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Edmond Malone [1780], Supplement to the edition of Shakspeare's plays published in 1778 By Samuel Johnson and George Steevens. In two volumes. Containing additional observations by several of the former commentators: to which are subjoined the genuine poems of the same author, and seven plays that have been ascribed to him; with notes By the editor and others (Printed for C. Bathurst [and] W. Strahan [etc.], London) [word count] [S10911].

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APPENDIX. 10911C07

Vol. I. Preface, p. 10. l. 9. For alterations of exhibition—read—alternations of exhibition. Johnson. 10911C08

Ibid. p. 41. l. 12. For their negligence—read—the negligence. Johnson. 10911C09

Vol. I. p. 158. Even as one heat another heat expels,
Or as one nail by strength drives out another,
So the remembrance of my former love
Is by a newer object quite forgotten.]

Our author seems here to have remembered The Tragicall Hystory of Romeus and Juliet, 1562:

“And as out of a planke a nayle a nayle doth drive,
“So novel love out of the minde the auncient love doth rive.”

So also in Coriolanus:

“One fire drives out one fire; one nail one nail.” Malone. 10911C10

Vol. II. p. 527. After Dr. Warburton's note.]

It is generally agreed, I believe, that this long note of Dr. Warburton's is, at least, very much misplaced. There is not a single passage in the character of Armado, that has the least relation to any story in any romance of chivalry. With what propriety therefore a dissertation upon the origin and nature of those romances is here introduced, I cannot see; and I should humbly advise the next editor of Shakspeare to omit it. That he may have the less scruple upon that head, I shall take this opportunity of throwing out a few remarks, which, I think, will be sufficient to shew, that the learned writer's hypothesis was formed upon a very hasty and imperfect view of the subject.

At setting out, in order to give a greater value to the information which is to follow, he tells us, that no other writer has given any tolerable account of this matter; and particularly— “that Monsieur Huet, the bishop of Avranches, who

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wrote a formal Treatise of the Origin of Romances, has said little or nothing of these [books of chivalry] in that superficial work.”—The fact is true, that Monsieur Huet has said very little of Romances of chivalry; but the imputation, with which Dr. W. procedes to load him, of—“putting the change upon his reader,” and “dropping his proper subject” for another, “that had no relation to it more than in the name,” is unfounded.

It appears plainly from Huet's introductory address to De Segrais, that his object was to give some account of those romances which were then popular in France, such as the Astrée of D'Urfè, the Grand Cyrus of De Scuderi &c. He defines the Romances of which he means to treat, to be “fictions des avantures amoureuses;” and he excludes epic poems from the number, because—“Enfin les poëmes ont pour sujet une action militaire ou politique, et ne traitent d'amour que par occasion; les Romans au contraire ont l'amour pour sujet principal, et ne traitent la politique et la guerre que par incident. Je parle des Romans réguliers; car la plûpart des vieux Romans François, Italiens, et Espagnols sont bien moins amoureux que militaires.” After this declaration, surely no one has a right to complain of the author for not treating more at large of the old romances of chivalry, or to stigmatise his work as superficial, upon account of that omission. I shall have occasion to remark below, that Dr. W. who, in turning over this superficial work, (as he is pleased to call it,) seems to have shut his eyes against every ray of good sense and just observation, has condescended to borrow from it a very gross mistake.

Dr. W.'s own positions, to the support of which his subsequent facts and arguments might be expected to apply, are two; 1. That Romances of chivalry being of Spanish original, the heroes and the scene were generally of that country; 2. That the subject of these romances were the crusades of the European Christians against the Saracens of Asia and Africa. The first position, being complicated, should be divided into the two following; 1. That romances of chivalry were of Spanish original; 2. That the heroes and the scene of them were generally of that country.

Here are therefore three positions, to which I shall say a few words in their order; but I think it proper to premise a sort of definition of a Romance of Chivalry. If Dr. W. had done the same, he must have seen the hazard of systematizing in a subject of such extent, upon a cursory perusal

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of a few modern books, which indeed ought not to have been quoted in the discussion of a question of antiquity.

A romance of chivalry therefore, according to my notion, is any fabulous narration, in verse or prose, in which the principal characters are knights, conducting themselves, in their several situations and adventures, agreeably to the institutions and customs of chivalry. Whatever names the characters may bear, whether historical or fictitious; and in whatever country, or age, the scene of the action may be laid, if the actors are represented as knights, I should call such a fable a Romance of Chivalry.

I am not aware that this definition is more comprehensive than it ought to be: but, let it be narrowed ever so much; let any other be substituted in its room; Dr. W.'s first position, that romances of chivalry were of Spanish original, cannot be maintained. Monsieur Huet would have taught him better. He says very truly, that “les plus vieux,” of the Spanish romances, “sont posterieurs à nos Tristans et à nos Lancelots, de quelques centaines d'années.” Indeed the fact is indisputable. Cervantes, in a passage quoted by Dr. W. speaks of Amadis de Gaula (the first four books) as the first book of chivalry printed in Spain. Though he says only printed, it is plain that he means written. And indeed there is no good reason to believe that Amadis was written long before it was printed. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon a system, which places the original of romances of chivalry in a nation, which has none to produce older than the art of printing.

Dr. W.'s second position, that the heroes and the scene of these romances were generally of the country of Spain, is as unfortunate as the former. Whoever will take the second volume of Du Fresnoy's Bibliotheque des Romans, and look over his lists of Romans de Chevalerie, will see that not one of the celebrated heroes of the old romances was a Spaniard. With respect to the general scene of such irregular and capricious fictions, the writers of which were used, literally, to “give to airy nothing, a local habitation and a name,” I am sensible of the impropriety of asserting any thing positively, without an accurate examination of many more of them than have fallen in my way. I think, however, I might venture to assert, in direct contradiction to Dr. W. that the scene of them was not generally in Spain. My own notion is, that it was very rarely there; except in those few romances which treat expressly of the affair at Roncesvalles.

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His last position, that the subject of these romances were the crusades of the European Christians, against the Saracens of Asia and Africa, might be admitted with a small amendment. If it stood thus; the subject of some, or a few, of these romances were the crusades, &c. the position would have been incontrovertible; but then it would not have been either new, or fit to support a system.

After this state of Dr. W.'s hypothesis, one must be curious to see what he himself has offered in proof of it. Upon the two first positions he says not one word: I suppose he intended that they should be received as axioms. He begins his illustration of his third position, by repeating it (with a little change of terms, for a reason which will appear). “Indeed the wars of the Christians against the Pagans were the general subject of the romances of chivalry. They all seem to have had their ground-work in two fabulous monkish historians, the one, who, under the name of Turpin, archbishop of Rheims, wrote the History and Atchievements of Charlemagne and his twelve Peers;—the other, our Geoffry of Monmouth.” Here we see the reason for changing the terms of crusades and Saracens into wars and Pagans; for, though the expedition of Charles into Spain, as related by the Pseudo-Turpin, might be called a crusade against the Saracens, yet, unluckily, our Geoffry has nothing like a crusade, nor a single Saracen in his whole history; which indeed ends before Mahomet was born. I must observe too, that the speaking of Turpin's history under the title of “the History of the Atchievements of Charlemagne and his twelve Peers,” is inaccurate and unscholarlike, as the fiction of a limited number of twelve peers is of a much later date than that history.

However, the ground-work of the romances of chivalry being thus marked out and determined, one might naturally expect some account of the first builders and their edifices; but instead of that we have a digression upon Oliver and Roland, in which an attempt is made to say something of those two famous characters, not from the old romances, but from Shakspeare, and Don Quixote, and some modern Spanish romances. My learned friend, the dean of Carlisle, has taken notice of the strange mistake of Dr. W. in supposing that the feats of Oliver were recorded under the name of Palmerin de Oliva; a mistake, into which no one could have fallen, who had read the first page of the book. And I very much suspect that there is a mistake, though of less magnitude,

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in the assertion, that, “in the Spanish romance of Bernardo del Carpio; and in that of Roncesvalles, the feats of Roland are recorded under the name of Roldan el Encantador.” Dr. W.'s authority for this assertion was, I apprehend, the following passage of Cervantes, in the first chapter of Don Quixote. “Mejor estava con Bernardo del Carpio porque en Roncesvalles avia muerto à Roldan el Encantado, valiendose de la industria de Hercules, quando ahogò à Anteon el hijo de la Turra entre los braços.” Where it is observable, that Cervantes does not appear to speak of more than one romance; be calls Roldan el encantado, and not el encantador; and moreover the word encantado is not to be understood as an addition to Roldan's name, but merely as a participle, expressing that he was enchanted, or made invulnerable by enchantment.

But this is a small matter. And perhaps encantador may be an error of the press for encantado. From this digression Dr. W. returns to the subject of the old romances in the following manner. “This driving the Saracens out of France and Spain, was, as we say, the subject of the elder romances. And the first that was printed in Spain was the famous Amadis de Gaula.” According to all common rules of construction, I think the latter sentence must be understood to imply, that Amadis de Gaula was one of the elder romances, and that the subject of it was the driving of the Saracens out of France or Spain; whereas, for the reasons already given, Amadis, in comparison with many other romances, must be considered as a very modern one; and the subject of it has not the least connexion with any driving of the Saracens whatsoever.—But what follows is still more extraordinary. “When this subject was well exhausted, the affairs of Europe afforded them another of the same nature. For after that the western parts had pretty well cleared themselves of these inhospitable guests: by the excitements of the popes, they carried their arms against them into Greece and Asia, to support the Byzantine empire, and recover the holy sepulchre. This gave birth to a new tribe of romances, which we may call of the second race or class. And as Amadis de Gaula was at the head of the first, so, correspondently to the subject, Amadis de Græcia was at the head of the latter.”—It is impossible, I apprehend, to refer this subject to any antecedent but that in the paragraph last quoted, viz. the driving of the Saracens out of France and Spain. So that, according to one part of the hypothesis here laid down, the subject of the driving of the Saracens out of France and Spain, was

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well exhausted by the old romances (with Amadis de Gaula at the head of them) before the Crusades; the first of which is generally placed in the year 1095: and, according to the latter part, the Crusades happened in the interval between Amadis de Gaula, and Amadis de Græcia; a space of twenty, thirty, or at most fifty years, to be reckoned backwards from the year 1532, in which year an edition of Amadis de Græcia is mentioned by Du Fresnoy. What induced Dr. W. to place Amadis de Græcia at the head of his second race or class of romances, I cannot guess. The fact is, that Amadis de Græcia is no more concerned in supporting the Byzantine empire, and recovering the holy sepulchre, than Amadis de Gaula in driving the Saracens out of France and Spain. And a still more pleasant circumstance is, that Amadis de Græcia, through more than nine tenths of his history, is himself a declared Pagan.

And here ends Dr. W.'s account of the old romances of chivalry, which he supposes to have had their ground-work in Turpin's history. Before he proceeds to the others, which had their ground-work in our Geoffry, he interposes a curious solution of a puzzling question concerning the origin of lying in romances.—“Nor were the monstrous embellishments of enchantments, &c. the invention of the romancers, but formed upon eastern tales, brought thence by travellers from their crusades and pilgrimages; which indeed have a cast peculiar to the wild imaginations of the eastern people. We have a proof of this in the Travels of Sir J. Maundevile.”—He then gives us a story of an enchanted dragon in the isle of Cos, from Sir J. Maundevile, who wrote his Travels in 1356; by way of proof, that the tales of enchantments &c. which had been current here in romances of chivalry for above two hundred years before, were brought by travellers from the East! The proof is certainly not conclusive. On the other hand, I believe it would be easy to shew, that, at the time when romances of chivalry began, our Europe had a very sufficient stock of lies of her own growth, to furnish materials for every variety of monstrous embellishment. At most times, I conceive, and in most countries, imported lies are rather for luxury than necessity.

Dr. W. comes now to that other ground-work of the old romances, our Geoffry of Monmouth. And him he dispatches very shortly, because, as has been observed before, it is impossible to find any thing in him to the purpose of crusades or Saracens. Indeed, in treating of Spanish romances,

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it must be quite unnecessary to say much of Geoffry, as, whatever they have of “the British Arthur and his conjurer Merlin,” is of so late a fabrick, that, in all probability, they took it from the more modern Italian romances, and not from Geoffry's own book. As to the doubt, “whether it was by blunder or design that they changed the Saxons into Saracens,” I should wish to postpone the consideration of it, till we have some Spanish romance before us, in which king Arthur is introduced carrying on a war against Saracens.

And thus, I think, I have gone through the several facts and arguments, which Dr. W. has advanced in support of his third position. In support of his two first positions, as I have observed already, he has said nothing; and indeed nothing can be said. The remainder of his note contains another hypothesis concerning the strange jumble of nonsense and religion in the old romances, which I shall not examine. The reader, I presume, by this time is well aware, that Dr. W.'s information upon this subject is to be received with caution. I shall only take a little notice of one or two facts, with which he sets out.—“In these old romances there was much religious superstition mixed with their other extravagancies; as appears even from their very names and titles. The first romance of Lancelot of the Lake and King Arthur and his Knights, is called the History of Saint Graal.—So another is called Kyrie eleison of Montauban. For in those days Deuteronomy and Paralipomenon were supposed to be the names of holy men.”—I believe no one, who has ever looked even into the common romance of king Arthur, will be of opinion, that the part relating to the Saint Graal was the first romance of Lancelot of the Lake and King Arthur and his Knights. And as to the other supposed to be called Kyrie eleison of Montauban, there is no reason to believe that any romance with that title ever existed. This is the mistake, which, as was hinted above, Dr W. appears to have borrowed from Huet. The reader will judge. Huet is giving an account of the romances in Don Quixote's library, which the curate and barber saved from the flames.—“Ceux qu' ils jugent dignes d' etre gardez sont les quatre livres d' Amadis de Gaule,—Palmerin d' Angleterre, —Don Belianis; le miroir de chevalerie; Tirante le Blanc, et Kyrie éleison de Montauban (car au bon vieux temps on croyoit que Kyrie éleison et Paralipomenon etoient les noms de quelques saints) où les subtilitez de la Damoiselle Plaisir-de-ma-vie, et les tromperies de la Veuve reposée, sont fort louées.”—It is plain, I think, that Dr. W. copied what

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he says of Kyrie eleison of Montauban, as well as the witticism in his last sentence, from this passage of Huet, though he has improved upon his original by introducing a saint Deuteronomy, upon what authority I know not. It is still more evident (from the passage of Cervantes, which is quoted below* ^note

) that Huet was mistaken in supposing Kyrie eleison de Montauban to be the name of a separate romance. He might as well have made La Damoiselle Plaisir-de-ma-vie and La Veuve reposée the names of separate romances. All three are merely characters in the romance of Tirante le Blanc.—And so much for Dr. W.'s account of the origin and nature of romances of chivalry.

Tyrwhitt.

No future editor of Shakspeare will, I believe, readily consent to omit the dissertation here referred to. Mr. Tyrwhitt's judicious observations upon it have given it a value which it certainly had not before; and I think I may venture to foretel, that this futile performance, like the pismire which Martial tells us was accidentally incrusted with amber, will be ever preserved, for the sake of the admirable comment in which it is now inlaid:

“&lblank; quæe fuerat vitâ contempta manente,
“Funeribus facta est nunc pretiosa suis.” Malone. 10911C11

Vol. IV. p. 519. After Johnson's note.] Their is probably the true reading, the same expression being found in Romeus and Juliet, 1562, a poem which Shakspeare had certainly read:
“There were two ancient stocks, which Fortune high did place
“Above the rest, endew'd with wealth, the nobler of their race.” Malone.

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10911C12

Vol. V. p. 182. After Farmer's note.]

It is probable, I think, that the play which Sir Gilly Merick procured to be represented, bore the title of Henry IV. and not of Richard II.

Camden calls it—“exoletam tragediam de tragicâ abdicatione regis Richardi secundi;” and lord Bacon (in his account of The Effect of that which passed at the arraignment of Merick and others) says, “That, the afternoon before the rebellion, Merick had procured to be played before them, the play of deposing King Richard the Second.” But in a more particular account of the proceeding against Merick, which is printed in the State Trials, vol. VII. p. 60. the matter is stated thus: that “the story of Henry IV being set forth in a play, and in that play there being set forth the killing of the king upon a stage; the Friday before, Sir Gilly Merrick and some others of the earl's train having an humour to see a play, they must needs have the play of Henry IV. The players told them, that was stale; they should get nothing by playing that; but no play else would serve: and Sir Gilly Merrick gives forty shillings to Philips the player to play this, besides whatsoever he could get.”

Augustine Philippes was one of the patentees of the Globe play-house with Shakspeare in 1603; but the play here described was certainly not Shakspeare's Henry IV, as that commences above a year after the death of Richard.

Tyrwhitt. 10911C13

Ibid. p. 454. At the end of note ⁷.] I have lately observed that Dumbleton is the name of a town in Gloucestershire. The reading of the folio is therefore probably the true one. Steevens. 10911C14

Vol. VII. p. 73. My heart is in the coffin there with Cæsar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.] Perhaps our author recollected the following passage in Daniel's Cleopatra, 1593:
“As for my love, say, Antony hath all;
“Say that my heart is gone into the grave
“With him, in whom it rests, and ever shall.” Malone. 10911C15

Ibid. p. 324. l. 28. For revisal of the play—read—revival of the play. Johnson.

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10911C16

Ibid. p. 491. He sits in his state as a thing made for Alexander.] His state means his chair of state. Malone. 10911C17

Vol. X. p. 348. Come, my coach—good night, ladies; good night.] In Marlowe's Tamburlaine, 1591, Zabina in her frenzy uses the same expression:
“Hell make ready my coach, my chair, my jewels. I come, I come.” Malone. 10911C18

Ibid. p. 438. At this odd-even and dull watch of night.] Perhaps midnight is styled the odd-even time of night, because it is usually the hour of sleep, which, like death, levels all distinctions, and reduces all mankind, however discriminated, to equality. So, in Measure for Measure:
“&lblank; yet death we fear,
“That makes these odds all even.” Malone. 10911C19

Ibid. p. 523. They are close delations, working from the heart,
That passion cannot rule.]

This reading is so much more elegant than the former, that one cannot help wishing it to be right.—But delations sounds to me too classical to have been used by Shakspeare.

The old reading—close dilations (in the sense of secret expositions of the mind) is authorized by a book of that age, which our author is known to have read:—“After all this foul weather follows a calm dilatement of others' too forward harmfulness.”—Rosalynde or Euphues golden Legacie, by Thomas Lodge, 1592.

Malone. 10911C20

Ibid. p. 546. Yield up, O Love, thy crown and hearted throne &lblank;] A passage in Twelfth Night fully supports the reading of the text, and Dr. Johnson's explanation of it:
“It gives a very echo to the seat
“Where Love is thron'd.” Malone. ^note

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^note ^note

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^note

^note

^note

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^note ^note ^note

I* ^note.

The Licence for acting granted by king Charles I. to John Hemminge and his associates, extracted from Rymer's Fædera.

Ann. D. 1625. Pat I. Car. I. p. 1. n. 5. De Concessione Specialis Licentie Johanni Hemings et aliis. Charles by the grace of God, &c. To all justices,

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maiors, sherriffes, constables, head boroughes and other our officers and loveing subjects, greeting. Knowe yee that wee, of our speciall grace, certayne knowledge and meere motion, have licenced and authorized, and by these presents do licence and authorize, these our welbeloved servants, John Hemings, Henry Condall, John Lewen, Joseph Taylor, Richard Robinson, Robert Benefield, John Shank, William Rowley, John Rice, Elliart Swanston, George Birch, Richard Sharp, and Thomas Pollard, and the rest of their associates, freely to use and exercise the art and facultye of playing comedies, tragedies, histories, enterludes, morralls, pastoralls, stage-playes, and such other like as they have already studied or hereafter shall use or study, as well for the recreation of our loveing subjects, as for our sollace and pleasure, when we shall think good to see them, dureing our pleasure; and the said comedies, tragedies, histories, enterludes, morrals, pastorals, stage-playes, and such like to showe and exercise publiquely or otherwise to their best comoditie, when the infection of the plague shall not weekely exceede the number of forty by the certificate of the lord mayor of London for the time being, as well within these two theire most usual houses called the Globe within our county of Surrey, and their private houses scituate within the precinct of the Black Fryers within our citty of London, as alsoe within any townehalls or moutehalls or other convenient places within the liberties and freedome of any other citty, university, towne, or borrough whatsoever, within our said realmes and dominions; willing and commanding you and every of you and all other our loving subjects, as you tender our pleasure, not onely to permitt and suffer them herein without any your letts, hinderances, or molestations, dureing our said pleasure, but alsoe to be aydeing and assisting to them, if any wrong be to them offered, and to allowe them such former curtesies as hath been given to men of their place and quality. And alsoe what further favour you shall shew to these our servants, and the rest of their associats for our sakes, we shall take kindly at your hands.

In witnes &c.

Witnes our selfe at Westmynster the foure and twentith day of June.

Per breve de privato sigillo &c.

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II* ^note. Whereas by virtue of his majestie's patents bearing date the 16th of June 1625, made and graunted in confirmation of diverse warrants and privy seales unto you formerly directed in the time of our late sovereign king James, you are authorized (amongst other things) to make payment for playes acted before his majesty. Theis are to pray and require you out of his Majestie's Treasure remaining in your charge, to pay or cause to be payed unto John Hemings† ^note, John Lowen and Joseph Taylor, or to any one of them, in behalfe of themselves and the rest of his majestie's servants the players of their company, the sum of 100£. being after the rate of ten pounds a play, (viz. twenty nobles for their charges, and five marks by way of reward) for tenne playes by them acted before his majestie at several times betweene Michaelmas last 1627, and the last of Jan. next following, the names whereof, as also the times when they were acted, more particularly appeare by the annexed schedule. For the payment of which said summe unto the partyes abovenamed or to any one of them, theis together with the acquittance of them or any one of them shall be your warrant. Whitehall. 10th of April, 1628.

III. A warrant for payment of 160£. unto John Hemings &c. for 16 playes acted before his majesty betweene Christmas and Candlemas 1628. Signed, the 29th of Feb. 1628–9.

IV. A warrant for payment of ten pounds unto John Hemings, for a play called The Lovesick Maid, acted before his majesty on Easter Monday.—Signed, May 6. 1629.

V. These are to signifye unto your lordship his majestie's pleasure, that you cause to be delivered unto his majestie's players whose names follow, viz. John Hemmings, John Lowen, Joseph Taylor, Richard Robinson, John Shank, Robert

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Benfield, Richard Sharp, Eliard Swanson, Thomas Pollard, Anthony Smith, Thomas Hobbes, William Pen, George Vernon and James Horne, to each of them the several allowance of foure yardes of bastarde skarlet for a cloake, and a quarter of a yard of crimson velvet for the capes, it being the usual allowance graunted unto them by his majesty every second yeare, and due at Easter last past. For the doing whereof theis shall bee your warrant. May 6th 1629.

VI.

Whereas by virtue of his majestie's letters patent bearing date the 16th of June, 1625, made and graunted in confirmation of diverse warrants and privy seales unto you formerly directed in the time of our late soveraigne king James, you are authorized (amongst other things) to make payment for playes acted before his majesty and the queene. Theis are to pray and require you out of his majesty's treasure in your charge, to pay or cause to be payed unto John Lowing in the behalfe of himselfe and the rest of the company his majesty's players, the sum of two hundred and sixty pounds; that is to say twenty pounds apiece for foure playes acted at Hampton Court, in respect and consideratien of the travaile and expence of the whole company in dyet and lodging during the time of their attendance there; and the like somme of twenty pounds for one other play which was acted in the day time at Whitehall, by meanes whereof the players lost the benefit of their house for that day; and ten pounds apiece for fifteen other playes acted before his majesty at Whitehall:—amounting in all unto the sum of two hundred and sixty pounds for one and twenty playes his majestie's servaunts acted before his majestie and the queene at severall times, between the 30th of Sep. and the 21st of Feb. last past. As it may appeare by the annexed schedule* ^note

And theis &c. March 17. 1630–1.

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VII. A warrant for payment of 120£. unto John Lowing, Joseph Taylor, and Eliard Swanson, for themselves and the rest of their fellowes his majestie's comedians, for eleven playes (one whereof at Hampton Court) by them acted before his majestye at Christmas, 1631.—Feb. 22. 1631–2.

VIII.

Whereas the late decease, infirmity, and sickness of diverse principal actors of his majestie's company of players hath much decayed and weakened them; so that they are disabled to doe his majesty service in their quality, unless there be some speedy order taken to supply and furnish them with a convenient number of new actors. His majesty having taken notice thereof, and signified his royal pleasure unto mee therein, Theis are to will and require you, and in his majestie's name straitly to charge, command and authorize you and either of you, to choose, receave, and take into your company any such actor or actors belonging to any of the licensed companies within and about the city of London, as you shall think fit and able to doe his majestie service in that kind. Herein you may not fayle. And this shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf. Court at Whitehall, the 6th of May, 1633.

To John Lowen and Joseph Taylor, two of the company of his majestie's players.

IX* ^note.

Whereas William Pen, Thomas Hobbes, William Trigg, William Patrick, Richard Baxter, Alexander Gough, William Hart† ^note, and Richard Hawley, together with ten more or thereabouts of their fellows, his majestie's comedians and of the regular company of players in the Blackfryers London, are commaunded to attend his majesty, and be nigh about the court this summer progress, in readiness, when

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they shall be called upon to act before his majestie: for the better enabling and encouraging them whereunto, his majesty is graciously pleased that they shall, as well before his majestie's setting forth on his maine progresse, as in all that time, and after, till they shall have occasion to returne homewards, have all freedome and liberty to repayre unto all towns corporate, mercate townes, and other where they shall thinke fitt, and there in their common halls, mootehalls, school-houses or other convenient roomes, act playes, comedyes, and interludes, without any lett, hinderance, or molestation whatsoever (behaving themselves civilly). And herein it is his majestie's pleasure, and he does expect, that in all places where they come, they be treated and entertayned with such due respect and courtesie as may become his majestie's loyal and loving subjects towards his servants. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seale at arms. Dated at Whitehall the 17th of May, 1636.

To all Mayors, &c.

P. and M.

After my hearty commendations.—Whereas complaint was heretofore presented to my dear brother and predecessor, by his majestie's servants the players, that some of the company of printers and stationers had procured, published, and printed diverse of their books of comedyes and tragedyes, chronicle historyes, and the like, which they had (for the special service of his majestye and for their own use) bought and provided at very dear and high rates. By meanes whereof, not only they themselves had much prejudice, but the books much corruption, to the injury and disgrace of the authors. And thereupon the master and wardens of the company of printers and stationers were advised by my brother to take notice thereof, and to take order for the stay of any further impression of any of the playes or interludes of his majestie's servants without their consents; which being a caution given with such respect, and grounded on such weighty reasons, both for his majestie's service and the particular interest of the players, and soe agreeable to common justice and that indifferent measure which every man would look for in his own particular, it might have been presumed that they would have needed no further order or direction in the business: notwithstanding which, I am informed that some copies of playes belonging to the king and queene's servants, the players, and purchased by them at dear rates, having beene lately stollen or gotten from them by indirect

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means, are now attempted to be printed, and that some of them are at the press, and ready to be printed, which if it should be suffered, would directly tend to their apparent detriment and great prejudice, and to the disenabling them to do their majesties' service: for prevention and redresse whereof, it is desired that order be given and entered by the master and wardens of the company of printers and stationers, that if any playes be already entered, or shall hereafter be brought unto the hall to be entered for printing, that notice thereof be given to the king and queene's servants, the players, and an enquiry made of them to whom they do belong; and that none bee suffered to be printed untill the assent of their majesties' said servants be made appear to the Master and Wardens of the company of printers and stationers, by some certificate in writing under the hands of John Lowen, and Joseph Taylor, for the king's servants, and of Christopher Beeston for the king and queene's young company, or of such other persons as shall from time to time have the direction of these companies, which is a course that can be hurtfull unto none but such as are about unjustly to peravayle themselves of others' goods, without respect of order or good government, which I am confident you will be careful to avoyd; and therefore I recommend it to your special care. And if you shall have need of any further authority or power either from his majestye or the counsell-table, the better to enable you in the execution thereof, upon notice given to mee either by yourselves or the players, I will endeavour to apply that further remedy thereto which shall be requisite. And soe I bidd you very heartily farewell, and rest

Your loving friend,
P. and M.

June 10. 1637.

To the Master and Wardens of the Company of Printers and Stationers.

XI. Whereas by virtue of his majestie's letters patents, bearing date the 16th of June 1625, made and graunted &c. Forasmuch as his majestie's servants, the company at the Blackfryers, have by special command at diverse times within the space of this present yeare 1638, acted twenty sower playes before his majesty, &c. six whereof have beene performed at Hampton Court and Richmond, by meanes whereof, they were not only at the losse of their daye at home, but at extraordinary charges by travayling and carriage of their goods; in consideration whereof they are to

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have 20£. a piece for those playes, and ten pounds a piece for the other eighteen acted at Whitehall, which in the whole amounts to the summe of three hundred pounds. Theis are therefore to pray and require you to pay or cause to be payd unto John Lowen, Joseph Taylor, and Eillarde Swanston, or any of them, for themselves and the rest of the aforesayd company of his majestie's players, the sayd summe of three hundred pounds for acting the aforementioned twenty-four playes. And theis &c. March 12. 1638.

XII. Whereas William Bieston gent. governor of the king's and queene's young company of players at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, has represented unto his majesty, that the severall playes hereafter mentioned (viz.) Wit without Money: The Night-Walkers: The Knight of the Burning Pestle: Father's owne Sonne: Cupid's Revenge: The Bondman; The Renegado: A new Way to pay Debts: The great Duke of Florence: The Maid of Honour: The Traytor: The Example: The Young Admiral: The Opportunity: A witty fayre One: Love's Cruelty: The Wedding: The Maid's Revenge: The Lady of Pleasure: The Schoole of Complement: The grateful Servant: The Coronation: Hide Parke: Philip Chabot, Admiral of France: A Mad Couple well met: All's lost by Lust: The Changeling: A fayre Quarrel: The Spanish Gipsie: The World: The Sunne's Darling: Love's Sacrifice: 'Tis pity shee's a Whore: George a Greene: Love's Mistress: The Cunning Lovers: The Rape of Lucrece: A Trick to cheat the Divell: A Foole and her Maydenhead soone parted: King John and Matilda: A City Night-cap: The Bloody Banquet: Cupid's Revenge: The conceited Duke: and, Appius and Virginia, doe all and every of them properly and of right belong to the sayd house, and consequently that they are all in his propriety. And to the end that any other companies of actors in or about London shall not presume to act any of them to the prejudice of him the sayd William Bieston and his company, his majesty hath signifyed his royal pleasure unto mee, thereby requiring mee to declare soe much to all other companies of actors hereby concernable; that they are not any wayes to intermeddle with or act any of the above-mentioned playes. Whereof I require all masters and governours of playhouses, and all others whom it may concerne, to take notice, and to forbeare to impeach the sayd William Bieston in the premises,

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as they tender his majestie's displeasure, and will answer the contempt. Given &c. Aug. 10. 1639* ^note.

XIII.

A warrant for payment of 230£. unto John Lowen, Joseph Taylor, and Eillard Swanston, for himself and the rest of the company of the players &c. for one and twenty plays acted before their majesties, (whereof two at Richmond) for which they are allowed 20£. a-peece; and for the rest 10£. a-peece, all these being acted between the 6th of August 1639, and the 11th of Feb. following.

Signed April 4. 1640.

XIV.

The Licence for erecting a Theatre, granted by King Charles I. to William Davenant; extracted from Rymer's Fœdera. An. D. 1639. Pat. 15 Car. I. p. 22. n. 18.

De licentia erigendi theatrum concessa Willielmo Davenant.

Charles by the grace of God, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.

Know ye, that we of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion, and upon the humble petition of our servant William Davenant, gentleman, have given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, full power, licence, and authority, that he, they, and every of them, by him and themselves, and by all and every such person and persons as he or they shall depute or appoint, and his and their labourers, servants and workmen, shall and may, lawfully, quietly and peaceably, frame, erect, new-build, and set up, upon a parcel of ground lying near unto or behind the Three Kings Ordinary in Fleet Street, in the parishes of Saint Dunstan's in the West London, or in Saint Bride's London, or in either of them; or in any other ground in or about that place, or in the whole street aforesaid, already allotted to him for that use, or in any other place, that is or hereafter shall be assigned and allotted out to the said William Davenant, by our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin and counsellor, Thomas Earl of Arundel and

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Surrey, Earl Marshal of England, or any other our commissioners for building for the time being in that behalf, a theatre or play-house, with necessary tiring and retiring rooms and other places convenient, containing in the whole forty yards square at the most, wherein plays, musical entertainments, scenes, or other the like presentments, may be presented.

And we do hereby for us, our heirs and successors, grant to the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors administrators and assigns, that it shall and may be lawful to and for him the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, from time to time to gather together, entertain, govern, privilege and keep such and so many players, to exercise action, musical presentments, scenes, dancing, and the like, as he the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, shall think fit and approve for the said house, and such persons to permit and continue, at and during the pleasure of the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, from time to time to act plays in such house so to be by him or them erected, and exercise musick, musical presentments, scenes, dancing, or other the like, at the same or other hours or times, or after plays are ended, peaceably and quietly, without the impeachment or impediment of any person or persons whatsoever, for the honest recreation of such as shall desire to see the same; And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, to take and receive of such our subjects as shall resort to see or hear any such plays, scenes, and entertainments whatsoever, such sum or sums of money, as is, or hereafter from time to time shall be accustomed to be given or taken, in other playhouses and places for the like plays, scenes, presentments, and entertainments.

And further for us, our heirs and successors, we do hereby give and grant to the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, full power, licence and authority, to continue, uphold and maintain the said theatre or play-house, and tiring and retiring rooms, and other places of convenience there, so to be erected and built as aforesaid, and the same to repair and amend, when and as often as need shall require, at the will and pleasure of the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, so as the outwalls of the said theatre or

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play-house, tiring or retiring rooms, be made or built of brick or stone, according to the tenor of our proclamations in that behalf; and so, as under pretence or colour hereof, the said William Davenant, his heirs, executors, administrators or assigns, do not erect or set up any dwelling houses or other buildings, than as aforesaid.

Although express mention &c.

In witness &c.

Witness ourself at Westminster the six and twentieth day of March.

Per breve de privato sigillo.

XV* ^note.

Whereas upon Mr. Dryden's binding himself to write three playes a yeere, hee the said Mr. Dryden was admitted and continued as a sharer in the king's playhouse for diverse years, and received for his share and a quarter three or four hundred pounds, communibus annis† ^note

; but though he received the moneys, we received not the playes, not one in a yeare. After which, the house being burnt, the company in building another contracted great debts, so that the

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shares fell much short of what they were formerly. Thereupon Mr. Dryden complaining to the company of his want of proffit, the company was so kind to him that they not only did not presse him for the playes which he so engaged to write for them, and for which he was paid beforehand, but they did also at his earnest request give him a third day for his last new play called All for Love; and at the receipt of the money of the said third day, he acknowledged it as a guift, and a particular kindnesse of the company. Yet notwithstanding this kind proceeding, Mr. Dryden has now jointly with Mr. Lee (who was in pension with us to the last day of our playing, and shall continue,) written a play called Oedipus, and given it to the Duke's company, contrary to his said agreement, his promise, and all gratitude, to the great prejudice and almost undoing of the company, they being the only poets remaining to us. Mr. Crowne, being under the like agreement with the duke's house, writt a play called The Destruction of Jerusalem, and being forced by their refusall of it, to bring it to us, the said company compelled us after the studying of it, and a vast expence in scenes and cloathes, to buy off their clayme, by paying all the pension he had received from them, amounting to one hundred and twelve pounds paid by the king's company, besides neere forty pounds he the said Mr. Crowne paid out of his owne pocket.

These things considered, if, notwithstanding Mr. Dryden's said agreement, promise, and moneys freely given him for his said last new play, and the many titles we have to his writings, this play be judged away from us, we must submit.

(Signed) Charles Killigrew.
Charles Hart.
Rich. Burt.
Cardett Goodman.
Mic. Mohun.

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