
the premature attempt to gratify a raging appetite, in recognition
of those embarrassing circumstances, which if left unregarded,
would only operate for its defeat. He could wait the season,
with all patience, when desire might be crowned with fruition.
Yet was his thirst a raging one—a master passion—absorbing every
other in his soul. All that had taken place on land and sea, had
been certainly foreseen by him. Thus had he dispatched his
ships seasonably to Hispaniola, as well for their security, as to
afford him succor. If he doubted for the safety of those which
remained to him, on the approach of Ribault, he was relieved of

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his doubts by his faith in the interposition of the Deity, and went
forth to the encounter, himself heading the forlorn hope, as it
were, without any misgivings of the result. He knew that the
Deity would, in some manner, make himself manifest in succor
for the true believer, even then engaged in the maintenance of
His cause. He had foreseen the threatening aspects of the heavens,
the wild tumults of the sea, the sullen and angry caprices
of the winds. He felt that storm and terror were in prospect,
and that they were meant as his defences against his enemy!
But this did not prevent him from adopting all proper human
precautions. He did not peril his prows beyond the shoals which
environed the entrance to his harborage. He did not trust them
beyond the natural bars at the mouth of the Selooe, leaving them
to the unrestrained fury of the demon winds that sweep the blue
waters of the gulf. Nor, assuming the bare possibility that the protection
of the Deity might be withheld from the true believer, as
much for the trial of his valor as his faith, in the moment of encounter
with the heretic, was the Adelantado neglectful of the means for
further struggle, should the assailants, successful with his shipping,
approach the shores of Selooe in the endeavor to destroy
his army. This he sought to protect by the best possible defences.
His troops were under arms in order for battle. Every
possible advantage of trench and picket was employed for giving
them additional securities. His people had already taken possession
of the Indian village, from whence the savages had been
expelled; and their dwellings were converted into temporary fortresses,
each garrisoned with its selected band. It is wonderful,
how the veteran chieftain toiled, in the endeavor to secure his position.
While he felt how little the Deity needed the strength of
man, in working out the purposes of destiny, he well knew how

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necessary it was that man should show himself worthy, by his
prudence and preparations, of the intervention and the care of
Deity.

We have seen the issue of the unfortunate attempt of Ribault
upon his enemy; with the absence of immediate danger, the first
tumults of exultation on the part of the Spaniards, subsided into
a sullen and humiliating repose. As night came on, they momently
began to feel the increasing annoyances of their situation.
That they were in temporary security from the heretic French,
left them free to consider, and to feel, the insecurity and the
unfriendly solitude of their situation. The frail palm covered
huts of the Floridian savages, on the banks of their now raging
river, with the tempest roaring among the affrighted forest trees,
afforded but a sorry shelter to their numerous hosts. Darkness
and thick night closed in upon them in their dreary and comfortless
abodes, and their hearts sunk appalled beneath the terrific
bursts of thunder that seemed to rock the very earth upon
which they stood. They were not the tried veterans of Spain.
Many among them wore weapons for the first time, and all were
totally inexperienced in that foreign hemisphere, in which the
elements wore aspects of terror which had never before entered
their imaginations. Their officers were mostly able men and
good soldiers, but even these had enjoyed but small experience in
the new world. The levies of Melendez had been hurriedly
made, with the view to anticipate the progress of Ribault. They
were not such as that iron-hearted leader would have chosen for
the terrible warfare which he had in view. Chilled by the ungenial
atmosphere, confounded with torrents such as they had
never before beheld, and which seemed to threaten the return of
the deluge, they exaggerated the evils of their situation and

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feared the worst. They were not ill-advised upon the subject of
their own strength and resources, and whatever they might hope
in respect to the probable ill-fortunes of Ribault and his fleet, they
knew him to be an experienced soldier, and that his armament
was superior, while his numbers were quite equal to their own.
They now knew that they were the objects of his search and hate,
as he had been of theirs, and they still looked with dread to his
reappearance, suddenly, and the coming of a conflict which should
add new terrors to the storm. They could not conceive the extent
of the securities which they enjoyed, and fancied that with
a far better acquaintance with the country than they possessed,
he would reappear among them at the moment when least expected,
and that they should perish beneath the fury of his fierce
assault.

While thus they brooded over their situation, officers and men
cowering in the frail habitations of the Indians, through which
the rushing torrents descended without impediment, extinguishing
their fires, and leaving them with no light but that fitful one,
the fierce flashes from the clouds, which threatened them with
destruction while illuminating the pale faces of each weary
watcher;—Pedro Melendez, strengthened by higher if not a holier
support, disdained the miserable shelter of the hovels where they
crouched together. He trod the shore and forest pathways
without sign of fear or shows of disquiet or annoyance. He
smiled at the sufferings which he yet strove to alleviate. He
opened his stores for the relief of his people, yet partook of none
himself. He gave them food and wine of his own, even while he
smiled scornfully to see them eat and drink. His solicitude
equally provided against their dangers and their fears. He
placed the necessary guards against the one, and soothed or

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mocked the other. He alone appeared unmoved amidst the
storm, and might be seen with unhelmed head, passing from
cot to cot, and from watch to watch, urging vigilance, providing
relief, and encouraging the desponding with a voice of cheer
His eye took in without shrinking, all the aspects of the storm.
He gazed with uplifted spirit as the wild red flashes cleft the
great black clouds which enveloped the forests in a shroud.
“Ay!” he exclaimed, “verily, O Lord! thou hast taken this
work into thine own hands!” And thus he went to and fro,
without complaint, or suffering, or fatigue, till his lieutenants
with shame beheld the example of the veteran whom they had
not soul or strength to emulate. His deportment was no less a
marvel than a reproach to his people. They could not account
for that seemingly unseasonable delight which was apparent in his
face, in the exulting tones of his voice, and the eager impulse of
his action. That a glow-like inspiration should lighten up his
features, and give richness and power to his voice, while they
cowered from the storm and darkness in fear and trembling,
seemed to them indications rather of madness than of wisdom.
But in truth, it was inspiration. Melendez had been visited by
one of those sudden flashes of thought which open the pathway
to a great performance. A brave design filled his soul; a sudden
bright conception, to the proper utterance of which he hurried
with a due delight. He summoned his chief leaders to
consultation in the great council house of the tribe of Selooe, a
round fabric of mixed earth and logs, with a frail palm leaf
thatch, fragments of which, the fierce efforts of the tempest
momently tore away. The rain rushed through the rents of ruin,
the wind shrieked through the numerous breaches in the walls,
but Melendez stood in the midst, heedless of these annoyances,

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or only heedful of them so far as to esteem them services and
blessings. He knew the people with whom he had to deal, their
fears, their weaknesses, and discontents, the base nature of many
of their desires, and the utter incapacity of all to realize the
intense enthusiasm which shone within his soul. He could scorn
them, but he had to use them. He despised their imbecility, but
felt how necessary it was too temporize with their moods, and
make them rather forgetful of their infirmities, than openly to
denounce and mock them. His eye was fastened upon certain
of his chiefs in especial, whose weaknesses were more likely to
endanger his objects than those of the rest, since these were associated
with a certain degree of pretension arising from their
occupance of place. But there is no one in more complete possession
of the subtleties of the politician, than the fanatic of intense
will. All his powers are concentrated upon the single object,
and he values this too highly to endanger it by any rashness.
He can make allowances for the weaker among the brethren,
so long as they have the power to yield service; he only cuts
them down ruthlessly, when,like the tree bringing forth no fruit,
the question naturally occurs to the politician, “Why cumbereth
in the ground?” Melendez was prepared to act the politician
amidst all his fanaticism. For this reason, though his resolution
was inexorably taken, he summoned his officers to a solemn deliberation—
a council of war—to determine upon what should be
done in the circumstances in which they stood.

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CHAPTER IV. THE COUNCIL OF WAR AT SELOOE.

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It was midnight when the assemblage of the Spanish captains
took place in the great council house of the savages of Selooe.
Already, that night, had the place been consecrated by the performance
of a solemn mass in honor of the Holy Spirit. The
purposes of the present gathering were, in the opinion of Melendez,
not less honorable to the Deity. Rude logs strewn about the
building, even as they had been employed by the red-men, furnished
seats for the Spanish officers. They surrounded a great
fire of resinous pine, which now blazed brightly in the centre of
the apartment. In this respect the scene had rather the appearance
of savage rites than of Christian council. In silence,the
nobles of Castile, of Biscay and the Asturias took their places.
Their eyes were vacant, and their hearts were depressed. They
caught nothing of that exulting blaze which lightened up the features
of Melendez.

“Oh! ye of little faith!” he exclaimed, rising in their midst,
“is it thus that ye give acknowlegment to God for the blessings
ye have received at his hands, and for that care of the Guardian
Shepherd, to which ye, thus far, owe your safety? Have ye
already lost the memory of that wondrous sign wrought this day
for your deliverance,—when your eyes beheld a wall of storm and
thunder pass between your captain and his little barques, and the
overwhelming squadron of the heretic Ribault? Was this manifestation
of his guardian providence made for us in vain? Said
it not, plainly as the voice of Heaven might say, that our mission
was not ended—that there was other work to be wrought by our

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hands, and that he was with us, to help us in the great achievement
of his purposes. Lo! you now, the very storm, that rages
about us, and beneath the terrors of which ye tremble, is but a
further proof of his guardianship. Under cover of the rages of
the tempest, shall we press on to the complete achievement of our
work. We shall march to the conquest of La Caroline,—we shall
destroy these arch-heretics—these enemies of God, in the very
fortress of their strength—in the very place which they have set
apart, in the vain hope of security, as their home of refuge!”

Audible murmurs here arrested the speaker.

“What is it that ye fear, my children?” continued Melendez.

Then some among them cried out—“What madness is it that
we hear? Shall we, thus enfeebled as we are, with our great ships
speeding to Hispaniola, here, left as we are on the wild shores of
the savage, not yet entrenched, shall we divide our strength, in
the hope to conquer La Caroline, leaving to the heretic Ribault
to fall upon our camp when we depart, to pursue us as we tread
the great forests of the Floridian, and to destroy us between the
power which he brings and that which awaits us at La Caroline?”

“Oh! my brethren! would ye could see with my vision! Ribault
will not trouble our camp, neither will he pursue us in our
absence. He speeds before the terrors of the tempest. He flies
from the destruction which will scarcely suffer him to escape. A
voice cries to me that he already perishes beneath the engulphing
waters of the Mexican sea; or is cast upon the bleak and
treacherous shores and islands which guard the domain of the
Floridian. Even if he should escape these dangers, weeks must pass
before he can return to these waters of Selooe, the heathen empire
of which we have consecrated with the name and confided to the
holy keeping of the blessed St. Augustine! This tempest is no

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summer gale, subsiding as rapidly as it begins. It will rage thus for
many days. In that time, encouraged by the Lord, we shall pass
the forest wastes that lie between us and La Caroline. With five
hundred men, and a host of these red warriors, we shall penetrate
in less than four days to the fortress of the heretics—and while
they dream that they sleep securely under the shadows of the
tempest, we shall rush upon their slumbers, and give them to
sleep eternally. My valiant comrades, this is the resolution
which I have taken; but I would hear your counsel. I would
not that ye should not cheerfully adopt the resolve which is assuredly
a dictate from Heaven itself. For, if we destroy not these
heretics, they will destroy us. If we cut off the people of La
Caroline ere Ribault shall return, his fortress is ours, the cannon
of which we shall turn upon him. It is a war a l'outrance between
us. They will give us no quarter: they shall have none.
This tempest gives us the assurance that we shall have no danger
from Ribault, if we seize the precious moments for our enterprise,
when he is vainly striving with the tempests of the deep, and
vainly striving against the winds that bear him away hourly still
farther from the scene of our achievements.”

We need not pursue the deliberations of the Spanish council. It
is enough if we report the result. In the speeches of Melendez,
already made, we see the full force of his argument, which was sound
and sensible, and could only be opposed by the fears of those who
sought to avoid exposure, who dreaded the elements, the unknown
in their condition, and who shrunk from enterprises which promised
nothing but hard blows, and which tasked their hardihood
beyond all their past experience in war. There were arguments and
pleas put in by the over-cautious and the timid, to all of which
the Adelantado listened patiently, but to all of which he opposed

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his arguments, based at once upon the obvious policy natural to
their circumstances, and to the equally obvious requisitions of the
Deity, as shown by an interposition in their favor, which they
were all prepared to acknowledge as fervently as Melendez. His
quiet but inflexible will prevailed; the council gradually became
of his mind. The unsatisfied were at least silenced, while those
whom he convinced were clamorous in their plaudits of a scheme
which they ascribed, as Melendez did himself, to the immediate
revelation of Heaven.

“I thank you, noble gentlemen,” were the words of the Adelantado,
as they separated for the night. “That our opinions so
well correspond increases my confidence in our plan. Not that I
had doubts before. I had thy assurance, oh! Lord! that this
adventure had thy heavenly sanction. In te Domine speravi,—let
us never be confounded! And now, my comrades, let us separate.
With the dawn, though the storm rages still, as I hope and believe
it will, we must prepare for this enterprise. We shall choose
five hundred of our best soldiers, carry with us provisions for eight
days, and in that time our work will be done. Our force will be
divided into six companies, each with its flag and captain, and a
select body of pioneers, armed with axes, shall be sent before to
open a pathway through the forest. That we have no guide is a
misfortune; but God will provide so that we fail not. Fortunately
we know in what quarter lies La Caroline—the distance is
known also, and we shall not go wide, if we are only resolved to
seek and to destroy the heretics with firm and valiant hearts,
filled with a proper faith in heaven.”

Even as he concluded, one at the entrance of the council-house
entreated entrance. It proved to be a priest, the Reverend

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Father Salvandi, who brought with him a strange man, overgrown
with beard, and partly in the costume of a mariner.

“My son,” said the priest, “here is the very man you want.
This is one Francis Jean, a Frenchman,—once a heretic, but
now, conscious of his errors, and repentant in the hands of Holy
Church. He hath recanted of his sins, and hath come back willingly
to the folds of Christ. He hath fled from La Caroline, from
the cruelties of Laudonniere, the heretic, and will report what he
knows, touching the condition of the Lutheran fortress and the
people thereof.”

“Said I not, my comrades, that God would provide!” cried
Melendez in exultation. “This is the very man whom we want.
What art thou?”—to the Frenchman.

“I was a heretic, my lord,—I am now a Christian. I was
beaten by Laudonniere, and I fled from him, taking off one of his
barques. He hath sworn my life; I would take his. I know the
route to La Caroline. I will show the way to your soldiers.”

“Ah! Laudonniere will hang you, if he gets you into his
power.”

“For that reason, my lord, I would have you get him in
yours.”

“You shall have your wish. The Lord hath indeed spoken!
Your name?”

“Francis Jean!”

“Be faithful—guide my people to this fortress of the heretics,
and you shall be rewarded. But, if treacherous, Francis Jean,
you shall hang to the first tree of the forest!”

“Doubt me not, my lord. I will do you good service!”

“Be it so! My comrades—the Lord hath provided. Señor
Martin de Ochoa, take this man into thy keeping. Do him no

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hurt,—let him be well entreated, but let him not escape from thy
sight.”

The Reverend Father Salvandi bestowed his benediction upon
the kneeling circle, and they separated for the night. And still
the storm roared without, and still the rains descended, but the
heart of Melendez rejoiced in the tempest, as it were an angel
sent by Heaven to his succor.

CHAPTER V. THE DINNER-PARTY OF MELENDEZ.

But the consolations of Melendez were not those of his people,
nor did they arrive at his conclusions. It was soon bruited abroad
that he was to march through the tempest upon La Caroline, and
his soldiers spoke the open language of sedition. Their clamors
reached the ears of Melendez, but he was one of those wonderful
politicians who know what an error it is, at times, to be too quick
of sight and hearing. The discontents of the canaille gave him
little concern; yet he watched them without seeming to do so;
and employed processes of his own for inducing their quiet, without
showing himself either apprehensive or angry. Some of his
officers were guilty of seditious speeches also—some of those
whom his will had silenced in council, rather than his arguments
convinced. He took his measures with these in a simple manner,
without allowing his preparations to be arrested for a moment.
One of these officers, named St. Vincent, positively declared his
purpose not to go upon an expedition where they would only
get their throats cut; and that if Melendez persisted in his mad

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design, he would embark with all those left at St. Augustine, and
take his route back to Hispaniola. This same person, with the
Señors Francis Recalde and Diego de Maya, openly and boldly
remonstrated with the Adelantado against the enterprise. He answered
them by inviting them, and all other of his officers who
had been of the council, to a great dinner which he prepared for
them that day. Here he gave them quite a splendid entertainment,
and in the midst of their hilarity he said—

“That it was with very great surprise he discovered that the
secret councils of the last night had been improperly revealed to
all the world—councils of war,” said he, “my comrades, are matters
the value of which depend wholly upon their secresy. It
would be my duty to find out and punish the authors of this
wretched infidelity; but I am too well persuaded of the mercies
of God to myself and to all of us, not to be indulgent to the faults
of our people. This offence, accordingly, is forgiven, no matter
who shall have been the offender. But, hereafter, I may say that
all future seditions among the soldiers shall be punished in the
officers. It is from the officers only that the soldiers are led into
insubordination. They shall answer for their men. Let it be
known, however, that all who lose heart, who tremble at this enterprise,
to which God himself has summoned us, are at liberty to
remain. I am satisfied, however, that the greater number are
prepared to depart with me the moment I give the signal, under
the proper example of their captains. Still, I am willing to hear
counsel from you touching this expedition. I am not mulish enough
to adhere to a resolution when better counsels are given against it.
Speak freely your minds, therefore, it you think otherwise than
myself; remembering this only, that our resolution, once taken, if
there shall be one so bold as to oppose words where he should do

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his duty, he shall be cashiered upon the spot. And now, my comrades,
this wine of Xeres is not amiss. Let us drink. We are of
one mind, I perceive, in council; let our unanimity extend to our
drink. I drink to the speedy overthrow of heresy, and the spread
of the true faith; both certain where the sword of valor is always
ready to obey the voice of God!”

The toast was drank with enthusiasm. The discontents were
silenced. How should it be otherwise where the authority was so
generous, conveying its suggestions through the generous wines of
Xeres, and only hinting at the possibility of disgrace and punishment,
in the occurrence of events scarcely possible to those who
claimed to draw the sword of valor in the service of the Deity.
The Adelantado gave no farther heed to the factions of his army.
He probably adopted the best precautions. It is true that St.
Vincent still mouthed threats of disobedience, but the policy of
Melendez had no ears in his quarter; and the preparations went
on, without interruption, for the march against La Caroline!

CHAPTER VI. THE STORMING OF LA CAROLINE.

The preparations for departure were complete. The Adelantado
himself marched at the head of his vanguard, the immediate command
of which was confided to Señor Martin de Ochoa, with a
troop of Biscayans and Asturians, armed with axes, for clearing
their pathway through the forest. With these went the traitor,
Francis Jean, who had abandoned his religion and La Caroline together.
He was watched closely, but proved faithful to his new

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masters. Dreary, indeed, was the progress of Melendez. The
storm prevailed all the time. The rain soaked their garments,
and it was with difficulty they could protect their ammunition and
provisions. The fourth day of the march they were within five
miles of La Caroline, but arrested by an immense tract of swamp,
in passing which the water was up to their middles. The whole
country was flooded, and the freshet momently increased, in consequence
of the continued rains. These had become more terrible
in volume than ever. The windows of heaven seemed again
opened for another deluge. The hearts of the Spaniards sunk, as
their toils and sufferings increased. More than a hundred slunk
away, fell off on the route, and made their way over the ground
which they had trodden, reporting the worst of disasters to their
comrades, defeat and destruction, by way of excusing their cowardice.
But the indomitable courage and unbending will of the
adelantado, his presence and voice of command in every quarter,
still prevailed to bring his remaining battalions forward. It was
in vain that his troops muttered curses upon his head. Fernan
Perez, an ensign of the company of St. Vincent, was bold enough
to say, that “he could not comprehend how so many brave gentlemen
should let themselves be led by a wretched Asturian
mountaineer—a fellow who knew no more about carrying on war
on land than a horse!”

The ensign had a great deal more to say of the same sort, of
which Melendez was not ignorant, but of which he took no notice.
He was a sage dissimulator who answered discontent with policy,
and strengthened his people's hearts by divine revelation. He
called another council of his officers. He told them of his prayers
to and consultations of Heaven, seeking to know the will of God
only in the performance of his work,—persuaded that each of

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them had made like prayers all night; that they were accordingly
in the very mood of mind to resolve what was to be done in their
extremity. He made this to appear as bad as possible, describing
them as “harrassed with fatigue, shorn of strength, without bread,
munitions or any human resource.”

Some one counselled their retreat to St. Augustine before the
Huguenots should discover them.

“Very good advice,” quoth Melendez, “but suffer me still another
word. The prospect is undoubtedly a gloomy one, but look
you, there are the portals of La Caroline. Now, it may be just
as well to see how affairs stand with our enemies. According to
all appearances they are not in force. We may not have the power
to take the place, but it is well to see whether the place can be
taken. If we retreat now, we are not sure that we shall do so securely.
They will probably hunt us through the forest, at every
step of the way, encouraged by our show of weakness and timidity.
It is not improbable that we may surprise this fort. Men seldom
look either for friends or enemies in bad weather. I doubt if they
can sustain a bold assault; but if they do, and we fail, we have
the consolation at least of having done all that was possible for
men.”

The assault was agreed upon; and in a transport of joy, the
Adelantado sunk upon his knees, in the mire where he stood, and
called upon his troops to do likewise, imploring the succor of the
God of battles.

He gave his orders with rapid resolution and according to a
fixed design already entertained. Taking with him Francis Jean,
the renegade, he put himself at the head of one division of his
troops, and gave other bodies to the Captains Martin de Ochoa,
Francis Recalde, Andres Lopez Patino and others, and, covered

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by the midnight darkness from observation—with all sounds of
drum and trumpet stilled—with the echoes of their advancing
squadrons hushed in the fall of torrents and the roar of sweeping
winds—the assailants made their way, slowly and painfully but
without staggering, toward the silent bastions of La Caroline.

Under the guidance of the renegade Frenchman the Spanish
captains made a complete reconnoissance of the fortress. A portion
of it was still unrepaired, and this they penetrated without
difficulty. We have seen, in a previous chapter, with what
doubtful vigilance the lieutenants of Laudonniere performed their
duties. It will not be forgotten that, on the night of the 19th
September, the charge of the watch lay with Captain de la Vigne;
nor will it be forgotten with what pity that amiable captain regarded
the condition of his sentinels, exposed to such unchristian
weather. We left the fortress of La Caroline in most excellent
repose; the storm prevailing without, and the garrison asleep
within. It was while they slept that Don Pedro de Melendez was
praying to heaven that he might be permitted to assist them in
their slumbers, changing the temporary into an eternal sleep.
Thus passed the night of the 19th September over La Caroline.
The dawn of the 20th found the Spaniards, in several divisions,
about to penetrate the fortress. Two of their leaders, Martin de
Ochoa and the master of the camp had already done so. They
had examined the place at their leisure, passing through an unrepaired
breach of one of the walls. Returning, with the view to
making their report, they had mistaken one pathway for another,
and encountered a drowsy Frenchman, who, starting at their approach,
demanded “Qui vive?” Ochoa promptly answered,
“France,” and the man approached them only to receive a stunning
blow upon the head. The Frenchman recovered himself instantly,

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drew his sword, and made at the assailant, but the master of the
camp seconded the blow of Ochoa, and the Frenchman was brought
to the ground. The sword of the Spaniard was planted at his
throat, and he was forbidden to speak under pain of death. He
had cried aloud, but had failed to give the alarm, and this pointed
suggestion silenced him from farther attempts. He was conducted
to Melendez, who, determined to see nothing but good auguries,
cried out, without caring to hear the report—“My friends, God
is with us! We are already in possession of the fort.” At these
words the assault was given. The captive Frenchman was slain,
as the most easy method of relieving his captors of their charge,
and the Spaniards darted pell-mell into the fort, the fierce Adelantado
still leading in the charge, with the cry—“Follow me, comrades,
God is for us!” Two Frenchmen, half-naked, rushed
across his path. One of them he slew, and Don Andres Patino
the other. They had no time allowed them to give the alarm;
but just at this moment a soldier of the garrison who was less
drowsy than the rest, or more apprehensive of his duty, had sauntered
forth from the shelter of his quarters and stood upon the
ramparts, looking forth in the direction of a little “sandie knappe,”
or hill, down which a column of the Spaniards were rushing in order
of battle. This vision brought him to the full possession of all
his faculties. He gave the cri de guerre, the signal of battle, but
as he wheeled about to procure his weapons, he beheld other detachments
of the Spaniards making their way through the unrepaired
and undefended breaches in the wall. Still he cried aloud,
even as he fled, and Laudonniere started from his slumbers only
to hear the startling cry—“To arms! to arms! The enemy is
upon us!”

The warning came too late. The amiable weakness which

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withdrew the sentinels from the walls because of the weather, was
not now to be repaired by any energy or courage. The garrison
was aroused, but not permitted to rally or embody themselves.
Melendez with his troop had reached the corps de garde quite as
soon as Laudonniere. The latter—lately supposed to have usurped
royal honors—was very soon convinced that the only object before
him was the safety of his own life. With the first alarm, he
caught up sword and buckler, and rushed valiantly enough into
the court. But he only appeared to be made painfully conscious
that everything was lost. His appeals to his soldiers only brought
his enemies about him, who butchered his men as they approached
their guns, and who now appeared in numbers on every side, in
full possession of the fortress. The magazines were already in
their hands, and a desperate effort of Laudonniere's artillerists to
recover them, was followed only by their own destruction. The
most vigorous resistance, hand to hand, was made on the southwest
side of the fort. Here the Frenchmen opposed themselves
with cool and determined courage, to the entrance of the enemy.
Hither Laudonniere hurried, crying aloud to his men in the language
of encouragement, and doing his utmost, by the most headlong
valor, to repair the mischiefs of his feeble rule and most unhappy
remissness of authority. Verily, to those who saw how
well he carried himself in this the moment of his worst despair,
the past errors of the unhappy Laudonniere had been forgiven if
not forgotten. But the struggle, on the part of any valor, was
utterly in vain. The Spaniards had won a footing already too secure
for dispossession. Led on by Pedro Melendez, with ever and
anon his fanatic war-cry—“God is with us, my comrades,” ringing
in their ears, now thoroughly excited by the earnest of success
which they enjoyed, in overwhelming numbers and in the full faith

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that they fought the battles of Holy Church, the Spaniards were
irresistible. They mocked the tardy valor of our Huguenots, their
feeble force, and purposeless attempts. At length the party led
by Melendez confronted Laudonniere. The Spanish chieftain
knew not the person of his enemy. But the renegade Frenchman,
Francis Jean, discovered his ancient leader, and the desire
for revenge, which had led to his treachery, filled his heart with
exultation at the prospect of the gratification of his passion. He
cried to Melendez:

“That is he! That is the captain of the heretics—that is
Laudonniere!”

“Ah, traitor! Is it thou?” cried Laudonniere. “Let me
but live to slay thee, and I care nothing for the rest.”

With these words he sprang upon the traitor guide, and would
have slain him at a stroke, but for the interposition of Melendez.
He thrust back the renegade, and confronted the captain of the
Huguenots. But Laudonniere shrank from the conflict, for Melendez
was followed by his troop; and, saving one man, a stout
soldier named Bartholomew, who fought manfully with a heavy
partizan, he stood utterly alone and unsupported. He gave
back, or rather was drawn back by Bartholomew; but now that
Melendez and his people had seen the particular prey whom they
had been seeking, they rushed with fiercer appetite than ever to
make him captive. The efforts of the Spaniards were then redoubled.
The fierce bigot Pedro Melendez himself—a stalwart
warrior, clad in heavy black armor of woven mail, with a great
white cross upon his breast—made the most desperate efforts to
bring Laudonniere to the last passage at arms; and for a time the
Frenchman, though quite too light and enfeebled by sickness for
the contest with such a champion, was eager to indulge him. He

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struggled with the friendly arm which perforce drew him away, and
great was his rage, though impotent, when the rush of a number
of his own fugitives passing between at this moment, hurried him
onward as by the downward rush of a torrent, to the safety of his
life if not to the increase of his honor. At that moment Laudonniere
had gladly redeemed by a glorious death, at the hands of the
fierce Asturian, the errors and the failures of his life. But this
was denied him, and, vainly struggling against the tide of fugitives,
he was swept with them in the direction of the corps de garde.
Laudonniere yielded in this manner only foot by foot, striking at
the foe and at his own runagates alike, and receiving upon his shield,
with the dexterity of an accomplished cavalier, the assault of a
score of pikes which pressed beyond the heavy blade of Melendez.
When at length the retreating Frenchmen had reached the court
of the fortress, they scattered headlong, finding themselves confronted
by new and consolidated masses of the enemy, and each of
them sought incontinently his own method of escape. “Sauve
qui peut!
” was the cry, and the crowd by which Laudonniere had
hitherto been borne unwillingly along, now melted away on every
hand, leaving him again almost alone in the presence of the
Spaniard. And still the faithful fellow, Bartholomew, clung to his
superior, saving him from the rashness which would only have
flung away his own life without an object. He hurried along his
unhappy and now reckless captain, taking his way into the yard
of Laudonniere's lodging. Thither they were closely pursued, and,
but for a tent that happened to be standing in the place, they
must have been taken. But, passing behind this tent, while the
Spaniards were busied in groping within it, or cutting away the
cords,

“Hither, now, Monsieur René,” cried Bartholomew, grasping

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the commandant by the wrist and drawing him along; “follow
me now and we shall surely escape. They have left the breach
open by the west, near to the lodging of Monsieur D'Erlach, and
by that route shall we gain the thickets.”

“Ah!” cried Laudonniere, long and grateful recollections of
a tried fidelity, to which he had not always done justice, extorting
from him a groan; “Ah! this had never happened had Jean Ribault
left me Alphonse!”

And the tears gushed from his eyes, and he paused and thrust
the point of his sword into the earth with vexation and despair.

“We have not a moment, Monsieur René,” cried the soldier
with impatience; “the tent is down; the Spaniards are foiled for
a moment only. They will be sure to seek you in the breach.”

“There! there! indeed!” cried the commandant bitterly,
“there should they have found me at first; but now!—Lead on!
lead on! my good fellow. As thou wilt!”

Soon our fugitives had cleared the breach, and were now without
the walls. The misty shroud which covered the face of nature,
and enveloped as with a sea the thickets to which they were making,
favored their escape. The unhappy Laudonniere found himself
temporarily safe in the forests; but if remote from present
danger, they were not so far from the fortress as to be insensible
to the work of death and horror which was in progress there, the
evidence of which came to their ears in the shrieks of women for
mercy, and the groans and cries of tortured men.

“Slay! slay! Smite and spare not!” was the dreadful command
of Melendez. “The groans of the heretic make music in
the ears of Heaven!”

Laudonniere shut his ears, and with his companion plunged
deeper into the forests. Here he found other fugitives like

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himself, and others subsequently joined him; some were wounded even
unto death, others slightly; all were terror-stricken, shuddering
with horror, incapable from wo and agony. What had they beheld,
what endured, and what was the prospect before them but of
massacre? A hasty council was convened among the party, and
the advice of Laudonniere—he could command no longer—was,
that they should bury themselves among the reeds and within the
marshes which lay along the river, out of sight, until they could
make their small vessels, by which the mouth of the river was still
guarded, aware of their situation. But this council was agreeable
to a part only, of that bewildered company. Another portion
preferred to push for one of the Indian villages, at some little distance
in the forests, where, hitherto, they had found a friendly
reception. They persevered in this purpose, leaving Laudonniere
and a few others in the marshes. Hither, then, these hapless fugitives
sped, till they could go no farther; and until their commandant
himself, still unrecovered from the chill and fever which
had seized him at the first coming on of autumn, declared his inability
to go deeper into the thicket, though it promised him the
safety which he sought. He was already up to his neck in water,
and such was his weakness, that he was about to yield to his fate.
But for the faithful and unwearied support of one of his soldiers,
Jean du Chemin, who held him above the water when he would
have sunk, and who stuck by him all the rest of that day, and
through the long and dreary night which followed, he must have
perished. Meanwhile, two of his soldiers swam off in the direction
of the vessels. Fortunately for those swimmers, those in the
vessels had been already apprized of the taking of the fort by Jean
de Hais, the master carpenter, who had made his escape the first,
by dropping down the river in a shallop. The boats of the vessels

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were immediately pushed up the stream, and succeeded in picking
up the swimmers, and, finally, when Laudonniere and his faithful
companions were both about to sink, in extricating them from
their marshy place of refuge. Eighteen or twenty of the fugitives
(among whom was the celebrated painter, Jaques le Moyne de
Morgues, to whom we owe mostly the illustrations of Floridian
scenery, costume, and lineaments preserved in De Bry and other
collections) were rescued in this manner, and conveyed on board
the ships. These, with Laudonniere, subsequently made their
way, after many disasters, perils of the sea and land, a detention
in England, where they were again indebted to the humanity of
the English for succor and sympathy. An artful attempt was
made by Melendez to obtain possession of these vessels, but he
was baffled. They sailed from the river of May on the 25th September,
1565, thus abandoning forever the design of planting
themselves and their religion permanently in Florida. Let us now
look to the farther proceedings of the conquerors in possession of
their prize!

CHAPTER VII. Væ VICTIS.

And now,it falls to our lot to record the most cruel passage in
all this history; to relate the mournful and terrible fate which befel
the wretched Huguenots taken at the capture of La Caroline, and
the sanguinary deed by which the Spanish chief, through a gloomy
fanaticism, stained foully the honorable fame which his skill and
courage in arms might have ensured to his memory. All

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resistance having ceased on the part of the Huguenots of La Caroline,
the standard of Castile was unrolled from its battlements, instead
of the white folds and the smiling lilies of France. The name of
the fortress was solemnly changed to San Matheo, the day on
which they found themselves in its possession being that which
was dedicated to the honor of that saint. The arms of France
and of Coligny, which surmounted the gateways of the place, were
erased and those of Spain were graven there instead, and the keeping
of the fortress was assigned to a garrison of three hundred
men, under the command of Gonzalo de Villaroël. These duties
occupied but little time, and did not interfere with other performances
of the Adelantado, which he thought not the less conspicuous
among the duties required at his hands. His prisoners
were brought before him. These were, perhaps, not so numerous,
though forming a fair proportion of the number left by Ribault in
the garrison. It is perhaps fortunate that no greater number had
been left, since, in all probability, the same want of watch and
caution by which the fortress had been lost, would have equally
been shown, with any numbers, under such an easy commandant
as Laudonniere, and in the particular circumstances which had
taken place. Of these prisoners many were women and children.
We have seen that Laudonniere succeeded in rescuing some
twenty persons. Several had fled to the forests and taken shelter
with the tribes of neighboring Indians. In some few instances,
the red-men protected them with fidelity. But in the greater
number of cases, terrified by the sudden appearance and the
strength of the Spaniards, they had yielded up the fugitives at the
fierce demand of the Adelantado. Others of the miserable Huguenots,
warned by the Indians that they could no longer harbor,

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were shot down by the pursuing Spaniards, as they fled in terror
through the forests. Twenty perished in this manner, offering no
resistance, and long after the struggle in La Caroline had
ended.

The surviving prisoners were then brought before the conqueror.
They were manacled, and presented a spectacle which must
have moved the sympathies of any ordinary nature. But Pedro
de Melendez was not of an ordinary nature. The natural sympathies
had given way to a morbid passion amounting to insanity,
by which his judgment was confounded. The sight of weeping,
and trembling women and children; of captives naked, worn, exhausted,
enfeebled by years, by disease, by cruel wounds—all
pleading for his mercy—only seemed to strengthem him in the
most cruel resolution. “The groans of the heretic, are music
in the ears of heaven!” Upon this maxim he designed an appropriate
commentary.

“Separate these women from the other prisoners.”

It was done.

“Now detach from these last, all children under fifteen
years.”

His command was obeyed. The women and children thus set
apart were consigned to slavery. Of their farther fate the historian
knows nothing. The young and tender were probably persuaded
to the Roman Catholic altars, and thus finally achieved
their deliverance. The more stubborn, we may reasonably assume,
perished in their bonds, passing from one condition of
degradation to another. Of the rest the history is terribly definite.
Fixing his cold, dark eye upon the male captives upon
whose fate he had yet said nothing, he demanded—

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“Is there among ye any who profess the faith of the Holy
Catholic Church?”

Two of the prisoners answered in the affirmative.

“Take these Christians away, and let their bonds be removed.
The Holy Father, Salvandi, will examine them in the faith of
Mother Church. For the rest, are there any among ye, who,
seeing the error of your ways, will renounce the heresy of
Luther, and seek once more communion with the only true
church?”

A drear silence followed. The captives looked mournfully at
each other, and at the Adelantado; but in his face there was no
encouragement, and nothing but despair was expressed in the
aspects of their fellows.

“Be warned!” continued the Adelantado. “To those who
seek the blessings of the true church, she generously openeth her
arms. To those who turn away, indifferently or in scorn, she decrees
death temporal and death eternal. Hear ye!—and now
say.”

The silence was unbroken.

“Are ye obdurate? or do ye not comprehend that your
lives rest upon your speech? Either ye embrace the safety which
the church offers, by an instant renunciation of that of the foul
heretic Luther, or ye die by the halter!”

One sturdy soldier advanced from the group—a bold, high-souled
fellow—his brows lifted proudly with the conscious impulse
which worked within his soul.

“Pedro de Melendez, we are in your power. You are master
of our mortal bodies, but with the death before us that you
threaten, know that we are members of the reformed Church of
Christ, which ye name to be of Luther—that,holding it good to

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live in this faith, we deem it one in which it will not be amiss to
die!”

And the speaker looked round him, into the faces of his fellows,
and they lightened up with a glow of cheerfulness and pride,
though no word was spoken.

“Speaks this man for the rest of ye?” demanded Melendez.

For a moment there was silence. At length a matelit advanced—
a common sailor—a man before the mast.

“Ay! ay! captain! what he says we say! and there's no use
for more palaver. Let there be an end of it. We are of the
church of Messer Luther, and no other; if death's the word,
we're ready. We're not the men, at the end of the reckoning, to
belie the whole voyage!”

“Be it it even as ye say!” answered Melendez coldly, but
sternly, and without change of accent or show of passion: “Take
them forth, and let them be hung to yonder tree!”

Then rose the shrieks of women and the cries of children;
women seeking to embrace their husbands and children clinging
to the knees of their doomed sires. But these produced no relentings.
The parties were separated by the strong hand, and the
unhappy men were hurried to the fatal tree. The priest stood
ready to receive their recantations. His exhortations were not
spared; but soldier and sailor had equally spoken for the resolute
martyrdom of the whole. The reverend father preached to them,
and promised them in vain. Amidst cries and curses, the victims
were run up to the wide-spreading branches of a mighty oak, dishonored
in its employment for such a purpose, and perished in
their fidelity to the faith which they professed. Their bodies
were left hanging in the sun and wind, destined equally as trophies
of the victor, and warnings to the heretic. A monument was

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instantly raised beneath the tree, upon which was printed in large
characters—

“These do not suffer thus as
Frenchmen, but as Heretics
and Enemies
to God!”

-- --

p373-381 XXIII. THE FORTUNES OF RIBAULT.

[figure description] Page 364.[end figure description]

CHAPTER I.

Having thus rendered himself master of La Caroline, effectually
displacing the Huguenots from the region which they had
acquired, and maintained so long through so many vicissitudes,
Melendez prepared to hurry back to his camp on the banks of the
Selooe. He but lingered to review the force of the garrison, and
with his own hands, fresh reeking with the blood of his slaughtered
victims, to lay the foundations of a church dedicated to the
God of Mercy, when he set forth with the small body of troops,
which he reserved to himself from the number that accompanied
his expedition, scarcely a hundred men, impatient for return, lest
Ribault, escaping from the storm, should visit upon his settlement
at St. Augustine the same wrath which had lighted upon La
Caroline. The heavy torrents from which he had already suffered
so much continued to descend as before, and the whole face of the
country was inundated; his people suffered inconceivably upon the
march, but the Adelantado was superior to the sense of suffering.
He felt himself too much the especial favorite of God, to suffer

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himself to doubt that the toils and inconveniences of such a progress
as that before him, were anything but tests of his fidelity,
and the means by which the Deity designed to prepare him properly
for the holy service which was expected at his hands. He
reached his camp in safety. His arrival was the source of a great
triumph and an unexpected joy. Here he had been reported as
having perished, with all his army, at the hands of the French.
The deserters, who had abandoned him on the route, in certain
anticipation of this fate, had not scrupled to spread this report by
way of excusing their own inconstancy and fears. His people
accordingly passed instantly from the extremity of terror to that
of joy and triumph. They marched out, en masse, at his approach,
to welcome him as the vanquisher of the heretics; the priests at
their head, bearing the cross of Christ, the conqueror, and chanting
Te Deum, in exultation at the twofold conquest which he had won,
at the expense equally of their own, and the enemies of the church.

His triumphs were not without some serious qualifications. In
the midst of their joy, an incendiary, as he supposed, had reduced
to ashes the remaining vessels in the harbor. A portion of his
garrison, a little after, showed themselves in mutiny against their
officers, this spirit having been manifested before his departure
for La Caroline. He was apprised also of a mishap to one of his
greater ships, the San Pelayo, which had been sent to Hispaniola,
filled with captive Frenchmen taken at different periods, and who
were destined to suffer the question as heretics in the Inquisition of
the mother country. These had risen upon the crew, overpowered
them, captured the vessel, and carried her safely into Denmark.

While meditating, and seeking to repair some of these mishaps,
Melendez received intelligence of Ribault and his fleet, which
caused him some inquietude. His own shipping being destroyed,

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his future safety depended wholly upon the condition of Ribault's
armament, since, with their small vessels, his harborage might be
entered at any moment, and his sole means of defence lay with his
troops upon the land, where his entrenchments were not yet sufficiently
advanced to offer much, if any obstacle, to a vigorous
assailant. But farther advices, brought him by the savages,
relieved him measurably from any apprehensions from the shipping
of his enemy. In this respect the condition of the French
was no better than his own. The unfortunate Ribault, driven
before the hurricane, had been wrecked with all his squadron,
upon the bleak and unfriendly shores of Cape Cannaverel; his
troops were saved, with the exception of the crew and armament
of one vessel, containing a detachment under the Sieur de la
Grange, all of whom perished but the captain. Dividing his
troops into two or more bodies, Ribault advanced along the shore,
proceeding northerly, in the direction of La Caroline, and one of
his detachments had reached the inlet of Matanzas, when Melendez
was first advised of their approach. He was told by the
Indians that about four leagues distant, a large body of white men
were embarrassed in their progress by a bay, over which they had
no means to pass. Upon this intelligence, the Adelantado, taking
with him forty picked soldiers, proceeded with all despatch to the
designated place. His proceedings were marked by subtlety and
caution. With such a force, he could hope to do nothing in open
warfare against the numbers of Ribault, which, after all casualties,
were probably six or seven hundred men. But nobody knew
better than Melendez how to supply the deficiencies of the lion
with the arts of the fox. He concealed his troop in the woods
that bordered the inlet, and from the top of a tree surveyed the
scattered groups of Frenchmen on the opposite shore. They

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were two hundred in number, and some of them had been engaged
in the construction of a raft with which to effect their passage.
But the roughness of the waters, and the strength of the current
forbade their reliance upon so frail a conveyance, and while they
were bewildered with doubt and difficulties, Melendez showed himself
alone upon the banks of the river. When he was seen from
the opposite shore, a bold Gascon of Saint Jean de Luz plunged
fearlessly into the stream, and succeeded in making the passage.

“Who are these people?” demanded Melendez.

“We are Frenchmen, all, who have suffered shipwreck.”

“What Frenchmen?”

“The people of M. Ribault, Captain-General of Florida,
under commission of the king of France.”

“I know no right to Florida, on the part of France or Frenchmen.
I am here, the true master of the country, on behalf of
my sovereign, the Catholic king, Philip the Second. I am Pedro
Melendez, adelantado of all this Florida, and of the isles thereof.
Go back to your general with my answer, and say to him, that I
am here, followed by my army, as I had intelligence that he too
was here, invading the country in my charge.”

The Gascon returned with the speech, and soon after was persuaded
again to swim the stream, with a request for a safe conduct
from the Spanish general, on behalf of four gentlemen of the
French, who desired to treat with him. It was requested that a
batteau which Melendez had brought along shore with his provisions,
and which was now safely moored beside the eastern banks,
might be sent to bring them over. To all this Melendez readily
consented. The arrangement suited him exactly. His troop was
still in reserve, covered rather than concealed within the forest,
and so disposed as to seem at a distance to consist of

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overwhelming numbers. But six men were suffered to accompany the
Spanish commander. These, well armed, were quite equal to the
four to whom he accorded the interview. These soon made their
appearance. Their leader told the story of their melancholy
shipwreck, the privations they had borne, the wants under which
they suffered, and implored his assistance to regain a fortress
called La Caroline, which the king, his master, held at a distance
of some twenty leagues.

Melendez replied—

“Señor, I have made myself the master of your fort. I have
laid strong hands upon the garrison. I have slain them all, sparing
none but the women, and such children as were under fifteen years.”

The Frenchmen looked incredulous.

“If you doubt,” he continued, “I can soon convince you. I
have brought hither with me the only two soldiers whom I have
admitted to mercy. I spared them, because they claimed to be
of the Catholic faith. You shall see them, and hear the truth
from their own lips. In all probability you know them, and will
recognise their persons. Rest you here, while I send you something
to eat. You shall see your compatriots, with some of the
spoils taken at La Caroline. These shall prove to you the truth
of what I say.”

With these words he disappeared. Soon after, refreshments
were brought to our Frenchmen, and when they had eaten, the
two captives at La Caroline, who had been spared on account of
their faith, were allowed to commune with them, and to repeat all
the facts in the cruel history of La Caroline. Nothing of that
terrible tragedy was concealed. Melendez had a policy too refined
for concealment, when the revelation of his atrocities was to
be the means for their renewal. To strike the hearts of the

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Frenchmen with such terror, as to have them at his mercy, was a
profound secret of success in dealing with the wretched, suffering,
and already desponding outcasts in his presence.

After an hour's absence he returned.

“Are you satisfied,” he asked? “of the truth of the things
which I have told you.”

“We can doubt no longer;” was the reply; “but this does not
lessen our claim upon your humanity as men, and your consideration
as Frenchmen. Our people are at peace, there is amity and
alliance between our sovereigns. You cannot deny us assistance,
and the vessels necessary for our return to France.”

“Surely not, if you are Catholics, and if I had the means of
helping you to ships. But you are not Catholics. The alliance
between our kings is an alliance of members of the true Church,
both sworn against heretics.”

“We are members of the Reformed Church,” was the reply of
the officers; “but we are men; human; made equally in the
image of the Deity, and serve the same God, if not at the same
altars. Suffer us, at least, to remain with you for a season, till
we can find the means for returning to our own country.”

“Señor, it cannot be. As for sheltering heretics, that is impossible.
I have sworn on the holy sacrament, to root out and to
extripate heresy, wherever I encounter it—by sea or land—to
wage against the damnable heresy which you profess a war to the
utterance, as vindictive as possible, to the death and to the torture;
and in this resolution I conceive myself to be serving
equally the king of France as the king, my sovereign. I am
here in Florida for the express purpose of establishing the Holy
Roman Catholic Faith! I will assist no heretic to remain in the
country.”

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“Assist us to leave it, señor: that is in truth what we demand.”

“Demand nothing of me. Yield yourselves to my mercy—at
discretion—deliver up your arms and ensigns, and I will do with
you as God shall inspire me. Consent to this—these are my only
terms—or do what pleases you. But you must hope nothing at
my hands—neither truce nor friendship.”

With this cruel ultimatum, he quitted them, giving them opportunity
to return and report to their comrades. In two hours they
reappeared, and made him an offer from the two hundred men
gathered on the opposite banks, of twenty thousand ducats, only
to be assured of their lives. The answer was as prompt as it was
characteristic.

“Though but a poor soldier, señor, I am not capable of governing
myself, in the performance of my duties, by any regard to
selfish interests. If I am moved to do an act of grace, it will be
done from pure generosity. But do not let these words deceive
you. I tell you as a gentleman, and an officer holding a high commission
from the king of Spain, that, though the heavens and the
earth may mingle before my eyes, the resolution which I once
make, I never change!”

It will scarcely be thought possible that any body of men,
having arms in their hands, and still in possession of physical
powers sufficient for their use, would, under such circumstances,
listen to such a demand. But the forces of Ribault had been
terribly demoralized by disaster and disappointment. Privation
had humbled their souls, and the utter exhaustion of their spirits
made them give credence to vain hopes of mercy at the hands of
their enemy, which at another period they could never have entertained.
The report of their envoy found them ready to make

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any concessions. It required but half an hour to determine their
submission. The returning batteau brought over with four officers
all their ensigns, sixty-six arquebuses, twenty pistols, a large
number of swords and bucklers, casques and cuirasses, their whole
complement of munitions, and a surrender of the entire body at
discretion. Melendez gladly seized upon these spoils. He embarked
twenty of his soldiers in his batteau, with orders to bring
over the Frenchmen, in small divisions, and to offer them no insult;
but, as they severally arrived on the eastern side of the bay, they
were conducted out of sight, and under the guns of his arquebusiers.
They were then given to eat, and when the repast was
ended, they were asked if any among them were Catholics. There
were but eight of the whole number who replied in the affirmative.
These were set apart, to be conducted to St. Augustine. The rest
frankly avowed themselves to be good Christians of the Reformed
Church. These were immediately seized, their arms tied
behind their backs, and in little squads of six, were conducted to
a spot in the background, where Melendez had traced, with his
cane, a line upon the sand. Here they were butchered to a man,
each succeeding body sharing the same fate, without knowing, till
too late, that of their comrades. There was no pause, no mercy,
no relentings in behalf of any. All perished, to the number of
two hundred; and Pedro Melendez returned to his camp at St.
Augustine, again to be welcomed with Te Deum, and the acclamation
for good Christian service, from a Christian people.

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CHAPTER II.

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The congratulations of his people were yet resounding in his
ears, when the savages brought him further intelligence of Frenchmen
gathered upon the borders of that bay which had arrested the
progress of the previous detachment. They were represented to
be more numerous than the first, and Melendez did not doubt that
they constituted the bulk of Ribault's force under the immediate
command of that leader. He proceeded to encounter him as he
had done the other party, but on this occasion he increased his
own detachment to one hundred and fifty men. These he ranged
in good order during the night, along the banks of the river,
which the Huguenots had begun their preparations to pass. They
had been at work upon the radeau or raft which had been begun
by the preceding party, but their progress had been unsatisfactory,
and the prospect of the passage, in such a vessel, over such
an arm of the sea, was quite as discouraging as to their predecessors.
With the dawn, and when they discovered the force of Melendez
on the opposite shore, the drums sounded the alarm, the royal
standard of France was advanced, and the troops were ranged in
order of battle. Poor Ribault still observed the externals of the
veteran, if only to conceal the real infirmities which impaired the
moral of his command.

Seeing this display of determination, Melendez, with proper
policy, commanded his people to proceed to breakfast without any
show of excitement or emotion. He himself promenaded the banks
of the river, accompanied only by his admiral and two other
officers, as indifferently as if there had been no person on the
opposite side. With this, the clamors of the French tambours

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ceased—the fifes were allowed to take breath—and in place of the
warlike standard of their country, the commander of the Huguenots
displayed a white flag as sign of peace, and his trumpets
sounded for a parley. A response from the Spanish side of the
river, in similar spirit, caused one of the Frenchmen to advance
within speaking distance, upon the raft, who requested that somebody
might be sent them, as their radeau could not contend
against the current. A pirogue was finally sent by the Spaniard,
which brought over the sergeant-major of Ribault. This man
related briefly the necessities and desires of his commander.
He was totally ignorant of all that had taken place. He had been
wrecked, and had lost all his vessels; that he had with him three
hundred and fifty soldiers; that he was desirous of reaching his
fortress, twenty leagues distant; and prayed the assistance of the
Spaniards, to enable him to do so. At the close, he desired to
know with whom he was conferring.

Melendez answered as directly as he had done in the previous
instance, when dealing with the first detachment. He did not
scruple to add to the narrative of the capture of La Caroline, and
the cruel murder of its garrison, the farther history of the party
whom he had encountered in the same place with themselves.

“I have punished all these with death;” he continued; and,
still further to assure the officer of Ribault of the truth of what
he said, he took him to the spot where lay in a heap the exposed,
the bleached and decaying bodies of his slaughtered companions.
The Frenchman looked steadily at the miserable spectacle, and
so far commanded his nerves as to betray no emotion. He continued
his commission without faltering; and obtained from Melandez
a surety in behalf of Ribault, with four or six of his men,
to cross the river for the purpose of conference, with the privilege

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of returning to his forces at his leisure. But the adelantado
positively refused to let the Frenchmen have his shallop or bateau.
The pirogue, alone, was at their service. With this, the French
general could pass the strait without risk; and he was compelled
to content himself with this. The policy of Melendez was
not willing to place any larger vessel in his power.

Ribault crossed to the conference, accompanied by eight of his
officers. They were well received by the adelantado, and a collation
spread for them. He showed them afterwards the bodies of
their slain companions. He gave them the full history of the
taking of La Caroline, and the treatment of the garrison, and
brought forward the two Frenchmen, claiming to be Catholics,
whose lives had been spared when the rest were massacred.
There was something absolutely satanic in the conduct of the
Spaniard, by which Ribault was confounded. He was not willing
to believe the facts that he could not question.

“Monsieur,” said he to Laudonniere, “I will not believe that
you design us evil. Our kings are friends and brothers, and in
the name of this alliance between them, I conjure you to furnish
us with a vessel for returning to our country. We have suffered
enough in this: we will leave it in your hands entirely. Help us
to the means necessary for our departure.”

To this Melendez replied in the very same language which he
had used to the preceding detachment:

“Our kings are Catholics both; they hold terms with one
another, but not with heretics. I will make no terms with you.
I will hold no bonds with heretics anywhere. You have heard
what I have done with your comrades. You hear what has been
the fate of La Caroline. You behold the corses of those who but
a few days ago followed your banner; and now I say to you that

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you must yield to my discretion, leaving it to me to do with you
as God shall determine me!”

Aghast and confounded, Ribault declared his purpose to return
and consult with his people. In a case so extreme, particularly
as he had with him many gentlemen of family, he could not
undertake to decide without their participation. Melendez
approved this determination, and the general of the French
re-crossed the river.

For three hours was the consultation carried on in the camp of
our Huguenots. Ribault fully revealed the terrible history of
what had passed, of what he had heard and seen in the camp of the
Spaniards. The cold and cruel decision of Melendez in their case,
as in that of the previous troops, was unfolded without reserve.
There were no concealments, and, for a time, a dull, deep and
dreary silence overspread the assembly. But all had not been
crushed by misfortune into imbecility. There were some noble and
fierce spirits whose hearts rose in all their strength of resolution,
as they listened to the horrible narrative and the insolent exaction.

“Better perish a thousand deaths, in the actual conflict with a
thousand enemies, than thus submit to perish in cold blood from
the stroke of the cowardly assassin!”

Such was the manly resolution of many. Others, again, like
Ribault, were disposed to hope against all experience. The fact
that Melendez had treated them so civilly, that he had placed
food and drink before them, and that his manners were respectful
and his tones were mild, were assumed by them to be conclusive
they were not to suffer as their predecessors had done.

“They were beguiled with the same arguments,” said young
Alphonse D'Erlach; “arguments which appealed to their hunger,

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their thirst, their exhaustion, and their spiritless hearts—arguments
against truth, and common sense and their own eyes. He
who listens to such arguments will merit to fall by the hands of
the assassin.”

We need not pursue the debate which continued for three
hours. At the end of this time, Ribault returned to the landing.

“A portion of my people,” he said, “but not the greater number,
are prepared to surrender themselves to you at discretion.”

“They are their own masters,” replied Melendez; “they must
do as they please; to me it is quite indifferent what decision they
make.”

Ribault continued:

“Those who are thus prepared to yield themselves have instructed
me to offer you twenty thousand ducats for their ransom;
but the others will give even a greater sum, for they include
among them many persons of great wealth and family;—nay, they
desire further, if you will suffer it, to remain still in the country.”

“I shall certainly need some succors,” replied Melendez, “in
order to execute properly the commands of the king, my master,
which are to conquer the country and to people it, establishing
here the Holy Evangel;—and I should grieve to forego any assistance.”

This evasive answer was construed by Ribault according to his
desires. He requested permission to return and deliberate with
his people in order to communicate this last response. He readily
obtained what he asked, and the night was consumed among the
Huguenots in consultation. It brought no unanimity to their
counsels.

“I will sooner trust the incarnate devil himself, than this Melendez,”
was the resolution of Alphonse D'Erlach to his elder

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brother. “Go not, mon frére, yield not: the savage Floridian has
no heart so utterly stony as that of this Spaniard. I will peril
anything with the savage, ere I trust to his doubtful mercy.”

And such was the resolve of many others, but it was not that of
Ribault.

“What!” exclaimed one of his friendly counsellors—“he has
shown you our slain comrades, butchered under the very arrangement
which he accords to us, and yet you trust to him?”

The infatuated leader, broken in spirit, and utterly exhausted
in the struggle with fate, replied:

“That he has freely shown me what he has done, is no proof
that he designs any such deeds hereafter. His fury is satiated.
It is impossible that he will commit a like crime of this nature.
It is his pride that would have us wholly in his power.”

“He hath fed on blood until he craves it,” cried Alphonse
D'Erlach. “You go to your death, Monsieur Ribault. The tiger
invites you to a banquet where the guest brings the repast.”

He was unheard, at least by the Huguenot general.

“We will leave this man, my friends,” cried Alphonse D'Erlach,
the strong will and great heart naturally rising to command
in the moment of extremity. “We will leave this man. Quem
Deus vult perdere prius dementat
. He goes to the sacrifice!”

And when Ribault prepared in the morning to lead his people
across the bay, he found but an hundred and fifty of all the force
that he commanded during the previous day. Two hundred had
disappeared in the night under the guidance of D'Erlach.

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CHAPTER III.

[figure description] Page 378.[end figure description]

The fates had the blinded Ribault in their keeping. He was
ferried across the stream for the last time, by the grim ferryman
vouchsafed him; and the trophies which he first laid at the feet
of the adelantado consisted of his own armor, a dagger, a casque
of gold, curiously and beautifully wrought; his buckler, his pistolet,
and a secret commission which he had received at the hands
of Admiral Coligny himself. The standards of France and of
the Admiral were then lowered at the feet of the Spaniard, then
the banners of companies, and finally the sword of the Huguenot
general. Never was submission more complete and shameful.
The spirit of the veteran was utterly broken and gone. But this
degradation was not thus to end. Melendez gave orders that he
and the companions he had brought with him, eight in number,
should be tied with their hands behind their backs. The indignity
brought the blush with tenfold warmth into the cheeks of the
old warrior. He foresaw the inevitable doom before him, but he
felt the shame only.

“Have I lived for this? Is it thus, Monsieur Melendez, that
you treat a warrior and a Christian?”

“God forbid that I should treat a Christian after this fashion.
But are you a Christian, señor?”

“Of the Reformed Church, I am!” was the reply.

“I do not hold yours, señor, to be a church of Christ, but of
Satan. Bind him, my comrades, and take him hence.”

A significant wave of the fatal staff, which had prescribed the
line upon the spot of earth selected as the chosen place of sacrifice—
the scene of a new auto-da-fé as fearful as the preceding—

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finished his instructions, and as the guards led the veteran away,
he commenced, in the well-known spirit of the time, to sing aloud
the psalm “Domine, memento mei, &c.,” in that fearful moment
well conceiving that there was left him now but one source of consolation,
and none of present hope. He addressed no words of
expostulation to his murderer; but as they led him away, he
calmly remarked—“From the earth we came, to the earth we
must return; soon or late, it is all the same; such must have
been the fate. It is not what we would, but what we must.”

He renewed his psalm, the sounds of which grated offensively
on the bigot ears of Melendez, falling from such lips, and he impatiently
made the signal to his men to expedite the affair. The
Huguenot general was led off singing. One of the accounts before
us—for there is a Spanish and a French version of the history,
differing in several minute, but really unimportant particulars—
describes the last scene of Ribault's career, in a brief but
striking manner. The eight which constituted this party had
each his assassin assigned him. Among the companions of Ribault
at the moment of execution, was Lieutenant Ottigny, of
whom we have heard more than once before in the history of La
Caroline. They were led into the woods, out of sight and hearing
of the French on the opposite side of the bay, all of whom
were to be brought over, ten by ten, to the same place of sacrifice.
The soldier to whom Ribault had been confided, when they had
reached the spot strewn thickly with the corses of his murdered
people, said to him—

“Señor, you are the general of the French?”

“I am!”

“You have always been accustomed to exact obedience, without
question, from all the people under your command?”

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“Without doubt!” replied Ribault, somewhat wondering at
the question.

“Deem it not strange, then, señor,” continued the soldier, “that
I execute faithfully the orders I have received from my commandant!”

And, speaking these words, he drove his poignard into the heart
of the victim, who fell upon his face, in death, without uttering a
groan. Ottigny and the others perished in like manner, and with
no farther preliminaries. Why pursue the details with the rest?
In this mannner each unconscious band of the Huguenots, thus
surrendering to the clemency of Melendez, was simply ferried
across the river to execution. And still the boat returned for and
with its little compliment of ten—it was only a proper precaution
that denied that more should be brought—and the succeeding
voyagers dreamed not, even as they sped, their comrades were
sinking one by one under the hands of their butchers. More than
a hundred perished on this occasion, but four of the number
avowing themselves to be of the Roman Catholic Church, and being
spared accordingly.

CHAPTER IV. OF THOSE WHO REFUSED TO FOLLOW THE FORTUNES OF RIBAULT.

We have seen that two hundred of the followers of Ribault
had refused to submit to the arrangement, by which that unhappy
commander had sacrificed himself and all those who accompanied
him into the camp of Melendez. These two hundred had been

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counselled to the more manly course which they had taken, by
the youthful but sagacious lieutenant, Alphonse D'Erlach. This
young man well understood their enemy. His counsel, if followed
by Ribault, would probably have resulted in conquest rather than
misfortune.

“We are strong,”—said D'Erlach to his companions—“strong
enough to maintain ourselves in any position, which we may take
and hold with steadfastness. We have three hundred and fifty
soldiers, all with arms in their hands, and it requires only that we
shall use our arms and maintain our independence. Why treat
at all with the Spaniards? They may assist us across this
strait, but why cross it at all? To gain La Caroline? That,
according to his own showing, is already in his hands. Indeed, of
this, you tell us, there can be no question. What then? Of
what avail to seek the post which he has garrisoned, and which,
properly fortified, is beyond our utmost strength. It is evident
that, fortifying La Caroline and his new post on the banks of the
Salooe, he has no available force with which he dares assail us.
In the meantime, let us leave this position. Let us retire further
to the south, regain the coast upon which our vessels were wrecked,
rebuild them, or one at least, in which, if your desire is to return
to France, we can re-embark; or, as I would counsel, retire to a
remoter settlement, where we may fortify ourselves, and establish
the colony anew, for which we first came to Florida. Why abandon
the country, when we are in sufficient strength to keep it?
Why forego the enterprises which offer us gold and silver in abundance,
a genial climate, a fertile soil, a boundless domain, in which
our fortunes and our faith may be made equally secure. As for
the savages of Florida, I know them and I fear them not. They
are terrible only to the timid and the improvident. With due

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precautions, a proper courage, and arms in our hands, we shall
mock at their wandering bands, whose attacks are inconstant, and
upon whom the caprice of the seasons is forever working such evil
as will prevent them always from bringing large numbers together,
or keeping them long in one organization. But, hold the savages
to be as terrible as you may, they are surely less to be feared, are
less faithless and less hostile, than these sanguinary Spaniards. Do
not, at all events, deliver yourselves, bound hand and foot, in
petty numbers, to be butchered in detail, by this monstrous cut-throat!”

His counsels prevailed with the greater number. They left the
camp of Ribault at midnight, and commenced their silent march
along the coast, making for the bleak shores which had seen their
vessels stranded. Here they arrived after much toil and privation,
and, cheered by the manly courage of D'Erlach, they proceeded
at once to build themselves a vessel which should suffice
for their escape from the country, or enable them to penetrate
without difficulty to regions not yet under the control of the
Spaniards. For the work before them they possessed the proper
facilities. The fragments of their shattered navy were within
their reach. The expedition had been properly provided with
carpenters and laborers; and in that day every mariner was something
of a mechanic. They advanced rapidly with their work, but
at the end of three weeks the clouds gathered once more about
their heads. Once more the haughty banners of the Spaniard
were beheld, the vindictive enemy being resolved to give them no
respite, to allow of no refuge upon the soil, to afford them no
prospect of escape from the country.

Advised by the Indians that the surviving Frenchmen were at
work at Carnaverel, building themselves both fortresses and

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vessels, Melendez sent an express to the Governor of San Matheo,
late La Caroline, with orders to send him instantly one hundred
and fifty of his men. These arrived at St. Augustine on the 23d
of October, under the conduct of Don Andres Lopez Patiño, and
of Don Jean Velez de Medrano. To these troops Melendez
added a like number from his own garrison, and on the 26th of
the month, they commenced their march to the south, on foot.
His provisions and munitions were sent in two shallops along the
shore, and each night they came to anchor opposite his camp.
On the first day of November, they came in sight of the French.
These, immediately abandoned their work, and seizing their arms
retired to a small sandy elevation which they had previously
selected as a place of refuge against attack, and which they had
strengthened by some slight defences. Here they prepared for
a desperate and deadly struggle. The force of their assailants
was one-third stronger than their own. They had the advantage,
also, of supplies and munitions, in which the Frenchmen were
deficient; but a sense of desperation increased their courage, and
they showed no disposition to entreat or parley. But Melendez
had no desire to compel them to a struggle in which even
success would probably be fatal ultimately to himself. His main
strength was with him, but should he suffer greatly in the assault,
as it was very evident he must, the French being in a good position,
and showing the most determined front, his army would be
too greatly weakened, perhaps, even for their safe return to St.
Augustine, through a country filled with hostile Indians, whom,
as yet, he had neither conquered nor conciliated. Having
reconnoitred the position taken by the Frenchmen, he generously
made them overtures of safety. He proposed not only to spare

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their lives, but promised to receive as many of them as thought
proper, into his own ranks as soldiers.

This offer led to a long and almost angry conference among the
French. Their councils were divided. Many of their leaders
were men wholly ignorant of the country, and disheartened by
the cruel vicissitudes and dangers through which they had passed.
Many of them were persons of wealth and family, who were
anxious once more to find themselves in a position which
demanded no farther struggle, and which might facilitate their
return to the haunts of civilization. Others, again, were Catholics,
whose sympathies were not active in behalf of the Huguenots
with whom they now found themselves in doubtful connection.
Others were jealous of the sudden spring to authority, which, in
those moments of peril when all others trembled, had been made
by the young adventurer, Alphonse D'Erlach. It was in vain
that he counselled them against giving faith to the Spaniards.

“What is your security, my friends? His word? His pledge
of mercy to you, when he showed none to your brethren? Look
at the hand which he stretches out to you; it is yet dripping
with the blood of your people, butchered, in cold blood, at La
Caroline, and the Bay of Matanzas. Trust him not, if you
would prosper—if ye would not perish likewise. Believe none
of his assurances, even though he should swear upon the Holy
Evangel.”

“But what are we to do, Monsieur D'Erlach? We have
small provisions here. He hath environed us with his troops.”

“We may break through his troops. We have arms in our
hands, and if we have but the heart to use them, like men, we
may not only save ourselves, but avenge our butchered
comrades.”

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His entreaties and arguments were unavailing. It was sufficient
for our broken-spirited exiles that Melendez had volunteered
to them those guaranties of safety which he had denied to their
brethren. They prepared to yield.

“Go not thou with these people, my brother,” said Alphonse
D'Erlach, to that elder brother whom we have seen, with himself,
a trusted lieutenant of Laudonniere. He flung himself
tenderly upon the bosom of the other, as he prayed, and the
moisture gathered in his eyes. The elder was touched, but his
inclinations led him with the rest.

“He hath sworn to us, Alphonse, that life shall be spared us,
and that we shall be free to enter his service or return to
France.”

“Would you place life at his mercy?”

“It is so now!”

“No! never! while the hand may grasp the weapon. If we
would defy him as men, we should rather have his life at ours.
Oh! would that we were men. Enter his service! Dost thou
think of this? Wouldst thou receive commands from the lips of
him who hath murdered thy old commander!”

“No! surely, I shall never serve Melendez. I seek this only
as the mean whereby to return to France.”

“And wherefore return to France? What hath France in reserve
for us but the shot, the torture, and the scourge. Here,
brother, here, with the wild Floridian, let us make our home.
Let us rather put on the untamed habits of the savage, his garments
torn from bear and panther; let us anoint our bodies with
oil; let us stain our cheeks with ocre; and taking bond with the
Apalachian and Floridian, let us haunt the footsteps of the
Spaniard with death and eternal hatred, till we leave not one of

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them living for the pollution of the soil. This is my purpose,
brother, though I go forth into the wilderness alone!”

“Thou shalt not go alone, Alphonse. We will live and die
together.”

The brothers embraced. The bond was knit between them,
whatever might be the event; and when, at morning, the main
body of the Frenchmen surrendered themselves to the Spanish
adelantado, the Erlachs were not among them. They, with
twenty others, all Huguenots, who detested equally the power
and feared the savage fanaticism of Melendez, had disappeared
silently in the night, leaving as a message for the Spanish chief,
that they preferred infinitely to be devoured by the savages, than
to receive his mercy. Melendez looked anxiously to the dark
forests in which they had shrouded themselves from his pursuit.
He would gladly have penetrated their depths of shadow
and their secret glooms, in search of victims, whom he certainly
never would have spared if caught; but the object was too small
for the peril which it involved; and having destroyed the fort and
shipping which they had been building, content with having
broken up the power of the French in the country, he returned
with his captives to St. Augustine. He kept his faith with
them. Many of them joined themselves to his troops, and accompanied
his expeditions, and others who were Huguenots found new
favor with him by undergoing conversion to his faith. With this
chapter fairly ends the history of the Huguenot colonies of
Coligny in Florida; but other histories followed which will require
other chapters.

-- --

p373-404 XXIV. ALPHONSE D'ERLACH.

[figure description] Page 387.[end figure description]

The dawn of the morning after the separation of D'Erlach with
his few companions from the great body of the French, found the
former emerging from a dense thicket which they had traversed
through the night. They were still but a few miles from
their late encampment. A bright and generous sun, almost
the first that had shone for several weeks in unclouded heavens,
seemed to smile upon their desperate enterprise. The cries of
wild fowl awaking in the forests, with occasionally the merry
chaunt of some native warbler, arousing to the day, spake also in
the language of encouragement. On the borders of a little lake,
they found some wild ducks feeding, which they approached without
alarming them, and the fire of a couple of arquebuses gave
them sufficient food for the day. A small supply of maize, prepared
after the Indian fashion, was borne by each of the party,
but this was carefully preserved for use in a moment of necessity.
Assuming the possibility of their being pursued, the youthful
leader urged their progress until noon, when they halted for repose,
in a dense thicket, which promised to give them shelter.
Here, having himself undertaken the watch, Alphonse D'Erlach

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counselled his people to seek for a renewal of their strength in
slumber. They followed his counsel without scruple, though not
without a struggle on the part of his brother, and others among
them, to share his watch. This he would not permit, alleging his
inability to sleep, but promising, when he felt thus disposed, to
devolve his present duty upon others. Long and sweet was the
slumbers which they enjoyed, and unbroken by any alarm.
When they awakened, the sun had sloped greatly in the western
heavens, and but two or three marching hours remained of the
day. These they employed with earnestness and vigor. The
night found them on the edge of a great basin, or lake, thickly
fenced in with great trees, and a dense and bewildering thicket.
As the day closed, immense flocks of wild fowl, geese, ducks, and
cranes, alighted within the waters of the lake, and again did the
arquebusiers, with a few shot, provide ample food for the ensuing
day. Here they built themselves a fire, around which the
whole party crouched, a couple only of their number being
posted as sentinels on the hill side, from which alone was it reasonable
to suppose that an enemy would appear. Again did they
sleep without disturbance, arising with the dawn, again to resume
their progress. But before they commenced their journey, a
solemn council was held as to the course which they should
pursue. On this subject the mind of their youthful leader had
already adopted a leading idea. His experience in the country,
as well as that of his brother, during frequent progresses, had
enabled them to form a very correct notion of the topography of
the region. Besides, several of their followers, were of the first
colonies of Ribault, and had accompanied Laudonniere, Ottigny,
and both the Erlachs on various expeditions among the Indians.

“We are now upon the great promontory of the Floridian,” said

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Alphonse, “a region full of dense thickets and impenetrable
swamps. These we should labor to avoid, as well as any approach
in the direction of the Spaniards. By pursuing a course inclining
to the north-west for a while, we shall be enabled to do so, and
this done, gradually steering for the north-east, we shall be
enabled to reach the great mountains of the Apalachia. This is a
region where, as we know, the red-men are more mild and gentle,
more laborious, with larger fields of grain, and more hospitably
given than those which inhabit the coasts. It may be that having
sufficiently ascended the country, it will be our policy to leave the
mountains on our left, following at their feet, until we shall have
passed the territories in the immediate possession of the Spaniard.
Then it will be easy to speed downwards to the eastern coasts,
where the people always received us with welcome and affection.
We may thus renew our intercouse with the tribes that skirt the
bay of St. Helena—the tribes of Audusta, Ouade, Maccou and
others of which ye wot. But, whether we take this direction or
not, our present course should be as I have described it. When
we have reached the country where the land greatly rises, it will
be with us to choose our farther progress. There is gold, as we
know, in abundance in these mountains of the Apalachian; and it
may be our good hap even to attain to the great city of the mountains
of which Potanou and others have spoken, and to which
certain travellers have given the name of the Grand Copal, of the
existence of which I nothing doubt. This, they report as but
fifteen or twenty days' march from St. Helena, north-westward.
It will, follow, if this description be true, that we are quite as
near to this place, as to St. Helena. Here is adventure and a
marvellous discovery open to us, my comrades and we shall, perhaps,
in future days, bless the cruelty of the Spaniards which hath

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thus driven us on the road to fortune. At least, we should have
reason to rejoice that we are here, when our comrades lie stark
and bleeding on the shores of Cannaverel. We are few, but we are
true; we have health and vigor; we have arms in our hands, and
are quite equal to any of the small bands of Indians that infest
the country. We shall seek to avoid encounters with them, but
shall not fear them if we meet; and all that I have seen of the
red-man inclines me to the faith, that they who deal with him
justly will mostly find justice, nay, even reverence in return.
What remains, but that we steadily pursue our progress, heedful
where we set our feet, keeping our minds in patience, never
hurrying forward blindly, and never being too eager in the attainment
of our object. Our best strength will lie in our patience.
This will save us when our strength shall fail.”

This counsel found no opposition. There was much discussion
of details, and the leading suggestion of his mind being adopted,
Erlach readily yielded much of the minutiæ to others. We shall
not follow the daily progress of our adventurers. Enough that for
twenty-seven days they travelled without suffering disaster.
There were small ailments of the party—some grew faint and
feeble, others became slightly lamed; and occasionally all hearts
drooped; but on such occasions the troop went into camp, chose
out some secure thicket, built themselves a goodly fire, and while
the invalids lay around it, the more vigorous hunted and brought
in game. Wild turkeys were in abundance. Sometimes they
roosted at night upon the very trees under which our Frenchmen
slept. On such occasions the hunters rose at dawn, and with
well-aimed arquebuses shot down two or more; the very fatness
of the birds being such, as made them split open as they struck
the earth. Anon, a wandering deer crossed their path, and fell a

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victim to their shot. In this way they gradually advanced into
the hilly country. Very seldom had they met with any of the
red-men, and never in any numbers. These treated them with
great forbearance, were civil, shared with them their slender
stock of provisions, and received a return in trinkets, knives, or
rings of copper, and little bells, a small store of which had been
providentally brought by persons of the party. Sometimes, these
Indians travelled with them, camped with them at night, and behaved
themselves like good Christians. From these, too, they
gathered vague intelligence of the great city which lay among the
mountains. This was described to them, in language often heard
before, as containing a wealth of gold, and other treasures in the
shape of precious gems, which, assuming the truth of the description
given by the red-men, our Frenchmen assumed to be nothing
less than diamonds, rubies and crystals. But they were told that
this country was in possession of a very powerful people, fierce
and warlike, who were very jealous of the appearance of strangers.
The city of Grand Copal was described as very populous and rich,
a walled town, which it would be difficult to penetrate.

These descriptions contributed greatly to warm the imaginations
of our Frenchmen, but as the several informants differed in regard
to the direction in which this great city lay, it so happened that
parties began to be formed in respect to the route which should
be pursued. Opinion was nearly equally divided among them.
Alphonse D'Erlach was for pursuing a more easterly course than
was desired by some ten or more of the party. He was influenced
by information previously derived from the Indians, when he went
into the territories of Olata Utina, and beyond. But the more
recent testimony was in favor of the west, and this he was disposed
to disregard. For a time, the discussion led to nothing

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decisive. His authority was still deferred to and the course continued
upon which he had begun. But as the winter began to
press more severely upon the company, and as their usual supplies
of game began to diminish from the moment that they left
the lakes, and great swampy river margin of the flat country, from
that moment, as if justified by suffering, the Frenchmen lessened
in their deference to a leader who was at once so youthful and so
imperative. Alphonse D'Erlach beheld these symptoms with
apprehension and misgiving. He well knew how frail was the
tenure by which he held his authority, from the moment that
self-esteem began to be active in the formation of opinion. He
felt that a power for coercion was wanting to his authority, and
resorted to all those politic arts by which wise men maintain a
sway without asserting it. He would say to them:

“My comrades, there are but twenty-two of us in a world of
savages. Hitherto, for more than thirty days, we have traversed
the wildernesses in safety. This is solely due to the fact that we
have suffered no differences to prevail among us. If you feel that
I have counselled and led you in safety, you may also admit that
I have led you rightly; for safety has been our first object. We
are as fresh and vigorous now, as when we left the dreary plains of
Cannaverel. Not one has perished. We have not suffered from
want of food, though frequently delayed in obtaining it. Methinks,
that you have no reason to complain of me. But if there
be dissatisfaction with my authority, choose another leader. Him
will I obey with good will; but do not suffer yourselves to disagree,
lest ye separate, and all parties perish.”

This rebuke was felt and had its effect for a season; but when,
after a week of farther and seemingly unprofitable wandering—
when they had attained no special point—when they rather

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continued to skirt the mountains, pressing to the northward, than to
ascend them—the spirit of discontent was re-awakened. The circumstance
which rather gratified Alphonse D'Erlach, for the
present, that they had met so few of the natives, none in large
numbers, and had succeeded mostly in avoiding their villages, was
the circumstance that led to dissatisfaction among his followers.
They were eager to have their hopes fortified by daily or nightly
reports from those who might be supposed to know; they desired,
above all, to gather constant tidings of the great city of the mountains—
to receive intimations of its proximity; and this, they began
to assert, was impossible, so long as they should forbear to penetrate
the mountains themselves. Against this desire their young
leader strove for many reasons. It is not improbable that he
himself doubted the existence of the marvellous city of Grand
Copal. At all events, he well knew that to penetrate the mountains,
during winter, which already promised to be one of intense
rigor, would subject his party to great suffering, and, should food
fail them even partially in the unfriendly solitudes, would terminate
in the destruction of the whole. By following the mountains,
along the east for a certain distance, he knew he should finally
arrive at the heads of the streams descending to the sea in the
neighborhood of the first settlements made by the Huguenots;
that he should there find friendly and familiar nations, and perhaps
secure a home for his people, and found a new community in
the happy territories of Iracana, the Eden of the Indians, of the
beautiful and loving Queen, whereof, he began to have the tenderest
recollections. He also knew that, only by pursuing his way
along the mountains, aiming at this object, could he be secure
from the Spaniards in the possession of La Caroline, as well as
St. Augustine, who, he did not doubt, were already preparing for

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exploration of the golden territories of which they had heard, as
well as the French.

But his arguments failed to influence the impatient people under
his control. Sharp words and a warm controversy, one night,
took place over the camp-fires, and led to a division of the party
in nearly equal numbers. It was in vain that Alphonse D'Erlach
and his brother employed all their arguments, and used every appeal,
in order to persuade his people to cling together as the only
means of safety. One Le Caille, a sergeant, who was greatly
endowed, in his own regards, as a leader among men, and who
had enjoyed some experience in Indian adventure under Laudonniere,
set himself in direct opposition to the two brothers.
“We are leaving the route, entirely, to the great city. We are
speeding from it rather than towards. It lies back of us already,
according to all the accounts given us, and as we march now, we
seek nothing. There is our path, pointing to the great blue summist
in the north-west, and thither should we turn, if we seek for
the Grand Copal.”

He found believers and followers. So warm had grown the
controversy, that the two parties separated that very night, and
camped apart, each having its own fires. The greater number,
no less than thirteen, went with Le Caille, leaving but nine to
D'Erlach, including himself and brother. The young leader
brooder over the disaster, for such he regarded it, in silence. He
found that it was in vain that he should argue, solely on the
strength of his own conjectures, against any course which they
should take, when his own course, though maintaining them in
health and safety, had failed to bring them to any of the ends
which they most desired. They were now wearied of wandering—
they craved a haven where they might rest for a season;

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and were quite willing to listen to any one who could speak with
boldness and seeming certainty of any such place. Thus it was
that they followed Le Caille.

“Let us at least separate in peace and good-fellowship, mes
camarades
,” said Alphonse D'Erlach, passing over, with the dawn,
to that side of the thicket where the others had made their camp.
They embraced and parted, taking separate courses, like a stream
that having long journeyed through a wild empire, divides at last,
only to lose themselves both more rapidly in the embracing sea.

For more than two hours had they gone upon their different
routes, the one party moving straight for the mountains, the other
still pursuing the route along their bases, in the direction of the
east, when Alphonse D'Erlach said to his brother:

“It grieves me that these men should perish: they will perish
of cold and hunger, and by violence among the savages. This
man Le Caille will fight bravely, but he is a sorry dolt to have the
conduct of brave men. Besides, we shall all perish if we do not
keep together. Perhaps it is better that we should err in our
progress—go wide from the proper track—than that we should
break in twain. Let us retrace our steps—let us follow them, and
unite with them for a season, at least, until their eyes open upon
the truth.”

He spoke to willing listeners. His followers obeyed him through
habit; they acknowledged the authority of a greater will and a
stronger genius; but they had not been satisfied. They, too, hungered
secretly for the great city and the place of rest, and were
impatient of the wearisome progress, day by day, without any ultimate
object in their eyes. Cheerfully, and with renewal of their
strength, did they turn at the direction of their leader, and push
forward to re-unite with their comrades. They had a wearisome

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distance of four hours to overcome, but they had hopes to regain
their brethren by night, as they knew that they would rest two
hours at noon for the noonday meal, which, it was resolved, should
not, on this occasion, delay their progress, and by moving with
greater speed than usual, it was calculated that the lost ground
might be recovered.

Meanwhile, the party of Le Caille had crossed a little river
which they had to wade. The depth was not great, reaching only
to their waists, but it was very cold and it chilled them through.
They halted accordingly on the opposite side, and built themselves
a fire. Here the rest taken and the delay were unusually long,
and contributed somewhat to the efforts made by D'Erlach's party
to overtake them. When, after a pause of two hours, the troop
of Le Caille was prepared again to move, it was considerably past
the time of noon. As they gathered up their traps, one of their
party who had gone aside from the rest, was suddenly confounded
to behold a red-man start up from the bushes where he had been
crouching, in long and curious watch over their proceedings.
The Frenchman, who was named Rotrou, was quite delighted at
the apparition, since they eagerly sought to gather from the Indians
the directions for their future progress, and none had been
seen for many days. Rotrou called to the Indian in words of
good-nature and encouragement, but the latter, slapping his naked
sides with an air of defiance, started off towards the mountains.
Rotrou again shouted; the savage turned for a moment and
paused, then waving his hand with a significant gesture, he responded
with the war-whoop, and once more bounded away in
flight. The rash and wanton Frenchman immediately lifted his
arquebuse, and fired upon the fugitive. He was seen to stagger
and fall upon his knee, but immediately recovering himself, he set

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off almost at as full speed as ever, making for a little thicket that
spread itself out upon the right. The party of Le Caille by this
time came up. They penetrated the covert where the red-man
had been seen to shelter himself, and for a while they tracked him
by his blood. But at length they came to a spot where he had
evidently crouched and bound up his hurts. They found a little
puddle of blood upon the spot, and some fragments of tow, moss,
and cotton cloth, some of which had been used for the purpose.
Here all traces of the wounded man failed them; and they resumed
their route, greatly regretting that he should have escaped, but
greatly encouraged, as they fancied that they were approaching
some of the settlements of the natives.

It was probably an hour after this event when D'Erlach and
his party reached the same neighborhood, and found the proof of
the rest and repast which that of Le Caille had taken on the banks
of the little river. This sight urged them to new efforts, and
though chilled also very greatly by the passage of the stream, they
did not pause in their pursuit, but pressed forward without delay,
having the fresh tracks of their brethren before their eyes, for the
guidance of their footsteps. It was well they did so. In little
more than an hour after this, while still urging the forced march
which they had begun, they were suddenly arrested by a wild
and fearful cry in the forests beyond, the character of which they
but too well knew, from frequent and fierce experience. It was
the yell of the savage, the terrible war-whoop of the Apalachian,
that sounded suddenly from the ambush, as the rattle of the snake
is heard from the copse in which he makes his retreat. Then
followed the discharge of several arquebuses, four or five in number,
all at once, and soon after one or two dropping shots.

“Onward!” cried Alphonse D'Erlach; “we have not a

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moment to lose. Our comrades are in danger! On! Fools! they
have delivered nearly or quite all their pieces; and if the savage
be not fled in terror, they are at the mercy of his arrows. Onward,
my brave Gascons! Let us save our brethren.”

The young captain led the advance, but though pushing forward
with all industry, he did not forego the proper precautions.
His men were already taught to scatter themselves, Indian fashion,
through the forests, and at little intervals to pursue a parallel
course to each other, so as to lessen the chances of surprise, and
to offer as small a mark as possible to the shafts of the enemy.
The shouts and calmor increased. They could distinguish the
cries of the savages from those of the Frenchmen. Of the latter,
they fancied they could tell particular voices of individuals. They
could hear the flight of arrows, and sometimes the dull, heavy
sounds of blows as from a macana or a clubbed arquebuse; and
a few moments sufficed to show them the savages darting from
tree to tree, and here and there a Frenchman apparently bewildered
with the number and agile movements of his foes, but still
resolute to seek his victim. At this moment Alphonse D'Erlach
stumbled upon a wounded man. He looked down. It was the
Sergeant, Le Caille himself. He was stuck full of arrows; more
than a dozen having penetrated his body, and one was yet quivering
in his cheek just below his eye. Still he lived, but his eyes
were glazing. They took in the form of D'Erlach. The lips
parted.

“Le Grand Copal, Monsieur—eh!” was all he said, when the
death-rattle followed. He gasped, turned over with a single convulsion,
and his concern ceased wholly for that golden city, in the
search for which he had forgotten every other. D'Erlach gave
but a moment's heed to the dying man, then pushed forward for

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the rescue of those who might be living. They were surrounded
by more than fifty savages, and among these were scattered groups
of women and even children. In fact, Le Caille, in his pursuit of
the Indian wounded by Rotrou, had happened upon a village of
the Apalachians.

It was fortunate for D'Erlach that the savages were quite too
busy with the first, to be conscious of the second party. They
had been brought on quietly, and, scattered as they had been in
the approach, they were enabled to deliver their fire from an extensive
range of front. It appalled the Indians, even as a thunder
burst from heaven. They had gathered around the few Frenchmen
surviving of Le Caille's party, and were prepared to finish
their work with hand-javelins and stone hatchets. The Frenchmen
were not suffered to reload their pieces, and were reduced to
the necessity of using them as clubs. They were about to be
overwhelmed when the timely fire of the nine pieces of D'Erlach's
party, the shout and the rush which followed it, struck death and
consternation into the souls of their assailants, and drove them
from their prey. With howls of fright and fury the red-men fled
to deeper thickets, till they should ascertain the nature and number
of their new enemies, and provide themselves with fresh weapons.
But D'Erlach was not disposed to afford them respite. His pieces
were reloaded; those of the Frenchmen of Le Caille—all indeed
who were able—joined themselves to his party, and the Indians
were pressed through the thicket and upon their village. To this
they fled as to a place of refuge. Our Frenchmen stormed it,
fired it over the heads of the inmates, and terrible was the slaughter
which followed. The object of D'Erlach was obtained. He
had struck such a panic into the souls of the savages, that he was
permitted to draw off his people without molestation; but the

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inspection of the fatal field into which the rashness of Le Caille had
led his party, left D'Erlach with few objects of consolation. Seven
of them were slain outright, or mortally wounded; three others
were slightly wounded, and but three remained unhurt. The
survivors were brought off in safety, greatly rejoicing in a rescue
so totally underserved. The party that night encamped in a close
wood, in a spot so chosen as to be easily guarded. Two of the
persons mortally wounded in the conflict died that night; the
third, next day at noon. They were not abandoned till their
cares and sufferings were at an end, and their comrades buried
them, piling huge stones about their corses. Repose was greatly
wanting to the party; but they were conscious that the Indians
were about them. D'Erlach knew too well the customs of the
Apalachian race to doubt that the runners had already sped, east
and west, bearing le baton rouge—the painted club of red, which
summons the tribe to which it is carried to send its young vultures
to the gathering about the prey.

He sped away accordingly, re-crossing the little river where
the party of Le Caille had encountered the Indian spy, and pressing
forward upon the route which he had been before pursuing.
Day and night he travelled with little intermission, in the endeavor
to put as great a space as possible between his band and
their enemies. But the toil had become too severe for his people.
They began to falter, and were finally compelled to halt for a rest
of two or more days, in a snug and pleasant valley, such as they
could easily defend. Here they suffered several disasters. One
of his men, drying some gunpowder before the fire, it exploded,
and he was so dreadfully burnt that he survived but a day, and
expired in great agony. Another, who went out after game, never
returned. He probably fell a victim to his own imprudence, or

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sunk under the arrows of some prowling savage. The camp was
broken up in haste and apprehension, and the march resumed.
Their force was now reduced to thirteen men, and these were destined
to still further reduction. The cold had become excessive.
The feet of the Frenchmen grew sore from constant exercise; and
at length, despairing of the long progress still before them before
they could reach the sea, Alphonse D'Erlach yielded to the growing
desire of his people to ascend the mountains and seek a
nearer spot of refuge, or at least of temporary repose. He began
to give ear more earnestly to the story of the great city of the
mountains; or, he seemed to do so. At all events,—such was
the suggestion—`we can shelter ourselves for the winter in some
close valley of the hills; here we can build log dwellings, and
supply ourselves with game as hunters.' The Frenchmen had acquired
sufficient experience of Indian habits to resort to their
modes of meeting the exigencies of the season. They knew what
were the roots which might be bruised, macerated, and made into
bread; and they had been fed on acorns more than once by the
Floridian savages. They began the painful ascent, accordingly,
which carried them up the heights of Apalachia, that mighty chain
of towers which divide the continent from north to south. They
had probably reached the region which now forms the upper
country of Georgia and South Carolina.

It was in the toilsome ascent of these precipitous heights that
they encountered one of those dangers which D'Erlach had striven
so earnestly to elude. This was a meeting with the Indians, in
any force. A body of more than forty of them were met descending
one of the gorges up which the Frenchmen were painfully
making their way. The meeting was the signal for the strife.
The war-whoop was given almost in the moment when the parties

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discovered each other. The Indians had the superiority as well
in position as in numbers; being on an elevation considerably
above that of the Frenchmen. They were a large, fine-limbed
race of savages, clad in skins, and armed with bows and stonehatchets.
They had probably never beheld the white man before,
and knew nothing of his fearful weapons. They were astounded
by the explosion of the arquebuse, and when their chief tumbled
from the cliff on which he stood, stricken by an invisible bolt, they
fled in terror, leaving the field to the Frenchmen. But, three of
the latter were slain in the conflict, and three others wounded.
The path was free for their progress, but they went forward with
diminished numbers, and sinking hearts. The survivors were now
but ten, and these were hurt and suffering from sore, if not fatal,
injuries. The cold increased. The savages seemed to have
housed themselves from the fury of the winds, that rushed
and howled along the bleak terraces to which the Frenchmen had
arisen. They buried themselves in a valley that offered them
partial protection, built their fires, raised a miserable hovel of poles
and bushes for their covering, and sent out their hunters. Two
parties, one of two, the other of three men, went forth in pursuit
of a bear whose tracks they had detected; leaving five to keep the
camp, three of whom were wounded men. Of these two parties,
one returned at night, bringing home a turkey. They had failed
to discover the hiding-place of the bear. The other did not reappear
all night. Trumpets were sounded and guns fired from
the camp to guide their footsteps, but without success; and with
the dawn Alphonse D'Erlach set forth with his brother and another,
one Philip le Borne, to seek the fugitives. Their tracks
were found and followed for a weary distance; lost and again
found. Pursued over ridge and valley, in a zigzag and ill-directed

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progress, showing that the lost party had been distracted by their
apprehensions. This pursuit led the hunters greatly from the
camp; but D'Erlach had made his observations carefully at every
step, and knew well that he could regain the spot. He had provided
himself well with such food as they possessed, and his little
party was well armed. He refused to discontinue the search,
particularly as they still recovered the tracks of the missing men.
For two days they searched without ceasing, camping by night,
and crouching in the shelter of some friendly rock that kept off
the wind, and building themselves fires which guarded their slumbers
from the assaults of wolf and panther; the howls of the one,
and the screams of the other, sounding ever and anon within their
ears, from the bald rocks which overhung the camp. On the
morning of the third day the fugitives were found, close together,
and stiffened in death. They had evidently perished from the
cold.

Very sadly did the D'Erlachs return with their one companion
to the camp where they had left their comrades. But their gloom
and grief were not to suffer diminution. What was their horror to
find the spot wholly deserted. The ashes were cold where they
had made their fires: the probability was that the place had been
fully a day and night abandoned. No traces of the Frenchmen
were left—not a clue afforded to their brethren of what had taken
place. Alphonse D'Erlach, however, discovered the track of an
Indian moccasin in the ashes, but he carefully obliterated it before
it was beheld by his companions. It was apparent to him that his
people had suffered themselves to be surprised; but whether they
had been butchered or led into captivity was beyond his conjecture.
His hope that they still lived was based upon the absence
of all proofs of struggle or of sacrifice.

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To linger in that spot was impossible; but whither should they
direct their steps

“We are but three, now, my comrades,” said the younger
D'Erlach,—“we must on no account separate. We must sleep
and hunt together, and suffer no persuasions to part us. Let us
descend from this inhospitable mountain, and, crossing the stretch
of valley which spreads below, attempt the heights opposite. We
may there find more certain food, and better protection from these
bleak winds.”

“Better that we had perished with our comrades, under the
knife of Melendez,” was the gloomy speech of the elder D'Erlach.

“It is always soon enough to die,” replied the younger. “For
shame, my brother!—it is but death, at the worst, which awaits
us. Let us on!”

And he led the way down the rugged heights, the others following
passively and in moody silence.

They crossed the valley, through which a river went foaming
and flashing over huge rocks and boulders, great fractured masses
from the overhanging cliffs, that seemed the ruins of an ancient
world. The stream was shallow though wild; and crossing from
rock to rock they made their way over without much trouble or
any accident. The ascent of the steep heights beyond was not
so easy. Three days were consumed in making a circuit, and
finding a tolerable way for clambering up the mountain. Cold
and weary, hungry and sick at heart, the elder D'Erlach and
Philip le Borne, were ready to lie down and yield the struggle.
Despair had set its paralyzing grasp upon their hearts; but the
considerate care, the cheerful courage, the invigorating suggestion,
of the younger D'Erlach, still sufficed to strengthen them for

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renewed effort, when they were about to yield to fate. He adopted
the legend of the great city. These rocks were a fitting portal to
such a world of empire and treasure. He dwelt with emotion upon
its supposed wonders, and found reasons of great significance for
assuming it to be near at hand. And they toiled after him up the
terrible heights, momently expecting to hear him cry aloud from
the summit for which they toiled—“Eureka! Here is the Grand
Copal!” In this progress the younger D'Erlach was always the
leader; Philip le Borne struggled after him, though at a long distance,
and, more feeble than either, the elder D'Erlach brought up
the rear. Alphonse had nearly reached the bald height to which
he was climbing, when a fearful cry assailed him from behind. He
looked about instantly, only in time to see the form of le Borne
disappear from the cliff, plunging headlong into the chasm a thousand
feet below. The victim was too terrified to cry. Life was
probably extinguished long before his limbs were crushed out of
all humanity amongst the jagged masses of the fractured rocks
which received them. The cry was from the elder D'Erlach. He
saw the dreadful spectacle at full; beheld his companion shoot
suddenly down beside him, with outstretched arms, as if imploring
the succor for which he had no voice to cry. He saw, and, overcome
with horror, sank down in a convulsion upon the narrow
ledge which barely sufficed to sustain his person. Alphonse
D'Erlach darted down to his succor, and clung to him till he had
revived.

“Where is Philip?” demanded the elder brother.

“We are all that remain, my brother,” was the reply.

The other covered his eyes with his hands, as if to shut out
thought; and it was some time before he could be persuaded to
re-attempt the ascent. Alphonse clung to his side as he did so;

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never suffered him to be beyond reach of his arm, and, after
several hours of the greatest toil, succeeded in placing him safely
upon the broad summit of the mountain. And what a prospect
had they obtained—what a world of wonder, of beauty and sublimity—
fertile realms of forest; boundless valleys of verdure;
illimitable seas of mountain range, their billowy tops rolling onward
and onward, till the eye lost them in the misty vapors of the sea
of sky beyond.

But the eyes of our adventures were not sensible to the sublimity
and beauty of the scene. They beheld nothing but its
wildness, its stillness, its coldness, its loneliness, its dread and
dreary solitude.

“We are but two, my brother, two of all,” said the elder D'Erlach.
“Let us die together, my brother.”

“If fate so pleases,” was the reply—“well! But let us hope
that we may live together yet.”

“I am done with hope. I am too weary for hope. My heart
is frozen. I see nothing but death, and in death I see something
very sweet in the slumber which it promises. Why should we
live? It is but a prolongation of the struggle. Let us die. Oh!
Alphonse, your life is not less precious to me than mine own. I
would freely give mine, at any moment, to render yours more safe;
yet, if you agree, my hand shall strike the dagger into your heart,
if yours will do for mine the same friendly office.”

“No more, my brother! Let us not speak or think after this
fashion. Our frail and feeble bodies are forever grudgeful of the
authority which our souls exercise upon them. If they are weary,
they would escape from weariness, at sacrifices of which they
know not the extent; would they sleep, they are not unwilling
that the sleep should be death, so that they may have respite from

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toil. My brother, I will not suffer my body so to sway my soul if
I can help it. I will still live, and still toil, and still struggle
onward, and when I perish it shall be with my foot advanced, my
hand raised, and my eye guiding, in the progress onward—forever
onward. It will be time enough to think of death when death
grapples us and there is no help. But, till that moment, I mock
and defy the tempter, who would persuade me to rest before my
limbs are weary and my strength is gone.”

“But, Alphonse, my limbs are weary, and my strength is
gone.”

“Let your heart be strong; keep your soul from weariness, and
your limbs will receive strength. Sleep, brother, under the shelter
of this great rock, while I kindle fire at your feet, and prepare
something for you to eat.”

And while the elder brother slept, the other watched and
warmed him, and some shreds of meat dried in the sun, and a
slender supply of meal corns, parched by the fire, with a vessel
of water, was prepared and ready for him at awakening.

But he awakened in no better hope than when he had laid
down. He ate and was not strengthened. The hope had gone
out from his heart, the fire from his eye, his soul lacked the
cheerful vigor necessary to exertion, and his physical strength
was nearly exhausted.

“Would that I had not awakened!” was his mournful exclamation,
as his eyes opened once more to the dreary prospect
from the bald eminence of that desolate mountain-tower. “Would
that I might close mine eyes and sleep, my brother, sleep ever,
or awake to consciousness only in a better world.”

“This world is ours, my brother,” responded the younger, impetuously;
and, if we are men, if we had no misgivings—if we

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could feel only as we might—that the weariness of this day would
find a wing to-morrow; we should conquer it, and be worthy of
better worlds hereafter. But he who gives himself up to weariness,
will neither find nor deserve a wing. Thou hast eaten—thou
hast drunken,—thou shouldst be refreshed. I have neither eaten
nor drunken, since we set off at dawn this morning for our progress
across the valley.”

“Reproach me not, Alphonse,” replied the other; “thou hast
a strength and a courage both denied to me.”

“Believe it not; be resolute in thy courage, and thy strength
will follow. It is the heart, verily, that is the first to fail.”

“Mine is dead within me!”

“Yet another effort, mon frére,—yet one more effort! The
valley below us looks soft and inviting. There shall we find
shelter from the bleak winds that sweep these bald summits.”

“It is cold! and my limbs stiffen beneath me,” answered the
other, as he rose slowly to resume a march which was more painful
to his thoughts than any which he had of death. But for his
deference to the superior will of the younger brother, he had
surely never risen from the spot. But he rose, and wearily followed
after the bold Alphonse, who was already picking his way
down the steep sides of the mountain.

We need not follow the brothers through the painful details of
a progress which had few varieties to break its monotony, and
nothing to relieve its gloom. Two days have made a wonderful
difference in the appearance of both. Wild, stern and wretched
enough before in aspect, there was now a grim, gaunt, wolf-like
expression in the features of Alphonse D'Erlach, which showed

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that privation and labor were working fearfully upon the mind as
well as the body. He was emaciated—his eyes sunken and glossy,
staring intensely yet without expression—his hair matted upon
his brows, and his movements rather convulsive than energetic.
His soul was as strong as ever—his will as inflexible; but the
tension of the mind had been too great, and nature was beginning
to fail in the support of this rigor. He now strove but little in
the work of soothing and cheering his less courageous brother.
He had no longer a voice of encouragement, and he evidently began
to think that the death for which the other had so much
yearned would perhaps be no unwelcome visitor. Still, as if the
maxims which we have heard him utter were a portion of his real
nature, his cry was forever “On,” and still his hand was outstretched
towards blue summits that seemed to hide another world
in the gulfs beyond them.

“I can go no farther, Alphonse. I will go no farther. The
struggle is worse than any death. I feel that I must sleep. I
feel that sleep would be sweeter than anything you can promise.”

“If you sleep, you die.”

“I shall rejoice!”

“You must not, brother. I will help you. I will carry you.”

He made the effort as he spoke—for a moment raised up the
failing form of his brother—staggered forward, and sank himself
beneath the burden.

“Ha! ha!” he laughed hoarsely; “that we should fail with
the Golden Copal in sight! But if we rest, we shall recover. Let
us rest. Let us kindle here a fire, my brother, for my limbs feel
cold also.”

“It is death, Alphonse.”

“Death! Pshaw! We cannot fail now; now that we are

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nearly at the summit. I tell you, brother, we are almost at the
portals of that wondrous city. Once I doubted there were such
city, but I have seen glimpses of towers, and methought but now
I beheld the window in a turret from which a fair woman was
looking forth. See now! Look you to the right—there where
you see the mountain sink as it were, then suddenly rise again, the
slopes leading gently up to a tower and a wall. The evening
sunlight rests upon it. You see it is of a dusky white, and the
window shows clearly through the stone, and some one moves
within it. Dost thou see, my brother?”

“I see nothing but the sky and ocean. It is the waters that
roll about us.”

“It is the winds that you hear, as they sweep down from yonder
mountains. But where I point your eyes is certainly a tower, a
great castle—no doubt one that commands the ascent to the
mountains.”

“Brother, this is so sweet!”

“What?”

“Ah! what a blessed fortune! Escaped from the bloody
Spaniard, afar from the inhospitable land of the Floridian, to see
once more these sweet waters and the well-known places.”

“What waters? What places?”

“Do you know them not—our own Seine and the cottage, Alphonse?
Ha! ha! there they are! I knew they would come
forth. Old Ulrich leads them; and Bertha is there, and brings
little Etienne by the hand. And, ah! ha! ha! Joy, mother,
we are come again!”

“He dreams! he dreams! If thus he dies, with such a dream,
there can be no pain in it. Let him dream! let him dream!”

And Alphonse D'Erlach hastened to kindle the flames, and he

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tore from his own body the garment to warm his dying brother;
and he clasped his hands convulsively as he listened to the faint
and broken words that fell from his lips, subsiding at last into,

“Mother, we are come!”

And then he lay speechless. The younger brother, turned
away, and looked yearningly to the mountains.

“If I can only reach you castle, he should be saved. It is not
so far! but this valley to cross—but that low range of rocks to
overcome. It shall be done. I will but cover him warmly with
leaves and throw fresh brands upon the fire, and before night I
shall return with help.”

And he did as he said. He threw fresh brands upon the fire;
he wrapped the senseless form of his brother in leaves and moss;
and, stooping down, grasped his hand and printed a long, last kiss
upon his lips. The eyes of the dying man opened, but they were
fixed and glassy. But Alphonse saw not the look. His own
eyes were upon the castellated mountain. He sped away, feebly
but eagerly, and as he descended into the valley, he looked back
ever and anon; and as he looked, his voice, almost in whispers,
would repeat the words—“Keep in heart, brother. I will bring
you help;” and thus he sped from the scene.

The day waned rapidly, but still the young Alphonse sped upon
his mission. He crossed the plain; he urged his progress up the
ridgy masses that formed the foreground to the great cliffs from
which the castled towers still appeared to loom forth upon his
sight. He cast a momentary glance upon the sun, wan, sinking
with a misty halo among the tops of the great sea-like mountains

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that rolled their blue and billowy summits in the east, circumscribing
his vision, and he murmured—

“I shall be in time. Do not despair, my brother. I will soon
be with you and bring you succor.”

And thus he ascended the stony ridges, height upon height gradually
ascending, till he came to a sudden gorge—a chasm rent by
earthquake and convulsion from the bosom of the great mountain
for which he sped. He looked down upon the gorge, and as he
descended, he turned his eye to the lone plateau upon which his
brother had been laid to dream, and cried:

“I go from your eyes, my brother, but I go to bring you help.”

And he passed with tottering steps, and a feebleness still increasing,
but which his sovereign will was loth to acknowledge,
down into the chasm, and was suddenly lost from sight.

Scarcely had he thus passed into the great shadow of the gorge,
when the howl of wolves awakened the echoes of the valley over
which he had gone. And soon they appeared, five in number,
trotting over the ground which he had traversed, and, with their
noses momently set to earth, sending up an occasional cry which
announced the satisfaction of their scent. Now they ascend the
stony ridges. For a moment they halt and gather upon the verge
of the great chasm; then they scramble down into its hollows, and
howling as they go and jostling in the narrow gorges, they too
pass from sight into the obscurity of the mountain shadows.

Another spectacle follows in their place. Sudden, along the
rocky ledges of the high precipices which overhang the gorge,

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darts forth a graceful and commanding form. It is a woman that
appears, young and majestic, lofty in carriage, yet winning in aspect.
She belongs to the red races of the Apalachian, but she is
fairest among her people. The skin of a panther forms her
mantle, and her garments are of cotton, richly stained. She carries
a bow in her hand, and a quiver at her back. Her brows are
encircled by a tiara of crimson cotton, from which arise the long
white plumes of the heron. She claps her hands, and cries aloud
to others still in the shadows of the mountain. They dart out to
join her, a group of graceful-looking women and of lofty and vigorous
men. She points to the gorge beyond, and fits an arrow
to her bow. The warriors do likewise, and her shaft speeds upon
its mission of death, shot down amidst the shadows of the gorge.
A cry of pain from the wolf,—another and another, as the several
shafts of the warriors speed in the same direction. Then one of
the warriors hurls a blazing torch into the abyss, and the wounded
wolves speed back through the gorges, and the hunters dart after
them with shafts, and blazing torches, and keen pursuit. Meanwhile,
the Apalachian princess descends the precipice with footsteps
wondrous sure and fast. Her damsels follow her with cries
of eagerness, and soon they disappear—all save the hunters, who
pursue the wolves with well-aimed darts, till they fall howling one
by one, and perish in their tracks. Then the warriors scalp their
prey and turn back, pass through the gorge, and follow in the
footsteps of their princess. The sun sinks, the night closes upon
the valley, and all is silent.

-- --

p373-431 XXV. DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES.

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The tidings of the fearful massacre of the Huguenots in
Florida, as well in Spanish, as in French accounts, at length
reached France. Deep was the feeling of horror and indignation
which they everywhere excited among the people. Catholics, not
less than Protestants, felt how terrible was the cruelty thus inflicted
upon humanity, how insolent the scorn thus put upon the
flag of the country. Wild and bitter was the cry of anguish sent
up by the thousand bereaved widows and orphans of the murdered
men. But this cry, this feeling, this sense of suffering and shame,
awakened no sympathies in the court of France. The king,
Charles IX., heard the “supplication” of the wives and children
of the sufferers, without according any answer to their prayer.
The blood of nearly nine hundred victims cried equally to earth
and heaven for vengeance, and cried in vain to the earthly sovereign.
He had no ear for the sorrows and the wrongs of heresy;
and the plaint of humanity was stifled in the supposed interests of
religion. Charles was most regally indifferent to a crime which
relieved him of so many troublesome subjects; and was at that

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very time, meditating the most summary processes for still farther
diminishing their numbers. He was yet to provide an appropriate
finish to such a history of massacre in the bloody tragedy of
St. Bartholomew. The wrong done to the honor of his flag and
nation, by a rival power, was not felt. We have already hinted
the strong conjecture, urged by historians, that the Spanish expedition,
under Melendez, was planned with the full privity and concurrence
of the king of France. His conduct, at this period,
would seem fully to justify the suspicion. His existing relations
with his brother of Spain were not of a sort to be periled now
by the exhibition of his sympathies with a cause, and on behalf of
a sect, which both monarchs had reason to hate and fear, and were
preparing to extirpate.

But, if the Court of France demanded no redress for the
massacre of its people, and that of Spain offered none, either redress
or apology, there was yet a deep and intense passion dwelling
in the heart of the one nation, and yearning for revenge upon
that of the other. There was still a chivalrous feeling in France
which showed itself superior to the exactions of sect or party, and
which brooded with terrible intensity over the bloody fortunes of
the French in Florida. This moody meditation at length found
its fitting exponent. The sentiment that stirs earnestly in the
popular heart will always, sooner or later, obtain a fitting voice;
and where it burns justifiably for vengeance, it will not long be
wanting in a weapon. The avenger arose in due season to satisfy
the demands of justice!

The Chevalier, Dominique de Gourgues, was a Gascon gentleman,
born at Mont de Marsan, in the County of Cominges. His

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family was one of considerable distinction. It had always been
devotedly attached to the Catholic religion, nor had he ever for a
moment faltered in the same faith. His career had been a remarkable
one, signalized by great valor, and the most extreme
vicissitudes of fortune. He had served in the armies of France
during the long and capricious struggles in Italy, which had been
the chief arena for conflict in the reigns of Charles the Eighth, of
Louis XII., of Francis the First, and down to the present period.
Here he had associated, under the command of Brissac and others,
with that valiant brother Gascon, Blaize de Montlue, who, in his
commentaries, would probably have told us much about the
prowess of Gourgues, if he had not been so greatly occupied with
the narrative of his own.[24] But the forbearance of Montlue has
not deprived us of all the testimony which belongs to the fame

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of the chevalier. Of all the subaltern officers of his time, no one
achieved a more brilliant reputation. Among the Gascons, confessedly
distinguished above all others by their reckless daring,
and headlong eagerness after glory in battle, the courage of
Gourgues was such as raised him to the rank of a hero of romance.
His youthful eyes had opened upon the latest fields of that race of
heroes of whom Bayard was the superior and perhaps the last. He
was one of the Sampsons of that wondrous band, whose wars, according
to Trivulcio—one not the least remarkable among them,—
were those of the giants;—the Swiss, in the fullest vigor of their
martial fame, and at the height of their insolence;—the Spaniards,
with Hernan de Cordova, the great captain, at their head, and
crowning the career of Charles V. with a power and a lustre
which his own merits did not deserve;—the Italians, under the
sway of, and deriving their spirit from, the fierce martial pontiff,
Julius II., and the French, boasting of a cavalry, headed by
Bayard, La Palisse and others, worthy of such associates, and such
as the armies of Europe had never beheld before. Montlue, who
had been trained in part in the same house with Bayard, and
Boiteres, who, as a page of the knight sans peur et sans reproche,
makes a famous figure in the chronicles of le loyal serviteur, being
among the leaders whom the Chevalier de Gourgues followed into
battle. He partook of their spirit, and proved himself worthy to
sustain the declining honors of chivalry. But his fortunes were
as adverse as his merits were distinguished. With thirty men,
near Sienna, in Tuscany, he sustained, for a long time, the shock
of a large division of the Spanish army. He saw, at length, every
man of his command fall around him, and was made a prisoner.
The captive of the Spaniard, in that day, when the emperor of
the country and his favorite generals showed themselves utterly

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and equally insensible to good faith and generosity, was to be a
slave. They conducted war with little regard to the rules that
prevailed among civilized nations. The valor that Gorgues displayed,
instead of commending him to their admiration and favor,
only provoked their fury; and they punished, with shameful bonds,
those brave actions which the noble heart prefers to applause and
honor. Gourgues was transferred in chains to the gallies. In this
degrading condition, chained to the oar, he was captured by the
Turks off the coast of Sicily; the Turks then being in alliance, to
the shame of Christendom, with the French monarch, and against
the Spaniards. He was conducted by his new captors to Rhodes
and thence to Constantinople. Sent once more to sea, under his
new master, he was retaken by a Maltese galley, and thus recovered
his liberty. But his latter adventures had given him a
taste for the sea. His progresses brought him to the coast of
Africa, to Brazil, and, according to Lescarbot, though the point is
doubted, to the Pacific Ocean. The details of this career are not
given to us, but the results seem to have been equally creditable
to the fame, and of benefit to the fortunes of our chevalier. He
returned to Mont de Marsan, with the reputation of being one of
the most able and hardy of all the navigators of his time. He
had scarcely established himself fairly in his ancient home, where
he had invested all the fruits of his toils and enterprise, when the
tidings came of the capture of La Caroline, and the massacre of
the French in Florida by Melendez. He felt for the honor of
France, for the grief of the widows and orphans thus cruelly
bereaved, and was keenly reminded of that brutal nature of the
Spaniard, under which he had himself suffered so long, and in a
condition so humiliating to a noble spirit. He had his own wrongs
and those of his country to avenge. He brooded over the

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necessity before him, with a passion that acquired new strength
from contemplation, and finally resolved never to give himself rest
till he had exacted full atonement, in the blood of the usurpers in
Florida, for the crime of which they had been guilty to his people
and himself.

eaf373.n24

[24] The Chevalier de Gourgues is only twice mentioned, but both times
with favor, in the chronicles of Montlue. The instances occur in Italy,
in 1556; one of which describes the capture of Gourgues, the other his
rescue from captivity. “La il fut prius douze ou quatorze chevaux legers de
ma compagnie, dont le Capitaine Gourgues, qui estoit à la suite de Strassi, estoit
du nombre
,” &c. Montluc was not the Gascon to leave his people in captivity.
He prepares to scale the fort in which they are confined, and,
his attempt begun, Gourgues was Gascon enough to help himself. The
Spaniards had a guard of eighteen or twenty men over their prisoners,
who were sixty or eighty in number, the latter being tied in pairs, to
make them more secure. As soon as the prisoners heard the cry of
France, France!” from their friends without, they began the struggle
within—“ils commencerent à se secouer les uns et les autres, et mesmes le Capitaine
Gourgues, qui se deslia le premier
,” etc. The prisoners, led by Gourgues,
assail their guards with naked arms, wrest from them their weapons, and
where these are wanting, employ paving stones, actually killing the greater
number, and taking the rest captive. Such was the success of the
surprise, and the spirit which they displayed.

This sublime purpose—sublime by reason of the intense individuality
which it betrayed—the proud, strong and defiant will,
which took no counsel from the natural fears of the subject, and
was totally unrebuked by the placid indifference of the sovereign to
his own duties—was not, however, to be indulged openly; but was
compelled, by force of circumstances; the better to effect its
object—to subdue itself to the eye, to cloak its real purposes, to
suffer not the nearest or best friend to conceive the intense design
which was working in the soul of the hero. We have seen that
the Marechal, Blaize de Montluc, a very celebrated warrior, a
very brave fellow, an accomplished leader and a good man,
though a monstrous braggart—the very embodiment of Gascon
self-esteem, had long been a personal friend of the Chevalier de
Gourgues. Montluc was the king's lieutenant in Guyenne, and
to him De Gourgues proceeded to obtain his commission for sailing
upon the high seas. Montluc, like himself, was a Catholic; but,
unlike de Gourgues, was a bitter hater of the Huguenots. Our
chevalier had been too long a prisoner with Spaniard and Turk—
too long a cruiser upon lonely oceans, confined to a little world
which knew and cared nothing for sects and parties, to feel very
acutely as a politician in matters of religion. Such a life as that

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which he had so long led, was well calculated to conduce to toleration.
“Vengeance is mine:” saith the Lord; and he was very
willing to believe that in his own good time, the Lord will do himself
justice upon the offender. He was no hater of Calvin or the
Protestants—was quite willing that they should pray and preach
after the desires of their own hearts; and did by no means sympathise
with his friend, Montlue, in regard to the heretics whom
he denounced. But he said nothing of this to the Marechal. He
knew that nothing could be said safely, in relation to this vexing
struggle, which tore the bowels of the nation with perpetual
strifes. He had been taught policy by painful experience; and,
though boiling with intense excitement, could conceal the secret
flame with an exterior of snow, such as shrouds the top of the
burning Orizaba. He found the old knight in the enjoyment of a
degree of repose, which was no ways desirable to one of his character.
The man of whom the epitaph records—written by himself:—



Cy dessous reposent les os
De Montluc, qui n'eut onc repos.”
was not the person to feel grateful in the possession of an office
which gave no exercise to his restless and martial propensities.

“We are shelved, mon ami,” he said with a grim smile to
De Gourgues, as they sat together in the warm chamber of the
speaker:—“We are shelved. We are under petticoat government.
Lords and rulers are now made by the pretty women of
the Court, and an old soldier like myself, who has saved the
monarchy, as you know, a dozen times, has nothing now to do but
to hang up his armor, and watch it while it falls to pieces with
the rust. But I have made myself a name which is famous
throughout Europe, and for the opportunity to do this, I must

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needs be grateful to my king. I have the lieutenancy of Guyenne,
but how long I am to have it is the question. There are
others who hunger after the shoes I wear; but whether they will
fit so well upon the feet of Monsieur, the Marquis de Villars,
must be for other eyes to determine. All I know, is, that I am
laid up forever. Strength fails, and favor fails, and I chafe at
my own lack of strength. I shall never be happy so long as my
knees refuse to bend as I would mount horse, yet bend even too
freely when I would speed on foot. But what is this expedition
for which you desire the royal seal? Certainly, we Gascons are
the most restless of all God's creatures. Here now are you but
just arrived at home, and beginning to make merry with your
friends, and here you are, all at once, impatient to be upon the
seas again. Well, you have won a great fame upon the ocean,
and naturally desire to win still more. I' faith, I feel a great
desire to keep you company. I would be at work to the last,
still doing, still conquering, and dying in the greatest of my victories.
What says the Italian—`Un bel mourir, tutta la vita
onora!
' Did this adventure of yours, Monsieur, but promise a
great battle, verily, I should like to share it with you.”

“Ah! Monsieur, my friend, your passion is no longer mine,
though I am too much of the Gascon still, to fail, at the sound of
the trumpet, to prick mine ears. But this adventure tells for
fortune rather than fame. I find no fame a specific against
famine. I would seek now after those wordly goods which neither
of us looked to find in the wars with the Spaniard. And for
which reason, failing to find, we are in danger now of being put
aside by ladies' minions, and the feathered creatures of the Court.
There is great gain now to be won by a visit to the Coast of

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Benin, in Africa, whence we carry the negro cannibal, that he
may be made a Christian by proper labor under Christian rule.”

And De Gourgues proceeded to unfold the history of the traffic
in slaves, as it was carried on by all nations at that period; its
marvellous profit and no less marvellous benefits to the untutored
and miserable heathen. The Marechal listened with great edification.

“Ah! Monsieur, were I now what you knew me when we
fought in Tuscany, now nearly thirty years ago! But it is too
late. I must ever remain what I am, a poor Gascon, as my sovereign
hath ever known me; too heedful of his fortune ever to give
proper tendance to my own!”

The Chevalier de Gourgues received his commission, and his
preparations for the expedition were at once begun. He converted
his goods and chattels into money—his lands and moveables.
He sold everything that he possessed. Nor did he rest
here. He borrowed of friends and neighbors. His credit was
good—his reputation great—himself beloved. It was easy to
inspire confidence in the ostensible objects of his expedition.
The world then conceived very differently of the morals of such
an enterprise, than it does at present. The moneys thus realized
were employed in arming two roberges, or brigantines,—ships of
light burthen, resembling the Spanish caravels; and one patache,
or tender, a vessel modelled after the frigate of the Levant, and
designed for penetrating shallow harbors. One hundred and fifty

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soldiers, and eighty sailors, formed his complement of men, of
whom one hundred were armed with the cross-bow. There were
many gentlemen, volunteers, in the expedition; and De Gourgues
had taken the precaution to secure the services of one who had
been a trumpeter under Laudonniere, and had made his escape
with that commander. Provisions for a year were laid in; and
every preparation having been made, and every precaution taken,
as well with the view to secrecy, as to the prosecution of the
object, the squadron sailed for Bordeaux, on the second day of
August, 1567, just two years after the flight of Laudonniere from
Florida. But the fates, at first, did not seem to smile upon the
enterprise. Baffled by contrary winds, our chevalier was at
length driven for shelter into the Charente, where he lay till the
twenty-second, when he put to sea, only to encounter new disappointments.
His ships were separated by a severe tempest, and
some time elapsed before they were re-united. He had provided
against this event by ordering his rendezvous at the mouth of the
Rio del Oro, upon the coast of Africa. From this point he
ranged the coast down to Cape Blanco, where, instigated by the
Portuguese, he was assailed by three African chiefs, with their
naked savages, whom he beat off in two actions. He then proceeded
and continued in safety upon his route, until he reached
Cape Verd, when he turned his prows suddenly in the direction
of America. The first land which he made in this progress was
Dominica, one of the smaller Antilles; thence he drew on to
Porto Rico, and next to Mona; the cacique of which place supplied
him liberally with fresh provisions. Stretching away for
the continent, he encountered a tempest, which constrained him
to seek shelter in the port of San Nicholas, on the west side of
Hispaniola, where he repaired his vessels, greatly shattered by

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the storm, but where he vainly endeavored to lay in new supplies
of bread; his biscuit having been mostly damaged by the same
cause;—the Spaniards, with great inhospitality, refusing him all
supplies of food. Scarcely had he left San Nicholas, when he
was encountered by a hurricane, which drove him upon the
coast, exposing him to the most imminent peril, and from the
danger of which he escaped with great difficulty; he gained, after
many hardships, the west side of the Island of Cuba, and found
temporary respite at Cape San Antonio, where he went on shore
for a season.

His worst dangers of the sea were over. He was now within
two hundred leagues of Florida, his prows looking, with unobstructed
vision, directly towards the enemies he sought. And
now, for the first time, he deemed it proper to unfold to his people
the true object of the expedition. He assembled together all
his followers:

“Friends and comrades,” he said, “I have hitherto deceived
you as to my objects. They were of a sort to require, in the distracted
condition of our country, the utmost secrecy. It so happens
that France, torn by rival religious factions, is not properly
sensible of what is due to her honor and her people. I have
chosen you, as persons whom I mostly know, as persons who know
me, and have confidence in my courage, my honor, and my judgment.
I have chosen you to achieve a great work for the honor
of the French name, and for the safety of the French people.

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Though we quarrel and fight among ourselves at home, yet should
it be a common cause, without distinction of party, to protect our
people against the foreign enemy, and to avenge the cruelties they
have been made to suffer. It is for a purpose of this nature, that
I have brought you hither. I have heard many of you speak
with tears and rage of the great crime of which the Spaniards,
under Melendez, have been guilty, in butchering our unhappy
countrymen in Florida; nine hundred widows and orphans have
cried in vain for vengeance upon the cruel murderers. You know
all this terrible history—you are Frenchmen and brethren of these
unfortunate victims. You know the crime of our enemies, the
Spaniards; always our enemies, and never more so than when they
profess peace to us, and speak with smiles. What should be our
crime, if we suffer them to escape just punishment for their
butchery; if, with the means of vengeance in our hands, and our
enemies before us, we longer delay the hour of retribution? We
must avenge the murder of our countrymen; we must make the
Spaniards of Florida atone, in blood, for the shame and affront
which they have put upon the lilies of France! If you feel as I
do, the day of vengeance and just judgment is at hand. That I
am resolute in this object—that it fills my whole soul with but
one feeling—my whole mind with but one thought—you may
know, when you see that I have sold all my wordly goods, all the
possessions that I have on earth, in order to obtain the means for
the destruction of these Spaniards of Florida. I take for granted
that you feel with me, that you are as jealous of the honor of
your country as myself, and that you are prepared for any sacrifice—
life itself—in this cause, at once so glorious, and so necessary
to the fame and safety of our people. If our Frenchmen
are to be butchered without a cause, and find no avenger, there is

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an end of the French name, and honor, and well-being; they will
find no refuge on the face of the earth. Speak, then, my comrades.
Let me hear that you feel and think and will resolve with
me. I ask you to do nothing, and to peril nothing, beyond myself.
I have already staked all my worldly fortunes on this one
object. I now offer to march at your head, to give you the first
example of self-sacrifice. Is there one of you who will refuse to
follow?”

A speech so utterly unexpected, at first took his followers by
surprise; but the appeal was too grateful to their real sympathies,
their commander too much beloved, and the infusion of genuine
Gascons too large among the adventurers, to make them hesitate
in their decision. They felt the justice of the appeal; were
warmed to indignation by the sense of injury and discredit cast
upon the honor and the arms of France; and, soon recovering
from their astonishment, they eagerly pledged themselves to follow
wherever he should lead. With cries of enthusiasm they declared
themselves ready for the work of vengeance; and, taking
them in the humor which he had inspired, De Gourgues suffered
not a moment's unnecessary delay to interfere with his progress.
Crowding all sail upon his vessels, he rapidly crossed the straits of
Bahama, and stretched, with easy course, along the low shores of
the Floridian.

It was not very long before his vessels drew in sight of one of
the Forts of the Spaniards, situated at the entrance of May River.
So little did they apprehend the approach of any French armament,

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that they saluted that of De Gourgues, as if they had been ships of
their own nation, mistaking them as such. Our chevalier encouraged
their mistake. He answered their salute, gun for gun;
but he passed onward without any intercourse, and the night following
entered the river, called by the Indians Tacatacourou, but
to which the French had given the name of the Seine, some fifteen
leagues distant.

Here, confounding the strangers with the Spaniards, a formidable
host of Indians were prepared to give them battle. The
red-men had by this time fully experienced the tender mercies of
their brutal and bigoted neighbors; and had learned to contrast
them unfavorably with what they remembered of the Frenchmen
under Ribault and Laudonniere. With all the faults of the latter,
they knew him really as a gentle and moderate commander; by
no means blood-thirsty, and doing nothing in mere lust of power,
wantonly, and with a spirit of malicious provocation only. There
were also other influences at work among them, by which to impress
them favorably towards the French, and make them bitterly
hostile to the usurpers by whom they had been destroyed. It
needed, therefore, only that Gourgues should make himself
known to the natives, to discover their hostility. He employed for
this purpose his trumpeter, who had served under Laudonniere,
and was well known to the king, Satouriova, whose province lay
along the waters of the Tacatacourou, and with whose tribe it was
the good fortune of our Frenchmen to encounter. Satouriova,
knew the trumpeter at once, and received him graciously. He
soon revealed the existing relations between the red-men and the
Spaniards, and was delighted when assured that the Frenchmen
had come to renew and brighten the ancient chain of friendship
which had bound the red-men in amity with the people of La

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Caroline. The interview was full of compliment and good feeling
on both sides. The next day was designated for a grand conference
between Satouriova and Gourgues. The interview opened
with a wild and picturesque display, which, on the part of the Indians,
loses nothing of its dignity because of its rudeness. The
stern and simple manners of the red-men, their deliberation, their
forbearance, the calm which overspreads their assemblies, the
stately solemnity with which the orator rises to address them, their
patient attention; these are ordinary characteristics, which make
the spectator forgetful of their poverty, their rude condition, the
inferiority of their weapons, and the ridiculous simplicity of their
ornaments. Satouriova anticipated the objects of Gourgues. Before
the latter could detail his designs, the savage declared his
deadly hatred of the Spaniards. He was already assembling his
people for their destruction. They should have no foothold on his
territories!

All this was spoken with great vivacity; and he proceeded to
give a long history of the wrongs done to his people by the
usurpers. He recurred, then, to the terrible destruction of the
Frenchmen at La Caroline, and at the Bay of Matanzas; and voluntarily
pledged himself, with all his powers, to aid Gourgues in
the contemplated work of vengeance.

The response of our chevalier was easy. He accepted the
pledges of Satouriova with delight. He had not come, he said,
with any present design to assail the Spaniards, but rather
with the view to renew the ancient alliance of the Frenchmen with
the Floridians; and, should he find them in the proper temper to
rise against the usurpers, then, to bring with him an armament
sufficiently powerful to rid the country of the intruders. But, as
he found Satouriova in such excellent spirit, and filled with so

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brave a resolution, he was determined, even with the small force
at his command, to second the chief in his desires to rid himself
of his bad neighbors.

“Do you but join your forces to mine,—bring all your strength—
put forth all your resolution—show your best valor, and be
faithful to your pledges, and I promise you that we will destroy
the Spaniards, and root them out of your country!”

The Cassique was charmed with this discourse, and a league,
offensive and defensive, was readily agreed upon between the
parties. Satouriova, at the close of the conference, brought forward
and presented to Gourgues a French boy, named Pierre de
Bré, who had sought refuge with him when La Caroline was
taken, and whom he had preserved with care, as his own son, in
spite of all the efforts of the Spaniards to get him into their power.
The boy was a grateful gift to Gourgues; useful as an interpreter,
but particularly grateful as one of the first fruits of his mission.
That night Satouriova despatched a score or more of emissaries,
in as many different directions, to the tribes of the interior.
These, each, bore in his hands the war-macana, le Baton
Rouge
, the painted red-club, which announces to the young warriors
the will of their superior. The runner speeds with this sign
of blood to the distant village, strikes the war-post in its centre,
waves his potent sign to the people, declares the place of gathering,
and darts away to spread still more the tidings. When he
faints, the emblem is seized by another, who continues on the route.
In this way, the whole nation is aroused, as by the sudden flaming
of a thousand mountain beacons. A single night will suffice to
alarm and assemble the people of an immense territory. The Indian
runner, day by day, will out-travel any horse. The result of
this expedition was visible next day, to Gourgues and his people.

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The chiefs of a score of scattered tribes, with all their best warriors,
were assembled with Satouriova, to welcome the Frenchmen
to the land.

Satouriova, surrounded by his kinsmen, his allies, and subordinate
chiefs, appeared in all his state on the banks of the river,
almost with the rising of the sun. There were, in immediate attendance,
the Paracoussies or Cassiques. Tacatacourou—whose
tribe, living along its banks for the time, gave the name to the
river—Helmacana, Athoree, Harpaha, Helmacapé, Helicopilé,
Mollova, and a great many others. We preserve these names
with the hope that they may help to conduct the future antiquary
to the places of their habitation. Being all assembled, all in their
dignities, each with his little band of warriors, numbering from
ten to two hundred men, they despatched a special message to the
vessels of Gourgues, inviting him to appear among them. By a
precautionary arrangement the escort of our chevalier appeared
without their weapons, those of the red-men being likewise removed
from their persons, and concealed in the neighboring woods.
Gourgues yielded himself without scruple to the arrangements of his
tawny host. He was conducted by a deferential escort to the mossy
wood where the chiefs had assembled, and placed at the right hand
of Satouriova. The weeds and brambles had been carefully pulled
away from the spot—the place had been made very clean, and the
seat provided for Gourgues was raised, like that of Satouriova, and
nicely strewn, in the same manner, with a mossy covering. With
his trumpeter and Pierre de Bré, the captain of the French

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found no embarrassment in pursuing the conference. It was
protracted for some time, as is usually the case with Indian treaties,
and involved many considerations highly important to the enterprise;
the number of the Spaniards, the condition of their
fortresses, their vigilance, and all points essential to be known,
before venturing to assail them. Much time was consumed in
mutual courtesies. Gifts were exchanged between the parties; De
Gourgues receiving from Satouriova, among other things, a chain of
silver, which the red chief graciously and with regal air cast about
the neck of the chevalier.

It was while the conference thus proceeded, that a cry without
was heard from among the great body of the tribes assembled.
Shouts full of enthusiasm announced the approach of a favorite;
and soon the Frenchmen distinguished the words, “Holata Cara!”
“Holata Cara!”[25] which we may translate, “Beloved Chief or

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Captain,” and which preceded the sudden entrance of a warrior,
the appearance of whom caused an instantaneous emotion of surprise
in the minds of the Frenchmen.

The stranger was fair enough to be a Frenchman himself. His
complexion was wonderfully in contrast with that of the other
chiefs, and there was a something in his bearing and carriage, and
the expression of his countenance, which irresistibly impressed
De Gourgues with the conviction that he was gazing upon one of
his own countrymen. The features of the stranger were smooth
as well as fair, and in this, indeed, he rather resembled the
race of red than of white men. But he was evidently very young,
yet of a grave, saturnine cast of face, such as would denote equally
middle age and much experience, and yet was evidently the result
of temperament. His hair, the portion that was seen, was short,
as if kept carefully clipped; but he wore around his brows several
thick folds of crimson cotton, in fashion not greatly unlike that of
the Turk. There were many of the chiefs who wore a similar
head-dress, though whence the manufacture came, our Frenchmen
had no way to determine. A cotton shirt, with a falling cape and
fringe reaching below to his knees, belted about the waist with a
strip of crimson, like that which bound his head, formed the
chief items of his costume. Like the warriors generally, he wore
well-tanned buckskin leggings, terminating in moccasins of the
same material. He carried a lance in his grasp, while a light
macana was suspended from his shoulders.

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“Holata Cara!” said Satouriova, as if introducing the stranger
to the Frenchmen, the moment that he appeared, and the young
chief was motioned to a seat. In a whisper to the trumpeter,
Gourgues asked if he knew anything about this warrior; but the
trumpeter looked bewildered.

“Such a chief was not known to us,” said he, “in the time of
Laudonniere.”

“He looks for all the world like a Frenchman,” murmured
Gourgues.

“He reminds me,” continued the trumpeter, “of a face that I
have seen and know, Monsieur; but, I cannot say. If that turban
were off now, and the paint. This is the first time I have
ever heard the name. But the boy, Pierre, may know him.”

Gourgues whispered the boy:

“Who is this chief? Have you ever seen him before? Do
you know him?”

“No, Monsieur; I have never seen him. I have heard of him.
He is the adopted son of the Great Chief, adopted from another
tribe, I hear. But he is as white as I am, almost, and looks a
little like a Frenchman. I can't say, Monsieur, but I could swear
I knew the face. I have seen one very much like it, I think,
among our own people.”

“Who?”

“I can't say, Monsieur, I can't; and the more I look, the more
I am uncertain.”

Something more was said in an equally unsatisfactory manner,
and, in the meantime, the stranger took his seat in the assembly
without seeming concern. He betrayed no curiosity when his eye
rested upon the Frenchmen. When it was agreed that two persons
should be sent, one of the French and one of the red chiefs

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to make a reconnaissance of the Spanish fortress, he rose quietly
looked towards Satouriova, and, striking his breast slightly, with
his right hand, simply repeated his own name,—

“Holata Cara!”

“It is well,” said the chief, with an approving smile; and Holata
Cara, on the part of the Indians, and Monsieur d'Estampes,
a gentleman of Comminges, on the part of the Frenchmen, were
sent to explore the country under the control of the Spanish
usurpers. Holata Cara immediately disappeared from the assembly.
A few moments after he was buried in the deepest of the neighboring
thickets, while a beautiful young savage—a female—who
might have been a princess, and wore, like one, a fillet about her
brow, and carried herself loftily as became a queen, stood beside
him, with her hand resting upon his shoulder, and her eye looking
tenderly up into his; while she said, in her own language:

“I will follow you, but not to be seen; and our people shall
be nigh to watch, lest there be danger from the Spaniard.”

The chief smiled, as if, in the solicitous speech to which he listened,
he detected some sweet deceit; but he said nothing but
words of parting, and these were kind and affectionate. It was
not long before Holata Cara joined Monsieur d'Estampes, the boy
Pierre de Bré being sent along with them, on the reconnaissance
which the allies had agreed was to be made. In the meantime,
the better to assure Gourgues of the safety of D`Estampes, Satouriova
gave his son and the best beloved of all his wives, into the
custody of the French as hostages, and they were immediately
conveyed to the safe-keeping of the ships.

eaf373.n25

[25] The name is usually written Olotocara; but, to persons familiar with
the singular degree of carelessness with which the Indian names were
taken down by the old voyagers and chroniclers, and the different modes
employed by French, Spanish and English in spelling the same words,
there should be nothing arbitrary in their orthography; nothing to induce
us to surrender our privilege of seeking to reconcile these names with well-known
analogies. My opinion is, that Olotocara was a compound of two
words, the one signifying chief or ruler, the other indicative of the degree
of esteem or affection with which he was regarded, or as significant of his
qualities. Olata, or Holata, was a frequent title of distinction among the
Floridians, and Holata Cara, or Beloved Chief or Warrior, is probably the
true orthography of the words compounded into Olotocara or Olocotora.
It may have been Olata Tacara, and there may have been some identification
of this chief with him from whom the river Tacatacourou took its
name. Charlevoix writes it Olocotora; Hakluyt, Olotocara. It will be
seen that our method of writing the name makes it easy to reconcile it
with that of Hakluyt—Olotocara—Holata Cara—and with that of the title
familiar to the Floridian usage, past and present. Thus Olata Utina occurs
before in this very chronicle; and no prefix is more common in modern
times, among the Seminoles, than that of Holata; thus, Holata
Amathla, Holata Fiscico, Holata Mico. It is also used as an appendage;
thus, Wokse Holata, as we write Esquire after the name.

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The reconnaissance was completed. The report of Holata
Cara and D'Etampes showed that the Spanish fortress of San
Matheo, formerly La Caroline, was in good order, and with a
strong garrison. Two other forts which the Spaniards had raised
in the neighborhood, commanding both sides of the river, and
nearer to its mouth, were also surveyed, and were found to be
well manned and in proper condition for defence. In these three
forts, the garrison was found to consist of four hundred soldiers,
unequally distributed, but with a force in each sufficient
for the post. Thus advised, the allies proceeded severally to
array their troops for the business of assault. But, before marching,
a solemn festival was appointed on the banks of the Salina
Cani—by the French called the Somme—which was the place
appointed for the rendezvous. Here the red-men drank copious
draughts of their cassine, or apalachine, a bitter but favorite
beverage, the reported nature of which is that it takes away all
hunger and thirst for the space of twenty-four hours, from those
that employ it. Though long used to all sorts of trial and endurance,
Gourgues found it not so easy to undergo this draught. Still,
he made such a show of drinking, as to satisfy his confederates;
and this done, the allied chiefs, lifting hands and eyes, made
solemn oath of their fidelity in the sight of heaven. The march
was then begun, the red-men leading the way, and moving, in
desultory manner, through the woods, Holata Cara at their head;
while, pursuing another route, but under good guidance, and keeping
his force compactly together, our chevalier conducted his
Frenchmen to the same point of destination. This was the

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river Caraba, or Salinacani, named by Ribault the Somme,
which was at length reached, but not without great difficulty, the
streams being overflowed by frequent and severe rains, and the
marshy and low tracts all under water. Food was wanting also
to our Frenchmen, the bark appointed to follow them with provisions,
under Monsieur Bourdelois not having arrived.

They were now but two leagues distant from the two smaller
forts which the Spaniards had established and fortified, in addition
to that of La Caroline, on the banks of the May, or, as they
had newly christened it, the San Matheo. While bewildered
with doubts as to the manner of reaching these forts—the waters
everywhere between being swollen almost beyond the possibility
of passage—the red-men were consulted, and the chief, Helicopil
é, was chosen to guide our Frenchmen by a more easy and less
obvious route. Making a circuit through the woods, the whole
party at length reached a point where they could behold one of
the forts; but a deep creek lay between, the water of which rose
above their waists. Gourgues, however, now that his object was
in sight, was not to be discouraged by inferior obstacles; and,
giving instructions to his people to fasten their powder flasks to
their morions and to carry their swords and their calivers in their
hands above their heads, he effected the passage at a point which
enabled them to cover themselves from sight of the Spaniards
by a thick tract of forest which lay between the fort and the river.
It was sore fording for our Frenchmen; for the bed of the creek
was paved with great oysters, the shells of which inflicted sharp
wounds upon their legs and feet; and many of them lost their
shoes in the passage. As soon as they had crossed, they prepared
themselves for the assault. Up to this moment, so well
had the red-men guarded all the passages, and so rapid had been

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their march, with that of Gourgues and his party, that the
Spaniards had no notion that there were any Frenchmen in the
country. Still, they were on the alert; and so active did they
show themselves, in and about the fort, that our chevalier feared
that his approach had been discovered.

But no time was to be lost. Giving twenty arquebusiers to
his Lieutenant Casenove, and half that number of mariners,
armed with pots and balls of wild fire, designed to burn the gate
of the fort, he took a like force under his own command, with the
view to making simultaneous assaults in opposite quarters. The
two parties were scarcely in motion, before Gourgues found the
chief Holata Cara at his side, followed by a small party of the
red-men; the rest had been carefully concealed in the woods, in
order to pursue the combat after their primitive fashion. Holata
Cara was armed only with a long spear, which he bore with great
dexterity, and a macana which now hung by his side, a flattened
club, the two edges of which were fitted with the teeth of the
shark, or with great flints, ground down to the sharpness of a
knife. This was his substitute for a sword, and was a weapon
capable of inflicting the most terrible wounds. The spear which
he carried was headed also with a massive dart of flint, curiously
and finely set in the wood, and exhibiting a rare instance of Indian
ingenuity, in its excellence as a weapon of offence, and its
rare and elaborate ornament. Gourgues examined it with much interest.
The instrument was antique. It might have been in
use an hundred years or more. The heavy but elastic wood, almost
blackened by age and oil, was polished like a mirror by repeated
friction. The grasp was carved with curious ability, and
exhibited the wings of birds with eyes wrought among the feathers,
in the sockets of which great pearls were set, the carving of the

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feathers forming a bushy brow above, and a shield all about them,
so that, grasp the weapon as you would, the pearls were secure
from injury. Gourgues examined the owner of the spear with as
much curiosity as he did the weapon. But without satisfaction.
The features of the other were immoveable. But the signals being
all made, Holata Cara waved his hand with some impatience
to the fort, and Gourgues had no leisure to ask the questions
which that moment arose in his mind.

“It was,” says the venerable chronicle, “the Sunday eve next
after Easter-day, April, 1568,” when the signal for the assault
was given. Gourgues made a brief speech to his followers before
they began the attack, recounting the cruel treachery and the
bloody deeds of the Spaniards done upon their brethren at La
Caroline and Matanzas Bay. Holata Cara, resting with his spear
head thrust in the earth, listened in silence to this speech. The
moment it was ended, he led the way for the rest, from the
thicket which concealed them. As soon as the two parties
had emerged from cover, they were descried by the watchful
Spaniards.

“To arms! to arms!” was the cry of their sentinels. “To
arms! these be Frenchmen!”

To the war-cry of “Castile” and “Santiago!” that of
“France!” and “Saint-Denis for France,” was cheerily sent up
by the assailants; and it was observed that no shout was louder or
clearer than that of Holata Cara, as he hurried forward.

When the assailants were within two hundred paces of the fort,
the artillery of the garrison opened upon them from a culverin
taken at La Caroline, which the Spaniards succeeded in discharging
twice, with some effect, while the Frenchmen were approaching.
A third time was this piece about to be turned upon the

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assailants, when Holata Cara, rushing forwards planted his spear
in the ground, and swinging from it, with a mighty spring, succeeded,
at a bound, in reaching the platform. The gunner was
blowing his match, and about to apply it to the piece, when the
spear of the Indian chief was driven clean through his body, and
the next moment the slain man was thrust headlong down into the
fort. Stung by this noble example, Gourgues hurried forward, and
the assault being made successfully on the opposite side at the
same instant, the Spaniards fled from the defences. A considerable
slaughter ensued within, when they rushed desperately from
the enclosure.

But they were encountered on every side. Escape was vain.
Of the whole garrison, consisting of threescore men, all were
slain, with the exception of fifteen, who were reserved for a more
deliberate punishment.

Meanwhile the fortress on the opposite side of the river opened
upon the assailants, and was answered by the four pieces which
had been found within the captured place. The Frenchmen
were more annoyed than injured by this distant cannonade, and
immediately prepared to cross the river for the conquest of this
new enemy. Fortunately, the patache, bringing their supplies,
had ascended the stream, and, under cover from the guns of the
Spaniard, lay in waiting just below. Gourgues, with fourscore
soldiers, crossed the stream in her; the Indians not waiting for
this slow conveyance, but swimming the river, carrying their bows
and arrows with one hand above their heads.

The Frenchmen at once threw themselves into the woods which
covered the space between this second fort and La Caroline, the
latter being only a league distant. The Spaniards, apprised of
the movement of the patache, beholding shore and forest lined

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with the multitudes of red-men, and hearing their frightful cries
on every hand, were seized with an irresistible panic, and, in an
evil moment abandoned their stronghold, in the hope of making
their way through the woods, to the greater fortress of La Caroline.
But they were too late in the attempt. The woods were
occupied by enemies. Charged by the advancing Frenchmen,
they rushed into the arms of the savages, and, with the exception
of another fifteen, were all butchered as they fought or fled.
Holata Cara was again found the foremost, and the most terrible
agent in this work of vengeance.

The Chevalier de Gourgues now proposed temporarily to rest
from his labors, and give himself a reasonable time before attempting
the superior fortress of La Caroline, in ascertaining its
strength, and the difficulties in the way of its capture. The
captives taken at the second fort were transferred to the first, and
set apart with their comrades for future judgment. From one of
these he learned that the garrison of La Caroline consisted of
near three hundred men, under command of a brave and efficient
governor. His prisoners he closely examined for information.
Having ascertained the height of the platform, the
extent of the fortifications, and the nature of the approaches, he
prepared scaling ladders, and made all the necessary provisions
for a regular assault. The Indians, meanwhile, had been
ordered to environ the fortress, and so to cover the whole face
of the country, as to make it impossible that the garrison should

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[figure description] Page 441.[end figure description]

obtain help, convey intelligence of their situation to their
friends in St. Augustine, or escape from the beleagured station.

While these preparations were in progress, the Spanish governor
at La Caroline, now fully apprised of his danger, and of
the capture of the two smaller forts, sent out one of his most
trusty scouts, disguised as an Indian, to spy out the condition of
the French, their strength and objects. But Holata Cara, who
had taken charge of the forces of the red-men, had too well
occupied all the passages to suffer this excellent design to prove
successful. He made the scout a prisoner, and readily saw
through all his disguises. Thus detected, the Spaniard revealed
all that he knew of the strength and resources of the garrison.
He described them as in very great panie, having been assured
that the French numbered no less than two thousand men.
Gourgues determined to assail them in the moment of their
greatest alarm, and before they should recover from it, or be
undeceived with regard to his strength. The red-men were
counselled to maintain their ambush in the thickets skirting the
river on both sides, and leaving his standard-bearer and a captain
with fifteen chosen men in charge of the captured forts and
prisoners, Gourgues set forth on his third adventure. He took
with him the Spanish scout and another captive Spaniard, a
sergeant, as guides, fast fettered, and duly warned that any
attempt at deception, or escape, would only bring down instant
and condign punishment upon their heads. His ensign, Monsieur
de Mesmes, with twenty arquebusiers, was left to guard the
mouth of the river, and, with the red-men covering the face of
the country, and provided with all the implements necessary to
storm the defences, Gourgues began his march against La
Caroline.

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It was late in the day when the little band set forth, and evening
began to approach as they drew within sight of the fortress.
The Don in command at La Caroline was vigilant enough, and
soon espied the advancing columns. His cannon and his culverins,
commanding the river thoroughly, began to play with great
spirit upon our Frenchmen, who were compelled to cover themselves
in the woods, taking shelter behind a slight eminence
within sight of the fortress. This wood afforded them sufficient
cover for their approaches almost to the foot of the fortress—the
precautions of the Spaniard not having extended to the removal
of the forest growth by which the place was surrounded, and by
help of which the designs of an enemy could be so much facilitated.
It was under the shelter of this very wood, and by this
very route—so Gourgues learned from his prisoners—that the
Spaniards had successfully surprised and assaulted the fortress
two years before.

Here, then, our chevalier determined to lie perdu until the
next morning, the hour being too late and the enemy too watchful,
at that moment, to attempt anything. Besides, Gourgues
desired a little time to see how the land lay, and how his approaches
should be made. On that side of the fortress which
fronted the hill, behind which our Frenchmen harbored, he discovered
that the trench seemed to be insufficiently flanked for
the defence of the curtains.

While meditating in what way to take advantage of this weakness,
he was agreeably surprised by the commission of an error,
on the part of the garrison, which materially abridged his difficulties.
The Spanish governor, either with a nervous anxiety to
anticipate events, or with a fool-hardiness which fancied that they
might be controlled by a wholesome audacity, ordered a sortié;

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and Gourgues with delight beheld a detachment of threescore
soldiers, deliberately passing the trenches and marching steadily
into the very jaws of ruin.

Holata Cara, as if aware by instinct, was at once at the side
of our chevalier, with his spear pointing to the fated detachment.
In a moment, the warrior sped with the commands of Gourgues,
to his lieutenant, Cazenove, who, with twenty arquebusiers, covered
by the wood, contrived to throw himself between the fortress
and the advancing party, cutting off all their chances of escape.
Then it was that, with wild cries of “France! France!” the
chevalier rose from his place of hiding, with all his band, and
rushed out upon his prey, reserving his fire until sufficiently near
to render every shot certain. The Spaniards recoiled from the
assault; but, as they fled, were encountered in the rear by the
squad under Cazenove. The battle cry of the French, resounding
at once in front and rear, completed their panic, and they
offered but a feeble resistance to enemies who neither asked nor
offered quarter. It was a massacre rather than a fight; and
still, as the French paused in the work of death, a shrill deathcry
in their midst aroused them anew, and they could behold the
lithe form of the red chief, Holata Cara, speeding from foe to
foe, with his macana only, smiting with fearful edge—a single
stroke at each several victim, followed ever by the agonizing yell
of death! Not a Spaniard escaped of all that passed through
the trenches on that miserable sortié!

Terrified by this disaster, so sudden and so complete, the garrison
were no longer capable of defence. They no longer
hearkened to the commands or the encouragements of their governor.
They left, or leaped, the walls; they threw wide the
gates, and rushed wildly into the neighboring thickets, in the

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vain hope to find security in their dark recesses, and under cover
of the night. But they knew not well how the woods were occupied.
At once a torrent of yells, of torture and of triumph,
startled the echoes on every side. The swift arrow, the sharp
javelin, the long spear, the stone hatchet, each found an unresisting
vectim; and the miserable fugitives, maddened with terror,
darted back upon the fortress, which was already in the possession
of the French. They had seized the opportunity, and in
the moment when the insubordinate garrison threw wide the gates,
and leaped blindly from the parapets, they had swiftly occupied
their places. The fugitive Spaniards, recoiling from the savages,
only changed one form of death for another. They suffered on
all hands—were mercilessly shot down as they fled, or stabbed as
they surrendered; those only excepted who were chosen to expiate,
more solemnly and terribly, the great crime of which they
had been guilty!

The captured fortress was won with a singular facility, and
with so little loss to the assailants, as to confirm them in the
conviction that the service was acceptable to God. He had
strengthened their hearts and arms—HE had hung his shield of
protection over them—HE had made, through the sting of conscience,
the souls of the murderous Spaniards to quake in fear at
the very sight of the avengers! The fortress of La Caroline
was found to have been as well supplied with all necessaries for
defence, as it had been amply garrisoned. It was defended by
five double culverins, by four minions, and divers other cannon

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of smaller calibre suitable for such a forest fortress. “Eighteen
great cakes of gunpowder,” (it would seem that this combustible
was put up in those days moistened, and in a different form from
the present, and hence the frequent necessity for drying it, of
which we read,) and every variety of weapon proper to the
keeping of the fortress, had been supplied to the Spaniards; so
that, but for the unaccountable error of the sortié, and but for
the panic which possessed them, and which may reasonably be
ascribed to the natural terrors of a guilty conscience, it was
scarcely possible that the Chevalier de Gourgues, with all his
prowess, could have succeeded in the assault. He transferred all
the arms to his vessels, but the gunpowder took fire from the
carelessness of one of the savages, who, ignorant of its qualities,
proceeded to seethe his fish in the neighborhood of a train, which
took fire, and blew up the store-house with all its moveables, destroying
all the houses within its sweep! The poor savage himself
seems to have been the only human victim. The fortress
was then razed to the ground, Gourgues having no purpose to reestablish
a colony which he had not the power to maintain.

But his vengeance was not complete. The final act of expiation
was yet to take place; and, bringing all his prisoners together, he
had them conducted to the fatal tree upon which the Spaniards
had done to death their Huguenot captives! This was at a short
distance from the fortress.

Mournful was the spectacle that met the eyes of the Frenchmen
as they reached the spot. There still hung the withered and
wasted skeletons of their brethren, naked, bare of flesh, bleached,
and rattling against the branches of the thrice-accursed tree!
The tempest had beaten wildly against their wasted forms—the
obscene birds had preyed upon their carcasses—some had fallen,

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and lay in undistinguished heaps upon the earth; but the entire
skeletons of many, unbroken, still waved in the unconscious
breezes of heaven! For two weary years had they been thus
tossed and shaken in the tempest. For two years had they thus
waved, ghastly, white, and terrible, in mockery of the blessed
sunshine! And now, in the genial breezes of April, they still
shook aloft in horrible contrast with the green leaves, and the
purple blossoms of the spring around them! But they were now
decreed to take their shame from the suffering eyes of day! A
solemn service was said over the wretched remains, which were
taken down with cautious hands, as considerately as if they were
still accessible to hurt, and buried in one common grave! The
red-men looked on wondering, and in grave silence; and Holata
Cara, leaning upon his spear, might almost be thought to weep
at the cruel spectacle.

But his aspect changed when the Spanish captives were brought
forth. They were ranged, manacled in pairs, beneath the same
tree of sacrifice. Briefly, and in stern accents, did Gourgues recite
the crime of which they had been guilty, and which they were
now to expiate by a sufferance of the same fate which they had
decreed to their victims! Prayers and pleadings were alike in
vain. The priest who had performed the solemn rites for the
dead, now performed the last duties for the living judged! He
heard their confessions. One of the wretched victims confessed
that the judgment under which he was about to suffer was a just
one; that he himself, with his own hands, had hung no less than
five of the wretched Huguenots. With such a confession ringing
in their ears, it was not possible for the French to be merciful!
At a given signal, the victims were run up to the deadly branches,
which they themselves had accursed by such employment; and

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even while their suspended forms writhed and quivered with the
last fruitless efforts of expiring consciousness, the chieftain Holata
Cara looked upon them with a cold, hard eye, stern and tearless,
as if he felt the dreadful propriety of this wild and unrelenting
justice! The deed done—the expiation made—Gourgues then
procured a huge plank of pine, upon which he caused to be
branded, with a searing iron, in rude, but large, intelligible characters,
these words, corresponding to that inscription put by the
Spaniards over the Huguenots, and as a fitting commentary upon
it:—

“These are not hung as Spaniards,
nor as Mariners, but as
Traitors, Robbers, and
Murderers!”

How long they hung thus, bleaching in storm and sunshine; how
long this terrible inscription remained as a record of their crime
and of this history, the chronicle does not show, nor is it needful.
The record is inscribed in pages that survive storm, and wreck,
and fire;—more indelibly written than on pillars of brass and
marble! It hangs on high forever, where the eyes of the criminal
may read how certainly will the vengeance of heaven alight, or
soon or late, upon the offender, who wantonly exults in the moment
of security in the commission of great crimes done upon
suffering humanity.

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San Augustine!”

Such were the words spoken to Gourgues by Holata Cara at the
close of this terrible scene of vengeance, and his spear was at once
turned in the direction of the remaining Spanish fortress. Gourgues
readily understood the suggestion, but he shook his head regretfully—

“I am too feeble! We have not the force necessary to such
an effort!”

The red chief made no reply in words, but he turned away and
waved his spear over the circuit which was covered by the thousand
savages who had collected to the conflict, even as the birds
of prey gather to the field of battle.

But Gourgues again shook his head. He had no faith in the alliance
with the red-men. He knew their caprice of character,
their instability of purpose, and the sudden fluctuations of their
moods, which readily discovered the enemy of the morrow in the
friend of to-day. Besides, his contemplated task was ended. He
had achieved the terrible work of vengeance which he had proposed
to himself and followers, and his preparations did not extend to
any longer delay in the country. He had neither means nor provisions.

He collected the tribes around him. All the kings and princes
of the Floridian gathered at his summons, on the banks of the Tacatacorou,
or Seine, where he had left his vessels, some fifteen
leagues from La Caroline. Thither he marched by land in battle

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array, having sent all his captured munitions and arms with his
artillerists by sea, in the patache.

The red-men hailed him with songs and dances, as the Israelites
hailed Saul and David returning with the spoils of the Philistines.

“Now let me die,” cried one old woman, “now that I behold
the Spaniards driven out, and the Frenchmen once more in the
country.”

Gourgues quieted them with promises. It may be that he really
hoped that his sovereign would sanction his enterprise, and avail
himself of what had been done to establish a French colony again
in Florida; and he promised the Floridians that in twelve months
they should again behold his vessels.

The moment arrived for the embarkation, but where was Holata
Cara? The Frenchman inquired after him in vain. Satouriova
only replied to his earnest inquiries,—

“Holata Cara is a great chief of the Apalachian! He hath
gone among his people.”

A curious smile lurked upon the lips of the Paracoussi as he
made this answer; but the inquiries of Gourgues could extract
nothing from him further.

They embraced—our chevalier and his Indian allies—and the
Frenchmen embarked, weighed anchor, and, with favoring winds,
were shortly out of sight. Even as they stretched away for the
east, the eyes of Holata Cara watched their departure from a distant
headland where he stood embowered among the trees. The
graceful figure of an Indian princess stood beside his own, one
hand shading her eyes, and the other resting on his shoulder. At
length he turned from gazing on the dusky sea.

“They are gone!” she exclaimed.

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“Gone!” he answered, in her own dialect. “Gone! Let us
depart also!” And thus speaking, they joined their tawny followers
who awaited them in the neighboring thicket, within the
shadows of which they soon disappeared from sight.

Historians have been divided in opinion with regard to the
propriety of that wild justice which Dominique de Gourgues inflicted
upon the murderers of his countrymen at La Caroline. One
class of writers hath preached from the text, “Vengeance is mine
saith the Lord;” another from that which, permissive rather than
mandatory, declares that “Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man
shall his blood be shed.”

Charlevoix regrets that so remarkable an achievement as that
of Gourgues, so honorable to the nation, and so glorious for himself,
should not have been terminated by an act of clemency, which,
sparing the survivors of the Spanish forts, should have contrasted
beautifully with the brutal behavior of the Spaniards under the
like circumstances; as if the enterprise itself had anything but
revenge for its object; as if the butcheries which accompanied the
several attacks upon the Spanish forts, and the butcheries which
followed them—where the victims were trembling and flying men—
were any whit more justifiable than the single, terrible act of
massacre which appropriately furnished the catastrophe to the
whole drama!

If the Spaniards were to be spared at all, why the enterprise at
all? No wrong was then in progress, to be defeated by interposition;
no design of recovering French territory or

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re-establishing the French colony was in contemplation, making the enterprise
necessary to success hereafter. The entire purpose of the expedition
was massacre only, and a bloody vengeance!

It is objected to this expedition of Gourgues, that reprisals are
rarely possible without working some injustice. This would be an
argument against all law and every social government. But it is
said that revenge does not always find out the right victim, particularly
in such a case as the present, and that the innocent is
frequently made to suffer for the guilty.

Gourgues could not, it would seem, have greatly mistaken his
victims, when we find one of them confessing to the murder of five
of the Huguenots by his own hand, and none of them disclaiming
a participation in the crime. But there is a better answer even
than this instance affords, and it conveys one of those warning lessons
to society, the neglect of which too frequently results in its
discomfiture or ruin.

That society or nation which is unable or unwilling to prevent
or punish the offender within its own sphere and province, must
incur his penalties; and this principle once recognized, it becomes
imperative with every citizen to take heed of the public conduct
of his fellow, and the proper exercise of right and justice on the
part of his ruler. There are, no doubt, difficulties in the way of
doing this always; but what if it were commonly understood and
felt that each citizen had thus at heart the wholesome administration
of exact justice on the part of the society in which he lived,
and the Government which can exist only by the sympathies of
the people? How prompt would be the remedy furnished by the
ruler to the suffering party! how slow the impulse to wrong on
the part of the criminal!

The suggestion that magnanimity and mercy shown to the

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Spaniards by Gourgues, after his victory, would have had such a
beautiful effect upon the consciences of those guilty wretches, is
altogether ridiculous. The idea exhibits a gross ignorance of the
nature of the Spaniards at the time. Gourgues knew them thoroughly.
A more base, faithless, treacherous and murderous character
never prevailed among civilized nations, and never could
prevail among any nation of warlike barbarians. We do not
mean to justify Gorgues; but may say that it is well, perhaps, for
humanity, that heroism sometimes puts on the terrors of the
avenger, and visits the enormous crime, which men would otherwise
fail to reach, with penalties somewhat corresponding with the
degree and character of the offence! There are sometimes criminals
whom it is a mere tempting of Providence to leave only to
the judgments of eternity and their own seared, cold, and wicked
hearts. The murderer whose hands you cannot bind, you must
cut off; not because you thirst for his blood, but because he
thirsts for yours! But ours is not the field for discussion, and
we may well leave the question for decision to the instincts of humanity.
The vengeance which moves the nations to clap hands
with rejoicing has, perhaps, a much higher guaranty and sanction
than the common law of morals can afford.

Having taken his farewell of the Floridians, and embarked with
all his people, it was on board of his vessels, with their wings
spread to the breeze, that the Chevalier De Gourgues offered up

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solemn acknowledgments to Heaven, for the special sanction which
he had found in its favor for the enterprise achieved. It was
with a heart full of gratitude, that he bowed down on the deck of
his little bark, and offered up his prayer to the God of Battles
for the succor afforded him in his extremity. It was with a light
heart that he meditated upon the sanguinary justice done upon
the cruel enemies of his people; the honor of his country's flag
redeemed by a poor soldier of fortune, when disgraced and deserted
by the monarch and the court, who derived all their distinction
from its venerable and protecting folds. It was with a just
and honorable pride that he felt how certainly he had made the
record of his name in the pages of history, by an action grateful
to the fame of the soldier, and still more grateful to the fears and
sympathies of outraged humanity. The acclamations of the wild
Floridian—their praises and songs of victory, however wild and
rude—were but a foretaste of those which he had a right to expect
from the lips of his countrymen in la Belle France! Alas!
the hand of power covered the lips of rejoicing! The despotism
of the land shook a heavy rod over the people, silencing the
voice of praise, and chilling the heart of sympathy. But let us
not anticipate.

The Chevalier De Gourgues sailed from the mouth of the Tacatacorou,
on the third of May, 1568. For seventeen days the
voyage was prosperous, and his vessels ran eleven hundred leagues;
and on the sixth of June, thirty-four days after leaving the coast
of Florida, he arrived at Rochelle. The latter half of his voyage
had been far different from the first. As at his departure
from France, he suffered severely from head winds and angry
tempests. His provisions were nearly exhausted, and his people
began to suffer from famine. His consorts separated from him in

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the storm, one of them, the patache, being lost with its whole
complement of eight men; the other not reaching port for a
month after himself. His escape was equally narrow from other
and less merciful enemies than hunger and shipwreck. The bruit
of his adventure, to his great surprise, had reached the country
before him. The Spanish court, well served, in that day, by its
emissaries, had been advised of his progress, and that he had appeared
at Rochelle. A fleet of eighteen sail, led by one large
vessel, was instantly despatched in pursuit of him.

Received with good cheer and great applause by the people of
Rochelle, it was fortunate that he did not linger there. He set
forth with his vessel for Bordeaux; there he went to render an account
to his friend, the Marechal Blaize de Montlue, of his adventures.
This timely movement saved him. The pursuing
Spaniards reached Che-de-Bois the very day that he had left it,
and continued the chase as far as Blaze. He reached Bordeaux
in safety, and made his report to the king's lieutenant.

Montlue was one of those glorious Gascons who would always
much prefer to fight than eat. He was proud of the chevalier as
a Gascon, and he loved him as a friend. But the approbation
that he expressed in private, he did not venture openly to speak.

“You have done a famous thing, Monsieur De Gourgues, you
have saved the honor of France, and won immortal glory for
yourself; but the king's lieutenant must not say this to the king's
people. I praise God that you are a Gascon like myself, and no
race, I think, Monsieur De Gourgues, was ever quite so valiant as
our own; but my friend, I fear they do not love us any the better
that they have not the soul to rival us. I fear that the glory
thou hast won will bring thee to the halter only. Hearken, my
friend, Dominique, dost thou know that, at this very moment, thy

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vessel is pursued by a host of Spanish caravels? the winds rend
and the seas sink them to perdition! Thou knowest, how I hate,
and scorn, and spit upon the cut-throat scoundrels! Well!
That is not all. I tell thee, Dominique, my friend, there is a
courier already on his way to the ambassador of Spain, who will
demand thy head from our sovereign, that it may give pleasure
to his sovereign, the black-hearted and venomous Philip. What
would he with thy head, my friend? I tell thee, it is his wretched
selfishness that would take thy head—not that it may be useful to
him, but that it shall no longer be of use to thee! Was there
ever such a fool and monster! Thou shouldst keep thy head,
my friend, so long as thou hast a use for it thyself, even though
it ache thee many times after an unnecessary bottle!”

“Think'st thou, Montlue, that there is any danger that the
court of France will give ear to the king of Spain?”

“Give ear! Ay, give both ears, my friend! Our head is in
the lap of Spain already. She hath the shears with which she
shall clip the hair by which our strength is shorn; and, if she will,
me thinks, she may clip head as well as hair, when the humor
suits. It is not now, my friend, as when we fought against the
bloody dogs at Sienna, remembering only to outdo the famous
deeds of the stout men-at-arms that followed Bayard and La
Palisse in the generation gone before. Ah! Monsieur, thou wast
with me in those days. Thou rememberest, I trow, the famous
skirmish which we had before the little town of Sêve. But I will
read thee from my commentaries, which I have been writing in
imitation of Roman Cæsar, of the wonderful wars and sieges in
which I have fought, and in which I have evermore found most
delight.”

And he drew forth from his cabinet, as he spoke, the great

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volume of manuscripts, afterwards destined to become the famous
depository of his deeds.

“I have written like a Gascon, Monsieur De Gourgues, but let
none complain who is not able to do battle like a Gascon! He
who fights well, my friend, may surely be allowed the privilege of
showing how goodly were his deeds. I will read thee but a passage
from that famous skirmish at Sêve; not merely that thou
shouldst see the spirit of what I have written, and bear witness
to the truth, but that thou mayst find for thyself a fitting lesson
for thy own conduct in the straight which is before thee.”

Having found the passage, Montlue read as follows:

“As the Signior Francisco Bernardin and myself, who, for that
time were the Marshals of the camp, drew nigh to the place, and
were beginning to lodge the army, there sallied forth from fort,
and church, and trench, a matter of two or three hundred men,
who charged upon us with the greatest fury. I had with me at
that time, but the Captain Charry—a most brave captain, whom
thou must well remember—”

Gourgues nodded assent—

“—with fifty arquebusiers and a small body of horse.
Knowing this my weakness, the Baron de Chissy, our campmaster,
sent me a reinforcement of one hundred arquebusiers.
But my peril was such, that I sent to him straightway for other
help, telling him that we were already at it, and close upon the
encounter. At this very moment, Monsieur de Bonnivet, returning
post from court, and hearing of the fighting, said to the Baron
de Chissy, without alighting from his horse—

“`Do thou halt here till the Marechal shall arrive, and, meanwhile,
I will go and succor Monsieur de Montlue.'

“He was followed by certain captains and arquebusiers on

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horseback. We had but an instant for embrace when he arrived,
for the enemy were already charging our men.

“`You are welcome, Monsieur de Bonnivet,' I said to him
quickly; `but alight, and let us set upon these people, and beat
them back again into their fortress.'

“Whereupon, he and his followers instantly alighted, and he
said to me, `do you charge directly upon those, who would recover
the fort.'

“Which said, he clapped his buckler upon his arm, while I
caught up an halbert, for I ever (as thou knowest) loved to play
with that sort of cudgel. Then I said to Signior Francisco Bernardin—

“`Comrade, whilst we charge, do you continue to provide the
quarters.'

“But to this he answered—

“`And is that all the reckoning you make of the employment
the Marechal hath entrusted to our charge? If it must be
that you will fight thus—I will be a fool for company, and, once
in my life, play Gascon also.'

“So he alighted and went with me to the charge. He was armed
with very heavy weapons, and had, moreover, become unwieldy
from weight of years. This kept him from making such speed as
I. At such banquets, my body methought did not weigh an
ounce. I felt not that I touched the ground; and, for the pain of
my hip (greatly hurt as thou knowest by a fall at the taking of
Quiers) that was forgotten! I thus charged straightway upon
those by the trench upon one side, and Monsieur de Bonnivet did
as much upon his quarter; so that we thundered the rogues back
with such a vengeance, that I passed over the trench, pell-mell,
amidst the route, pursuing, smiting and slaying, all the way, till

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we reached the church! I never so laid about me before, or did
so much execution at any one time. Those within the church,
seeing their people in such disorder, and so miserably cut to
pieces, in a great terror, fled from the place, taking, in flight, a
little pathway that led along the rocky ledges of the mountain,
down into the town. In this route, one of my men caught hold
upon him who carried their ensign; but the fellow nimbly and
very bravely disengaged himself from him, and leapt into the path;
making for the town as fast as he could speed. I ran after him
also, but he was too quick even for me, as well he might be,—
for he had fear in both his heels!

Here Montlue paused, and closed the volume.

“It is enough that I have read; for thou wilt see the counsel
that I design for thee. It is not easy for thee to take it, being a
Gascon; but such it is, borrowed from the wisdom of that same
ensign. Thou sawest him scamper, for thou wert on that very
chase;—now, if thou wouldst save thy head from the affections
of the king of Spain, take fear in both thy heels, and run as nimbly
as that ensign.”

“Verily, it is not easy, Monsieur de Montlue, seeing that I
am conscious of no wrong, but rather of a great service done to
my country; and if my own king deliver me not up, wherefore
should I fear him of Spain.”

“That is it, my friend! Our king will, not from his own nature,
but from that of others, who love not this service to thy
country. The Queen-mother will deliver thee up, the Princes of
Lorraine will deliver thee up, and the devil will deliver thee up—
all having a great affection for the king of Spain—if thou trust not
the counsel of thy friends, and wilfully put thy head in one direction
where the wisdom of thy heels would show thee quite

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another. Hast thou forgotten that good proverb of the Italians,
which we heard so much read from their lips and honored in their
actions,—`No te fidar, et no serai inganato?' Above all, mon
ami
, trust nothing to thy hope, when it builds upon thy service
done to kings. It is a hope that has hung a thousand good fellows
who might be living to this day. Now, in counselling thee
to flight and secrecy, I counsel thee against my own pride and
pleasure. It would be a great delight to me to have thee near
me, while I read thee all mine history;—the beginning, even to
the end thereof;—the thousand sieges, battles and achievements,
in which I have shown good example to the young valor of
France, and made the Gascon name famous throughout the
world.”

The heart of the Chevalier Gourgues was not persuaded. He
could not believe that his good deeds for his country's good and
honor, would meet with ill-return and disgrace.

“The king will do me justice.”

“Verily, should he even give thee to him of Spain, or hang
thee himself, they will call it by no other name,” answered
the other drily.

“But the baseness and the cowardice of flight! This confiding
one's courage and counsel to one's heels, Montlue!”

“Is wisdom, as thou shouldst know from the story of Achilles.
Verily, it requires that the secret meaning of this vulnerableness
of the heel on the part of the son of Thetis, is neither more nor
less than that he was a monstrous coward—that he would have
been the bravest man of the world, but for the weakness that
always made him fly from danger. It was in the form of allegory
that the satirical poet stigmatised a man in authority. You see
nothing in the treatment of Hector by Achilles, but what will

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confirm this opinion. He will not fight with him himself, but
makes his myrmidons do so. What is this, but the case of one
of our own plumed and scented nobles, who procures his foe,
whom he fears, to be murdered by the Biscayan bully whom he
buys?—But, let me read thee a passage from my commentaries
bearing very much upon this history.”

We need not listen to this passage. The reader will find it,
with other good things, in the huge tome of the braggart, and
garrulous, but very shrewd and valiant old Gascon. Enough to say,
that this counsel did not prevail with his friend. Gourgues determined
to persevere in his original intention of presenting himself
at court. His reasons for this resolution were probably not altogether
shown to Montlue. Gourgues was a bankrupt, and
needed employment. His expedition had absorbed his little
fortune, and left him a debtor, without the means of repayment.
With the highest reputation as a captain, by land and sea,—and
with his name honored by the sentiment of the nation, which was
not permitted to applaud,—he still fondly hoped that his friend
had mistaken his position, and that he should be honored and
welcomed to the favor and service of his sovereign. He was one
of those to hope against hope.

“As thou wilt! Unbolt the door for the man who is wilful.
If thy resolution be taken, I say no more. But thou shalt have
letters to the Court, and if the words of an old friend and brother
in arms may do thee good, thou shalt have the sign-manual of
Montlue, to as many missives as it shall please thee to despatch.”

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The letters were written; and, with a full narrative of his expedition
prepared, the Chevalier de Gourgues made his appearance
at court. He had anticipated the ambassador of Spain; but he
was received coldly. The Queen Mother, and the Princes of
Lorraine, with all who worshipped at their altars, turned their
backs upon the heroic enthusiast. The king forebore to smile.
In his secret heart, he really rejoiced in the vengeance taken by
his subject upon the Spaniards, but he was not in a situation to
declare his true sentiments. Meanwhile, the Spanish ambassador
demanded the offender, and set a price upon his head. The
Queen Mother and her associates denounced him. A process
was initiated to hold him responsible, in his life, for an enterprise
undertaken without authority against the subjects of a monarch
in alliance with France; and our chevalier was compelled to hide
from the storm which he dared not openly encounter. For a
long time he lay concealed in Rouen, at the house of the
President de Marigny, and with other ancient friends. In this
situation, the Queen of England, Elizabeth, made him overtures,
and offered him employment in her service; but the tardy grace
of his own monarch, at length, enabled him to decline the appointments
of another and a hostile sovereign. But, nevertheless,
though admitted to mercy by the king of France, he was left
without employment. Fortune, in the end, appeared to smile.
Don Antonio, of Portugal, offered him the command of a fleet
which he had armed with the view to sustaining his right to the
crown of that country, which Philip of Spain was preparing to
usurp. Gourgues embraced the offer with delight. It promised
him employment in a familiar field, and against the enemy whom
he regarded with an immortal hate; but the Fates forbade that
he should longer listen to the plea of revenge. While preparing

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to render himself to the Portuguese prince, he fell ill at Tours,
where he died, universally regretted, and with the reputation of
being one of the most valiant and able captains of the day—
equally capable as a commander of an army and a fleet. We
cannot qualify our praise of this remarkable man by giving heed
to the moral doubts which would seek to impair the glory, not
only of the most remarkable event of his life, but of the century
in which he lived. We owe it to his memory to write upon his
monument, that his crimes, if his warfare upon the Spaniards
shall be so considered, were committed in the cause of humanity!

Our chronicle is ended. The expedition of Dominique de
Gourgues concludes the history of the colonies of France in the
forests of the Floridian.

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p373-480
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Simms, William Gilmore, 1806-1870 [1850], The lily and the totem, or, The Huguenots in Florida: a series of sketches, picturesque and historical, of the colonies of Coligni, in North America, 1562-1570 (Baker & Scribner, New York) [word count] [eaf373].
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