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Kennedy, John Pendleton, 1795-1870 [1840], Quodlibet: containing some annals thereof: with an authentic account of the origin and growth of the borough (Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia) [word count] [eaf239].
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Front matter Covers, Edges and Spine

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Preliminaries

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QUODLIBET

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Preliminaries

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Title Page QUODLIBET:

Maxima de nihilo nascitur historia.

Propertius.
PHILADELPHIA:
LEA & BLANCHARD.
1840.

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Acknowledgment

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Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1840,
By LEA & BLANCHARD,
In the office of the Clerk of the District Court of the Eastern District
of Pennsylvania.

T. K. & P. G. COLLINS, PRINTERS.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

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PAGE


Introduction,

Chap. I. Antiquities of Quodlibet. Michael Grant's tanyard
destroyed by the Canal. Consequences of this
event. Two distinguished individuals take up their residence
in the Borough. Establishment of the Patriotic
Copper-Plate Bank. Circumstances which led to, and
followed that measure. Michael Grant's objections to it. 25

Chap. II. Great usefulness of the Bank. Surprising Growth
of Quodlibet. Some account of the Hon. Middleton
Flam. Origin of his Democracy. His logical argument
in favor of the pocketing of the Bill to repeal the
Specie Circular. The Democratic principle as developed
in the Representative System, 43

Chap. III. Further Discourse relating to the Hon. Middleton
Flam. Correction in the Orthography of his Family
Seat. His Respect for the People. Very original views
entertained by him on this Subject. His liberality in
money matters. Aversion to the law regarding interest.
Democratic view of that question. His encouragement
of Industry and the Working People. Ingenious and
profound illustration of the Great Democratic Principle, 57

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Chap. IV. The Second Era. Population of Quodlibet. Increase
unparalleled in Ancient Cities: equalled only by
Milwaukie, &c. Success of The Bank. Attack upon it
in Congress. The Hon. Middleton Flam's triumphant
vindication. Sketch of his celebrated Speech before the
New Lights. Inimitable irony on the Divorce of Government
and Bank. Merited compliment to the head of
Mr. Woodbury. That distinguished Gentleman's opinions,
66

Chap. V. Excitement produced by The Thoroughblue
Whole Team. Meeting of The New Light. Jesse
Ferret's ambidexterity. Introduction of Eliphalet Fox
to the Club. His exposition of principles. Establishment
of The Quodlibet Whole Hog, 75

Chap. VI. Being a short history of Eliphalet Fox, 82

Chap. VII. Astounding Event: Suspension of Specie Payments.
Proceedings of The Bank of Quodlibet thereupon.
Resolve of the Directors against Suspension.
Conspiracy and threatened Revolution headed by Flan
Sucker. Directors change their mind. Their consternation
and escape. Remarkable bravery and presence of
mind of the Hon. Middleton Flam. His splendid appeal
to the insurgents. General Jackson's oracular views in
regard to the Suspension. 87

Chap. VIII. Signs of discord in Quodlibet. The Iron Railing
Controversy. Agamemnon Flag's nomination. Revolt
of Theodore Fog. The celebrated Split. Consequences
of Jesse Ferret's pernicious dogma in reference
to publicans. First fruits of the Split manifested at Mrs.
Ferret's tea drinking. Grave reflections by the author.
Moral. 98

Chap. IX. Great meeting at the Sycamore Spring. Some
description of the arrangements. Nicodemus Handy

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chosen to preside on this occasion. Motion to that effect
by Mr. Snuffers. This worthy gentleman's misfortune.
His escape. Successful organization of the meeting, 109

Chap. X. Scenes at the Sycamore Spring. Nicodemus
Handy's speech as President. Sketch of Andrew Grant's
speech. Agamemnon Flag's. Attempts at interruption.
Theodore Fog's celebrated speech on this occasion. Eloquent
exposition of principles. His triumph. His misfortunes.
Quipes' disappointment of his friends, 118

Chap. XI. The division of the Party becomes more distinct.
Admirable address of Eliphalet Fox at this juncture.
Result of the election. Rejoicing of the True Grits.
Jesse Ferret's difficulties. Is taken to task by his dame.
Candid avowal of his embarrassments. Theodore Fog's
exposition of True Grit principles. His good natured
encouragement of Jesse Ferret. Dabbs's treat. 135

Chap. XII. Third Era. Divisions in Quodlibet continue.
Fomented by the women. Fog rather disappoints his
friends by his course in the Legislature. Prostration of
business in the Borough. Traced to the merchants.
Mr. Flam's opinion of them, and the consequence thereof.
Indignation of The New Lights against them.
Fog's eulogium upon them. Movements of The True
Grits. Fox's skilful management. The Tigertail affair.
Mysterious termination of it. Nim Porter's indiscretion.
154

Chap. XIII. A political discussion at Abel Brawn's shop.
Abel's views of The Sub Treasury. Important communication
made by Theodore Fog. The New Lights take
ground against The Banks. The Hon. Middleton Flam
resigns the Presidency of The Copper-Plate Bank.
Snuffers aspires to the succession. 165

Chap. XIV. Letter from Amos Kendall to Mr. Flam.

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Directions to the Democracy. Mr. Kendall's mode of producing
an impression. The President's determination
in regard to The Independent Treasury. Warning to
deserters. Candidates for Mr. Flam's place in the Bank.
Hardbottle elected. Theodore Fog's outbreak. He cools
down and stands upon principle. Hardbottle unpopular, 176

Chap. XV. Unhappy event in the life of Nicodemus Handy.
Consternation at Quodlibet. Disasters amongst the Directors.
Explosion of The Bank. Conversation between
Theodore Fog and Mr. Grant. Fog's views of
the question of distress. Compliment to Jesse Ferret. 182

Chap. XVI. A rapid review of one year. What the author
is compelled to pretermit. The President's “Sober Secondthought”
message received at Quodlibet with great
rejoicing. The author communes with his reader touching
New Light principles. Illustrations of them. Remarkable
dexterity of Mr. Woodbury. Interesting letter
from the Hon. Middleton Flam. Dawning of The
Presidential Canvass. The Northern Man with Southern
principles and his Mannikin, 193

Chap. XVII. Fourth Era. The Hon. Middleton Flam reelected.
The New Lights determine to stigmatise The
Whigs as Federalists. Savage assault upon Mr. Flam
by “The Whole Team” in consequence. That great
man's instructions in regard to the Presidential Canvass.
Nomination of Harrison and Tyler. Course of The
New Lights. Formation of The Grand Central Committee
of Unflinching New Light Quodlibetarian Democrats.
Its President, Secretary and place of meeting, 203

Chap. XVIII. Proceedings of the Grand Central Committee.
Vindication of the severity practised against General
Harrison. Tactics of The New Lights. Abolitionism.
Selling White Men for debt. Harrison a Coward.

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Considerations which led to the naming of the opposition
British Whigs. Stratagem against Harrison and the
clamor against him for not answering. Hopes of The
New Lights confirmed by the Connecticut, Rhode Island
and Virginia elections. Baltimore Convention a
failure. Important letter from Mr. Flam. Amos Kendall's
purpose to resign. Excitement of composition prescribed
by his physician. Central Committee sanction
the compilation of these annals. 212

Chap. XIX. Deserved compliment on Mr. Van Buren's
exploit of the Florida War. The affair of the True
Grits and Sergeant Trap. True Grits suffer a defeat.
Flan. Sucker's opinion upon the subject. His account of
an action at law between Joe Snare and Ike Swingletree, 220

Chap. XX. These Chronicles draw to a close. The New
Lights not displeased with Eliphalet Fox's discomfiture.
Unlucky mistake of a Pennsylvania Senator. Cured by
a Toast. Passage of the Independent Treasury Bill,
and rejoicing thereon in Quodlibet. Changes. Interesting
letter from the Dibble family. Mr. Flam returns to
Quodlibet. His views of the Canvass. Mr. Van Buren's
New Light principles illustrated by sundry letters.
His reliance on the Intelligence of the People. Federalism,
Ignominy and Insult. Elections in Kentucky,
Indiana and North Carolina. Alabama, Missouri and
Illinois, 231

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INTERLOCUTORS, ACTORS AND OTHERS NOTED IN THIS HISTORY.

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The Hon. Middleton Flam.—Head of The New Lights, Representative
of the district in Congress, President
of The Copper Plate Bank, intimate with the
Secretary of the Treasury, an orator, a philosopher,
and a man of large estate.

Nicodemus Handy.—Projector of the Copper Plate Bank,
Cashier of the same, aud some time second in
command of The New Lights.

Simon Snuffers.—Superintendant of The Hay Scales, and
President of The New Light Club.

Nathaniel Doubleday.—Clerk of The Court and Vice of The
Club.

S. S.—Author and editor of this History, Principal of the District
School, honorary member of several Literary
Societies, and Secretary no less to The New
Light Club than to The Grand Central Committee
of Unflinching New Light Quodlibetarian Democrats—
quorum magna pars fui.

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Agamemnon Flag.—Attorney at Law, formerly of Bickerbray.
At one time the Regular Nomination Candidate.
Disposed to be in love with Miss Handy.

Jacob Barndollar.—Son-in-law of Jesse Ferret—of the firm of
Barndollar & Hardbottle, Forwarding and Commission
Merchants.

Anthony Hardbottle.—Counterpart in said firm. Elected
President of The Bank upon the resignation of
Mr. Flam.

Zachary Younghusband.—Post Master of Quodlibet, Tin
Plate Worker, and Member of The Grand Central
Committee.

Theodore Fog.—Attorney at Law. At one time Director of
The Bank, but compelled to resign on account of
his habits. Independent Candidate against Agamemnon
Flag—member of the Legislature—a distinguished
popular orator, and original founder of
that branch of The New Lights known by the
name of The True Grits.

Dr. Thomas G. Winkleman.—Druggist, and Soda Water Pavilion
Keeper, Physician in ordinary to The True
Grits, and a man of great influence in that sect.
Coroner of the County, contractor for the supply
of medicines to The Alms-House, and ready to
take any other office which might be vacant.

Nimrod Porter.—Bar-keeper at The Hero, fond of betting, famous
for trotting horses. A True Grit, but well
inclined to The Mandarins.

Eliphalet Fox.—Formerly editor of “The Gabwrangle Grimalkin,”
but, through the Influence of Mr. Flam,
transferred to “The Quodlibet Whole Hog,”—

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an expectant of the Marshal's place, but disappointed.
The Orderly of the True Grits.

True Grits Rank and File

Dabbs.—His Compositor.

Neal Hopper.—The Miller in Christy M'Curdy's mill.

Samuel Pivot.—The County Assessor.

Thomas Crop.—Constable of The Borough and an aspirant
to The Sheriffalty.

William Goodlack.—Merchant Tailor and seller of ready
made clothes.

Magnus Morehead.—Shoemaker, and looking to be made
clerk to the Marshal in place of Washington
Cutbush.

Simpson Travers.—Keeper of The Refectory at the lower
end of The Canal Basin, and expecting to
have the exclusive supply of liquors to The
Recruiting Station.

Sandy Buttercrop.—Express rider, message carrier,
baggage porter, and of sundry other accidental
occupations—promised Corney Dust's
place, the Marshal's porter.

Flan Sucker.—A distinguished loafer, a great admirer of
Theodore Fog, and a regular attendant on
public meetings.

Friends and followers of Flan Sucker
Ben Inky,
Jeff Drinker,
More M'Nulty,

Ferox Tigertail.—Marshal of The District, resident in Bickerbray,
an old Federalist, but reformed into a New
Light Democrat: choleric, and difficult to keep
in harness.

Washington Cutbush.—His clerk, suspected of having an
opinion of his own in politics.

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Corney Dust.—His porter, charged with being lukewarm, and
attending to nothing but his office.

Virgil Philpot.—Editor of The Bickerbray Scrutinizer, an
out-and-out friend of the Hon. Middleton Flam.

Abram Schoolcraft.—Nurseryman in Bickerbray, Member of
the Legislature.

Curtius Short.—Cheap Store Keeper in Tumbledown, Member
of the Legislature.

Cale Goodfellow.—Sportsman, Farobanker, &c., of Tumbledown,
and entirely devoted to Theodore Fog.

Michael Grant.—Formerly a tanner occupying the land on
which Quodlibet was built. Having amassed an
independence, he has retired to his farm at the
foot of The Hog Back, where he lives surrounded
by his four sons.

Andrew Grant.—His youngest son, educated to the Engineer
service, but preferring to be at home, married the
daughter of Stephen P. Crabstock, and lives near
The Hog Back.

Abel Brawn.—A substantial blacksmith, but unfortunately infected
with Whig principles—a matter of great
regret to his friends amongst The New Lights.

Davy Post.—Wheelwright.

Geoffry Wheeler.—Teamster.

Peter Ounce.—Keeper of The Boatman's Hotel on the Canal

Stephen P. Crabstock.—Iron Master and proprietor of the
Hog Back Furnace—a man who in spite of his
adherence to the dangerous doctrines of The
Whigs, has arisen from poverty to wealth by his
own exertions.

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Augustus Postlethwaite Tompkinson.—Editor of The Thorough
Blue Whole Team—a paper characterised
by its mendacity, its ferocity and utter disregard
of the feelings of the purest New Lights in the
nation. A bitter enemy of the Hon. Middleton
Flam, and having the audacity to speak lightly of
The President of The United States.

John Smith.—A gentleman generally known throughout the
Union, and several times run for Congress.

Jesse Ferret.—Innkeeper and proprietor of The Hero—a cautious
man, and somewhat afraid of his wife.

Sam. Hardesty.—Carpenter, so much under the weather as to
have had no time to make up his mind, notwithstanding
Mr. Flam's generosity towards him.

Quipes.—House and sign, plain and ornamental painter, glazier,
and artist in the Portrait and Landscape
line.

Nicholas Hardup.—Cattle dealer, a borrower of money from
Mr. Flam, and, strange to tell, not yet satisfactorily
settled in his opinions.

Isaiah Crape.—Undertaker and conductor of funerals—Cabinet
and Furnishing storekeeper.

Sergeant Trap.—On the recruiting service at Quodlibet.

His Drummer.—A short and ferocious martialist.

Charley Moggs.—Boss loafer of Bickerbray, and promoted in
the army as Sergeant Trap's fifer.

Mrs. Middleton Flam.—Lady of our member, and mother of
a large family.

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Miss Janet Flam.—Sister of Mr. Middleton.

Madamoiselle Jonquille.—French Governess to the Misses
Flam.

Polly Ferret.—Commander in Chief of all the forces of The
Hero.

Susan Barndollar.—Her daughter, wife of Barndollar & Hardbottle,
and remarkable for having her own opinion.

Mrs. Younghusband.—The Post Master's lady.

Mrs. Snuffers.—Lady of the Superintendant of the Hay Scales,
a woman of great consideration in The Borough.

Hester Hardbottle.—Maiden sister to Anthony Hardbottle.

Mrs. Handy.—Lady of The Cashier, and leader of the fashion
in Quodlibet.

Henrietta Handy.—Her daughter—supposed to have been favorably
impressed by Mr. Agamemnon Flag.

Mrs. Trotter.—Mrs. Handy's housekeeper.

Servants, &c.—Sam, the waiter; William, the footman; Nace,
the coachman; and Sarah, the maid, in Mr. Handy's
service. Black Isaac, Kent bugle player;
Yellow Josh, clarionet—Cicero, Neal Hopper's
factotum. Billy Spike, Abel Brawn's fly-flapper,
&c., &c.

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INTRODUCTION.

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Friendly Reader:—

Of a truth, we are a great people!—and most
happy am I, Solomon Secondthoughts, Schoolmaster
of the Borough of Quodlibet, that it hath fallen to
my lot, even in my small way, to make known to
you how in our Borough that greatness hath grown
towards its perfect maturity;—feeling persuaded that
Quodlibet therein is but an abstract or miniature portrait
of this nation. Happy am I, although sorely
oppressed with an inward perception of my defective
craft in this most worthy task, that I have been
thought by our Central Committee a fit expounder of
that history wherein is enchrysalized (if I may be
allowed to draw a word, parce detortum, from the
Greek mint) the most veritable essence of that recently
discovered Democratic theory, for distinction
called the Quodlibetarian, which is destined to

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supplant all other principles in our government and to
render us the most formidable and the most imposing
people upon the terraqueous globe.

How it came to pass that this duty has been committed
to my hands, you shall learn.

In the days of the late Judge Flam, now thirty
years gone by, and long before Quodlibet was, that
very considerate and astute gentleman honored me,
a poor and youthful scholar, with a promotion to the
office of private tutor in his family then residing at
their ancient seat in this neighborhood. It was my
especial duty, in this station, to prepare Master Middleton,
the eldest born, for college; which in three
years of assiduous labor was achieved, much to my
content, and I need not scruple to affirm, no less to
my honor, seeing how notably my pupil has since
figured in high places amongst the salt of the nation.
Far be it from me to take an undue share of desert
for this consummation: it would be disingenuous not
to say that my pupil's liberal endowments at the
hand of Nature herself, rendered my task easy of
success.

By the aid of my early patron the judge, whose
memory will long be embalmed in the unction of my
gratitude, I became, after Master Middleton was
passed from under my care, the head of our district
school, which at first was established in that lowly

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log building under the big chestnut upon the Rumblebottom,
about fifty rods south of Christy M'Curdy's
mill; which tenement is yet to be seen, although in a
melancholy state of desolation, the roof thereof having
been blown away in the famous hurricane of
August 1836, just two years and ten months after the
Removal of the Deposites. This unfortunate event,—
I mean the blowing off of the roof—it was the
mercy of Providence to delay for the term of one
year and a fraction of a month after I had removed
into the new academy which my former pupil, and
now, in lineal succession to his lamented parent the
Judge, my second patron, the Hon. Middleton Flam,
had procured to be erected for my better accommodation
in the Borough of Quodlibet. Had my removal
been delayed, or the hurricane have risen thirteen
months sooner than it did—who shall tell what
mourning it might not have spread through our
county side;—who shall venture to say that Quodlibet
might not have been to-day without a chronicler?

This long inhabiting of mine in these parts has
afforded me all desirable opportunities to note the
growth of the region, and especially to mark out the
beginnings, the progression, and the sudden magnifying
of our Borough: and being a man—I speak it
not vaingloriously—of an inquiring turn, and strongly
gifted, as our people of Quodlibet are pleased to

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allow, with the perfection of setting down my thoughts
in writing; and having that essential requisite of the
historian, an ardent and unquenchable love of my
subject, it has ever been my custom to put into my
tablets whatsoever I have deemed noteworthy in the
events and opinions of my day, accompanied by such
reflections thereon as my subject might be found to
invite. Some of these memorabilia, with discourses
pertinent to the same, have I from time to time, distrustfully
and with the proper timidity of authorship,
ventured to contribute to our newspaper, and thereby
has my secret vanity been regaled by seeing myself
in print. By what token, I have not yet ascertained,
but these lucubrations of mine were not long ago
discovered to our “Grand Central Committee of Unflinching
New Light Quodlibetarian Democrats,”
who have been charged with the arduous duty of
maintaining the integrity of the Party in the present
alarming crisis, and of promoting, by all means in
their power, the indefeasible, unquestionable and perpetual
right of succession to the Presidential Chair,
claimed by and asserted for the candidate of the great,
unterrified, New Democratic school of patriotic defenders
of the spoils. This Central Committee now
hold their sessions weekly in Quodlibet—and having
discovered my hand in the lucubrations to which I
have alluded above, they have been pleased to

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express a favorable opinion thereon; and, as a sequence
thereto, it has occurred to them to fancy that my poor
labors being duly given to the compiling of such a
history, as my tablets might afford, of the rise and
progress of the New Democratic principle in Quodlibet,
the same would greatly redound to the advantage
of the cause in the present great struggle. Acting
upon this suggestion, the Grand Central Committee
have honored me with a request to throw into such
shape as I might deem best, these scattered records of
opinion and chronicles of fact, whereof I was supposed
to have a rich magazine.

Readily and cheerfully have I acceded to this
request; and with the more relish, as I shall thus be
furnished with an authentic occasion to present to
the world the many valuable thoughts and eloquent
utterings of my late distinguished pupil and now
beneficent patron the Hon. Middleton Flam, Esq.,
long a representative of this Borough and the adjacent
district in the Congress of the United States.

I pretend to no greater merit in this execution of
my task than what an impartial spirit of investigation,
a long acquaintance with persons of every degree
connected with this history, an apt judgment in discriminating
between opinions, a most faithful and
abundant memory, a careful store of documentary
evidence, an unalterable devotion to the great

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principles of Quodlibetarian Democracy, and, for the expounding
of all, a lucid and felicitous style, may allow
me to claim as the chronicler of this Borough.

The better to assure you, my friendly reader, that,
in temper and condition, I may demand somewhat of
the confidence due to the character of a dispassionate
commentator on the times, I would have you understand
that I am now on the shady side of sixty, unmarried,
and in possession of an easy revenue of four
hundred dollars per annum, which is voted to me by
our commissioners, for instructing in their rudiments,
thirty-seven children of both sexes: that I have a
plate at the table of my patron, the Hon. Middleton
Flam my former pupil, every Sunday at dinner; and
that he, being aware for some time past of my purpose
to treasure up his remarkable sayings has, with
a generous freedom, often repeated to me many opinions
which otherwise would have been irretrievably
lost. Moreover, since I am now brought before the
public under circumstances in which reserve on my
part would be no better than affectation, I would
also advertise my indulgent reader of the fact, that I
belong to the Quodlibetarian New Light Club, whereof
I sometime officiated as Secretary, and which club
generally meets on Saturday night at Ferret's: that
the members of the same, noting my staidness of deportment
and the careful deliberation with which I

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guard myself in the utterance of any discourse, do
frequent honor to the temperance of my judgment
by making me the arbiter of such casual controversies
as arise therein, touching the true import and
application of the principles of our New Light Democracy:
and—if I run no risk of being charged
with offering a trivial evidence of the reputation I
have earned in the club—I would also mention, that
some of our light wags have gone so far—facetiously
and with a commendable good nature, knowing that
I would not take it ill, as more peevish men might,
in their jocular pleasantry—as to call me, in allusion
to my natural sedateness, Sober Secondthoughts
the rogues!

And now, amiable and considerate reader, you
have “ab imo pectore” my honest avouch for what I
propose to lay before you, and a plain confession of
my weaknesses. I come with a clean breast to the
confessional. We shall have a frugal banquet of it,
but the fruits, I make bold to promise, shall be wholesome
and of the best. Now turn we to it in good
earnest. If this little chronicle—for my book shall
not be overgrown and apoplectic, but rather, as you
shall find it, “garrulous and thin”—do not bring you
to a profound sense of the value of this Amaranth of
Republicanism, the New Light Quodlibetarian Democracy,
then say it to my teeth, there is no virtue in

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Sober Secondthoughts.—Go thy ways—“The wise
man's eyes are in his head, but the fool walketh in
darkness.”

S. S., Schoolmaster.
Quodlibet, September 1, 1840.
Main text

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p239-030 CHAPTER I.

ANTIQUITIES OF QUODLIBET.—MICHAEL GRANT'S TANYARD DESTROYED
BY THE CANAL.—CONSEQUENCES OF THIS EVENT.—TWO DISTINGUISHED
INDIVIDUALS TAKE UP THEIR RESIDENCE IN THE BOROUGH.—
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PATRIOTIC COPPERPLATE BANK.—CIRCUMSTANCES
WHICH LED TO AND FOLLOWED THAT MEASURE.—MICHAEL
GRANT'S OBJECTIONS TO IT.

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It was at the close of the year 1833—or rather, I should
say, at the opening of the following spring, that our Borough
of Quodlibet took that sudden leap to greatness, which has,
of late, caused it to be so much talked about. Our folks
are accustomed to set this down to the Removal of the Deposites.
Indeed, until that famous event, Quodlibet was,
as one might say in common parlance, a place not worth
talking about—it might hardly be remarked upon the maps.
But since that date, verily, like Jeshurun, it has waxed fat.
It has thus come to pass that “The Removal” is a great epoch
in our annals—our Hejirah—the A. U. C. of all Quodlibetarians.

Michael Grant, a long time ago—that is to say, full twenty

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years—had a tanyard on Rumblebottom creek, occupying
the very ground which is now covered by the canal basin.
Even as far back as that day, he had laid up, out of the
earnings of his trade, a snug sum of money which sufficed
to purchase the farm where he now lives at the foot of the
Hogback. Quodlibet, or that which now is Quodlibet, was
then as nothing. Michael's dwelling house and tanyard,
Abel Brawn's blacksmith shop, Christy M'Curdy's mill
and my schoolhouse made up the sum total of the settlement.
It is now ten years, or hard on to it, since the commissioners
came this way and put the cap-sheaf on Michael's
worldly fortune by ruining his tanyard and breaking up his
business, whereof the damage was so taken to heart by the
jury, that, in their rage against internal improvements, they
brought in a verdict which doubled Mr. Grant's estate in
ready money, besides leaving him two acres of town lots
bordering on the Basin, and which, they say, are worth
more to-day than the whole tanyard with its appurtenances
ever was worth in its best time. This verdict wrought a
strange appetite in our county, amongst the landholders, to
be ruined in the same way; and I truly believe it was a
chief cause of the unpopularity of internal improvements in
this neighbourhood, that the commissioners were only able
to destroy the farms on the lowlands—which fact, it was
said, brought down the price of the uplands on the whole
line of the canal, besides creating a great deal of ill humor
amongst all who were out of the way of being damaged.

With the money which this verdict brought him, Mr.
Grant improved a part of his two acres—which he was
persuaded to cut up into town lots—by building the brick
tavern and the store that stands next door to it. These
were the first buildings of any note in Quodlibet, and are
generally supposed to have given rise to the incorporation
of the Borough by the Legislature. Jesse Ferret took a lease

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of the tavern as soon as it was finished, and set up the sign
of “The Hero”—meaning thereby General Jackson—
which, by the by, was the first piece of historical painting
that the celebrated Quipes ever attempted. The store was
rented by Frederick Barndollar for his son Jacob, who was
just then going to marry Ferret's daughter Susan, and open
in the Iron and Flour Forwarding and Commission line, in
company with Anthony Hardbottle, his own brother-in-law.

This was the state of things in Quodlibet five years before
“The Removal,” from which period, up to the date of the
Removal, although Barndollar & Hardbottle did a tolerable
business, and Ferret had a fair run of custom, there were
not above a dozen new tenements built in the Borough.
But a bright destiny was yet in reserve for Quodlibet; and
as I propose to unfold some incidents of its history belonging
to these later times, I cannot pretermit the opportunity
now afforded me to glance, though in a perfunctory and
hasty fashion, at some striking events which seemed to presignify
and illustrate its marvellously sudden growth.

I think it was in the very month of the Removal of the
Deposites, that Theodore Fog broke up at Tumbledown, on
the other side of the Hog Back, and came over to Quodlibet to
practise law. And it was looked upon as a very notable
thing, that, in the course of the following winter, Nicodemus
Handy should have also quitted Tumbledown and
brought his sign, as a lottery agent, to Quodlibet, and set
up that business in our Borough. There was a wonderful
intimacy struck up between him and Fog, and a good many
visits were made by Nicodemus during the fall, before he
came over to settle. Our people marvelled at this matter,
and were not a little puzzled to make out the meaning of it,
knowing that Nicodemus Handy was a shrewd man, and
not likely, without some good reason for it, to strike up a
friendship with a person so little given to business as

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Theodore Fog—against whom I desire to say nothing, holding
his abilities in great respect, but meaning only to infer that
as Theodore is considered high-flown in his speech, and
rather too fond of living about Ferret's bar-room, it was
thought strange that Nicodemus, who is plain spoken, and of
the Temperance principle, should have taken up with him.
It was not long after Mr. Handy had seated himself in
Quodlibet, and placed his sign at the door of a small weather-boarded
office, ten feet by twelve, and within a stone
throw of Fog's, before the public were favored with an insight
into the cause of this intimacy between these two
friends. This was disclosed in a plan for establishing The
Patriotic Copper-Plate Bank of Quodlibet, the particulars
whereof were made known at a meeting held in the dining
room of “The Hero” one evening in March, when Theodore
Fog made a flowery speech on the subject to ten
persons, counting Ferret and Nim Porter the bar-keeper.
The capital of the bank was proposed to be half a million,
and the stock one hundred dollars a share, of which one
dollar was to be paid in, and the remainder to be secured
by promissory notes payable on demand, if convenient.

This excellent scheme found many supporters; and, accordingly,
when the time came for action, the whole amount
was subscribed by Handy and Fog and ten of their particular
friends, who had an eye to being directors and officers
of the bank—to whom might also be added about thirty boatmen,
who, together with the boys of my academy, lent
their names to Mr. Handy.

Through the liberality of Fog, the necessary cash was
supplied out of three hundred dollars, the remains of a
trust fund in his hands belonging to a family of orphans in
the neighborhood of Tumbledown, who had not yet had
occasion to know from their attorney, the said Theodore
Fog himself, of their success in a cause relating to this fund

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which had been gained some months before. As Nicodemus
managed the subscriptions, which indeed he did with
wonderful skill, these three hundred dollars went a great
way in making up the payments on considerably more than
the majority of the stock: and this being adjusted, he undertook
a visit to the Legislature, where, through the disinterested
exertions of some staunch democratic friends, he procured
a most unexceptionable charter for the bank, full of
all sorts of provisions, conditions and clauses necessary to
enable it to accommodate the public with as much paper
money as the said public could possibly desire.

In consideration of these great services, Nicodemus Handy
elected himself Cashier; and, at the same time, had well
nigh fallen into a quarrel with Fog who had set his heart
upon being President—which, in view of the fact that that
gentleman's habits were somewhat irregular after twelve
o'clock in the day, Nicodemus would by no means consent
to. This dissention, however, was seemingly healed, by
bringing in as President, my worshipful pupil, the honorable
Middleton Flam, now our member of Congress, and by
making Theodore one of the directors, besides giving him
the law business of the bank. It was always thought, notwithstanding
Fog pretended to be satisfied at the time with
this arrangement, that it rankled in his bosom, and bred a
jealousy between him and his associates in the bank, and
helped to drive him to drinking faster than he would naturally
have done, if his feelings had not been aggravated by
this act of supposed ingratitude.

I should not omit to mention that Nicodemus Handy was
a man of exact and scrupulous circumspection, and noted
for the deliberation with which he weighed the consequences
of his actions, or, as the common saying is, “looked
before he leapt”—a remarkable proof of which kind of wisdom
he afforded at this time. Having been compelled by

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circumstances to live beyond the avails of his lottery business,
and thereby to bring himself under some impracticable
liabilities, he made it a point of conscience before he could
permit himself to be clothed with the dignity of a cashier,
or even to place a share of stock in his own name on the
books,s to swear out in open court, and to surrender, for the
benefit of his numerous and patient creditors, his whole
stock of worldly goods—consisting, according to the inventory
thereof on record, which I have seen, of a cylindrical
sheet-iron stove, two chairs, a desk and a sign-board, this
latter being, as I remember, of the shape of a screen, on
each leaf of which, “Nicodemus Handy” was printed, together
with the scheme of a lottery, set forth in large red
and blue letters. He barely retained what the law allowed
him, being his mere wearing apparel; to wit, a bran new
suit of black superfine Saxony, one dozen of the best cambric
linen shirts, as many lawn pocket handkerchiefs, white
kid gloves, and such other trivial, but gentlemanlike appurtenances
as denoted that extreme neatness of dress in which
Mr. Handy has ever taken a just pride, and which has been
so often remarked by his friends as one of the strong points
in his character. These articles, it was said, he had procured
not more with a provident eye to that state of destitution,
into which the generous surrender of his property was
about to plunge him, than with a decent regard to the respectability
of appearance which the public, he conceived,
had a right to exact from the Cashier of the Patriotic Copperplate
Bank of Quodlibet. All right-minded persons will
naturally commend this prudence, and applaud Mr. Handy's
sense of the dignity proper to so important and elevated a
station—a station which Theodore Fog, in his speech at
“The Hero,” so appropriately eulogised as one “of financial,
fiscal and monetary responsibility.”

There was one circumstance connected with the history

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of the establishment of the Bank that excited great observation
amongst our folks:—that was the dislike Michael Grant
took up against it from its very beginning. It was an indiscriminate,
unmitigable, dogged dislike to the whole concern,
which, by degrees, brought him into a bad opinion of our
Borough, and I verily believe was the cause why, from that
time forward, he kept himself so much at his farm near the
Hog Back and grew to be, as if it were out of mere opposition,
so unhappily, and indeed I may say, so perversely stubborn
in those iniquitous Whig sentiments which he was in the
habit of uttering. I have heard him say that he thought as
badly as a man could think, of the grounds for starting the
Bank, and still worse of the men who started it;—which,
certainly, was a very rash expression, considering that our
congressman, the Hon. Middleton Flam, was President and
one of the first patrons of the institution, and that such a
man as Nicodemus Handy was Cashier; to say nothing of
Theodore Fog, whose habits we are willing to confess,
might, in the estimation of some men, give some little color
to my worthy friend's vituperation.

Now, there was no man in Quodilbet whom Handy and
Fog so much desired, or strove so hard, to bring into the
Bank scheme as Mr. Grant. They made every sort of
effort and used all kinds of arguments to entice him. Nicodemus
Handy on one occasion, I think it was in April,
put the matter to him in such strong points of view, that I
have often marvelled since how the good gentleman stood
it. He argued, with amazing cogency, that General Jackson
had removed the deposites for the express purpose of
destroying the Bank of the United States, and giving the
State Banks a fair field: that the Old Hero was an enthusiastic
friend to State Rights, and especially to State Banks
which it was the desire of his heart to see increased and
multiplied all over the country; that he was actually, as it

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were, making pets out of these Banks, and was determined
to feed them up with the public monies and give them such
a credit in the land as would forever shut out all hope to the
friends of a National Bank to succeed with their purpose:
and finally that although Clay and the Whigs were endeavoring
to resist the General in his determination to establish
New Banks in the States, that resistance was already
considered hopeless. It was with a visible air of triumph
that Mr. Handy in confirmation of this opinion read from
the Globe of the 21st of December previous, these words:

“The Intelligent people of the West know how to maintain their rights and independence and to repel oppression. Although
foiled in the beginning, every Western State is about to establish
a State Bank institution. They are resolved to avail themselves
of their own state credit, as well as of the National credit, to
maintain a currency independent of foreign control. Mr. Clay's
presses in Kentucky begin now to feel how vain are all their
efforts to resist the determination of the people of the West.
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri and Kentucky are resolved to
take care of themselves, and no longer depend on the kind guardianship
of Biddle, Clay & Co.”

Having laid this fact before Mr. Grant, by way of clinching
the argument Mr. Handy pulled out of his pocket a letter
which he had just received from the Secretary of the Treasury.
It contained a communication of the deepest import
to the future fortunes of our Borough; which communication,
as I have been favoured by Mr. Handy with a copy,
I feel happy to transcribe here for the edification of my
reader. It is a circular, and came to our cashier printed
on gilt edged letter paper, having the title of the Bank, the
date and some other items filled up in writing.

Treasury Department, April 1, 1834.

“Sir:—The Patriotic Copper-plate Bank of Quodlibet has
been selected by this department as the depository of the public

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[figure description] Page 033.[end figure description]

money collected in Quodlibet and its vicinity; and the Marshal
will hand you the form of a contract proposed to be executed,
with a copy of his instructions from this department. In selecting
your institution as one of the fiscal agents of the government,
I not only rely on its solidity and established character, as
affording a sufficient guarantee for the safety of the public money
entrusted to its keeping, but I confide also in its disposition to
adopt the most liberal course which circumstances will admit,
towards other moneyed institutions generally, and particularly
those in your vicinity. The deposites of the public money will
enable you to afford increased facilities to commerce, and to extend
your accommodations to individuals; and as the duties which
are payable to the government arise from the business and enterprise
of the merchants engaged in foreign trade, it is but reasonable
that they should be preferred in the additional accommodations
which the public deposites will enable your institution to
give, whenever it can be done without injustice to the claims of
other classes of the community.

“I am, &c.
R. B. TANEY,
Secretary of the Treasury.

To the President of the Patriotic Copper-plate Bank of Quodlibet.”

“There, sir,”—said Mr. Handy, after he had read this
paper to Mr. Grant—“read that over again and tell me if there
is any Quodlibetarian that ought not to rejoice in this great
event, and lend his endeavors, with both heart and soul to
promote and sustain an institution so favored by the government.
The secretary, you perceive, has confidence in the
`solidity and established character' of our bank—how can
you refuse your confidence after that? Sir, the Secretary
is an honor to the democracy of Quodlibet:—what does he
say? Does he tell us to keep the public moneys locked up
only for the selfish purposes of the government? Oh no:
far from it; `the deposites,' says he, `will enable you to
afford increased facilities to commerce, and to extend your
accommodations to individuals.' Mark that! there's a

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[figure description] Page 034.[end figure description]

President and Secretary for you! True friends, Mr. Grant—
true friends to the people. How careful are they of our
great mercantile and trading classes! Sir, the government
cannot do too much for such people as we are—that's the
true democratic motto— we expect a great deal—but they
outrun our expectations. No more low prices for grain,
Mr. Grant—no more scarcity of money:—accommodation
is the word—better currency is the word—high prices,
good wages and plenty of work is the word now-a-days.
We shall have a city here before you can cleverly turn
yourself round. Depend upon it, sir, we are destined to
become a great, glorious and immortal people.”

“Sir,” said Theodore Fog, interposing at this moment,
with a look that wore a compound expression of thoughtful
sternness and poetical phrensy—“when the historic muse
shall hereafter contemplate the humble origin of Quodlibet—”

“Fog,” interrupted Nicodemus somewhat petulantly—
and I feel sorry to be obliged to record this inconsiderate
language, “D—n the historic muse—we are now on business.”

“As a director, sir,” replied Fog with a subdued air, but
with a dignified gravity, “I have a right to speak. I meant
to say, sir, in plain phrase, that Quodlibet must inevitably,
from this day forth, under the proud auspices of democratic
principles—obedient to that native impulse which the profound
statesmanship of this people-sustaining and people-sustained
administration, has imparted to it, soar aloft to
place herself upon the proud pinnacle of commercial prosperity,
wealth and power. I have no doubt, Mr. Grant,
your tavern lot will increase to three times its present value.
You ought to take stock;—let me tell you, sir, as a citizen of
Quodlibet, you ought. As to the cash, that's a bagatelle.
Handy and I can let you have any number of shares on

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[figure description] Page 035.[end figure description]

your own terms. Flam will do any thing we say to let
you in. By the by, he got us the deposites. Flam's a
man of influence—but whether on the whole he will make
us the best President we could have procured, is perhaps
somewhat apocryphal.”

“You cannot fail to see,” said Mr. Handy, “that we
must all make our fortunes, if the government is only true
to its word; and who can doubt it will be true? We start
comparatively with nothing, I may say, speaking of myself—
absolutely with nothing. We shall make a large issue
of paper, predicated upon the deposites; we shall accomdate
every body, as the secretary desires—of course, not
forgetting our friends, and more particularly ourselves:—we
shall pay, in this way, our stock purchases.—You may run
up a square of warehouses on the Basin; I will join you as
a partner in the transaction, give you the plan of operations,
furnish architectural models, supply the funds, et cetera, et
cetera. We will sell out the buildings at a hundred per
cent. advance before they are finished; Fog here will be the
purchaser. We have then only to advertise in the papers
this extraordinary rise of property in Quodlibet—procure a
map to be made of our new city; get it lithographed, and
immediately sell the lots on the Exchange of New York at
a most unprecedented valuation. My dear sir, I have just
bought a hundred acres of land adjoining the Borough, with
an eye to this very speculation. You shall have an interest
of one half in this operation at a reasonable valuation—I
shall want but a small profit, say two hundred per cent.—
a mere trifle—in consideration of my labors in laying it
off into streets, lanes and alleys;—and if there is any convenience
in it to you—although I know you are a moneyed
man—you have only to make a proposal for a slice of accommodation—
just drop a note now and then into the discount
box—you understand? The Secretary will be

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[figure description] Page 036.[end figure description]

delighted, my dear sir, to hear of our giving an accommodation
to you. But there's one thing, Mr. Grant, I must not
forget to remark—the Secretary, in fact, makes it a sort of
sine qua non—you must come out a genuine—declare yourself
a Whole Hog—and go for Flam in the fall elections.
The Secretary expects, you know,”—and as he said this he
laid his finger significantly upon his nose, “that the accommodation
principle—you know—is to be measurably—extended—
you know—in proportion to the—democracy—of
the applicants—you understand?—a word to the wise—
that's all. It could n't be expected, you perceive, that we,
holding the deposites, should be quite as favorable to the
Whigs, who rather charge us with experimenting on the
currency—you know—and who, in fact, don't scruple to
say that our banking system will be a failure—it could n't
be expected we should be as bountiful to them as to those
who go with us in building up this concatenation—tweedle
dum and tweedle dee, you know, betwixt you and me;—
but it's made a point of—and has its effect on ulterior
expectations, you understand. The long and the short is,
without being mealy-mouthed, we must prefer the old
Hero's friends;—but, after all, that's a small matter:—be a
Democrat, and go for Flam!”

“Flam and the immutable principles of civil liberty!”
said Fog, with great animation. “Middleton Flam, the
embodyment and personification of those deep and profound
truths, based upon the eternal distinctions of the greatest
good to the greatest number! Diffusive wealth, combined
capital, increased facilities to commerce, and accommodation
to individuals—there is the multum in parvo of General
Jackson's democratic creed!—there is the glorious consummation
of the war with the great money power, which, like
Juggernaut, was crushing down the liberties of our republic!”

Michael Grant was a patient listener, and, ordinarily, a

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man of few words. He stood all the time that Fog and
Handy were plying him with this discourse, with his thumbs
in his waistcoat pockets, looking down, with a grum cogitation,
at his own image in the water of the basin, on the
margin of which the parties had met, and every now and
then rocking on his heels and flapping the soles of his feet
sharply on the ground, denoting, by this movement, to those
who knew his habit, that he was growing more and more
positive in his opinion. Once or twice he was observed to
raise his head, and, with one eye half shut, seemed as if
studying the heavens. At length he broke out with an
answer which, both from the vehemence of his tone and
the unusual volubility of his words, caused Handy and Fog
to prick up their ears, and gaze upon each other with a look
of incredulous surprise.

“Look you, gentlemen,” said he, “Nicodemas Handy
and Theodore Fog: You have never heard me say that
General Jackson was not a good general. I scorn to take
any thing away from the reputation of an old soldier—I
have never done it—I never mean to do it; I respect him
for his services: but, curse me, if I believe he knows any
more about banks than I do about bombshells! No, nor his
secretary neither; or, if he does, he is not man enough to say
NO to the General. As for this Patriotic Copperplate Bank
of Quodlibet, and others now springing up of the same
kidney, they are just so many new Egyptian plagues, which
our rascally magicians and false prophets have been conjuring
up to harass the people with. It won't be long before we
shall begin to find out that the frogs and the locusts and the
lice of Pharaoh's kingdom have been all outdone by these
new banks, which the General and his secretaries are so
busy to hatch. Do you know what is coming, Nicodemus
Handy? I'll tell you. Now your new banks are like these
thundergust mills, over here in the mountain: just as long as

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you have showers from the treasury, so long will your wheels
keep in motion; but the first dry spell at Washington shuts
you up, and disappoints the whole country side in their
grist. They are all eggs of the same basket, and this administration
will be known, by and by, as the Thundergust
Bank Administration. In four years from this day, there
will be twice as many of these paper machines, big and
little, as there are now; and bank notes will be thrashed out
as fast as chaff at the tail of a fan. The country will be
filled with toad stools—not mushrooms, for they are worth
something. We shall see your toad-stool great men fetching
up in a night, and ciphering out fortunes in a week. The
world will turn crazy after speculations—just such speculations
as your hundred acre purchase—bought without a cent
of money, and paid for by accommodation, granted on what
Fog here calls the great democratic principle. The public
lands will be grabbed at by every rascal who has cunning
and knavery enough to go to the President and his secretary,
and flatter them on their Democracy. He who can dip
deepest into that play will build towns for himself, lay out
farms for his children by the mile square, and make nabobs
of his sons; and, whilst he does so, he will vilify and bring
into contempt all honestly gathered wealth, and prate about
his friendship for the poor man, just to keep the reins in his
own hands. We have had one of these paper money storms
once before in this country. I remember it well. It came
after the old bank went down, just as it is coming now, since
President Jackson has set his heart upon strangling the
monster, as he calls it. The old story will be told over
again. By doubling the number of banks, you will double
trade and speculation, and that will double our debts, without
adding one bushel to our crops. Then look out for the
day of reckoning! Coin will be wanting to pay for the
silks and wines and fine linen, that we shall have got upon

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trust upon the other side of the ocean. Such banks as have
the coin will be obliged to let it go, and they will call upon
the people to pay up,—which the people will not be able to
do. What follows? A suspension of specie payments, and
along with that all manner of grumbling and discontent and
ill will. Every man will be laying the blame upon his
neighbor, and your thundergust banks will be the loudest in
the whole crowd, crying out that a panic has been got up
by the dying monster:—and you who call yourselves Democrats,
to stave off all inquiry into the matter, will shout that
the liberties of the country are in danger;—like a thief who
has stolen a horse, you will get up into the saddle and strike
off at full speed, foremost in the chase, bellowing `stop thief!'
After the crash, what becomes of your new banks, your
new towns, your new stocks, and your new men? Soap
bubbles bursted! Torn bladder skins, not fit to make a
tobacco pouch! Fools will build houses, and wise men will
live in them. Is not this plainly enough set down in past
history? What more do you want? Take the trouble to
read the speeches in congress, and you will find the whole
course of the thing demonstrated by the wisest men at
Washington. Listen to their counsels, and take heed in time.
Forewarned is forearmed. Tell General Jackson that it is
not beneath the wisdom of a great man to take a lesson from
his adversary. The best friends of the people are those
who tell them the truth, in time to put them on their guard,—
no matter how harsh it may seem to the President or any
body else. Now, sir, that is my opinion.”

When Mr. Grant had delivered himself in this extraordinary
manner, Nicodemus Handy seemed to be considerably
nettled—as well he might be—and said, with very notable
peevishness: “I am accustomed to hear so much in this
strain, from your party, that it has lost its effect on me.
The Democracy are not to be turned away from their

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[figure description] Page 040.[end figure description]

principles by jingling of words. Why is it that the Whigs
oppose our banks, but because they are afraid to trust THE
PEOPLE? What are the banks but the people? Who owns
them? The people. Who regulates and controls them?
The people. Whose money is it that is deposited in them?
The people's. Who benefits by lending out this money?
The people. Who wants to cramp the banks? The Whigs.
What are the Whigs, therefore? Why, of course, against
the people.”

“Can any thing be more democratic than our bank?”
asked Fog, oratorically swinging out his left arm and flaunting
a blue silk pocket handkerchief in the air—“can any
thing be conceived more harmonious with the precept of
equal rights than the whole scheme by which it was established?—
one dollar a share paid in—the rest in a note
payable when convenient. Does not this demonstrate a
most praiseworthy design of bringing the subscription to
the level of the poorest man's ability? If Handy and myself
had been disposed to take advantage of our high standing
in society or our affluent means;—if we could have
reconciled it to our sentiments to have secured to ourselves
privileges which we were not willing to accord to the meanest
man who works for his bread”—

“No man is mean who works honestly for his bread,
Mr. Fog,” interrupted Mr. Grant.

“My allusion, sir,” continued Fog with remarkable self
possession, “was to the humblest of the democracy—God
forbid, sir, that I should brand any man with the epithet of
mean in a mean sense!—politically, sir, no man is mean.”

“It is lost breath to argue this matter with me,” said Mr.
Grant, by way of cutting short Theodore Fog's able vindication
of himself—“my opinions on this question have
not grown up in a day. I was a Democrat before either of
you were born. My father was a Whig of the revolution,

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[figure description] Page 041.[end figure description]

and his principles are mine. My Democracy goes for the
country—yours goes for yourselves, and you expect to
conceal its drift by talking about THE PEOPLE. I happen to
be one of the people myself,—a fact which you seem to forget.
What I am, I have become by my own effort, through
a life of labor. I have seen too many friends of “the people”
in my time, striving to grow fat by their Democracy, not to
understand the meaning of HUMBUG. Your bank, gentlemen,
is a humbug, notwithstanding the confidence of the
Secretary of the Treasury in its solidity—and the currency
your friend the General has promised to give us is another—
so, good day, gentlemen.”

With these very rash and inconsiderate words, Mr. Grant
turned on his heel and walked away, leaving Handy and
Fog looking significantly at each other. From that time
Mr. Grant was generally considered an enemy to our bank,
and, as far as I can learn, never had any dealings with it.

Mr. Handy, immediately regaining his temper, set up a
dry laugh as soon as Mr. Grant was out of sight, and
laughed on for some moments—at last he said, somewhat
mysteriously, and with a great deal of deliberation—

“Fog, it's my opinion that the old tanner has cut his eye
teeth—what do you think of him?”

“He labors,” replied Fog, “under a sinistrous and defective
obliquity of comprehension; and from all I can make
out of this colloquy, I rather incline to the opinion that he
is not very willing to embark largely in our stock.” And
saying this, Fog folded his arms and looked steadfastly in
Mr. Handy's face.

“Nor, as I should judge, from some insinuations he let
fall,” said Handy in a kind of whisper, “is he likely to
join me in my speculation in town lots. Fog, don't forget,
you will endorse my note for the purchase-money of that

-- 042 --

[figure description] Page 042.[end figure description]

hundred acres—I shall discount it to-morrow—I like to pay
cash—that was always my principle.”

“Undoubtedly—consider me a sure card in that line,”
replied Fog:—“it is understood, of course, that you reciprocate
the favor on my purchase of the meadow?”

“Without question—assuredly, Fog—one good turn deserves
another.”

“Then, let's go up and take a drink,” said Fog, imitating
the tone of a tragedy-player—“we'll call it twelve, although
my dial points but half way from eleven.”

“You know I never drink,” quoth Handy.

“Then come and look on me whilst I that act perform,”
said Theodore.

“Agreed,” said Nicodemus.—And thereupon these trusty
friends went straight to Nim Porter's bar.

-- 043 --

p239-048 CHAPTER II.

GREAT USEFULNESS OF THE BANK.—SURPRISING GROWTH OF QUODLIBET.—
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE HON. MIDDLETON FLAM.—ORIGIN OF HIS
DEMOCRACY.—HIS LOGICAL ARGUMENT IN FAVOR OF THE POCKETING
OF THE BILL TO REPEAL THE SPECIE CIRCULAR.—THE DEMOCRATIC
PRINCIPLE AS DEVELOPED IN THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM.

[figure description] Page 043.[end figure description]

In the course of the first year after The Removal, or as I
should say, in the year One,—speaking after our manner in
Quodlibet,—the bank made itself very agreeable to every
body. Mr. Flam came home from congress after the end
of the long session and found every thing prospering beyond
his most sanguine expectations. Nicodemus Handy
had put a new weather-boarded room to the back of his
office for the use of the Directors, and the banking business
was transacted in the front apartment where Nicodemus
used to sell lottery tickets. There was one thing that
strangers visiting Quodlibet were accustomed to remark upon
in a jocular vein, regarding the bank—and that was the
sign which was placed, as it were parapet-wise, along the
eaves of the roof, and being of greater longitude than the
front of the building, projected considerably at either end.
Quipes has been held responsible for this, but I know that
he could not help it, on account of the length of the name,
which, nevertheless, it is due to him to say he endeavored,
very much to my discontent, to shorten, both by orthographical
device and by abbreviation, having printed it thus—

-- 044 --

[figure description] Page 044.[end figure description]

The PatriotiC CoperplatE Bank of Quodlibet;
notwithstanding which, it overran the dimensions of the
tenement to which it was attached.—I say strangers sometimes
facetiously alluded to this discrepancy, by observing
that the bank was like the old Hero himself, too great for
the frame that contained it. And, truly, the bank did a
great business! Mr. Handy, who is acknowledged to be a
man of taste, procured one of the handsomest plates, it is
supposed, that Murray Draper and Fairman ever executed,
and with about six bales of pinkish silk paper, and a very
superior cylinder press, created an amount of capital which
soon put to rest old Mr. Grant's grumbling about the want
of solidity in the bank, and fully justified the Secretary's declaration
of his confidence in its “established character as
affording a sufficient guaranty for the safety of the public
money entrusted to its keeping.”

As a proof how admirably matters were conducted by
Mr. Handy, the Directors soon found no other reason
to attend at the Board, than now and then, to hold a chat
upon politics and smoke a cigar; and the president, the
Honorable Middleton Flam, having his October election on
hand, was so thoroughly convinced of Nicodemus's ability
that I do not believe he went into the Bank more than half a
dozen times during the whole season.

It was in the course of this year, and pretty soon after the
Bank got the deposites, that Mr. Handy began his row of
four story brick warehouses on the Basin, which now goes
by the name of Nicodemus's Row. He also laid the foundation
of his mansion on the hill, fronting upon Handy
Place; and which edifice he subsequently finished, so much
to the adornment of our Borough, with a Grecian portico
in front and an Italian verandah looking towards the garden.
As his improvements advanced in this and the next

-- 045 --

[figure description] Page 045.[end figure description]

year, he successively reared a Temple of Minerva on the
top of the ice-house, a statue of Apollo in the centre of the
carriage-circle, a sun-dial on a marble pillar where the garden
walls intersect, and a gilded dragon weathercock on the
cupola of the stables. The new banking house was commenced
early in the summer and has been finished of very
beautiful granite, being in its front, if I am rightly informed
by Mr. Handy, an exact miniature copy of the Tomb of
Osymandias: it is situated on Flam street, the first after you
leave the Basin, going northward. All the Directors, except
Fog, followed the footsteps of their illustrious predecessor,
Mr. Handy, and went to work to build themselves
villas on the elevated ground back of the Borough, now
known by the name of Copperplate Ridge,—which villas
were duly completed in all manner of Greek, Roman and
Tuscan fashions. These being likewise imitated, in turn,
by many friends of the bank who migrated hither from all
parts and cast their lines in our Borough, Quodlibet hath
thereby, very suddenly, grown to be, in a figurative sense,
a pattern card of the daintiest structures of the four quarters
of the world. Perhaps I may be too fast in making so
broad an assertion—cupio non putari mendacem—I am not
quite sure, that, as yet, we have any well ascertained specimen
of the Asiatic: but if Nicodemus Handy's pagoda,
which he talked of building on the knoll in the centre of his
training course, had not been interrupted by an untoward
event of which it may become my duty to speak hereafter,
I should, in that case, have made no difficulty in reiterating,
with a clear conscience and without reservation, the remark
which distrustfully and with claim of allowance I have ventured
above.

My valuable patron not being resident actually within
the Borough, and being, as I have said, very busy in the
matter of his election during the greater part of the first

-- 046 --

[figure description] Page 046.[end figure description]

year of the bank, had not much opportunity to devote himself
to its concerns. But the directors, partly aware of their
own knowledge, how valuable was his influence with the
Secretary, and partly persuaded thereof by the Cashier,
established, with a liberality which Mr. Handy remarked
at the time was exceedingly gentlemanlike, his salary as
President at three thousand dollars a year,—which sum, Mr.
Flam himself has, more than once in my hearing, averred
upon his honor, he did not consider one cent too much.
And indeed, I feel myself bound to express my concurrence
in this opinion, when I reflect upon the weight of his character,
the antiquity of his family, the preponderance of his
strong democratic sentiments, and the expenses to which,
as President, he was exposed in looking after the interests
of the bank,—more especially in the journies to Washington,
whereof I have heard him speak, for the purpose of explaining
matters to the Secretary.

Connected with this matter of salary, and as having a
natural propinquity to the subject, I may here cursorily, for
I design to be more particular on this point hereafter, claim
the privilege to enter a little into the family matters of my
patron. And on this head, I would observe that the household
of Mr. Flam is large. Of a truth, as some philosopher
has remarked, mouths are not fed, nor bodies clad,
without considerable of the wherewithal! There is Mrs.
Flam, the venerated consort of our representative—a lady
most honorably conducive to the multiplication of the
strength and glory of this land: there is, likewise, Mr.
Flam's sister Janet,—truly an honor to her sex for instructive
discourse and exemplary life; and there is Master Middleton,
Junior, with his four sisters and three brothers, who
may be all ranged into the semblance of a stepladder. Great
is Mr. Flam's parental tenderness towards this happy progeny—
the reduplication and retriplication, if I may so

-- 047 --

[figure description] Page 047.[end figure description]

express it, of himself and their respectable mamma. Yielding
to the solicitude inspired by this tenderness, almost
the first thing which our representative did, after the establishment
of the bank,—the means having thereby come the
better to his hand,—was to send Master Middleton, Junior,
who was very urgent in his entreaties to that point, to
Europe, that the young gentleman, by two or three years
travel, might witness the distresses and oppressions of
monarchical government, and become confirmed in his
democratic sentiments. A refinement of sensibility in Mr.
Flam, which I might almost denominate fastidious, has also
operated with him to require the education of his daughters
to be conducted under his own roof. He would never hear,
for one moment, any persuasion to trust them even at their
earliest age, in the public school,—considerately fearful lest
they might form intimacies unbecoming the station to which
he destined them in after life. They have consequently
been placed under the special tuition of a most estimable
lady, Madamoiselle Jonquille, a resident governess, who is
enjoined to speak to them nothing but French. This lady,
among other things, teaches them music, and is aided in the
arduous duties allotted to her, by a drawing master of acknowledged
ability in water colors, and a very superior
professor of dancing, who instructs them in the elegant accomplishment
of waltzing and galloping, which, Mr. Flam
says, is now-a-days held to be indispensable in the first
Democratic circles at Washington, where it has always been
his design to introduce the young ladies into high life.

It will not be out of place here to mention that the worthy
subject of this desultory memoir, my patron and former
pupil, inherited a large fortune from his father, the late
Judge Flam, who was especially honored by old John
Adams, or as the better phrase is, the elder Adams, with an
appointment to the bench on the night of the third of March

-- 048 --

[figure description] Page 048.[end figure description]

Anno Domini 1801: and I have often heard Mr. Middleton
say that his father had up to the day of his lamented departure
from this world, which melancholy event happened in the
year of our Lord 1825, the greatest respect for General
Jackson; which liking for the Old Hero descended to his
son, along with the family estate, and serves satisfactorily
to account for my former pupil's ardent attachment to democratic
principles, as in the sequel I shall make appear.

I do not desire to conceal the fact that Judge Flam, and
even Mr. Middleton himself, for some years after he came
to man's estate, were both reputed to belong to what was
generally, at that time, denominated and known by the appellation
of the Old Federal party, and what, in common
parlance, has been sometimes scoffingly termed, The Black
Cockade; and that the Judge, who was always noted for
being very stiff in his opinions, maintained his connection
nominally with that party until the day of his death. I
mention this not in derogation of Mr. Middleton our representative,
but rather in the way of commendation, because I
am by this fact the more strongly confirmed in my admiration
of the greatness of his character,—seeing that his conversion
to Democracy is the pure result of reflection and
conviction, which is more laudable, in my humble thinking,
than to be a born veteran democrat, as I once heard a great
man boast himself.

Now this conversion being a notable matter, I can by no
means pretermit a veritable account of it, which happens to
be fully within my power to disclose, I being, as I may say,
a witness to the whole course of it.

Every body remembers that most signal of all the literary
productions of General Jackson's various and illustrious
pen, his letter to Mr. Monroe dated the 12th of November
Anno Domini 1816. It came—in the language of my venerated
friend Judge Flam,—like the sound of a trumpet upon

-- 049 --

[figure description] Page 049.[end figure description]

the ears of all of the Old Federalists. “Now is the time,”
says General Jackson, in that immortal letter, which I transcribed
as soon as I saw it in print, into my book of memorable
things, and which I now quote verbatim et literatim:

“Now is the time to exterminate that monster called Party
Spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity,
virtue, capacity and firmness, (wise and patriotic man!)
without any regard to party, (how disinterested!) you will go far
to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings which, on former occasions,
threw so many obstacles in the way, and perhaps have
the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically
divided. The Chief Magistrate of a great and powerful nation
should never (mark that!) indulge in party feelings. His conduct
should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind
that he acts for the whole, and not a part of the community.”

This letter of the last of the Romans, was published in
the National Intelligencer, and I happened to be with Judge
Flam when it first met his eye. He was sipping his tea.
The venerable Judge read it twice; took up the cup and, in
a musing thoughtful mood, burnt his mouth with the hot
liquid so badly that he was obliged to call for cold water.—
Just at that moment, Middleton, his son, came into the parlor:
he had been out shooting partridges.

“My dear Middleton, read that”—said the Judge.

Middleton sat down and read it; and then looked intently
at his father, waiting to hear what he would say.

“Middleton my son,” said he in a very deliberate and emphatic
manner, “There's our man. General Jackson has
been called a Hero—he's a Sage—a wise man, a very wise
man. We have been kept in the mire too long: these Jeffersons
and Madisons and Nicholases and Randolphs and all
that Virginia Junto (I think that was the very word he used)
have trodden us in the dust. They, with all the Democracy
at their back, have lorded it over us for sixteen years. We

-- 050 --

[figure description] Page 050.[end figure description]

owe them an old grudge. But our time is coming: (this expression
he repeated twice). Remember, my son, if ever you
get into a majority, stick to it. Bring up your children to it.
You have a long account to settle:—I shall bequeath to you
the Vengeance of the Federal party
. We must rally at once
upon Andrew Jackson. He will bring us what it is fashionable
to call “the People”—We shall bring him the talent,
the intelligence and the patriotism of the land. In such an
alliance how can it be otherwise but that we shall have all
the power?—and then, if we fail to play our cards with
skill, we shall deserve to lose the game. Let Jackson be
our candidate for the next Presidency, and let our gathering
word be, in the sentiment of this memorable letter, “The
Union of the People and the extermination of the Monster
of Party.” Do not slumber, my son, but give your energies
to this great enterprise.”

Mr. Middleton took this advice of his venerable father
greatly to heart. “Up with Jackson, and down with
Party—” said he after a long rumination—“good, excellent—
nothing can be better!” And several times that night,
before he went to bed, he audibly uttered the same words
as he walked backward and forward across the room.

From this time Judge Flam wrote many letters to his
friends, disclosing the views he had expressed to Middleton;
and by degrees the matter ripened and ripened, until
things were so contrived as to bring about what Judge
Flam used to smile and say, was “a spontaneous, unpremeditated
burst of popular feeling,” in the nomination of the
General. And the Judge used to laugh outright, when
the papers took strong ground in the General's favor, as the
candidate who was brought out “without intrigue or party
management.” The Old Hero and Sage, we all know, was
cheated out of his first election; which circumstance greatly
embittered his early friends, who, from that time—Mr.

-- 051 --

[figure description] Page 051.[end figure description]

Middleton amongst the rest—took a very decided stand for
Reform, Retrenchment, Economy and the Rights of the
People.

The Judge did not live to witness this second effort
which resulted so gloriously for the democratic cause;
but his son stuck close to the Old Hero, and was amongst
his most ardent supporters to the last. When the General
succeeded, his first care was to show his gratitude to that
disinterested band of patriots who so freely surrendered
their old principles and abandoned their old comrades in his
behalf. He brought them into office, just to show that he
was determined to carry out the doctrine of his letter; and
they were loudest in their praise of him for the sake of the
old grudge, of which Judge Flam spoke to his son, and to
indemnify their long suffering in the cause of the country,
in the course of which they had, for so many years, been
strangers to power. So between these two persuasions, it
is not to be wondered at that they should have become the
principal friends and most confidential advisers of the General.

Having thus got upon an elevation, from whence they
could look backwards upon their past errors and forwards
to their future hopes, a new light dawned upon every man
of them; and thereupon they straightway became sick and
sorry for having so long sinned against democracy, and
grew ashamed of that black cockade which George Washington
wore in the Revolution; made open renunciation of
their former pretended attachment to his principles; canonized
Mr. Jefferson as a saint, whom they had formerly
reviled as the chief of sinners; purged out their old Federal
blood; took deep alterative draughts of detergent medicine;
and, finally, like true patriots, came forth regenerated, thorough-bred,
whole-hog Democrats, sworn to follow the new
democratic principle through all its meanderings, traverses,

-- 052 --

[figure description] Page 052.[end figure description]

dodgings and duckings to the end. Indeed, Mr. Middleton
Flam, our honorable representative, has more than
once, in some of his later speeches before the people, contended,
that although his father was attached to George
Washington's school of politics, which, as he remarked,
naturally arose out of the prejudices created by the revolutionary
war—in which the old Judge had served as a soldier—
yet, that he, Middleton, never was truly an admirer of
that gentleman's theory of government or system of measures—
but, on the contrary, held them in marked disesteem,
and from his earliest youth had a strong inclination towards
that freedom from restraint, which, in man and boy,
is the best test of the new democratic principle. In proof
of this tendency of his youthful opinions, he mentioned,
with most admirable effect, an exploit in which, when not
more than twelve years of age, he gallantly stood up at the
head of a party of his schoolfellows to bar out the tutor and
take a holiday, on the ground of the indefeasible rights of
man, with a view to attend a great political meeting of the
friends of Jefferson, just previous to the second election of
that Apostle of Democracy.

Be that as it may, our distinguished member of Congress
is now, by force of reflection and conviction, as pure, unadulterated,
and as our people jocularly denote it, as patent a
dyed-in-the-wool democrat as Theodore Fog himself, whose
attachment to popular principles, habits and manners, and
whose unalterable adhesion to the new democratic theory,
are written in every line of his face and in every movement
of his body:—and so, Mr. Flam avers, is every one of his
black cockade friends who have got an office. “Thus it
is,”—if I may be allowed to quote a beautiful sentiment
from one of Fog's speeches—“Thus it is, that by degrees,
the errors of old opinions are washed out by the all-pervading
ablution of the democratic principle following in the footsteps

-- 053 --

[figure description] Page 053.[end figure description]

of the march of intellect; and so true is it, that the body
politic, like quicksilver, regurgitates and repudiates the feculence
of Federalism.”

Nicodemus Handy has an attachment for Mr. Flam,
which is truly fraternal. It goes so far as to prevent him from
ever contradicting Mr. Middleton in any fact, or gainsaying
him in any opinion—although I did think at one time, when
Nicodemus was thought to be rich, that he was a little bold in
his sentiments on two or three matters wherein our member
differed from him. One I remember in particular; it was when
the old hero pocketed the Specie Circular bill. Mr. Handy
thought, for a little while, that that circular was too hard
upon the banks and the trading people, and he seemed to
insinuate that the General was rather cornered by congress,
when they ordered its repeal by two-thirds of both houses;
and that, consequently, as a good Democrat, he ought to
have submitted to the will of the people in that matter, and
allowed them to have the law after it was passed. Mr. Flam
was diametrically opposed to him, and proved, I thought
conclusively, that, according to the sound Quodlibetarian
democratic principle, the General was altogether right in
putting the act of congress aside and not allowing them to
overset his plans by another vote of two-thirds; “for,”—
he inquired with great force of argument, adopting the
Socratic form—“what is Congress? The representatives
of the people, by districts and by states. For whom can
any one man in that body speak? For his own district, or
for his own state—no more. Now, what is the President?
Sir,” said he, in that solemn and impressive tone in which
he addresses the house at Washington, “the President himself
has answered that question in his immortal Protest
against the Senate—he is `the direct representative of the
American people
,' and, as he took occasion once to say in
his Message, `It will be for those in whose behalf we all

-- 054 --

[figure description] Page 054.[end figure description]

act, to decide whether the Executive Department of the
government, in the steps which it has taken on this subject,
has been found in the line of its duty.' The President,
sir, is the representative of the whole people—not
of a district, not of a state, but of the whole nation. Why
should these representatives of the parts undertake to dictate
to the representative of the whole? It is for the people
to decide whether, in putting that bill in his pocket, he
was in the line of his duty. Sir, there is the broad buttress
upon which the democratic principle reposes, and will repose
forever. Jackson has determined, as Representative of the
people, that the Specie Circular shall not be repealed, and
every true democrat will of course say that he is right. I
am surprised that you, Handy, should give any countenance
to the factious doctrine set up by the Whigs, that Congress
has a right to array itself against the clearly expressed will
of the people, when uttered through the Paramount Representative
of the whole nation.”

Mr. Handy was evidently confounded by this unanswerable
argument, and, of course, did not attempt to answer.
I confess, for my own part, I listened with admiration and
amazement at the dialectic skill with which so abstruse a
subject was so briefly yet so clearly elucidated, and I inwardly
ejaculated, in the language of the afflicted man of
Uz, “How forcible are right words!”

My late pupil's reflections were drawn to this question
of the Specie Circular with more intensity of regard, from a
very natural train of circumstances, which had great influence
in inducing an elaborate study of the subject. Mr. Handy
has often said that Mr. Flam was the very best customer
our bank had from the beginning. Acting, as he always
did, upon the principle that our first care is due to those
who are nearest to us, or, according to the adage, that
Charity begins at Home, the president of the bank refused

-- 055 --

[figure description] Page 055.[end figure description]

to borrow from any other institution, but determined exclusively
to patronise his own. This principle he carried to
the romantic extent of borrowing four times as much as any
body else; and as he always contended for it as the most
approved theorem in banking, that the wider and the more
remote the circulation of the paper of a bank, the better for
its profit, he employed these funds in the purchase of a
large quantity of the Chickasaw Reserve lands; which, by-the-by,
it is whispered that very keen-sighted gentleman,
Mr. Amos Kendall, put him upon doing—he, the said
Kendall having, as many persons believed, the backstair
entrance to the old Hero's chamber, through which freedom,
I have heard it hinted, considerable facilities were gained as
regarded the President's consent to the sales of these lands
by the Indians—the same being, if I mistake not, altogether
unsaleable without that consent. By these means Mr. Flam
became the proprietor of a vast number of acres in that south-west
country; and as the Specie Circular was a most laudable
contrivance of the old Hero's, or of his frienbs (for it was
always the same thing with him—what his friends advised
he was in the habit of putting out as his own), to stop over-trading
and speculating in the public lands, it occurred to
our worthy representative that the less the public lands were
sold, the more his and Mr. Kendall's would come into the
market at good prices; and so, with a view to the benefit of
Quodlibet, where he expected to invest the profits, he became
a strong advocate of the circular. This set him to
studying the question of the pocketing of the bill for its
repeal, whereof I have spoken above, and enabled him to
convince himself how deeply that matter was connected
with the development of the democratic principle in the
manner put forth in his argument to Mr. Handy.

Thus does it come to pass that, step by step, as our
government rolls on, its fundamental features are

-- 056 --

[figure description] Page 056.[end figure description]

successively disclosed in the practical operations of that sublime
system which so securely intrenches the good of the people
in the doctrines of genuine Quodlibetarian democracy,
as now of late, for the first time, fully understood and practised.

Ever after that notable discourse, Mr. Handy showed himself,
both in private and at our public meetings, the stern,
uncompromising champion of the Specie Circular and of the
broad representative character of the president. The other
questions upon which I have found him to differ occasionally
with Mr. Flam, shared pretty nearly the same fate as
this. The Cashier ultimately fell into entire harmony of
sentiment in all matters with the President; though, as I
have insinuated before, in the flood-tide of Mr. Handy's
fortune, when he began to be accounted a man of wealth,
he was, in accordance with a principle of human nature
founded upon the corrupting and debasing influence of
riches, much more difficult to bring into perfect conformity
of opinion with Mr. Flam, than in the ebb. Yet, I would
here remark that, almost in the same degree that Mr. Handy
yielded his assent to the doctrines of the honorable Middleton
Flam, did the rank and file of our sturdy and independent
democracy yield to Mr. Handy; the whole party being
kept in a harmonious agreement and accord by what
Fog terms “the electric diffusion of the democratic principle
through the whole circle of hand-in-hand, unflinching,
unwavering, uncorruptible, and power-frowning-down Yeomanry
of the most virtuous and enlightened nation upon the
terrestrial globe.”

-- 057 --

p239-062 CHAPTER III.

FURTHER DISCOURSE RELATING TO THE HON. MIDDLETON FLAM.—CORRECTION
IN THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF HIS FAMILY SEAT.—HIS RESPECT
FOR THE PEOPLE.—VERY ORIGINAL VIEWS ENTERTAINED BY HIM ON
THIS SUBJECT.—HIS LIBERALITY IN MONEY MATTERS—AVERSION TO
THE LAW REGARDING INTEREST—DEMOCRATIC VIEW OF THAT QUESTION—
HIS ENCOURAGEMENT OF INDUSTRY AND THE WORKING PEOPLE—
INGENIOUS AND PROFOUND ILLUSTRATION OF THE GBEAT DEMOCRATIC
PRINCIPLE.

[figure description] Page 057.[end figure description]

Holding, as I do, our democratic leader, the honorable
Middleton Flam, in the most deservedly profound respect,
and knowing him to be, if I may be allowed the expression,
a bright exemplar of democracy, and containing in himself,
metaphorically speaking, the epitome of all sound opinions,
I am fully authorised by the common usage regarding public
characters to bring him and his affairs conspicuously into
the view of the world, not for censure, neither for praise,
although no man is better entitled to the latter, but for instruction.
Such is the destiny of distinguished men, that
their lives are common property for the teaching of their
generation. Duly acknowledging the weight of this maxim,
I shall venture in the present chapter to give my reader
a still closer insight into the private concerns of our representative;
for which task I feel myself somewhat specially
qualified, through the bountiful hospitality of that excellent
gentleman who has not only welcomed me to his board

-- 058 --

[figure description] Page 058.[end figure description]

often on week days, and always on Sundays, but who has
even flattered me, more than once, by the remark that he
would not take umbrage at such impartial development of
his life and opinions as he knew I, better than any other of
his friends, (truly herein his kindness has overrated my
worthiness,) had it in my power to make.

The old family seat of the Flams is about two miles from
Quodlibet. It is upon the Bickerbray road; and, taking in
all the grounds belonging to the domicil, the tract is somewhere
about eight hundred acres; by far the greater portion
of which is a flat range of woodland and field, watered by
Grasshopper Run which falls into the Rumblebottom. The
tract used to be called, in Judge Flam's time, “The Poplar
Flats,” and the house, at that day, went by the name of
“Quality Hall:” but ever since Mr. Middleton has had it,
which, as may be gathered from what I have imparted in
the last chapter, has been from the time that the old Black
Cockades began to think of turning democrats; ever since
that day the spelling has been gradually changing, and the
house now goes by the settled name of “Equality Hall,”
and the tract is always written by our people “The Popular
Flats.” Mr. Middleton greatly approves of this change,
for two reasons which he has had occasion to take into his
serious reflections:—First; “Because,” he says, “in the
Quodlibetarian Democratic system, as now understood,
words are things.” “Not only things, Sir,” said he, in a
discourse one day, at his own table, “but important and
valuable things: I have observed,” he continued, “in our
country, especially amongst the unflinching, uncompromising
democrats, that a name is always half the battle. For
instance, sir, We wish to destroy the Bank; we have only
to call it a Monster: We desire to put down an opposition
ticket, and keep the offices amongst ourselves; all that we
have to do is to set up a cry of Aristocracy. If we want to

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stop a canal, we clamor against Consolidation:—if we wish
it to go on, it is only to change the word—Develope the Resources.
When it was thought worth our while to frighten
Calhoun with the notion that we were going to hang him,
we hurraed for the Proclamation; and after that, when we
wanted to gain over his best friends to our side—State Rights
was the word. Depend upon it, gentlemen, with the true
Quodlibetarian Democracy, Names are Things: that is the
grand secret of the `New Light system.' ”

Mr. Flam's second reason for approving the change in
the spelling of Poplar Flats and Quality Hall, did not depend
upon such a philosophical subtlety as the first; it was
simply because he had very nigh lost his first election to
Congress from inattention to this material point of orthography.
Quality Hall, some of the Democrats of our region
were unreasonable and headstrong enough to say, was not
so democratic a name as their candidate ought to have for
his place of residence; and if it had not been that our representative
discovered this in time to convince them that it
was an old-fashioned way of spelling Equality Hall, I believe,
in my conscience, he would have made out very
badly: but luckily for this district, and I may say, for the
nation, this error in spelling was corrected in time to set all
straight; and Mr. Flam, from that day, not only put the E
before the Q, bnt, in token of that incident, and by way of
a remembrancer, always spoke of Equality Hall as built
upon Popular Flats, which sounded very well in the ears
of the New Lights, and no doubt went a great way to keep
him in Congress ever after. Therefore, I repeat after my
patron and friend, Words are Things;—and, democratically
speaking, in the sense of a New Light, I might even
say better than Things.

Equality Hall is a building which looks larger than it is,
from the circumstance that it was originally a one-storied,

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irregular cottage of brick, but in the Judge's time a second
story was put to it; and, almost immediately after, Mr.
Middleton came to be the owner, he enlarged the eastern
gable by widening it to nearly forty feet, and building it up
considerably above the roof, and then adding to it a grand
Grecian Temple porch with niches for statues, and with
fluted Doric columns of wood, which thus constituted, what
Mr. Middleton calls his facade and principal front to the
building. The effect of this piece of magnificence was to
screen the old cottage from view, and to impress the beholder
with the idea of a grand building peeping out upon
the Bickerbray road between the foliage of two weeping
willows, which the old Judge put there before Mr. Jefferson's
election.

I have heard some fastidious, not to say malevolent
critics, find fault with this new addition to the building,
upon the score that it had too much pretence about it;
and that one was always disappointed upon finding all
this grandeur of outside was but a mere piece of theatrical
show, without having any thing to correspond to it
within. Mr. Flam has heard the same objection, but he
has always treated it with the contempt it deserved. “It
was intended for show,” he observed one day addressing
the people from the hustings, when he had occasion to
notice a remark of one of these cavilling gentlemen, who
had said something about having walked behind the portico
to find the house,—and I shall never forget how his eye
kindled and his form dilated as he spoke—“show, sir! of
course, it was put there for show. What else could it be
put for? What is any portico put up for? It faces toward
the road, sir,—it was designed to face toward the road.
When I built that portico, I wished the people, sir, to see
it; the best I have shall always be shown to the people. I
trust, sir, that my respect for the people shall never so far

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abate, as to induce me to neglect them. My house, sir,
intrinsically is that of an humble citizen; there are a dozen
equal to it in this county; but that part of it which is
intended to gratify the people is unsurpassed here or any
where else. I have laid out, sir, a small fortune on that
portico to gratify the people: all that I have comes from
them—all that I ever expect to be, I hope to derive from
them: who has so good a right as they to require me to put
my best foot foremost, when they are the spectators? On
the same principle, sir, when I appear in public, I dress in
the most expensive attire, I drive the best horses, and procure
the finest coach. My turnout is altogether elaborate,
studiously particular—simply because I hold the people in
too much esteem, to shab them off with any thing of a
secondary quality, whilst Providence has blessed me with
the means of providing them the best. That, sir, is what
I call a keystone principle in the arch of democratic government:
that is the sentiment, and that alone, which is to
give perpetuity to this—”

“Fair fabric of freedom,” said Theodore Fog, who was
amongst the auditory, and perceived that Mr. Flam hesitated
for a word to convey his idea.

“Thank you, my friend,” courteously replied Mr. Flam,
“I am indebted to you for the word—fair fabric of freedom.”

Coming back from this digression, which I have the
rather indulged because of the eloquence, as well as the
just democratic sentiment it breathes, I proceed with my
sketch of the homestead of our distinguished leader of the
politics of Quodlibet.

If I were asked what constituted the most striking feature
in the arrangements of this very admirable establishment, I
should say it was the judicious admixture of a laudable
economy, with the greatest possible effect in the way of

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outward exhibition. For instance; the grounds were embellished
with sundry structures, apparently at great cost,
and producing a most satisfactory impression on the eye,
but which when examined would be found to be, for the
most part, painted imitations of a very cheap kind. Thus
there was to be seen from the portico, peering above a
thicket on the Grasshopper run, an old castle with ivycrowned
battlements, greatly enriching the view; at the end
of the long walk in the garden, a magnificent obelisk rose
forty feet above a bed of asparagus; the entrance to the
stable yard, was through the gothic archway of an old
chapel, exceeding pleasant to behold; and the ice pond was
guarded by a palisade composed of muskets, lances, swords,
shields and cannon, flanked at each end by a pile of drums
and colors. All these several embellishments a nice observation
would determine to be executed in oil painting, upon
wooden screens sawed into the requisite figures. But even
this expense would, perhaps, have been avoided, had it not
been that Quipes, our artist, owed Mr. Flam twenty-five
dollars on account of a debt which Mr. Flam had to pay for
him, to get him out of gaol, for the sake of his vote, when we
first elected our public spirited representative to Congress.
Owing to this circumstance, connected with the fact that
Sam Hardesty, the joiner, became insolvent on his contract
for building the big portico, whereby Mr. Flam was obliged
to advance money to him in order to get it finished, our
member conceived that it would be a good plan to work
these debts out of his two friends, by setting them about
the decorations I have described. Besides, he reasoned
with himself that it was always well to give employment to
the working people about him, with a view to encourage
industry and afford a practical illustration of the benignant
influence of the great democratic principle upon society—a
consideration, which Mr. Flam on no occasion ever

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permitted himself to lose sight of. By this judicious management
he accomplished a fourfold purpose—namely: the beautifying
of Popular Flats; the execution of these rich specimens
of art, at less than half their value; the employment of two
very meritorious fragments of the people; and, above all, a
most satisfactory development of the excellence and usefulness
of the great New Light democratic principle.

Mr. Flam never was what you might call a monied man.
For although his farms were very productive, and he had a
considerable income from stock in the United States Bank;
and although the expenses of his family were very far short
of what the world might, from the show he made, suppose
them to be; yet he was in the habit of parting with his
money as fast as it came to hand. There were a great
number of deserving but needy persons who were often at
the Popular Flats, and who did not hesitate to borrow all
the funds Mr. Flam could spare; (if he had a fault it was
the generosity of his lendings,) and in this way to keep him,
as he has often told me himself, very bare. To make sure
against loss he had the prudence never to lend without bond
and mortgage, with a power of attorney to confess judgment;
and as he ever avowed what he called his most irrevocable
opinion, that the interest law was exceedingly
oppressive upon the industry of the country, he invariably
made his own bargain on that point—sagaciously remarking,
as I once heard him to Nicholas Hardup, the cattle dealer,
who was under execution upon a judgment, and came to
borrow the amount from Mr. Flam, “Money, sir, is a
commodity like wheat or cattle; its value is regulated by
the relations of supply and demand. Society will never
prosper till that principle is universally recognised. We
go for it, Mr. Hardup, as cardinal in the democratic creed.
Labor, to be free, requires that the money contract also
should be free. Why should the poor man pay six per

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cent. when money is worth but five? Why should he be
prevented paying seven, eight, or nine, even, if he finds it
his interest to give it—or cannot do without it? No sir—
Equal Rights, Liberty of Conscience and Unrestricted Freedom
of Contract—there is the buttress of Democratic Government!”

It often happened, as such things will happen, that Mr.
Flam became the loser by his generosity; and as it was a
maxim with him to inculcate the most rigid punctuality in
all engagements, he has never felt himself at liberty to relax
what he regarded this salutary rule; so that, on many occasions,
he has been compelled to submit to the unpleasant
and expensive operation of closing his accounts on the bond
and mortgage, by taking possession of the mortgaged property;
and in this way, as he sometimes feelingly complains
to his friends, he has become encumbered with more
land than he knows what to do with. He has, however,
gradually got through a great deal of this trouble by renting
out his farms; a course which he intends to persevere in
until his children are able to take the management of them.

Mr. Handy has several times endeavored to persuade him
to make his improvements rather more permanent, and to
take down these embellishments I have been describing;
rather rashly as I thought, calling them, to Mr. Flam's face,
pasteboard scenery, gingerbread nonsense, and twopenny
gimcracks:—and he insinuated that if our worthy representative
would lay out some of his “accommodation” in a
more solid manner upon Popular Flats, it would tell hereafter
to his advantage. But Mr. Flam turns a deaf ear to
all Nicodemus's preaching. He says that the accommodation
is better laid out in the Chickasaw Reserve, where he
and Amos Kendall mean to realise a large fortune; and
as to what Mr. Handy is pleased to call gimcracks and
gingerbread, that, in fact, is the only kind of decoration

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in which a man, who respects the simplicity and purity of
democratic government, ought to indulge his taste. “If,”
said he, “my old castle, my obelisk or my gothic gateway
were built of stone instead of white pine, a fair inference
might be made against me of a lurking wish to restore the
exploded aristocratic system of primogeniture and entails.
It would be said I was building for my son and his eldest
born. Thank God, no such treasonable design can be inferred
from this gimcrack and gingerbread, as you wittily
term it. When I go, sir, my estate is to be cut up as our
democratic republican laws ordain; and my gimcrack and
gingerbread can be ploughed in as easily as the dockweed.
Strange as it may sound to the ears of some, Gimcrack and
Gingerbread are the elements of our new Democratic Theory.
Sir, our government should glory in it:—it does glory in it.
There is no reproach in the fact that we neither build, legislate,
think nor determine for the next generation. We
attend to ourselves—that is genuine New Light democracy.
We oppose Vested Rights, we oppose Chartered Privileges,
we oppose Pledges to bind future legislatures, we oppose
Tariffs, Internal Improvements, Colleges and Universities,
on the broad democratic ground, that we have nothing to do
with Posterity. Posterity will be as free as we are. Let
it take care of itself. I glory, sir, in saying New Light
democracy riots in Gimcrack and Gingerbread.”

This eloquent outburst of sentiment effectually silenced
Mr. Handy and brought him thoroughly into Mr. Flam's
opinion. I rejoice that my intimacy with this able statesman
should have afforded me this opportunity to show the
brilliancy with which his mind sparkles in the demonstration
of political truth, and the wonderful power with which
it converts apparently trivial thoughts into golden illustrations
of the Democratic Theory as lately discovered and
practised.

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p239-071 CHAPTER IV.

THE SECOND ERA.—POPULATION OF QUODLIBET.—INCREASE UNPARALLELED
IN ANCIENT CITIES—EQUALLED ONLY BY MILWAUKIE, &C.—
SUCCESS OF THE BANK.—ATTACK UPON IT IN CONGRESS.—THE HON.
MIDDLETON FLAM'S TRIUMPHANT VINDICATION.—SKETCH OF HIS CELEBRATED
SPEECH BEFORE THE NEW LIGHTS.—INIMITABLE IRONY ON
THE DIVORCE OF GOVERNMENT AND BANK.—MERITED COMPLIMENT
TO THE HEAD OF MR. WOODBURY.—THAT DISTINGUISHED GENTLEMAN'S
OPINIONS.

[figure description] Page 066.[end figure description]

It is no part of my design in the compilation of this little
history to preserve the form of a regular, chronological narrative
of the course of events in Quodlibet; for although the
material for such a continuous recital abounds in the memoranda
which I have preserved, yet it seems better to suit
the purpose of the respectable committee who have invoked
me to this labor, that I should rather make excerpts from
the mass of my papers, in such wise as to bring before my
reader the condition of the Borough at several epochs, with
an occasional reference to such incidents as may serve to
explain the opinions of our people and illustrate the course
of that beautiful system of politics which the world—I
mean that world of which our Borough is the centre—has
consented to honor with the epithet of Quodlibetarian; and
in which designation, in my poor judgment, is comprehended
the essence of the true theory by which this nation has
advanced to its present unparalleled state of prosperity and
grandeur.

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Following this suggestion, I propose now to lead my
reader to that epoch in the annals of the Borough which
dates in the fourth year after the Removal, or, in the vernacular
computation, the year of 1836-7. The population
of Quodlibet had now reached to the astonishing amount
of five hundred and eighty odd souls—the increase being
altogether without an example in the history of civilization,
excepting, perhaps, in that of Milwaukie, Navarino,
and some other of those seemingly incredible and fabulous
creations of art which are said to have sprung up under the
beneficent auspices of the Quodlibetarian theory, as the
same has been practised in this government for some few
years past. Quodlibet, I repeat, had reached in population
upwards of five hundred and eighty inhabitants, as was
ascertained by a diligent enumeration made under the direction
of our New Light Club, with a view to the election of
a constable held this year in the Borough;—and when we
reflect that at the date of the removal, the whole settlement
fell short of one hundred persons all told, it will be perceived
that in three years our increase has exceeded five
hundred per cent.!! Verily, neither London, Athens, nor
Palmyra, Karnac, Luxor, nor even Milwaukie itself, I doubt,
has ever manifested so prolific an augmentation.

Nicodemus Handy's row of stores on the Basin was the
first improvement, as I have already informed my reader;
then Copperplate Ridge was studded with buildings; at the
same time Flam street was enriched with the bank and
seven brick dwellings; then came the Female Lyceum, with
the Town Hall in the second story of the same building,
Peter Ounce's Boatman's Hotel on the other side of the
Basin, the Hay Scales, Zachary Younghusband, the tinplate
worker's shop, and Dr. Thomas G. Winkelman's Druggist
Store and Soda Water Pavilion. These, as well as I can
recollect, were the principal establishments erected in

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Quodlibet in the three years I have referred to. There were a
number of private houses built in this period, and a whole
settlement of free negroes made below the Basin, on the line
of the canal. I ought to mention, too, that Nicodemus
Handy this year dug out the foundations and, I believe,
built the cellar walls of a second row of stores and of a new
Hotel designed on a very large scale, with extensive baths
to be attached to it. These buildings, it pains me to say, in
advance, never got higher than the first story, as I shall be
obliged to relate hereafter.

The bank did a sweeping business all this time; and
nothing can be conceived more beautiful than the theory
upon which it was conducted. It has run out of my memory
how many new bales of pink silk paper were turned off
by it, but the amount would scarcely be believed if I were
to set it down; and the accommodation principle was carried
out to an extent that must have been truly gratifying to the
secretary. Still even this most exemplary institution did
not escape the malevolence of the Whigs. That ever-complaining
party, as the Hon. Middleton Flam assured us by
letter, were making a great ado in congress about all the
banks, but particularly about ours—alleging, in their usual
factious manner, that the government would lose money by
us, as well as by the others.

Deeming this charge as one of peculiar atrocity, we at
once determined to take it up in our New Light Club, and
stamp upon it the most conclusive refutation. We accordingly
fixed an evening for the discussion, during Christmas
week, when we knew that our member would be at home
to visit his family; and he was of course invited to attend
and give his views upon this very interesting question. The
meeting was in the Town Hall up stairs above the Female
Lyceum. All Quodlibet was present. I shall be long thankful
to Providence for the dignified station which it fell to my

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lot to fill on that memorable occasion. By a most unexpected
but most felicitous chance, I was honored that night with a
call to the chair; the worthy Mr. Snuffers, our president, not
being able to attend in consequence of the interesting condition
of Mrs. Snuffers. As the subject of discussion was one
of thrilling interest, the most intense anxiety prevailed to hear
the speech of our eloquent representative. He came fully prepared,
bringing with him a load of documents. Our Vice, Mr.
Doubleday, who is a solid thinking, shrewd person, of that
maturity of judgment which it is impossible to impose upon,
and himself, by the by, a first rate debater, told me, after
we broke up, that Mr. Flam's diccourse that evening on the
banking system at large and on the safety of the banks in
particular, was one of the closest pieces of reasoning he had
ever listened to in his life. I regret that I have preserved
so imperfect an outline of this speech, but such as it is I
offer it to my reader.

The orator commenced very appropriately by remarking
how impossible it was, in the nature of things, to satisfy
the Whigs on any point. He said there were three parties
in Congress: First, the Whigs—who still croaked about a
National Bank—and his description of their croaking was
to the last degree humorous; it produced peals of laughter:
Second, the thorough-going Quodlibetarian Whole Hogs,
who were steadfast and immovable for the State Banks; and
a Third party, small in numbers, “attenuated”—as he remarked
with irresistibly comic effect—“and gaunt; feeble,
shrill, and like crickets who might scarcely be seen in day
time;” and who, when the bill to Regulate the Deposites
was up, presented what, in his opinion, was the most alarming,
if it had not been the most ridiculous scheme, in relation
to the public money that had ever been hatched in the
hot bed of faction. These men, he said called themselves
Conservatives: “And what think you, Mr. President”—he

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asked—“was their project? It was, sir, to separate the
Government from the Banks.” Here Mr. Flam was interrupted
by a loud laugh. “A Mr. Gordon,” he said, “was
at the head of this little troop. He proposed a bill, two
sessions ago, to place the revenue and public monies in
the hands of Receivers—the monies were to be paid to these
Receivers in GOLD and SILVER! and no bank was to be entrusted
with a dollar!! And this,” exclaimed Mr. Flam, with
a tone of inimitable irony, “was to be done for the SAFETY
of the public Treasure! Your money not safe in the hands
of the Banks, but perfectly secure in the keeping of these
honest Receivers, who were to be furnished with vaults and
iron chests to lock it up in!!! Oh rare Conservatives!—
Oh wise Conservatives!—Oh honest Conservatives!”

We all thought the ceiling of the Town Hall would have
toppled down on our heads from the laughter occasioned by
this sally. In this admirable strain he continued for some
minutes. At length, taking himself up, and falling into a tone
of grave expostulation, he pulled out a copy of The Globe
from his pocket, and proceeded—

“Admirably, sir, has this paper which I hold in my hand,
descanted on this most wicked project. These well-timed
remarks, I beg leave to read. Hear the incomparable Blair.
`Had such a suggestion, says he, come from General Jackson,
it would have been rung through the Old Dominion as
conclusive proof of all the aspirations which may have been
charged to the Hero of New Orleans. See here, they would
say, he wishes to put the public money directly into the
palms of his friends and partisans, instead of keeping it on
deposite in Banks, whence it cannot be drawn, for other
than public purposes, without certain detection. In such a
case, we should feel that the people had just cause for alarm,
and ought to give their most watchful attention to such an
effort to enlarge Executive power, and put in its hands

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the means of corruption.” “Most admirably again,” continued
Mr. Flam, “has this same incomparable Blair said,”
`The scheme is disorganising and revolutionary, subversive
of the fundamental principles of our government, and
of its practice from
1780 down to this day.' “Will you,
freemen of Quodlibet, gentlemen of The New Light,” exclaimed
Mr. Flam, “if faction should go so far as to put this
odious, disorganising and revolutionary yoke upon the
country, will you, freemen of Quodlibet, submit to it?”

“No!” shouted the ready response of sixty-four voices—

“Gentlemen, listen to the words of the Old Hero”—continued
Mr. Flam, with a gratulatory smile playing on his
face, presenting at the same time, a printed document which
he carefully unfolded—“listen to that `old man eloquent'
whose mouth is never opened but to breathe the precepts of
wisdom and patriotism:—I read you from his last message.
In remarking upon this absurd project, the President, in this
able paper, holds the following language; `To retain the
Public Revenue in the Treasury unemployed in any way,
is impracticable. It is considered against the genius of
our free institutions to lock up in vaults the treasure of the
Nation. Such a Treasure would doubtless be employed
at some time, as it has in other countries, when opportunity
tempted ambition
.' “Now are you willing, Men of
Quodlibet,” again ejaculated our eloquent representative, as
he slapped the document upon the table, “are you willing,
or can you consent to tolerate a proposition, which is against
the genius—

“No!”—thundered forth sixty-four New Lights again,
before our orator had finished the sentence.

“Order, order! freemen of Qodlibet,” I called out, as it
was my duty to do, at this interruption. “Hear our distinguished
representative to an end, before you respond.”

There was a decorous silence.

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[figure description] Page 072.[end figure description]

“A proposition,” continued Mr. Flam, “which is against
the genius of our free institutions, and which would be a
lure to tempt ambition to its most unholy purposes?”

The club looked at me for a sign, and I, quickly giving a
nod of my head, a loud “No” ran over the whole room, like
a feu de joie fired off at a militia training.

“Now, gentlemen,” said Mr. Flam, “one word as to the
safety of these deposites. Whigs—oh that some of you
were present, to mark how a plain tale shall put you down!
I have here the secretary's own report,” he added, as he
selected one from the bundle of documents which lay before
him. “There is no need for many words here—here is
Mr. Secretary Woodbury himself, than whom a more pellucid,
diaphonous, transparent Secretary of the treasury—a
mind of rock crystal, a head of sunbeams, a soul, sir, of
pure fountain water, that gurgles and gurgles, perpetually
welling forth its unadulterated intelligence in a purling
stream, of which it may be said, in the beautiful language
of the poet of antiquity



`Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis, at ille
Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis ævum.”'—

Here I gave a nod, by way of signal to the club, to
applaud this splendid outbreak of Ciceronian eloquence;
whereat the New Lights vociferated: “Bravo—three times
three!” and made the house ring with their approbation——
“I say, sir, I have Mr. Secretary Woodbury himself here
present.”—

Several of the members, not being accustomed to this
parliamentary language, took the orator literally, and rose to
welcome Mr. Senator Woodbury; but a word from me explained
matters, and brought the club again to order.—

“The secretary, gentlemen New Lights,” said Mr. Flam,
adroitly availing himself of the occasion to throw off a

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corruscation of wit—“the secretary lives in his Reports—profound,
statesmanlike, recondite and deep, his report is in
my hand—it is himself! I will read you what he says upon
this matter of the safety of the banks.”

Here Mr. Flam read as follows, from a Report, dated
Dec. 12, 1834:

“It is gratifying to reflect, however, that the credit given by
the government, whether to bank paper or bank agents, has been
accompanied by SMALLER LOSSES in the experience under the
system of state banks in this country, at their worst periods, and
under their severest calamities, than any other kind of credit the
government has ever given in relation to its pecuniary transactions.”
“Again,” he continued, turning to another page—“It
is a singular fact, in praise of this description of public debtors—
the selected banks—that there is not now due, on deposite, in
the whole of them, which have ever stopped payment, from the
establishment of the constitution to the present moment, a sum
much beyond what is now due to the United States from one
mercantile firm, that stopped payment in 1825 or 1826, and of
whom ample security was required, and supposed to be taken
under the responsibility of an oath. If we include the whole
present dues to the government from discredited banks at all
times, and of all kinds, whether as depositories or not, and embrace
even counterfeit bills, and every other species of unavailable
funds in the treasury, they will not exceed what is due from
two such firms. Of almost one hundred banks, not depositories,
which, during all our wars and commercial embarrassments,
have heretofore failed, in any part of the Union, in debt to the
government, on their bills or otherwise, it will be seen by the
above table (to which Mr. Flam referred as annexed to the report)
that the whole of them, except seventeen, have adjusted
every thing which they owed, and that the balance due from
them, without interest, is less than $32,000.”

“There, gentlemen New Lights of Quodlibet,” said Mr.
Flam, when he had finished reading these extracts, “what
can be added beyond this certificate from the secretary, of

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the value of our State Banks? Even the lips of whiggism
are sealed before it; and nothing is left but the confession
that, in all their senseless clamor against our favorite and
long tried State Bank system, the course of its enemies has
been but the ebullition of disappointed ambition and peevish
discontent. Are you willing, I ask, to see this glorious
system prostrated to the earth?”

“No!” was again the general cry.

“Are you content to see your cherished banks stripped
of the confidence of the government?”

“No—never, never!” shouted the New Lights to a man.

“Then, gentlemen Quodlibetarians, radii of the New
Lights, you have justified all my hopes. Your applause
rewards all my toils—your support and confidence enlist all
my gratitude. With emotions of heart-felt satisfaction, I
bid you each good night!”

With these words, this remarkable man gathered up his
documents, and, with a countenance full of smiles, retired
from the midst of this circle of his devoted—yes, I may
say, his idolizing friends.

-- 075 --

p239-080 CHAPTER V.

EXCITEMENT PRODUCED BY THE THOROUGHBLUE WHOLE TEAM.—MEETING
OF THE NEW LIGHT.—JESSE FERRET'S AMBIDEXTERITY.—INTRODUCTION
OF ELIPHALET FOX TO THE CLUB.—HIS EXPOSITION OF PRINCIPLES.—
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE QUODLIBET WHOLE HOG.

[figure description] Page 075.[end figure description]

Soon after the time referred to in the last chapter—that
is, when we were favored by Mr. Flam with his views on the
Banking System—there was a question of the most profound
interest in agitation, both in the New Light Club and
out of it; that question was the establishment of a newspaper.
The Quodlibetarian democracy were, I am sorry to
inform my reader, most sorely and wantonly assailed, indeed,
I may say, insulted by an hebdomadal sheet which,
through the aid, or, more properly speaking, the abuse of
the post office (for surely it was not the original design of
that institution to afford the means of corrupting the people
by the dissemination of such moral poisons) was distributed
amongst sundry of our citizens, and even put upon the files of
one of our public houses. I do not scruple to name the house—
that of Jesse Ferret—Jesse being at this time a little amphibious
in his politics, or, in Mr. Fog's expressive language,
rather fishy. The paper to which I allude, was published
at Thorough Blue Court House, a perfect hot bed of contumacious
opposition, situate about fifty miles due west
from Quodlibet. It was called “The Thorough Blue
Whole Team
,” and was edited by Augustus Postlethwaite

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Tompkinson, an inchoate lawyer, who had set up for a
poet, and whose sentiments were of the most dangerous
whig complexion. This paper was constantly filled with
extracts of the ravings of whig members of congress against
our admirable system of banking, and had gone to such an
extreme of rashness, as to denominate that splendid measure
of the purest and wisest statesman of the age—my reader perceives
I mean Mr. Benton—for the introduction of the gold
currency, a humbug! But this was not all; the unprincipled
editor of that reckless journal had actually so far forgotten
all the decencies of civilised society, had become so callous
to the cause of virtue and truth, as to launch his puny
thunderbolts at the fair fame of the Hon. Middleton Flam.
He was ridiculed as a pretender! he was nicknamed a charlatan!!
and the unbridled licence of this unsparing defamer
did not stop short of denouncing him as a Federalist!!!
All Quodlibet—that is, all who possessed the soul of Quodlibetarians—
raised up their hands at the political impiety of
this libel. A spontaneous burst of feeling indicated the
deep sentiment which called for immediate action on the
subject. For a full week, the New Light was in a state of
paroxysm. The Club met every night. Nicodemus Handy
was there; Fog was there; Nim Porter was there; Snuffers
and Doubleday, Doctor Winkleman and Zachary Younghusband
recently appointed Post Master of the borough,
were there. Every thorough bred Quod, even down to
Flan. Sucker was there. Jesse Ferret, I have already said,
was fishy. I regret to say it, but it is true. Jesse bending
to the suppleness of the times, and forgetting a patriot's
duty, which is first and foremost above all things to stick to
his party, pleaded his public calling to excuse his vacillation,
and even went so far as to say that “a publican should
have no politics.” Oh shame, where is thy blush! Not so
with Nim Porter;—his soul towered above the bar-room;

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he would bet all he was worth on the side of his party.
Every body in Quodlibet knows how free Nim always was
with his bets.

The decisive meeting of the club took place in the
dining room of Ferret's tavern. Nicodemus Handy did
not often attend the meetings of the club: we looked to
him rather for head work, for he was not the best of public
speakers—but on the night of this assemblage he made it a
point to be present. Mr. Handy is rather a short, fat man;
his head is partially bald, his face is smooth and fair, his
dress was always remarked for being of the best material
put on in the neatest manner—in short, Mr. Handy is a
first rate gentleman. I am particular in noting these matters,
because The Whole Team was in the habit of bragging
that “all the decency” was on his side. Now I would
challenge Thorough Blue Court House, and the settlement
ten miles around it—the whole region is whig—to produce
one man amongst them to compare either with the Hon.
Middleton Flam or Nicodemus Handy. And I would take
this occasion further to remark, in refutation of The Whole
Team's
calumny touching “all the decency,” that the true
Quodlibetarian democrats have as great a respect for appearance,
and as profound a spirit of assentation and regard
towards a man of wealth, as the people of any country
upon earth: if any thing, our tip top Quods carry rather a
higher head than the richest whigs in these parts, and any
dispassionate man who will examine into the matter will
say so.

Snuffers was in the chair. The members of the club did
not sit down: they were too much agitated to sit down.
As soon as I, in my character of secretary, read the minutes
of the preceding meeting, Mr. Handy rose, and after some
very appropriate remarks delivered in a modest fashion, (in

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[figure description] Page 078.[end figure description]

which he assured the club that he was unaccustomed to public
speaking and moreover oppressed by the intensity of his
feelings in regard to the recent attack on his friend, the
Honorable Middleton Flam, and in a slight degree agitated
in the presence of this most respectable assemblage of
Quods,) came at once to the point. “Who,” he asked,
“was Augustus Postlethwaite Tompkinson? His name
told you who he was;—an aristocrat, a poet, a sentimentaliser,
a dealer in fiction! What was his calling? A
pander, a pimp, a professional reviler of great and good
men. What was his paper? That sink of infamy, The
Whole Team
—twenty-four by eighteen, with a poet's
corner, and an outside stuffed with a few beggarly advertisements.
Would gentlemen submit to be led by the nose
by a thing like that, twenty-four by eighteen?”

“Never,” cried out Flanigan Sucker, who stood in the
doorway, just behind Nim Porter—“will we Nim?”

“Silence,” said Mr. Snuffers.

“If gentlemen have my feelings of indignation on this
subject,” continued Mr. Handy, “they will concur with
me in establishing a paper of our own.”

“Go it, Nicodemus!” shouted Flan. Sucker, very indecorously
putting in his word a second time.

Thereupon arose some confusion in the club, and Flan
being found upon examination to be muddled with liquor,
was requested to retire; and not being very prompt to obey
this invitation, he was turned out.

Mr. Handy then proceeded. “Gentlemen,” said he, “a
paper we must have, and I feel happy in the opportunity
to introduce to your acquaintance a good friend of our
cause, who is here present to night, and who, under the
auspices of this club, is willing to undertake the responsible
duty of supplying this so much desiderated object. I beg
leave to present to you Mr. Eliphalet Fox, a gentleman long

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[figure description] Page 079.[end figure description]

connected with the press in a neighboring state, and who is
prepared to submit to you his scheme.”

Upon this a stranger, who had been seated in a back part
of the room, wrapped up in a green camlet cloak with plaid
lining, which I may add had apparently seen much service,
stepped forward, and disrobing himself of this outer garment,
stood full before the president. He was a thin, faded little fellow,
whose clothes seemed to be somewhat too large for him.
His eye was gray and rather dull, his physiognomy melancholy,
his cheek sunken, his complexion freckled, his coat
blue, the buttons dingy, his hair sandy and like untwisted
rope. The first glance at the person of this new comer
gave every man of the club the assurance that here was an
editor indeed. A whisper of approbation ran through the
crowd, and from that moment, as Mr. Doubleday afterwards
said to me, we felt assured that we had the man we
wanted.

“Mr. President,” said he, in a feeble and sickly voice,
“my name is Fox. I am in want of employment. Sir,”
he added, gritting his teeth and taking an attitude, “if the
rancor of my soul, accumulated by maltreatment, set on edge
by disappointment, indurated by time, entitle me to claim
your confidence, then, sir, my claim stands number one.
If a thorough knowledge, sir, of the characteristic traits of
federalism, long acquaintance with its designs, persecution,
sir, from its votaries, a deep experience of its black ingratitude;
if days of toil spent in its service, nights of feverish
anxiety protracted in ruminating over its purposes; if promises
violated, hopes blasted, labors unrewarded, may be
deemed a stimulus to hatred—then, sir, am I richly endowed
with the qualifications to expose the enemies of Quodlibetarian
democracy. I am a child, sir, of sorrow: the milk
of my nature has been curdled by neglect. Mine is a history
of talents underrated, sensibilities derided, patriotism

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[figure description] Page 080.[end figure description]

spurned, affluence, nay competence, withheld. The world
has turned me aside. I have no resting place on the bosom
of my mother. Society, like a demon, pursues me. Writs
in the hands of the sheriff, judgments on the docket, fi.
fas.
and ca. sas. track my footsteps. No limitation runs in
my favor: the scire facias, ever ready, revives the inhuman
judgment, and my second shirt—my first is in rags—is
stripped from my body to glut the avarice of my relentless
pursuers. Thank God, I have at last found a friend in that
distinguished man who has been so ruthlessly, so recently
assailed, by that fledgling of the aristocracy, Augustus Postlethwaite
Tompkinson. Yes, sir, in the Honorable Middleton
Flam I have found a friend. He has given me letters to
this benevolent gentleman, Mr. Handy; he has recommended
my establishment here; he promises to co-operate with this
respectable club in giving me a foothold amongst you. With
her Flams and her Handys, Quodlibet is destined to an
enviable influence in this great republic.” (Here he was
interrupted by loud cheers.) “My scheme is, Mr. President,
with the aid of this club, and that of the benefactors
I have named, forthwith to start The Quodlibet Whole
Hog
. It shall take a decided and uncompromising stand
against The Thoroughblue Whole Team (here he was
again arrested by cheers); pledged to contradict every word
uttered by that vile print (cheers); to traduce and bring down
its editor by the most systematic disparagement (cheers);
to disprove all Whig assertions; unfailingly to take the opposite
side on all questions; industriously to lower the standing
of the members of the Whig party (immense cheers);
through thick and thin, good report and evil report, for
better and for worse, to defend and sustain the administration
of the new President, who is about to take his seat, that
incomparable democrat of the genuine Quodlibetarian stamp,
Martin Van Buren (at this point the cheering continued for

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[figure description] Page 081.[end figure description]

some moments, with such violence that the speaker had to
suspend his remarks); and finally, sir, to commend, exalt,
and illustrate the character and pretensions of our unrivalled
friend Mr. Flam (immense cheering), giving utterance to
his sentiments, preponderance to his opinions, authority to
his advice on all proper and suitable occasions (loud cheering
for a long time). In short, sir, The Whole Hog shall
be what its name imports, a faithful mirror of the democracy
of Quodlibet. Its publication shall be weekly; its size,
twenty-six by twenty, having the advantage over the Whole
Team by full two inches each way. There, sir, is an outline
of my sentiments and proposed paper.” Mr. Fox
concluded this address in the midst of a congratulatory uproar,
altogether unprecedented in the club.

Seizing upon the enthusiasm of the moment, and being
rather fearful that Fog would attempt to make a speech,
which that gentleman's condition would have rendered extremely
improper at this hour, Mr. Handy immediately
offered a resolution for the establishment of the Whole Hog,
and its adoption as the organ of the party, on the principles
proposed by Mr. Fox. This was carried by acclamation;
and the members without further discussion adjourned to the
bar-room, where Nim Porter offered a bet—and not finding
any one to take him up, continued to offer it during the
evening—of fifty dollars to twenty-five, or one hundred to
fifty, that Eliphalet Fox would run Augustus Posthlewaite
Tompkinson's Whole Team out of Quodlibet in six months
from that day:—that there would not be but two copies of
the Whole Team taken in the borough, and that one of
them would be Michael Grant's out at the Hog Back:—“for”
said Nim, with an oath, which I will not repeat—“I can
see it in that Liphlet Fox's eye; if he isn't a gouger when his
bile's fresh, there aint nothing in Lavender on Physiology,
or Fowler on the Shape of Heads.”

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p239-087 CHAPTER VI. BEING A SHORT HISTORY OF ELIPHALET FOX.

[figure description] Page 082.[end figure description]

Eliphalet Fox's paper, “The Whole Hog,” made its
first appearance on the day of the inauguration of President
Van Buren. Bright were the omens that heralded its birth.
The lustrous orb of Jackson had just set in an ocean of
splendor. Happy old man! Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere
causas! In the glowing language of his own immortal
valedictory, he left “this great people prosperous
and happy.” That star of the second magnitude, Martin
Van Buren, first amongst the sidera minora, had just risen.
In the nearly equally immortal salutatory of this Sidus
Minor, he spake the words, “we present an aggregate of
human prosperity surely not elsewhere to be found.” Fortunate
omens, incomparable auspices! Under these cheering
signs “The Whole Hog” appeared upon the stage.

Never was paper more faithful to the Quodlibetarian
theory. Never was editor more richly endowed to sustain
that theory than Eliphalet Fox. My reader will doubtless
expect that I should impart such gleanings of the editor's
life, as my diligent researches have enabled me to collect.
This reasonable expectation shall be indulged.

Eliphalet Fox, was one of those men, whose career furnishes
so remarkable a commentary upon the beneficent
character of our great democratic Quodlibetarian principle.

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His ancestors two generations back, were Federal and rich:
in the last generation they were Federal and poor—a transition
strikingly natural and eminently illustrative of our free
institutions. Eliphalet was born in the town of Gabwrangle
in the adjoining state. His education was circumscribed to
the circle of reading, writing and arithmetic, which Eliphalet
himself sometimes jocosely describes as algebraically
denoted by the signs of the three R's; to wit, Reading,
Righting and Rithmetic—a joke (mehercule) both ingenious
and new!

His parents being, as I may say, inops pecuniæ, bound
Eliphalet to a trade; but handicraft was abhorrent to his
genius. His temper was sour and peevish; and though
seemingly meek, even to a degree of asininity, in his demeanor,
yet it was early discovered that, upon occasion, he
could very deftly and nimbly, as the poet says, “unpack
his heart with words and fall to swearing like a very drab.”
This art was too valuable in Eliphalet's time to go long
without a patron; and accordingly, after he had worked four
most reluctant years in a printing office, to which his respectable
parents, thwarting the current of his genius, had devoted
him, he was discovered and taken by the hand by
Mr. Theophilus Flam, brother of the late Judge, and leader
of the Federal party of Gabwrangle. It was just before
the war; and the party being hard set upon by its enemies,
had, like a cat surrounded by curs, thrown itself upon its
back, and essayed to defend itself, most cattishly, with claw
and tooth. And sharply, as we well know, did they fight.
Eliphalet, in this strife, played the part of a claw, showing
most admirable spring nails, though ordinarily hid, and
therefore but little suspected in his velvet paw. His position
in this battle was that of conductor of “The Gabwrangle
Grimalkin,” a cross-grained, querulous, tart and vinegarish
little folio, which hoisted the banner of Theophilus Flam,

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[figure description] Page 084.[end figure description]

and swore in his words. Eliphalet Fox, in consequence of
the trusty position which was thus confided to him, and still
more by reason of a certain rabid, but laudable, hatred of all
who bore the name of Democrat, in those days (and here I
would have my reader mark that a Democrat of 1812 was
a very different thing from a Democrat of this our day,
especially from a true Quodlibetarian Democrat) rose to be
a person of great consideration in Gabwrangle. The party
of Theophilus Flam, like our illustrious chief of the new
Democracy, Mr. Van Buren, made sturdy opposition to
Madison and his unrighteous war, and finally enjoyed the
satisfaction of a complete triumph over all their political
adversaries in Gabwrangle, by an utter route of the spurious
Democrats who opposed them: a point of good fortune which
did not fall to the lot of our illustrious chief at Kinderhook;
since history records the disastrous fact that he, so far from
conquering, was obliged to give in, and was even unhappily
compelled, by the force of adverse winds, to go over to the
majority, (an event very distressing to his feelings,) when he
found that that majority was so obstinate as to refuse to
come on his side: he was, if I may so say, as it were, a
prisoner of war, and acted under a vis major. But at Gabwrangle,
thanks to the persevering tongue and pen of
Eliphalet Fox! it was all the other way; and “The Grimalkin,”
to the last, enjoyed a most enviable renown as the
bitterest reviler of Mr. Madison and his doings.

Habit grows into an instinct, and as times change our
habits are the last to follow the fashion. It is only by referring
to this deep-seated principle of human nature, that I
am able to account for the extraordinary vituperation which
Eliphalet Fox, at a later day, poured upon the head of the
Old Hero when he was brought out for President. The
Grimalkin, like all poison-concocting animals, grew more
venomous as it grew older; and were it not that Eliphalet

-- 085 --

[figure description] Page 085.[end figure description]

has repented of this folly, and amply atoned for its commission,
I should blush to record the almost savage ferocity,
the altogether unpardonable acerbity, and above all, the thoroughly
Unquodlibetarian freedom with which he assailed
the purest man that in the tide of time—as another pure
man has remarked—ever appeared upon this terraqueous
globe. But the truth is, Eliphalet had fallen into a habit of
detraction, and did it without thinking:—that is the best excuse
that can be made for him. The old Federalists of
Gabwrangle and, foremost amongst them, his master,
Theophilus Flam, soon corrected this unhappy proclivity,
and gave him to understand that he was on a wrong scent.
They peremptorily, to their great honor, insisted, that from
that day forth the Grimalkin must be decent. The consequence
of this was fatal to Eliphalet Fox—fatal at least to
his prosperity in Gabwrangle. Thenceforth the Grimalkin
sunk into insignificance. As the poet says, Othello's
occupation was gone. The subscribers grew testy and
dropped off, under the influence of this uncongenial decency
exacted from the editor. Eliphalet borrowed money, his
habiliments grew shabby, he took up mean callings for the
sake of pelf, he became a spunge; he grew bilious, atrabilious,
patriotic and indignant. He went for Reform
reform of the General Government, reform of the State Constitution,
reform of private manners, reform of public observances.
He took up an aversion to all kinds of respectability,
became a deadly enemy to every man who laid up
any money—made this sentiment a political question, talked
of a division of property, called Nature a stepmother, said
sundry hard things about the persecution of genius, and
finally, one Sunday night, eloped from Gabwrangle, leaving
his fiscal responsibilities in a state of as much perplexity
as that into which these vile Whigs have brought Mr. Woodbury's.
Alas for Eliphalet! little did he dream that out o

-- 086 --

[figure description] Page 086.[end figure description]

this desolation and dismay he was to pluck so bright a
flower of prosperity as he now wears in his bosom. All
the hounds of the law—as he so eloquently painted it to
the New Light at our celebrated meeting—were set upon
his track; but grace to his better destiny! he eluded them.
To twenty writs placed on Monday morning in the sheriff's
hands, that functionary made his return on Tuesday
evening, “Eloped under whip and spur out of the Bailiwick”—
Oh lucky Eliphalet!

In these straits the badgered patriot went to Washington;
was recognised by our distinguished representative who,
knowing that we were in want of an editor fit to cope with
The Whole Team, gave him a warm letter of recommendation
to Nicodemus Handy, and forthwith was projected that
famous movement, whereof I have already given the history,
and which has so auspiciously resulted in the establishment
of The Quodlibet Whole Hog.

-- 087 --

p239-092 CHAPTER VII.

ASTOUNDING EVENT.—SUSPENSION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS.—PROCEEDINGS
OF THE BANK OF QUODLIBET THEREUPON.—RESOLVE OF THE DIRECTORS
AGAINST SUSPENSION.—CONSPIRACY AND THREATENED REVOLUTION
HEADED BY FLAN SUCKER.—DIRECTORS CHANGE THEIR MIND.—
THEIR CONSTERNATION AND ESCAPE.—REMARKABLE BRAVERY AND
PRESENCE OF MIND OF THE HON. MIDDLETON FLAM.—HIS SPLENDID
APPEAL TO THE INSURGENTS.—GENERAL JACKSON'S ORACULAR VIEWS
IN REGARD TO THE SUSPENSION.

[figure description] Page 087.[end figure description]

Proh hominum fidem!

It falls to my lot, at this stage of my history, to be constrained
to record an event the most astounding, the most
awful, the most unexpected, the most treacherous, the most
ungrateful, the most flagitious—yea, the most supereminently
flagitious, that the history of mankind affords. Notwithstanding
that laudatory and political ejaculation which
The Hero and Sage breathed out in the evening of his brilliant
career, like the last notes of the swan, “I leave this
great people prosperous and happy”—notwithstanding that
flattering canzonet, with which he who pledges himself to
walk in the Hero and Sage's footsteps, began his illustrious
course, singing as it were the morning carol of the lark—
“we present an aggregate of human prosperity surely not
elsewhere to be found”—the echo of these sweet sounds had
not died away upon the tympana of our ravished ears, before
these banks—these gentle pet banks—these fostered,

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[figure description] Page 088.[end figure description]

favored, sugar-plum and candy-fed pet banks, with all their
troop of curtailed, combed and pampered paragon sister
banks, one and all, without one pang of remorse, without
one word of warning, without even as far as we could see,
one tingle of a suppressed and struggling blush, incontinently
suspended specie payments!! O curas hominum! Quantum
est in rebus inane!

Shall I tell it? Even the Patriotic Copperplate Bank of
Quodlibet was compelled to follow in this faithless path.
Not at once, I confess—not off-hand, and with such malice
prepense as the others—for Nicodemus Handy had a soul
above such black ingratitude—but after a pause, and let the
truth be told in extenuation, because he could not help it.

The Hon. Middleton Flam was sent for upon the first
tidings of this extraordinary kicking in the traces by these
high mettled institutions—tidings which reached Quodlibet,
via the canal, about eleven o'clock one morning in
May. The directors were summoned into council. What
was to be done? was the general question. Anthony
Hardbottle, of the firm of Barndollar & Hardbottle—a
grave man and a thoughtful; a man without flash, who
seldom smiles—a lean man, hard favored and simple in
his outgoings and incomings; a man who has never sported
as long as I have known him, any other coat than that
snuff brown with covered buttons, and who does not
wear out above one pair of shoes in a year; a man who
could never be persuaded to give so far into the times as to
put on a black cravat, but has always stuck to the white:—
such a man, it may be easily imagined, was not to be carried
away by new-fangled notions:—he was there at the
Board, in place of Theodore Fog who was compelled two
years before to withdraw his name as a candidate for re-election.
This same Anthony Hardbottle, speaking under the
dictates of that cautious wisdom natural to him as a

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[figure description] Page 089.[end figure description]

merchant, answered this question of What was to be done—by
another equally laconic and pregnant with meaning—

“How much cash have we on hand?”

“One hundred and seven dollars and thirty seven and a
half cents in silver,” replied Nicodemus, “and five half
eagles in gold, which were brought here by our honorable
President and placed on deposite, after he had used them in
the last election for the purpose of showing the people
what an admirable currency we were to have, as soon as
Mr. Benton should succeed in making it float up the stream
of the Mississippi.”

Again asked Anthony Hardbottle, “What circulation
have you abroad?”

“Six hundred thousand dollars”—replied Nicodemus—
“and a trifle over.”

“Then,” said Anthony, “I think we had better suspend
with the rest.”

“Never,” said the Hon. Middleton Flam, rising from his
seat and thumping the table violently with his hand. “Never,
sir, whilst I am President of this bank, and there is a shot
in the locker.”

“Bravo—well said, admirably said, spoke as a Quodlibetarian
ought to speak!”—shouted Dr. Thomas G. Winkleman
the keeper of the soda water Pavilion; “I have
fifteen dollars in five penny bits; they are at the service of
the Board, and while I hold a piece of coin, the Patriotic
Copperplate Bank shall never be subjected to the reproach
of being unable to meet its obligations. Anthony Hardbottle,
as a democrat I am surprised at you.”

“I can't help it,” replied Anthony; “in my opinion,
our issues are larger than our means.”

“How, larger, sir?” demanded Mr. Snuffers, the President
of the New Light, with some asperity of tone.—
“Haven't we a batch of bran new notes, just signed and

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[figure description] Page 090.[end figure description]

ready for delivery? Redeem the old ones with new.—Why
should we suspend?”

“Gentlemen, I will put the question to the Board,” interposed
Mr. Flam, fearful lest a quarrel might arise, if the
debate continued. “Shall this Bank suspend specie payments?
Those in favor of this iniquitous proposition will
say Aye.”

No one answered. Anthony Hardbottle was intimidated
by the President's stern manner.

“Those opposed to it will say No.”

“No!” was the universal acclamation of the Board,
with the exception of Anthony Hardbottle who did not open
his lips.

“Thank you, gentlemen,” said Mr. Flam, “for this generous
support. I should have been compelled by the adoption
of this proposition, much as I esteem this Board, much
as I value your good opinion, to have returned the commission
with which you have honored me as your President.
Our country first and then ourselves. The Democracy of
Quodlibet never will suspend!”

At this moment confused noises were heard in the banking
room, which adjoined that in which the directors were
convened. Mr. Handy immediately sprang from his chair
and went into this apartment.

There stood about thirty persons, principally boatmen
from the canal. At their head, some paces advanced into
the bank, was Flanigan Sucker. One sleeve of Flan's coat
was torn open from the shoulder to the wrist; his shirt, of
a very indefinite complexion, was open at the breast disclosing
the shaggy mat of hair that adorned this part of his
person; his corduroy trowsers had but one suspender to
keep them up, thus giving them rather a lop-sided set. His
face was fiery red; and his hat, which was considerably
frayed at the brim, was drawn over one ear, and left

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uncovered a large portion of his forehead and crown which were
embellished by wild elf locks of carroty hue.

“Nicodemus”—said Flan. as soon as the Cashier made
his appearance, “we have come to make a run upon the
bank:—they say you've bursted your biler.” Then turning
to the crowd behind him, he shouted. “Growl, Tigers!—
Yip! No?—You dont!”

As Flan yelled out these words, a strange muttering
sound broke forth from the multitude.

“What put it into your drunken noddle that we have
broke?” inquired Mr. Handy, with great composure, as soon
as silence was restored.

“Nim Porter ses, Nicodemus, that you're a gone horse,
and that if you ai'nt busted up, you will be before night.—
So we have determined on a run.”

Nim Porter who was standing in the rear of the crowd,
where he had come to see how matters were going on, now
stepped forward. Nim is the fattest man in Quodlibet, and
wears more gold chains across his waistcoat, than I ever
saw at a jeweller's window. He is the most dressy and
good natured man we have; and on this occasion there he
stood with a stiff starched linen roundabout jacket on, as
white as the driven snow, with white drilling pantaloons
just from the washerwoman, and the most strutting ruffle
to his shirt that could have been manufactured out of cambric.
In all points he was unlike the crowd of persons
who occupied the room. “I said nothing of the sort—”
was Nim's reply—“and I am willing now to bet ten to one
that he can't produce a man here to say I said so.”

“D—n the odds!” cried Flan; “Nicodemus, we are resolved
upon a run—so shell out!”

“Begin when it suits you,” said Mr. Handy. “Let me
have your note, and I will give you either silver or gold as
you choose.”

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“Yip! No?—You dont!” cried Flan with a screeching
and varied intonation which he was in the habit of
giving to these cant words, and accompanying them with
abundance of grimace, “d—n the odds about notes!—shell
out any how. We have determined on a run—a genuine,
dimmycratic sortie.”

“Have you none of our paper?” again inquired Mr.
Handy.

“Devil a shaving, Nicodemus,” replied Flan.—“What's
the odds?”

“But I have,” said a big, squinting boatman, as he
walked up to our cashier, and untied his leather wallet.
“There's sixty dollars, and I'll thank you for the cash.”

“And I have twenty-five more,” cried out another.

“And I twice twenty-five,” said a gruff voice from the
midst of the crowd.

All this time the number of persons outside was increasing,
and very profane swearing was heard about the door. Mr.
Handy stepped to the window to get a view of the assemblage,
and seeing that nearly all the moveable part of Quodlibet
was gathering in front of the building, he retired with
some trepidation into the directors' room, and informed Mr.
Flam and the Board of what was going on. They had a
pretty good suspicion of this before Mr. Handy returned,
for they had distinctly heard the uproar. Mr. Handy no
sooner communicated the fact to them, than Mr. Flam, with
considerable perturbation in his looks, rose and declared
that Quodlibet was in a state of insurrection; and, as every
one must be aware, that in the midst of a revolution no
bank could be expected to pay specie, he moved, in consideration
of this menacing state of affairs, that the Patriotic
Copperplate Bank of Quodlibet, suspend specie payments
forthwith, and continue the same until such time as the
re-establishment of the public peace should authorise a

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resumption. This motion was gratefully received by the
board, and carried without a division. During this interval,
the conspirators having learned, through their leader Flan
Sucker, that the Hon. Middleton Flam was in the house,
forthwith set up a violent shouting for that distinguished
gentleman to appear at the door. It was some moments
before our representative was willing to obey this summons:
the board of directors were thrown into a panic, and, with
great expedition, got out of the back window into the yard,
and made their escape—thus leaving the indomitable and
unflinching president of the bank, a man of lion heart,
alone in the apartment; whilst the yells and shouts of the
multitude were ringing in his ears with awful reduplication.
He was not at a loss to perform his duty, but, with a dignified
and stately movement, stalked into the banking room, approached
the window that looked upon the street, threw it
open, and gave himself in full view to the multitude.

There was a dreadful pause; a scowl sat upon every brow;
a muttering silence prevailed. As Tacitus says: “Non tumultus,
non quies, sed quale magni metus, et magnæ iræ
silentium est.” Mr. Flam raised his arm, and spoke in this
strain:

“Men of Quodlibet. What madness has seized upon
you? Do you assemble in front of this edifice to make the
day hideous with howling? Is it to insult Nicodemus
Handy, a worthy New Light, or is it to affright the universe
by pulling down these walls? Shame on you, men of Quodlibet!
If you have a vengeance to wreak, do not inflict it
upon us. Go to the Whigs, the authors of our misfortune.
They have brought these things upon us. Year after year
have we been struggling to give you a constitutional currency—
the real Jackson gold—”

“Three cheers for Middleton Flam!” cried out twenty
voices, and straightway the cheers ascended on the air; and

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in the midst was heard a well known voice, “Yip!—No?—
You don't!—Go it, Middleton!”

“Yes, my friends,” proceeded the orator, “whilst we
have been laboring to give you the solid metals; whilst we
have been fighting against this PAPER MONEY PARTY, and
have devoted all our energies to the endeavor to prostrate
the influence of these RAG BARONS, these MONOPOLISTS, these
CHAMPIONS OF VESTED RIGHTS AND CHARTERED PRIVILEGES,
the Whigs—we have been foiled at every turn by the power
of their unholy combinations of associated wealth. They
have filled your land with banks, and have brought upon us
all the curses of over-trading and over-speculating, until
the people are literally on their faces at the footstool of the
Money Power. (Tremendous cheering.) Our course has
been resolute and unwaveringly patriotic. We have stood
in the breach and met the storm; but all without avail.
Between the rich and the poor lies a mighty gulf. The
rich man has, the poor man wants. Of that which the rich
hath, does he give to the poor? Answer me, men of Quodlibet.”

“No!” arose, deeptoned, from every throat.

“Then our course is plain. Poor men, one and all, rally
round our Democratic banner. Let the aristocrats know
and feel that you will not bear this tyranny.”

“We will, we will!” shouted Flan. Sucker. “Go it,
Middleton!—Yip! No? You don't!”

“Gentlemen,” continued Mr. Flam, “this bank of ours
is purely Democratic. It is an exception to all other banks;
it is emphatically the poor man's friend: nothing can exceed
the skill and caution with which it has been conducted.
Would that all other banks were like it! We have, comparatively,
but a small issue of paper afloat: we have a large
supply of specie. You perceive, therefore, that we fear no
run. You all saw with what alacrity our cashier proffered

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to redeem whatever amount our respectable fellow-citizen,
that excellent Democrat, Mr. Flanigan Sucker, might demand.
(Cheers, and a cry of `Yip! No? You don't!') Mr.
Sucker was satisfied, and did not desire to burden himself
with specie. Gentlemen, depend upon me. When there
is danger, if such a thing could be to this New Light Democratic
Bank, I will be the first to give you warning.
(Cheers, and `Hurrah for Flam.') Born with an instinctive
love of the people, I should be the vilest of men, if I could
ever forget my duty to them. (Immense cheering, and cries
of `Flam forever!') Take my advice, retire to your homes,
keep an eye on the Whigs and their wicked schemes to
bolster up the State Banks, make no run upon this institution—
it is an ill bird that defiles its own nest—and, before
you depart, gentlemen, let me inform you that, having the
greatest regard to your interest, we have determined upon
a temporary suspension, as a mere matter of caution against
the intrigues of the Whigs, who, we have every reason to
believe, actuated by their implacable hatred of the New Light
Democracy, will assail this, your favorite bank, with a malevolence
unexampled in all their past career. (Loud cheers,
and cries of `Stand by the Bank.') But, Quodlibetarians,
rally, and present a phalanx more terrible than the Macedonian
to the invader. You can—I am sure you will—and,
therefore, I tell you your bank is safe.”

“We can, we will!” rose from the whole multitude,
accompanied with cheers that might vie with the bursting
of the ocean surge.

“Gentlemen,” added Mr. Flam, “I thank you for the
manifestation of this patriotic sentiment. It is no more
than I expected of Quodlibet. In conclusion, I am requested,
my good friends, by Mr. Handy, to say that
having just prepared some notes on a superior paper, he
will redeem at the counter any old ones you may chance to

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[figure description] Page 096.[end figure description]

hold, in that new emission; and I can with pride assure you,
that this late supply is equal, perhaps, to any thing that
has ever been issued in the United States. With my best
wishes, gentlemen, for your permanent prosperity, under
the new and glorious dynasty of that distinguished New
Light Democrat, whom the unbought suffrages of millions
of freemen have called to the supreme executive chair,
(cheers,) and under whose lead we fondly indulge the hope
of speedily sweeping from existence this pestilential brood
of Whig banks, I respectfully take my leave.”

Having concluded this masterly appeal to the reason and
good sense of the people, Mr. Flam withdrew under nine
distinct rounds of applause.

The effect of this powerful speech, which has often since
been compared to that of Cicero against Catiline, was completely
to still the public mind of Quodlibet, and also to
remove all apprehensions of the solidity of our bank. But
its happiest feature was the vindication of the bank against
that charge of treachery and ingratitude which so justly
lies at the door of all the other banks of the country. The
Patriotic Copperplate Bank of Quodlibet was, as Mr. Flam
observed, purely democratic—democratic in its origin, in
its principles, in its organisation, in its management, in its
officers, its stockholders and its customers. Such a bank,
of course, could not be unfaithful to the democratic administration
that fostered it—infidelity or ingratitude to party
is no inhabitant of a democratic bosom
. If there be men
upon earth, who go all lengths, through thick and thin for
party, it is (I say it with pride) the genuine, New Light,
Quodlibetarian Democracy. Our bank, therefore, stands
uncontaminated by that revolting perfidy which, at the
instigation of Biddle and the Barings, brought all the other
banks, in which there are Whig directors or officers, into
the most wicked conspiracy recorded in history.

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It was not long after this astounding event before the
opinions uttered above were fully and most remarkably
confirmed by a letter from the Hermitage; a letter which
for its shrewdness of view, its perspicacity, its lucid style
and Hero-and-Sage-like felicity of construction, is unequalled
in the productions of the venerable Chief. I am happy to
insert it here, as a most eloquent exposition of the causes of
the suspension—feeling assured that its distinguished author
had no reference to the Democratic banks, and especially
none to ours of Quodlibet, but intended it entirely for the
vile Whigs.

The history of the world,” says this immortal man,
writing July 9th, to the virgin-minded, tremulously-sensitive,
unrewarded and beautified editor of the Globe, “never has
recorded such base treachery and perfidy as has been committed
by the deposite banks against the government, and
purely with a view of gratifying Biddle and the Barings,
and by the suspension of specie payments, degrade, embarrass
and ruin, if they could, their own country, for the
selfish views of making large profits by throwing out
millions of depreciated paper upon the people—selling
their specie at large premiums, and buying up their own
paper at discounts of from 25 to 50 per cent., and now
looking forward to be indulged in these speculations for
years to come before they resume specie payments
.”

Oracular old man! Sage and Seer! Priest and Prophet to
lead thine Israelites beyond Jordan! Happy do I, S. S.
Schoolmaster of Quodlibet, account myself that I have
lived in this thy day!

-- 098 --

p239-103 CHAPTER VIII.

SIGNS OF DISCORD IN QUODLIBET.—THE IRON RAILING CONTROVERSY.—
AGAMEMNON FLAG'S NOMINATION.—REVOLT OF THEODORE FOG.—
THE CELEBRATED SPLIT.—CONSEQUENCES OF JESSE FERRET'S PERNTCIOUS
DOGMA IN REFERENCE TO PUBLICANS.—FIRST FRUITS OF THE
SPLIT MANIFESTED AT MRS. FERRET'S TEA DRINKING.—GRAVE REFLECTIONS
BY THE AUTHOB.—MORAL.

[figure description] Page 098.[end figure description]

The exciting summer of 1837, with the special election
of a member of congress for the extra session—to which
we returned our long tried and faithful representative Mr.
Middleton Flam, almost without opposition—went by. All
eyes were turned upon the proceedings of congress at that
extra sitting; and a great many speculations were afloat in
Quodlibet, where, I am pained to disclose the fact, very
serious contrariety of opinion began to spring up in reference
to the Sub Treasury. Our state election, for members
of the legislature, was to come on in October, and
a convention, called for the purpose, had nominated Agamemnon
Flag, at the head of the ticket, with Abram Schoolcraft,
the nursery man in Bickerbray, and Curtius Short,
Cheap Store keeper, in Tumbledown, as the Regular New
Light Democratic Quodlibetarian candidates. Unhappily
this nomination gave dissatisfaction to numbers of our friends.
Agamemnon Flag, who was the only stump man on the
ticket, (Schoolcraft and Short having expressly stipulated
that they were not to be called on to speak in the canvass)

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was a young member of the bar, comparatively a stranger
to many in the Borough, (having within the last year removed
from Bickerbray,) and laboring under the infirmity
of short-sightedness wore a delicate pair of gold spectacles.
I have observed that short-sighted persons in general,
are not apt to be popular in a democratic government.

But there was another matter that operated against Agamemnon.
Quodlibet had been made the county seat of
justice by an act of the last legislature, and we were just
finishing a Court House which, in anticipation of this event,
we had commenced a year before. A question arose
amongst the townspeople, whether the Court House square
should be surrounded by a wooden, or by an iron railing.
This question created great agitation. Several whigs of
the Borough made themselves active in the debate, and went
for the iron. The New Light Quods were strong for
wood. Agamemnon Flag, seeing that a great deal of ill
blood was getting up between the parties, made a speech
to a town meeting on this subject, and went in for a compromise—
he was for wood on the two sides and back of
the square, and iron in front. This proposition he advocated
with great earnestness and ability, and finally carried
his point by a close vote. The wooden party said that the
vote was not a fair one, and that they could not regard it as
a legitimate expression of the popular voice, because it was
taken just as a shower of rain was coming up, when many
persons present who had come without umbrellas had given
no heed to the question, and voted as it were in the dark.
However the vote was not recalled and the iron railing is
now in a course of fabrication over at the Hog Back Forge,
which happens unluckily to be owned by Stephen P. Crabstock,
one of the most bull-headed whigs in this county,
the job being given by the commissioners to him, in

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consequence of their being no genuine New Light Democratic
iron works in this part of the country.

When Agamemnon Flag was brought out at the head of
the ticket for the legislature, nothing was said about the
iron railing, and we had good reason to suppose that every
true Quod would support the nomination; which in fact
was made by the direction of our honorable representative
in Congress who had a great liking for Flag, in consequence
of a very beautifully written memoir of Mr. Flam,
which appeared two years ago in the Bickerbray Scrutinizer,
when Flag lived in that town. In point of principle,
Agamemnon was altogether unexceptionable. He was an
out and out Flamite of the first water, and an unadulterated
Quodlibetarian in every sentiment.

Theodore Fog—I regret to be obliged to mention his
name in any terms of disparagement, because he is unquestionably
a man of talents and a true bred New Light, and,
certainly, we owe Theodore a good deal—had been very
sour for some time past. He had never forgotten the making
of Middleton Flam President of the bank. I have in a
former chapter hinted somewhat of Theodore's unfortunate
habits. Dolet mihi,—I grieve to repeat these things. But
the truth must be told. His diurnal aberrations became at
length so conspicuous that, after being twice elected a director
of the bank, his name was struck off the ticket and
Anthony Hardbottle's substituted in his place. Theodore
never had much practice at the Bar, although he considers
himself the founder of that fraternity at Quodlibet, being for
a season the only lawyer in the Borough. That little practice
had now pretty nearly left him; in consequence of
which he thought himself badly used, and therefore entitled
to a support from the public. These feelings operating upon
his mind, induced him, soon after the nomination of

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Agamemnon Flag, to come out in opposition and declare himself
an Independent Candidate.

The Whigs taking advantage of this split in the party,
brought out Andy Grant, son of old Michael of the Hog
Back; a young man of fair character, but wholly and fatally
imbued with those dangerous opinions which have already
brought so many misfortunes upon our country.

This was the state of things at the commencement of the
month of September; and it will be seen in the sequel that
very serious difficulties grew out of this division.

A meeting of the voters of the county which included the
three towns of Quodlibet, Tumbledown and Bickerbray,
was called at the Sycamore Spring upon the Rumblebottom
about five miles below Quodlibet. This meeting was
to be held on the 8th. A reference to these events is
necessary to explain the scene which I am about to present
to my reader.

Jesse Ferret, as my reader knows, had brought himself
into some scandal by his indefinite political sentiments and
that most unquodlibetarian dogma that “a Publican should
have no side.” Now, Mrs. Ferret and her daughter, Susan
Barndollar, were just antipodes to Jesse. Two truer women,
more firm-set in the New Light Democracy, more
constant in opinion, whether in the utterance thereof, or in
its quality, and better able to hold their own, have I never
chanced to meet, than this respectable mother and daughter.
It is common to say women are not allowed a voice in our
government. My faith! these two ladies had a voice in
Quodlibet, allowed or not allowed,—let the theory go as it
may:—and Jesse Ferret knows that full well.

Mrs. Ferret is what we call a fleshy or lusty woman:
she weighed two hundred and twelve, in Neal Hopper's
new one-sided patent scale at the mill. She is amazingly
well padded with fat across the shoulders, and has a

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crawshaped bosom that in some degree encroaches upon her
neck; and she is famous for wearing a large frilled and
quilled cap with many blue ribbons, being a little given to
finery. Although Susan Barndollar was grown up and
married, Mrs. Ferret had a child in the arms at that time;
and Jesse has even boasted, within the last five years, of
running two cradles at one time.

It was on the evening of the 7th of September, the night
before the meeting at the Sycamore Spring, when Mrs.
Ferret had a tea drinking in the back parlor, at which I,
the only one of the masculine, was present as a guest.
Mrs. Younghusband was of the party and Mrs. Snuffers,
with her interesting fat female infant nine months old; the
same dear child whose arrangements to appear in this world
of cares procured me the honor of presiding over the New
Light, on the memorable occasion of Mr. Flam's great
speech at Christmas, whereof I have spoken in a former
chapter: thanks to Mrs. Snuffers for that considerate favor!
This good lady was there; and these two, with the addition
of Miss Hardbottle, elder sister of Barndollar & Hardbottle,
and Mrs. Susan Barndollar who lived at home with her
mother, made up the company.

“There is one thing,” said Mrs. Ferret, as she rocked herself
in a huge hickory arm-chair, which had been built on purpose
for her, “that I do hold in despise; and that is, one of
these here men, who haint got no opinions. Ef you believe me,
Mrs. Snuffers, that man Jesse Ferret—this woman's father,
(pointing to Mrs. Barndollar,) God forgive me that I should
say any think aginst my datur's own lawful flesh and blood!—
but he's actelly afeard to go down to-morrow to the Sycamore
Spring to hear the tongue-lashing which Theodore
Fog, which is a man I always respected—they say he
drinks, but there's many a man which don't drink, has'nt
half his brains—Jesse's actelly afeard to go and hear how

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[figure description] Page 103.[end figure description]

Theodore will use up Ag Flag and Andy Grant both at the
same time, least they might be for making him take sides,
which he hasn't the spunk to do. My patience! but it would
be nuts to me to hear the speechification!—and, to think of
it—that man hasn't the heart of a goose to go to the meeting!”

“Ah, Mrs. Ferret,” said Mrs. Snuffers, talking as if she
had a cold in the head; her voice being husky, in fact, from
having taken a large pinch of snuff; “them politicks—them
politicks! Poor Mr. Snuffers—dear man: I spose you
know he is President of the New Light; he's losing his
naiteral rest upon account of that split. He put in his wote
in the conwention for Ag, as innocent as a lamb, and here
comes up that obstropolus Iron railing, and smashes all the
New Lights into outer darkness, with diwisions and contentions
and all sorts of infractions. Mr. Snuffers says he
should'nt wonder if that unfortnate step should take the
Hay Scales from him and leave me and this here innocent
darlin babe in a state of destitution. Oh them politicks!”

“Well, let people stand by their colors, says I,” interposed
Mrs. Barndollar tartly, with a sharp shake of her
head; “I go with my ma, although pa is pa. I think people
ought to speak what they please, and mean what they
please; and it's a mean thing not to do so, and that's gospel
truth, or else this is not a free country. Ma is right; and
if Mr. Snuffers is what Mr. Barndollar calls a whole hog,
he'll not mind the people a jot, but go with his party; that's
the law. And I don't agree by no means with ma, in going
for Theodore against the nomination.”

“Susan Barndollar, are you in earnest?” inquired her affectionate
ma. “Who put it into your head to underrate and
strangle down Theodore Fog, the oldest friend we have had
sence we came to Quodlibet? and who brings more custom to
our bar than the whole New Light Club put together. Susan,

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[figure description] Page 104.[end figure description]

Susan, I hope Jacob haint been putting none of these ungrateful
ideers into your breast. Ef this house of ours, commonly
called and known by the name of The Hero, ought to go
for any human, mortal, individual man, that man is Theodore
Fog. Ef he is a little exintric in regard of his drinking,
it wont be no new think in the legislater ef the tenth
part of what I heerd is true. Ladies—Tea,” said the
dame, as at this time a negro woman entered with a tray
filled with great store of provender—“help yourself Mrs.
Younghusband—take a plate on your knee, and fork up
one of them warfields—and take care of your gown, they're
a dripping with butter. Mr. Secondthoughts, what under
Heaven has become of your perliteness that you can see Mrs.
Younghusband a fishing up that briled dried beef without
her fork no more sticking in it than if it was a live eel in
the gravy!”

“Never mind me, Mrs. Ferret,” replied Mrs. Younghusband,
“and dont be a troublin the schoolmaster on
my account. They do say that there's some persons as
hard to catch and pin down as hung beef crisped and floating
in butter, and as you justly remarked, a while ago, one
of these persons is not a hundred miles off from this house:”
and here this good woman laughed heartily at her own
joke.

“Oh Jesse Ferret, in course!” exclaimed the landlady.

“My pa!” said Mrs. Barndollar, joining in the laugh.

“As Mr. Ferret has'nt got many friends here,” said Miss
Hardbottle, “I'll be one. I think he is quite right, if he has
no opinions, not to express them. Dont you think so, Mr.
Secondthoughts?”

“Madam,” said I in a very grave manner, “if I might be
allowed to express myself freely, I would venture to remark,
that it is very important to the ascendancy of The New
Light Quodlibetarian Democratic party, that there should be

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[figure description] Page 105.[end figure description]

no strife nor division in our ranks; and, that feeling the importance
of this sentiment, it is one of our fundamental
principles to go with the majority—whenever it can be ascertained.
Now between Agamemnon Flag and Theodore
Fog”—

“Theodore Fog is sich a good creature!” interrupted Mrs.
Ferret—

“Ag is a dear young man,” said Mrs. Barndollar.

“As for that, ladies,” said Miss Hardbottle, “if you speak
of goodness or beauty, Andy Grant can beat either, though
he is a Whig.”

“Hester Hardbottle!” shouted Mrs. Ferret—

“Hester Hardbottle!” shouted Mrs. Snuffers—

“Hester Hardbottle!” shouted Mrs. Younghusband—

“Hester Hardbottle!” shouted Mrs. Barndollar—all four
at once—

“I do think so,” said Miss Hardbottle sharply, “and what
I do think, I say.”

“You have no right to say it, Madam,” said Mrs. Barndollar.

“Free country,” said Miss Hardbottle.

“No such a thing for Whigs,” quickly returned Mrs.
Barndollar—

“Ladies!—Ladies!—Ladies!”—said I, “peace, if you
please:” but there was no peace, for these excellent females
soon got into such a state of confusion in the attack and defence
of Andy Grant, that I believe the tea party would
have broken up in a state of rebellion, if it had not been for
the entrance of Mr. Ferret in the very height of the tumult.
His appearance gave another turn to the conversation, for it
all turned upon him.

“And so you are not going to the Sycamore Spring tomorrow,”
cried one.

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[figure description] Page 106.[end figure description]

“And I spose you wont vote for Theodore Fog,” said
Number Two.

“Nor for Ag Flag,” said Number Three.

“But you will drop in a sly ticket for Andy Grant, may
be, at last, ef no one should find you out,” said Mrs. Ferret,
who in this series counted Number Four. “Oh Jesse Ferret,
ef you had a drop of blood in you that was'nt milk and
water, you would be ashamed of sich shilly shally conduct,
that even the women makes you a laughing stock!'

“Wife,” said Jesse, taking a fierce stand in self-defence,
“Drop it! If my blood was milk and water, it would be
curds and whey before this time. I tell you again, old
lady, a Publican's got no right to have sentiments. The
party's double splitted, and no man knows which way to
turn himself. There's that cursed Iron Railing; and there's
that infernal Suspension; and there's the Divorce of the Government
from bed and board with the Banks, that every
body's a talking about; and there's Purse and Sword, and
Specie Circlar, and Mint Drops, and the Lord knows what;
that a poor, sinful, infallible tavern keeper doesn't know
who's who, and what's what. I'm sure I cant tell whether
I'm on my head or my heels; and if I was to go down yonder
to the Sycamore Spring and hear all the palavering
there, I should get so flustrated I would'nt know which
eend of me went foremost. So, I tell you I'll stay at home
and stick to my motto:—that's as good as if I swore to it.
Solomon Secondthoughts, aint I right?”

“Jesse,” said I, mildly, “have you any respect for the
opinion of our distinguished representative, my former pupil,
Middleton Flam?”

“Well, I voted for him,” replied Jesse.

“Then,” said I, “I admit there is a great perplexity
about all these public measures and men, just at this time;
and I am willing to allow that the New Light Democracy

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do not as yet exactly understand their own minds; and therefore
it is quite lawful to pause and look about you before
you take your stand. This thing is certain, that the New
Light Democracy will undoubtedly go with the government,
whatever line it chalks out for following the footsteps of its
illustrious predecessor. Whether that line shall lead us
North or South, East or West, my poor skill is not able to
instruct you. Whether we are for the banks or against
them, is yet undecided, since we are pledged at least in
favor of our own. In a Quodlibetarian sense, I do not
scruple to affirm that we are against the banks and for the
divorce; but in a private sense that opinion will require
some reflection. Mr. Flam will be home from congress
before long, and until then we shall suspend our opinion.
We are, at all hazards, real Flam men. Flam—I drop the
mister when I speak of him as a principle—is our polar
star—our cynosure in politics—our Pisgah, which gives us
a view of the Promised Land. As a principle, our New
Light Democracy is all out and out Flam. Flam is our
father, our guide, our Pillar of Cloud. Wait till Middleton
Flam comes home.”

Having thrown out these well-weighed and sententious
remarks, both for the women and for Jesse, I was inwardly
delighted to see how soothing was the effect upon my
auditory; and as it is a precept inculcated by some sage
observer of mankind, I forget his name, to leave your
company when you have made an agreeable impression
upon them, I did not tarry for further converse, but took up
my hat and stick, and bade my worthy friends “good
night.”

Upon my return to my lodgings, I sat down and made
the foregoing narration of what had passed in my presence,
and I have incorporated the same into this history, with no
little mortification; feeling myself compelled thereto by the

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consideration that the scene I have described, being, as it
were, the first fruits of that unhappy dissension which grew
up amongst the New Lights, and a significant commentary
thereon, it may serve in the way of warning to all good
Quodlibetarian Democrats, who may chance to peruse these
pages, against the folly of ever allowing themselves to have
any individual opinions, when the leaders and marshals of
the party shall have taken the trouble off their hands of
thinking and determining for them. And, indeed, the moral
may be carried further. For it is obvious, if Jesse Ferret
had acted in the spirit and the intelligence of a true Quod,
he would have ascertained the majority and gone with it;
instead of which, he entrenched himself behind that fortress
of neutrality, comprehended in the absurd dogma, that a
Publican ought to have no sides. Undoubtedly, the true
precept should be in all cases of public servants, “Take the
upper side.” Thereon chiefly hangs the Quodlibetarian
theory.

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p239-114 CHAPTER IX.

GREAT MEETING AT THE SYCAMORE SPRING.—SOME DESCRIPTION OF THE
ARRANGEMENTS.—NICODEMUS HANDY CHOSEN TO PRESIDE ON THIS
OCCASION.—MOTION TO THAT EFFECT BY MR. SNUFFERS.—THIS
WORTHY GENTLEMAN'S MISFORTUNE.—HIS ESCAPE.—SUCCESSFUL ORGANIZATION
OF THE MEETING.

[figure description] Page 109.[end figure description]

The morning of the 8th of September, Anno Domini
1837, was cloudless and cool. The dust had been laid by
a shower of rain a little before daylight, and the day therefore
was auspicious to the wishes of all who proposed to
assemble at the Sycamore Spring. By eight o'clock Ante
Meridiem, Nicodemus Handy's barouche, with two beautiful
bays, stood upon the gravel before Handy House on Copperplate
Ridge. Agamemnon Flag, attired in a new blue
coat with figured gilt buttons, white waistcoat, India rubber
watch guard, snowy pantaloons of very fine drilling and boots
of drab prunelle, tipped at the toes with polished French
leather, a watered silk cravat, and gold spectacles, sat at
the breakfast table with Mrs. Handy and Henrietta, her
daughter—the smallest, the neatest, and the best shaped
female, it is said by those who pretend to be judges, in
Quodlibet.

Nicodemus was in a flurry. He had swallowed his
breakfast with great despatch, and four servants were busily
in attendance upon him. Sam, the waiter, was beating time
in the hall with a corn whisk, alternately upon the person of

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his master and his left hand, after a very favorite and ingenious
fashion of dusting a gentleman's coat, only known to
and practised by that musical race of colored dandies, of
which Sam was a first rate specimen. Sarah, a lady of
Sam's complexion, Mrs. Handy's maid, was running up
stairs to sprinkle some verbena perfume on Mr. Handy's
cambric handkerchief; William was smoothing the nap of
his glossy black Brewster, with a brush as soft as silk; and
Mrs. Trotter, the house-keeper, was arranging a basket of
sandwiches and a bottle of Rudesheimer to be stowed away
in the box of the back seat of the barouche. The coachman,
in a sky blue frock, and hat with gold bands secured
by a huge buckle, was in his seat holding the reins, every
moment speaking to the horses to make them restive, and
then whipping them for not standing still. The whole
scene was one eminently calculated to disprove that stale
Whig slander which purports to affirm that “all the decency”
was in their ranks:—nothing could be more striking
than this refutation of it. And as I was myself present—
having called in at that moment to deliver a message from
the New Light Club to Mr. Handy, apprising him of their
intention to move that he should act as chairman of the
meeting to be held at the Sycamore Spring—I witnessed
with lively satisfaction, the very decided impression of
pleasure made upon an assemblage of New Lights, who
stood looking on outside of the front gate, by this triumphant
vindication of our party from the malevolent insinuations
of the Whig press.

Agamemnon Flag seemed to be very much at his ease,
and to be thinking but little about the meeting, whilst he
sat uttering some pleasant things to Miss Handy;—at least I
suppose they must have been pleasant to her, as she and her
mother both laughed a good deal at what he said. By the
by, there is a report in the Borough, that Ag is making up

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to this young lady—which will be a grand thing for him if
she favors him, since she is an only child, and Nicodemus
is amazingly rich.

“God bless me, my dear,” said Mr. Handy, breaking
away from Sam's whisk, and speaking after the manner of a
table of contents, (a habit which he has acquired since he has
grown rich,) “it is past eight o'clock—I'm to be the chairman
of that meeting—ought to be early on the ground—
five miles off—no time for nonsense now—you and Henrietta
and Ag—have to drive like the devil—barbacue, my dear—
want to see the arrangements before the voters arrive—
the schoolmaster will take a seat along side of Nace —”

“Thank you kindly,” said I; “I accept your offer with
great pleasure —”

“Shant want William,” he added, referring to the servant
who generally rode with the coachman—“upon second
thoughts—will put our Second Thoughts inside—ha! ha!
Must take William—shall want him—you can sit (speaking
to me) on the front seat—Ag and I behind—offer the other
seat to Barndollar—want to be civil to him, my dear—come,
hurry, hurry, hurry!—William, get on your livery and be
prepared to mount beside Nace.”

As it was very manifest that Mr. Handy was really in a
hurry—as very opulent men are exceedingly apt to be—
there was of course a great bustle to accommodate him, by
getting off. Agamemnon immediately rose from the breakfast
table, and taking up his superfine leghorn hat, which
was very chastely adorned with a light yellow ribbon band,
the ends whereof hung a little over the rim, he put it gently
on his head, and then standing before the ladies, asked them
with very apparent complacency, whether they thought he
was in good trim to appear before the democracy—and
having received answer that “he was exactly the thing,”
he signified his readiness to depart; whereupon we all

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bustled out to the barouche and took our seats. William
clambered into his place, and away we went at full trot,
down to The Hero to take up Jacob Barndollar.

When we arrived at the tavern door, we found there Nim
Porter's trotting buggy with his stub-tailed grey. Nim
himself appeared on the steps in a big broad-brimmed low-crowned
Russia blue hat, set very knowingly over his right
eye, with a long taper whip in his hand; and before we
could take up Mr. Barndollar, this most good natured of
bar-keepers, with an agility not to be expected in so fat a
person, sprang up into his tub-shaped seat, which held him
about as compactly as the shell of an acorn holds the nut,
and spreading the skirts of his green coatee with steel buttons
over the periphery of the same, darted off at a speed
of about fifteen miles to the hour, down the Rumblebottom
road. During this time, Mrs. Ferret filled the front door,
and Mrs. Barndollar was looking over her shoulder, whilst
they both opened their batteries upon poor Jesse Ferret, in
a contemporaneous objurgation of his mean-spiritedness,
addressed to Mr. Handy in the barouche, but intended for
the master of the hotel who looked rather sheepishly
through the window of the bar-room; but before he could
say any thing in his own defence, and even before the amiable
ladies of his family were done talking, Jacob Barndollar
came out, and got into the barouche; and as Mr.
Handy was growing more and more impatient, he ordered
Nace to lose no time, and so off we started; and as well as
I could judge, from looking back, until we turned down by
Christy M'Curdy's mill, Mrs. Ferret was still arguing her
case in the front door of The Hero.

All the roads leading to the Sycamore Spring were filled
with persons on horseback, on foot, in gigs, buggies, barouches,
and rattle-traps of every sort. It was obvious we
were going to have a great meeting. Before nine o'clock,

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[figure description] Page 113.[end figure description]

Mr. Handy was on the ground. About a hundred persons
were already there. Booths were scattered along under
the huge elms and sycamores which shaded a low flat upon
the margin of the Rumblebottom. The fine, copious, old
spring—where there has been many a barbacue in my time—
was pouring out its crystal treasures, as some poet says,
with prodigal bounty, and transferring them as Mr. Woodbury
does the deposites, by large draughts, from the living
rock to the running Rumblebottom—in fact taking them out
of one bank, and distributing them between others. Not
far from this spring, adumbrated by overarching boughs—
the reader will excuse this poetical orgasm—for fifteen years
and upwards have I been visiting this fountain, sacred to
Pan, (we used to have fish frys here,) and have ever grown
poetical at the sight thereof—it is my infirmity. Not far
from the Spring stood the tables—boards on trussels, and
on the boards trenchers filled with cubic sections of beef,
lamb, mutton and ham, interspersed with pyramids of bread—
a goodly sight! Upon skids, remote from the tables,
stood a barrel of old Monongahela, and hard by in a cart,
tumblers, pitchers, noggins and bottles. Far off, at the opposite
confine of this field of action, was a stage erected,
with a chair for the President of the day, and benches of
unplaned board for persons of inferior dignity. Every thing
was in order; and now that Mr. Handy had arrived he had
nothing to do but wait for the gathering in of the people.

Presently Mr. Grant, mounted on a large bow-necked
bay, with his four sons, all men grown, of a rustic, farmer-like
complexion, arrived; they were attended by Augustus
Postlethwaite Tompkinson, of The Whole Team, and some
dozen Whigs from Thoroughblue, who had travelled as far
as Mr. Grant's the night before, and now made a very solid
and formidable troop. Andrew Grant the candidate, a
youth of good presence, and reputable, (bating his politics)

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[figure description] Page 114.[end figure description]

was of this party. Andy had been to college, and his father
first intended to make a doctor of him, but the lad some
how took a dislike to physic, and turned in to this new
business of Engineering on canals, and railroads, and was
considered, I believe, a tolerable smart hand in that calling.
But as he happened to catch a bilious fever in the Dismal
Swamp, the old lady his mother, who always had made a
pet of him, would not hear of his going back to that line of
livelihood; and so he staid at home helping to manage at
the Hog Back farm, and doing pretty much as he pleased;
until, about a year before he was brought out, he married
Stephen P. Crabstock's daughter; and ever since that event
does as his wife pleases—spending his time one part of the
year at the Iron Works, and the other at the old man's.

By eleven o'clock the company had pretty nearly got to
its maximum. A large party came down in a wagon from
Quodlibet with Abel Brawn—amongst them Neal Hopper,
Sandy Buttercrop, Davy Post, the wheelwright, and I cant
tell how many more. Quipes, the painter, borrowed a horse
out of Geoffry Wheeler's team, and was there studying human
nature and the picturesque. Flan Sucker, one-eyed Ben
Inky and Jeff Drinker, with a squad of regular loafers,
came on foot. The Tumbledownians were there in great
force under Cale Goodfellow, to help Theodore Fog—and
the Bickerbrayians with Virgil Philpot, the editor of The
Scrutinizer, mustered a heavy phalanx in favor of Ag. Flag.
And to swell the assemblage to its largest compass, there
were about fifty laborers from the newly-begun Bickerbray
and Meltpenny Railroad, a worthy accession to the New
Light Democracy, who had about a month before this meeting
come into the state.

This is a hasty glance over the field of action, and will
serve to show that the country was all alive to the importance
of the occasion and duly estimated the nature of the

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crisis. Looking over this congregation I, as one having
knowledge therein, may safely affirm, that the genuine
Quods present fully outnumbered the Whigs three to one.
Eliphalet Fox, who has been more accustomed to measure
crowds, however, after a minute inspection of the
various groups, judging by that tact which he says never
failed him in discriminating between what he calls a Loco
Foco and a Whig, (he does not pretend to say that he is
so expert in pointing out a New Light, but as to a Loco
he asserts he is perfect,) set down the number at nearer
ten to one; and accordingly so reported it in the account
of the meeting which afterwards appeared in The Whole
Hog. Without, however, dwelling upon this topic, let us
proceed to the business of the day.

At twelve o'clock dinner was announced; and this army
of hungry politicians, with an unanimity of sentiment, an
accord of principle, and a concert of action, which we
might in vain seek for in other occupations of a political
nature, combined, like a band of brothers, to devour the
largest possible amount of the stores which lay before
them. With somewhat less agreement they made their
advances to the Monongahela; the more shy of the assemblage
being rather kept at bay by the remarkable perseverance
and adhesiveness of Flan Sucker, one-eyed Ben
Inky, and a chosen body of troops under their command,
who had constituted themselves the forlorn hope in this
assault. Still, as the newspapers say when they are disposed
to puff a popular play, the barrel went off very much
to the satisfaction and, indeed, the delight of the company.

These matters being despatched, Nicodemus Handy
who, during the repast, had acted inimitably the part of a
perfectly ravenous man, but who having an eye to the sandwiches
and Rudesheimer, made his appetite rather a matter
of “seems,” rapped upon the table, and called upon every

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man to fill up his glass; which order was faithfully obeyed
by Flan Sucker and Company, a firm that was in possession
of all the tumblers—the remainder of the guests allowing
the filling to be, as we say in grammar, “understood,”—and
then offered the following toast, which, as he said, would
speak for itself:—“The several candidates who are about
to address the people—success to him who shall best deserve
it!” Sucker and Company drained to the bottom, and
then set up a shrill yell, very much in the style of the
Winnebagoes, except that there was a running note of
“Yip! No? You don't!” that was strictly and exclusively
Suckerian.

“Now, gentlemen, to the stand!” cried out Mr. Handy.
But before the crowd obeyed this order, Mr. Snuffers
had a motion to make. It was a matter of some importance,
as the subject was considered in the New Light club, that
our party should have the President of the day—and it was
therefore determined that the moment dinner was over, and
before the Whigs might be aware of it, Mr. Snuffers, the
head of our club, should rise in some conspicuous place,
and move that Nicodemus Handy be requested to preside
over the meeting. Mr. Snuffers is a slow and nervous man,
and was admonished to be on his guard, so as to make sure
of getting ahead of the Whigs who we knew wanted Mr.
Grant in the chair. He was in consequence very fidgetty
all the time of dinner; and now, when the moment for action
arrived, the good old gentleman elbowed his way towards
the centre of the table, and without difficulty succeeded in
clambering upon an inverted and empty flour barrel, which
had been filled with bread. “I move, gentlemen,” said he,
with a tremulous and agitated voice—“I move, gentlemen,
that Mr. Nicodemus Handy—”

Before the next word escaped from his lips, this worthy
and respectable old gentleman broke in, and in an instant

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(I am shocked to tell it) was jammed up tight in the barrel—
disappearing as a dip of twenty to the pound is very apt
to do when stuck into a black bottle—“be President of this
meeting,” said Mr. Doubleday, with a hurried utterance,
taking up the word which was lost with Mr. Snuffers, and
which, but for the admirable presence of mind of our Vice,
might have been lost forever.

“Break the barrel to pieces,” cried out forty voices.

“Mr. Snuffers is blue in the face, he will die of apoplexy,”
cried out others.

“An axe!—knock the d—d barrel to pieces,” shouted
more, in great alarm at his precarious situation.

In a few moments our distressed and worthy President of
the New Light was extricated from his unpleasant durance,
and finding no harm done, we proceeded to take the question
on the motion. Mr. Handy was thus called to the
chair. Nine Vice-presidents were appointed and six secretaries
to record the proceedings. These matters being arranged,
the whole assemblage moved towards the rostrum
at the opposite end of the wood.

What followed we shall read in the next chapter.

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p239-123 CHAPTER X.

SCENES AT THE SYCAMORE SPRING.—NICODEMUS HANDY'S SPEECH AS
PRESIDENT.—SKETCH OF ANDREW GRANT'S SPEECH.—AGAMEMNON
FLAG'S.—ATTEMPTS AT INTERRUPTION.—THEODORE FOG'S CELEBRATED
SPEECH ON THIS OCCASION.—ELOQUENT EXPOSITION OF PRINCIPLES.—
HIS TRIUMPH.—HIS MISFORTUNE.—QUIPES'S DISAPPOINTMENT
OF HIS FRIENDS.

[figure description] Page 118.[end figure description]

When the crowd had gathered around the stand appropriated
to the President, the nine Vice presidents and the six
secretaries, besides the speakers who were to address the
meeting; and when every officer was in his place, Nicodemus
Handy came forward with his pocket handkerchief in
his hand, wiping from his brow the perspiration, which
naturally breaks out on a man of sensibility and wealth
when called to discharge the honorable and responsible
function of presiding over a vast concourse of freemen. By
way of digression, I would take this occasion to remark
upon the extreme appropriateness of the phrase which is
now universally used in describing meetings of the people,
and which always refers to them as freemen. Ever since
the people have been drilled to walk in the way appointed
for them by the leaders of their respective parties, and are
so liberally told how they must think, speak and vote; and
when no man is allowed to walk out of that path, without
being threatened with condign punishment, it is extremely
proper, in order to avoid odious imputations which

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[figure description] Page 119.[end figure description]

malevolent observers might cast upon them, on all occasions to
employ the phrase I have alluded to; since, if this were
neglected, these malvolent observers might take it into their
heads to call the people of our free republic Tools, Instruments,
Rank-and-File, and other names significant of a state
of subserviency, which in the eyes of strangers might cast
discredit on our free institutions: even the officers of our
government, might be branded with the name of hirelings
and servants, and an opinion might thus be fostered that,
instead of being the freest nation upon earth, we were a set
of slaves governed by a set of hired servants—a most unwarrantable,
unjust and derogatory conclusion. For this
reason, I am particular in the language above employed,
and I think that every genuine Quod will see the value
and the force of my vindication and use of this phrase.

Mr. Handy rose to his feet, wiped his brow, and made a
graceful obedience to the assembled body of freemen.

“Gentlemen,” said he, with a most laudable diffidence,
in a voice which not more than fifteen persons, exclusive of
the nine Vices and six secretaries, could hear; “Sensible of
the great honor—endeavor to discharge with fidelity—
obvious incapacity—but exceedingly flattered by the testimony
of your confidence;” then wiping his brow, still more
vehemently, with his cambric handkerchief rolled up like a
snow-ball, he continued; “It falls to my lot to introduce to
you our distinguished friends, Agamemnon Flag, Andrew
Grant and Theodore Fog, Esquires, men of whom any land
may be proud—they will speak for themselves. With such
men to choose from, our country cannot fail to rise up to the
very midnight of prosperity, honor and renown. Thanks
for your attention—rely upon your indulgence—Mr. Grant
will lead off.”

“Three cheers for Nicodemus Handy!” cried out several
Quods, as soon as our distinguished townsman took his

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[figure description] Page 120.[end figure description]

seat; and, thereupon, about twenty heads were uncovered,
and the twenty throats appurtenant to the same, gave the
three rounds called for.

Andrew Grant now came forward, and made a discourse
of about an hour's length. It was in the usual style of the
Whigs, and began with an attempt to raise an impression
that the country, notwithstanding General Jackson's express
declaration to the contrary, given to the nation under the
solemn sanction of a presidental message, and notwithstanding
his successor's certificate to the same effect, was in a
state of difficulty and distress. This young man, not more
than twenty-five years of age, living in comparative obscurity,
had the hardihood, in the face of a large and respectable
body of freemen, to contradict the word of two Presidents
of the United States! Then, after coloring this picture of
adversity with all imaginable hues of shade, he did not
scruple to affirm that the whole of these fancied embarrassments
were brought on by the folly, as he termed it, of our
rulers—charged the great Democratic majority of the nation
with having carried bad measures through congress—said
the Whigs had warned us of the results of these measures—
and even went to the point of asserting that the suspension
of the banks, was the consequence of the acts of the party
in power. To make out this absurd proposition, he read
extracts from the speeches of Whig members, against the
Removal of the Deposites, to show what he called their prophecies
of disaster to the people; then actually affirmed, that
the experiment of General Jackson upon the Currency had
failed, and that all the Whig predictions had come true; and
after sundry excursions into the Hard Money and State Bank
systems of the administration, finally wound up his remarks
by a very fatiguing enumeration of the General's pledges to
the people before his election, and his changes of opinion
upon these subjects afterwards;—in regard to which he

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[figure description] Page 121.[end figure description]

produced and read certain long-winded documents from the President
and secretaries, to the great annoyance of our Quods,
who, in fact, became so tired of this impertinent matter, that
not more than half a dozen of them remained within hearing
of the speaker, the great bulk of them having gone over to
the spring to refresh themselves in a more agreeable manner.
Eliphalet Fox very aptly remarked, immediately after this
long prosing was brought to an end, that the speech was a
perfect failure: he had heard Andy Grant spoken of as a
young man of talents, but he turns out to be a miserable
take-in. “Nothing in him, sir,” said Eliphalet, in his terse
way, “Nothing in him, sir.”

The Whigs, as is usual with them, affected to be hugely
delighted. Augustus Postlethwaite Tompkinson took pencil
notes and announced his purpose, to publish the speech
entire. “A great speech that,” said he to Mr. Snuffers—
“extraordinary young man!—great speech.”

Mr. Handy now lost no time in presenting Agamemnon
Flag, who came forward with a confident, self-possessed air
smiling through his gold spectacles and apparently very
much delighted at the opportunity of presenting himself before
his fellow citizens.

“I see before me”—said he in a clear, fine-toned voice,
and with an affable manner, “a vast concourse”—

“Put on your hat,” cried out three or four from the
crowd, upon observing that a sun-beam had straggled through
the foliage and lit up Agamemnon's yellow, curly locks
likening them to golden wire.

“Thank you my friends,” said the orator, stepping one pace
to the right and thus bringing himself into the shade, “in the
presence of the sovereign people, I always stand uncovered,
regardless of the exposure of my person.”

This happy sally brought forth a long and loud clapping
of hands from the great multitude of Quods, who, the

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[figure description] Page 122.[end figure description]

moment Andy Grant had finished speaking, had crowded
back to the stand.

“Take off your goold specs, Ag; let's see your dimmycratic
phiz out and out!”—said Flan Sucker at the top of his
voice, from the outskirts of the assemblage.

A loud laugh that shook full one hundred diaphragms,
followed this demand, and Agamemnon good naturedly took
off his glasses.

“Any thing to oblige you, gentlemen”—said he—“but as
I am very short-sighted, I deprive myself of the pleasure
of a better view of my worthy fellow citizens.”—

“Put on your specs, Ag,” said Nim Porter—“never mind
Flan Sucker!”

“Put on your specs!” cried out the whole of the convention
who had nominated the ticket, backed by a number
of their friends.”

“D—n his eyes,” said Cale Goodfellow turning to his
Tumbledownians who were all friends of Fog, and of
course opposed to the nomination. “Let's have a representative
who can see what he is about—none of your goold
daylights!”

“Specs or no specs, go it!—Yip!—No?—You don't!”
shouted Flan Sucker, with a voice that rang like a trumpet.

“Or—der,—Or—der,” said Mr. Handy, rising from his
seat and coming forward beside the speaker, and waving his
hand to the crowd, greatly concerned to see these manifestations
of dissension in the ranks of the party. “Gentlemen,
it is but fair that every man should be heard, and the
chair takes occasion to say, that it is mortified at these interruptions.
If the gentlemen opposed to the nomination—
the chair alludes to those who have unfortunately allowed
themselves to be influenced by the iron railing, a subject
which has nothing upon earth to do with the pending election—
if these gentlemen are not disposed to give Mr.

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[figure description] Page 123.[end figure description]

Agamemnon Flag an opportunity of delivering himself, the chair
would invite such persons to reflect upon the obvious impropriety
of such a course. The chair is persuaded that
this disturbance results from mere want of reflection, and
hopes it shall not be required again to remind gentlemen of
the courtesy due to Mr. Flag.”

As Virgil describes in that notable passage, the subduing
of the rage of popular commotion by æneas, and likens it
to the mandate of Neptune quelling the waves of old ocean,
so fell Mr. Handy's timely reproof upon the anti-iron-railings,
and, in a moment, all was still. Agamemnon then
began again in his original track.

“I see before me a vast concourse of free citizens—the
solid, substantial, durable, permanent, everlasting pillars of
free government. The honest, upright, pure, hard-handed,
horny-fisted, Democratic yeomanry of the country are here—
not the flesh and blood of the country, for that is the
pampered aristocracy—but the bone and sinew surround me.
It rejoices my eyes to behold these honest, sturdy, independent,
intelligent, invincible tillers of the soil—these brawny,
unconquerable, liberty-loving working-men—I say, sir, I
delight to look upon them; my feeble vision, sir —”

“Put on your specs, Ag!” shouted Ben Inky and Flan
Sucker again, at the same instant;—and the cry was echoed
from various quarters.

Some moments of disorder again prevailed. which required
the second interposition of Mr. Handy, who, in the
most spirited manner, proclaimed his positive determination
to resign, unless the order of the meeting could be preserved.
“I will never consent,” said he with a most landable
energy, “to hold any post, executive or representative,
for one moment after I shall have discovered that I do not
possess the confidence of the people; the chair must feel

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itself compelled, by every sentiment which, as a friend of
the New Light Democracy, it holds dear, to resign the moment
it finds that it has fallen into a minority.” Then folowed
these remarkable words:—“Sustain me, Quodlibetarians,
or let me go!”

For full five minutes after this, the uproar was tremendous.
The Iron Railings and Anti-Iron Railings almost
came to blows. The Tumbledownians and Bickerbrayians
took their appropriate sides in the contest, and, for a space,
nothing was heard but shouts of Fog!—Flag!—Fog!—Flag!
over the whole field. When both parties had bawled themselves
perfectly hoarse, and for mere want of wind ceased
the clamor, Theodore Fog mounted the hustings, and made
a special request of his friends to keep the peace and hear
Mr. Flag to an end. He put this request upon the ground
of a personal favor to himself, and promised them that, at
the proper time, they should hear his sentiments very fully
upon all the agitating questions of the day.

This appeal was conclusive, and Mr. Flag once more
presented himself. But the interruptions he had suffered
seemed most unhappily to have thrown him entirely out of
gear; and becoming very much embarrassed, he struggled
for some moments to regain his self-possession, as I
thought, without success—although Fox thought otherwise,—
and, after less than half an hour's speaking, sat down, rather
crest-fallen and mortified.

I may unwittingly do Mr. Flag injustice in this remark;
for, in truth, my mind was greatly occupied with the tumult,
and I confess I was, therefore, not a very attentive listener.
Fox, on the contrary, was minutely observant of the speech,
and did not scruple to pronounce it a masterly effort of eloquence,
calculated to place Mr. Flag beside the first statesmen
of our country. This was his opinion at the time, and

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was even more warmly and eulogistically expressed subsequently,
in The Whole Hog, where the speech appeared in
nine closely printed columns on the following Saturday.

Theodore Fog was always a great favorite at our public
meetings, and the moment now approached when the field
was to be surrendered to him. The New Lights, including
the members of the nominating convention and the friends
of the Iron Railing Compromise, backed by Virgil Philpot
of the Scrutiniser, and a large force of Bickerbrayians, were
determined that Agamemnon Flag should not want a very
decisive token of applause; and they accordingly called out
for “nine cheers for the regular candidate!” Responsive
to this call, their whole party lustily set about the work;
and, for some minutes after the conclusion of Agamemnon's
speech, the air resounded with huzzas for “Flag and the
Constitution,” “New Light and Regular Nomination.”
This was answered by a round for “Fog and Reform!”
“Retrenchment and no Iron Railing!” and Fog, in the
midst of this acclamation, appearing on the speaker's stand,
all cries were lost in the most violent clapping of hands.

Theodore Fog's figure is above six feet, lean and bony,
and with a stoop which inclines a little to the right, so as
to bring his left shoulder nearer to the ear than its opposite.
His arms are unusually long, his head small, his face
strongly furrowed with deep lines, his eyes of a greenish
lustre, his nose decidedly of the pug species, his mouth
large, his complexion of that sallow, drum-head parchment
hue that equally defies the war of the elements, and the
ravages of alcohol. Although short of fifty years of age
his hair is iron grey and spreads in a thick mat over his
whole cranium. At no time of life has he been careful of
dress, but now has declined into an extreme of negligence
in this particular. On the present occasion, he wore a
striped gingham coat, rather short in the sleeves, and

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crossbarred pantaloons; his shirt collar was turned down over a
narrow, horsehair stock; and a broad black ribbon guard
crossed his breast and terminated in the right pocket of a
black bombazet waistcoat, where it was plainly to be seen
from the external impression, lodged a large watch. He
presented himself to the multitude, holding in his hand a
rather shabby straw hat, which he, nevertheless, flourished
with the air and grace of one who had known better days
than his habiliments seemed to denote.

He stood for some time bowing and waving his hat in
return for the clamorous approbation with which he was
greeted; and when, at length, silence was restored, he began
his speech.

“Countrymen and Friends: you of Quodlibet, Bickerbray,
Tumbledown and the adjacent parts, hear me! I am an old,
tried and trusty, unflinching and unterrified Quodlibetarian,
New Light Democrat—Flan Sucker, bring us a tumbler of
water—tangle it, Flan—no hypocrisy in me, gentlemen, I
go for the ardent. You all know I am, and was from the
first, opposed to the iron railing—(here arose a cheer from
the Anties)—but I don't come to talk to you about that.
You know, moreover, that I am an anti-nomination man—
I'm out on independent grounds—every man for himself, as
the jackass said to the chickens—(a loud laugh). I want
to say a word about Agamemnon Flag—commonly called
Ag. Flag. Who's he? Look at them gold spectacles and
you will see what he is at once. When the plastic hand of
Dame Nature set about the fabrication of that masterpiece
of human mechanism, a genuine, out-and-out thoroughstitched
New Light Democrat, she never thought of sticking
upon him a nose to be ridden by two gold rings hung over
it like a pair of saddlebags—(loud laughter.) We have
other uses for our gold—we want it for mint drops—old
Tom Benton's mint drops—to be run up into them, to give

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the honest, poor man something better, when his week's
work is done, than Copperplate Bank rags, signed Nicodemus
Handy—(loud shouts and cheers from Flan Sucker's
squad and the Tumbledowns; and groans and hisses from
the Convention men and Bickerbrays.) Friends, I tell you,
our party is split; emphatically split. I have seen this
coming for some time. We have three sets of New Lights
amongst us, and it is time we should know it. There are
THE Mandarins, our big bugs, and I could name them to
you. You will find them on Copperplate Ridge—(`Bah,
Bah!' from the New Light Club—`Go it The! go it, old
fellow!' from the Anties.) You will find them at Popular
Flats—(`That won't do!' cried fifty voices—`three cheers
for the Hon. Middleton Flam!'—loud cheering for Flam—
`Walk into them, Fog!' from the Anties—great laughter
and rubbing of hands amongst the Whigs.) You will find
them in the Forwarding and Commission Line—(great uproar
on all sides.) After the Mandarins, come THE Middlings,
and after the Middlings, THE True Grits—the
hearty, whole-souled, no mistake Quods. I'm a True
Grit
!—(great applause.) We are nature's noblemen—give
me that water, Flan.—I call myself one of the Royal Family
of the Sovereign People—(renewed laughter and applause.)
I am no kid-glove-Mandarin-Democrat—I am no milk-and-water,
flesh-and-fowl, half-hawk-half-buzzard-Middling-
Democrat—I am, to all intents and purposes, toties quoties
in puris naturalibus, a True Grit, a whole True Grit,
and nothing but a True Grit.—(Here Theodore was
obliged to pause a full minute on account of the cheering.)

“Now this brings me,” he continued after drinking off
the potation which Flan Sucker had assiduously placed upon
the stand for his use, “to Andy Grant. Andy Grant has
told you a great deal about General Jackson's pledges, and
his changes and what not. Well, sirs, he did change—

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what of it? Is Democracy like the laws of the Medes and
Persians? Is that great sublime truth which vivifies the
patriot's heart, resuscitates his ambition and sparkles in the
human breast, like a stone in the bottom of a well for toads
to sit on? or is it the divine rainbow spanning the earth
with its arch, and changing with the sun, now in the East,
now in the West? Is it a post set up in a stream for the
liquid element of human policy forever to roll by and leave
behind? or is it the mighty mass of steam power that not
only floats upon that element, but flies onward across the
great ocean of mortal things forever changing in its career?
Is not democracy itself the march of intellect? and does not
marching consist in change of place?—I hear you all answer,
with one accord, Aye, aye, aye!—(Taking the word
from the orator, there was a loud affirmative response to
these questions.)

“Well then, Jackson did change. He was for the single
term—he was against it: I confess the fact. He was for
the Protective system—he was against it: I agree to it.
He was for a National Bank—he was against it: what of
that? He was for the distribution of the surplus, and again
he was against it: I know it. He was for Internal Improvements;—
he changed his mind—he was against them.
Then again, sirs, he was against the interference of officers
in the elections;—he was sorry for it, and took the other
tack. He was against the appointment of members of
congress—in theory;—in practice he was for it. He was
against this Sub Treasury—and perhaps he is now for it.
It is all true, as Andy Grant has told you:—it is in the documents,
I don't deny it. Sirs, it is the glory of his character
that he has been for and against every thing;—and as Mr.
Van Buren promises to follow in his footsteps, he, of course,
will be for and against every thing—I know him. He
would not be a genuine New Light, if he were not. We

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are all, (and here Fog raised his voice to the highest key,
and struck the board sharply with his hand) FOR and AGAINST
every thing! How else can we be with the majority?
What is the New Light, Quodlibetarian Democracy, but a
strict conformity to the will of the majority? Against that
and that only we never go!—(tremendous applause.) As
Levi Beardsly said, Perish Commerce, Perish Credit!—and
I say, Perish Currency, Banks, Sub Treasury, Constitution,
Law, Benton, Amos, Van—I had almost said perish Old
Hickory—but always go with the MAJORITY!”

After this burst, which may be said to be truly eloquent,
Theodore made a very happy hit in touching upon the natural
hostility between the rich and the poor, showing, with
great point of remark, how impossible it was for these two
classes to have any Christian feelings towards each other;
and arguing from that the great New Light Democratic principle,
that in every department of the government any man
who holds property ought to be deprived of all influence,
and that it was the poor man's right to legislate away the
rich man's possessions. “Do we not know,” said he,
“that in every community the majority are poor? that there
are two men without property for every one man with it?
Of course then, it follows logically, that, as two heads are
better than one, the sole right, as well as the sole power of
legislation is in the poor; and that they may make laws for
the government of the rich, but the rich cannot make laws
for the government of the poor. Besides, who would be
the most impartial in such a matter, the man legislating for
his own property, or the man legislating for his neighbor's?
This requires no reply.”

Upon the subject of the sub treasury, Fog avowed boldly
his non-commitalism. “I am not sure, at this moment,”
said he, “how the land lies. I wait to ascertain the sentiment
of the majority, which, without taking sides, I rather

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incline to think is against the measure. I judge from the
vote of the New Lights two years ago—although, I confess,
that two years are a long period for a New Light to look
back, and that it is rather over the usual time in which custom
requires we should change. I shall wait for events.”

There were other subjects embraced in this speech, upon
which my memoranda are imperfect; but there was one
part of it, towards the conclusion, which was very pathetic.

The orator turned to those strangers amongst us who had
come over from the Bickerbray and Meltpenny Rail Road.
“Gentlemen,” said he, “you stand in a peculiarly interesting
relation to the New Lights. You are strangers, and,
as the poet says,


`Stranger is a sacred name.'
Therefore, it is our wish to take you in. You have not
been over sixty days in our state: you are separated many
of you, from your sweethearts—some of you from your
wives—all of you from your homes:—wife—sweetheart—
home! Affecting words!



`Where is the man with soul so dead
Who never to himself hath said
This is my own, my native land, and so forth.”'

Here Theodore took up his red pocket handkerchief
which was already well saturated with the sweat of his
brow, and feelingly wiped his eyes for some moments,
manifestly overcome by his emotions. At length he proceeded:

“Do not despond, gentlemen—do not despair. The
New Lights are your friends, and not only shall you find
wife, sweetheart, home—aye and children, in Quodlibet,
but if you are here next month, we will see if some of you
are not entitled to a vote—that's all.—I have no doubt a

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large portion of your respectable body are better voters
than you think you are. And at all events, if you are not,
it becomes us as a Christian people to extend to you that
privilege. I go for the repeal of all laws which tyrannically
require a year's residence in the state, before a stranger
is allowed to vote.”

“Hurrah for Fog—hurrah for Fog!” burst forth in loud
chorus from the new comers.

“But,” said Theodore in continuation, “as I scorn concealment,
I must be frank with you. The stranger should
be grateful to his friends; and I, therefore, for one, never
can consent to extend the invaluable privilege of suffrage to
an unworthy man. He must be a New Light, an ardent,
unblenching Quodlibetarian Democrat, ready to go in whatever
way we who take the trouble to do his thinking for
him, require;—it is but reasonable. We think, study, burn
the midnight lamp, and toil, when he sleeps, and all for the
good of the man who has no time to do these things for
himself—what is his duty in return? Why, to stand by us
who make these sacrifices for his welfare—clearly—undoubtedly—
incontestably.”

“Hurra for Fog!” again rose in hoarse reduplications on
the air.

“And now, fellow countrymen, one and all—men of
Quodlibet, men of Bickerbray—and especially men of Old
Tumbledown, long my home, and never absent from my
heart—I have exposed to you frankly, freely, unhesitatingly
my principles and professions.—You see me as I am—naked,
guileless and robed in the simplicity of my nature.—
Flan, another glass of that stuff, my boy. I do not imitate
my friend Andy Grant—for he is my friend—d—n it, we
can differ in politics and break no scores!—I do not, like
him and the Whigs, entertain you with frothy declamation,
appealing to your passions or your prejudices—I scorn such

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stratagems.—No, I address myself solely and severely,
sternly without a flower, prosaically, without a figure,
soberly, without a flight, to your cool, temperate and unseduced
capacity of logical deduction. Yes, gentlemen, I,
a poor man, do battle against the hosts of the rich. I, the
friend of honest labor, struggle against the huge monopoly
of hoarded wealth, hoarded by grinding the faces of our
sterling but destitute laboring men—alone, I strive against
these banded powers—will you desert me in the strife?”

“Never!” cried Flan Sucker, Ben Inky, and six more
of Fog's principal men—“Never, never!”

“Then I am content. Come weal, come woe, here is a
heart that will never—or rather, gentlemen, let me say in
the words of the Poet—(it now became quite obvious that
Theodore was beginning to be very seriously affected by
the frequent refreshment which Flan Sucker had administerd
during his speech).



Come one, come all, this rock shall fly
From his firm base as soon as I.

“In conclusion, all I have to say is this—We are about to
part.—When you go to your homes, and with hearts enraptured
by all a father's and a husband's failings—feelings—
you take your seats beside the old family fire sides, and
with the partners of your bosoms getting supper, and your
interesting progeny clustering on your knees,—in the midst
of all these blessings pause to ask yourselves, what are
they? Your hearts will answer, they are our Country!
How then, you will inquire, is that country to be preserved,
as a rich inheritance to these cherubs?—who by this time
have climbed as high as your waistcoat pockets, into which
they have, with the natural instinct of young New Lights,
thrust their little fingers—the response will be ready—Go
to the polls in October—go, determined to sustain the

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everlasting principles of the New Light, Quodlibetarian, democracy—
go, with a firm resolve to support no Mandarin, no
Middling, but to sustain an unudulterated True Grit:—go,
to vote for Theodore Fog, and your country shall be forever,
great, prosperous and happy.”

A wave of the hand and a bow showed that Theodore had
uttered his last words—upon which several rounds of applause,
resembling the simultaneous clapping of wings and
crowing of an acre of cocks, more than any thing else I can
imagine, shook the firmament, and, as the old song has it,
“made the welkin roar.” A party of Tumbledownians instigated
by Cale Goodfellow—(a wag who follows sporting,
and keeps a Bank—I mean a Faro Bank—at Tumbledown,
a most special friend of Theodore's)—rushed up to the
platform and seizing the orator in their arms, bore him off
in triumph to the Spring, where they fell to celebrating
their victory, in advance of the election, over a fresh supply
of spirits produced by Cale Goodfellow for the occasion.
The result was that Theodore was obliged to be taken home
to Quodlibet in a condition, which Mr. Handy, who is
President of the Temperance Society, pronounced to be
perfectly shocking.

Some speaking took place after this by several volunteers;
but from the agitated condition of the assemblage, and
the prevalence of uproar, nothing worthy of notice transpired,
and by sundown nearly all who could get away had
retired.

Quipes had been an attentive observer of the earlier scenes
of the day, and as he had his drawing book with him, we
had reason to expect some spirited sketches of the crowd;
but the poor fellow, being fatigued and thirsty and of a singularly
weak head, was overtaken by his drought and was
laid away in the afternoon in Abel Brawn's wagon, in which

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he was brought to Quodlibet, Neal Hopper undertaking to
ride his horse back to the Borough.

The result of this day's proceedings was unfavorable to
the regular nomination, and highly auspicious to Theodore
Fog. It was very evident that The Split was going to
do us a great deal of harm, and this gave much uneasinesss to
the Club. The Whigs seemed to consider it a good omen
and old Mr. Grant and his party left the field in high spirits.

-- 135 --

p239-140 CHAPTER XI.

THE DIVISION OF THE PARTY BECOMES MORE DISTINCT.—ADMIRABLE ADDRESS
OF ELIPHALET FOX AT THIS JUNCTURE.—RESULT OF THE ELECTION.—
REJOICINGS OF THE TRUE GRITS.—JESSE FERRET'S DIFFICULTIES.—
IS TAKEN TO TASK BY HIS DAME.—CANDID AVOWAL OF HIS
EMBARRASSMENTS.—THEODORE FOG'S EXPOSITION OF TRUE GRIT
PRINCIPLES.—HIS GOOD NATURED ENCOURAGEMENT OF JESSE FERRET.—
DABBS'S TREAT.

[figure description] Page 135.[end figure description]

The proceedings at the Sycamore Spring furnished melancholy
evidence of the serious character of the split which
had taken place in our ranks. This was a source of anxious
and painful reflection to the New Lights. But the assiduity
with which we endeavored to heal this dissension, only
made matters worse. The Whole Team, which, although
not within the county, claimed to take a deep interest in this
election, on the score of being within our congressional district,
noticed our divisions with much self gratulation, and
made the best of them, by attacking Agamemnon Flag as
“the creature,” (to use its own unscrupulous language) of
the Hon. Middleton Flam; whilst, at the same time, it opened
the flood-gates of its abuse upon Theodore Fog, as a man
of “bad habits, loose manners, and objectionable morals.”
The Bickerbray Scrutinizer was devoted to Flag and the
regular ticket, and therefore defended Agamemnon against
The Whole Team, and let fly several arrows against Theodore
Fog; thus unhappily fomenting the differences amongst
our friends.

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The course pursued by Eliphalet Fox, at this difficult
juncture, was one calculated to raise him in the esteem of
every true Quod, and to place him on a pinnacle amongst
editors. He took none of those middle grounds, which
scarcely ever fail to bring a politician into contempt with
both parties—but, with a boldness entirely peculiar to himself,
and in the highest degree illustrative of the New Light
theory, stoutly advocated each of our candidates, as the
course of the canvass seemed to encourage their respective
chances of success. Thus, when Theodore Fog first announced
himself as the independent candidate, and when
every one appeared to regard this step as an act of presumption
which could not but result in defeat, Eliphalet put forth
the following paragraph:

Mister Theodore Fog, of this Borough, an old practitioner
at more than one bar, having waked up one morning
with the idea that he was born to fill the measure of his
country's glory, as well as he fills that of his own every
night, has conceived the sublime project of running on an
independent ticket, in the approaching election. We would
whisper in our friend The's ear, that he has barked up the
wrong tree. Independence is not a word to be found in
the New Light dictionary. The voters of this county can
never be seduced from the support of the regular nomination;
especially when it is headed by such a man as Agamemnon
Flag, whose eloquence, accomplishments, and remarkable
Democratic simplicity of manners, as well as his
perfect surrender of himself to the cause of his party, give
him the highest claim to the consideration of every right
minded and unadulterated Quod. Verb. sap. sat.”

Now, after the meeting of the Sycamore Spring, a new
view of matters broke upon Eliphalet's vision. He was
certainly taken by surprise at the demonstration which that
meeting afforded of Theodore's strength with the voters;

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and in the account of that event, which appeared in The
Whole Hog on the succeeding Saturday, one scarcely knows
whether most to commend the sincerity of the writer, or the
justness of the tribute paid to the masterly effort of Mr.
Fog. Speaking of that effort, the editor employs this
language:

“In regard to our esteemed fellow townsman, Theodore
Fog, the public expectation was more than realised. This
unstudied orator, with all the freshness impressed upon his
mind by the mint of nature herself, contemning the aid of
tinsel show, and presenting himself in the homely habiliments
of an unvarnished, and, as our adversaries scoffingly
add, of an unwashed New Light, poured forth a resistless
flood of native oratory, remarkable for that massive vigor of
thought, and that felicity of expression, which are the rare
endowments only of genius, trained amongst the people,
and whose soul is with the people. He descanted upon the
brilliant career of our never-sufficiently-to-be-flattered administration,
with an effect that thrilled in the pulse, glowed
in the countenance, and broke forth in the reiterated shouts
of every warm-hearted, straight-out, lead-following,

party-rebelling New Light Democrat on the ground. We
are happy to add our decided conviction that the election of
this staunch champion of the real New Lights, is placed
beyond a doubt.”

The intrepidity of this paragraph will strike every one
who reflects that the canvass, at the time this appeared, was
far from being brought to a close; and that the result, unagainst-the-wishes-or-commands-of-the-luminaries-of-the-
Eliphalet might have thought of it, was deemed exceedingly
doubtful. Indeed, we had subsequently a proof
given to us, in The Whole Hog itself, that very serious
opinions began to prevail against the possibility of Mr.
Fog's carrying the day, in opposition to Flag.

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The New Light Club, with some few and unimportant
exceptions, had determined, as they thought themselves in
duty bound, to sustain the regular ticket, and for this purpose,
when matters were running very strong for Fog, and
when indeed, they began to entertain a well-grounded fear
that Andy Grant might slip in by the aid of these divisions,
resolved upon having a night procession in the Borough.
This expedient we have always resorted to with the happiest
effect whenever we have found the hopes of the New
Lights beginning to ebb; it serves to animate our friends, by
throwing, as it were, a glare over their minds, and to render
them more docile to the word of command, from those
who take upon themselves the labor of judging for the multitude.
We now had recourse to this device with a very
flattering, though as it turned out in the end, a deceptive
manifestation of its influence upon the election. The procession
was made; paper lanterns in abundance, bearing a
variety of inscriptions of the most encouraging exhortation
to the friends of Flag and the Ticket, were procured for the
occasion. Every lantern and every banner had written
upon it Flam, in the hope thus to identify the ticket with
our distinguished representative in congress, and bring in
the aid of his great name to our cause. Mottoes having
reference to “the Old Hero of the Hermitage,” were also
profusely used, and even the Hickory Tree was reared aloft
in the procession, covered with small cup lamps in imitation
of its fruit. Every one in Quodlibet supposed that this
stroke of the Procession settled the matter. It undoubtedly
converted the Borough and brought it into the utmost harmony
on our side. But the Tumbledownians, amongst whom
Fog's great strength was found, were not there; and from
Bickerbray the delegation was not as large as it ought to
have been. Still, the evidence of popular support to the
ticket was deemed conclusive; so much so, that Eliphalet

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Fox's next editorial referred to it as “indicative of the stern
resolve of the New Lights, once and forever, to crush the insubordinate
and rebellious temper with which certain factious
and discontented pretenders to the name of democrats
had endeavored to sow discord in the ranks of the faithful,
by setting up the absurd doctrine of independent opinion—
a doctrine so fatal to the New Light democracy wherever it
has been allowed. Agamemnon Flag,” the editor proceeded
to remark, “was not a man to be put down by the
frothy, ginger-pop eloquence, engendered in the hot atmosphere
of cock-tail and julep manufactories. Mr. Fog may
now perceive that his secret perambulations to spread dissension
in the New Light ranks, and his hypocritical boast
of Independence will be scowled upon by every honest eye
and spurned by every honest tongue which are to be found
amongst the high-minded New Light Yeomanry of Quodlibet,
Bickerbray, Tumbledown, and the adjacent parts.”

The election soon after this took place, when, greatly to
the astonishment of our club, and in fact of the whole
party, the result was announced to be as set forth in this
table:—

Quods. Whig.
Theodore Fog 1191 Andrew Grant 1039''
Abram Schoolcraft 1084
Curtius Short 1063
Agamemnon Flag 758

Thus it appeared that Theodore Fog far outran the rest
of the ticket, and that Agamemnon Flag fell considerably
below the Whig vote.

Eliphalet Fox, greatly delighted at the triumph of this
election, lost no time in publishing a handbill announcing
the issue. It was headed

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Glorious Victory!!! Quodlibet Erect;” and proceeded to descant on the event in this wise:—

“We have never for a moment permitted ourselves to
doubt that our estimable fellow-townsman Theodore Fog,
one of the purest, most disinterested and ablest democrats
of the glorious New Light Quodlibetarian School, would
lead the polls; and, indeed, we took occasion to insinuate as
much after his celebrated speech at the Sycamore Spring,
which it was our good fortune to hear, and which, as an
exposition of sound New Light principles, gave us such
unmixed delight. We cannot but feel regret that Mr.
Flag's friends should have so inconsiderately consented to
place his name on the ticket, before they had ascertained
Mr. Fog's views in regard to the election. An understanding
upon this subject would have saved them the mortification
of presenting a name which, from the first, we felt a
presentiment was destined to incur defeat; and it would have
spared Mr. Flag the pain he must suffer in the present
event. The youth of this gentleman, his want of acquaintance
with the people, arising, doubtless, from the imperfection
of his vision, and his unfortunate espousal of the Iron
Railing Compromise, very obviously stood in the way of
his success. A day will, however, come around when, in
our judgment, the people will do justice to his pretension,
which we undertake to say is considerable.”

From these extracts, the reader is already prepared to
exclaim with me, Oh excellent Eliphalet Fox—mirror of
editors—pillar of the New Light faith! what exquisite address,
what consummate skill hast thou not evinced in these
editorial effusions! Methinks I see Eliphalet, a tide waiter
on events, watching the ebb and flow of popular opinion;
ever ready, at a moment's warning, to launch his little boat
of editorship on the biggest wave, and upon that wave to

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ride secure beyond the breakers, out upon the glassy ocean
of politics, and then after taking an observation of the wind,
to trim his sail with such nautical forecast, as shall make
him sure to be borne along with the breeze towards whatever
haven it shall please the higher powers to direct him;
sagaciously counting in such haven to find the richest return
on his little stock of ventures. I see his meagre, attenuated,
diminutive person, elevated on a footstool six inches above
the floor, behind a high but somewhat rickety desk, in the
northwest corner of his lumber-filled-office, where scissorclipped
Gazettes are strewed, elbow deep, over an old walnut
table, and where three dingy caricatures of Harry Clay,
Nic Biddle and John C. Calhoun, are tacked against his
smoky walls; there I see him quiet, but at work, with pen
in hand, ever and anon darting his cat-like eye at the door,
upon each new comer who comes to tell the news of the
canvass. I hear his husky, dry and querulous voice, tisicky
and quick, asking How goes it in Bickerbray? What from
Tumbledown? and as he receives his answer pro or con,
Fog or Flag, he turns to his half-scribbled sheet to remould
his paragraph, with the dexterity of an old and practised
Quod, in such phrase as shall assuredly earn him the good
will of the winner. Rare Eliphalet! Admirable Fox!
Incomparable servant of an incomparable master!

It is with a sad and melancholy sincerity I record the
fact, that this election left behind it much heart-burning
in Quodlibet. The New Light Democracy were now broken
into three parts, the Mandarins, the Middlings, and the True
Grits; and Theodore Fog, in command of the True Grits,
had evidently got the upper hand. The defeat of Agamemnon
Flag was a severe blow to our distinguished representative,
the Hon. Middleton Flam, and no less galling to
Nicodemus Handy; for these three worthy gentlemen were
undoubtedly at the head of the Mandarins, and their

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overthrow on the present occasion, led to unpleasant consequences
which I shall be called upon to notice hereafter.

The first unhappy fruit of this election was of a domestic
nature, and wrought very seriously against the peace of our
friend Jesse Ferret.

For three days and nights after the publication of the
polls, all Quodlibet was alive with the rejoicings of the True
Grits, at the success of Theodore Fog. The bar room of
The Hero was full all day with these energetic friends of
the prosperous candidate; and it is worthy of remark, that
their number was vastly greater than was shown by the
ballot box, many more individuals claiming the honor of
having voted for him, than the return of the polls would
authorise us to believe; all night long bonfires blazed,
drums and fifes disturbed the repose of the Borough, and
processions, not remarkable for their decorum, marched from
house to house with Theodore mounted in a chair, borne
on the shoulders of sturdy True Grits. A hundred torches in
the hands of thirty men and seventy boys, flared on the signs
and flickered on the walls of Quodlibet, and fifty negroes,
great and small, ragged and patched, hatless and hatted, slip
shod and barefoot, leaped, danced, limped and hobbled in
wide spread concourse around black Isaac, the Kent bugle
player, and yellow Josh the clarionet man, who struck in
with the drum and fife to the tune of Jim Crow about the
centre of the column. Flan Sucker was installed Grand
Marshal of this procession, and was called King of the
True Grits
, whilst Ben Inky, Sim Travers, Jeff Drinker and
More McNulty, served along the flanks as his lieutenants;
the whole array huzzaing at every corner, and stopping to
refresh every time they came into the neighborhood of
Peter Ounce's, Jesse Ferret's or the smaller ordinaries which
the rapid growth of Quodlibet had supplied in various quarters
to relieve the drought of its inhabitants.

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This state of things, as I have said, continued for three
days after the election. At the end of that period, Jesse
Ferret, somewhere about noon, was in his bar casting up
his accounts. He wore a serious, disturbed countenance—
not because his accounts showed a bad face; for so far from
that, the late jubilee had very considerably increased his
capital in trade, but because his rest had been broken—and
Jesse never could bear to lose his sleep. Whilst he was
engaged in summing up these recent gains, his worthy
spouse entered the bar and quietly seated herself in a chair
behind him. The expression of her face showed that her
thoughts were occupied with matter of interesting import:
a slight frown sat upon her brow, her lips were partially
compressed, and her fat arms made an attempt to cross each
other on her bosom. The chair was too small for her; and,
from her peculiar configuration, one looking at her in a full
front view would not be likely to conjecture she was seated,
but rather that she was a short and dumpy woman, and leant
against some prop for rest—the line from her chin to her
toe being that of the face of a pyramid. Her posture denoted
an assumed patience. So quietly had she entered the
enclosure of the bar, that Jesse was altogether ignorant of
her presence, and therefore continued at his occupation. It
was not long, however, before his attention was awakened
to the interesting fact that his wife was behind him, by the
salutation, conveyed in a rather deep-toned voice, “Jesse
Ferret, how long are you agoing to be poking over them
accounts?”

Jesse turned short round, in some surprise at the sound
of these well-known accents so near him, and, surveying
the dame for an instant, replied—

“Bless me! Polly, how came you here? You go about
like one of them church-yard vaporations that melts in thin

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air and frightens children in the dead of night. What did
you want with me, lovey?”

“I want to know” said Mrs. Ferret, “who's master of
this house—you or me? Ef I'm the master, say so—but
ef you're the master, then act as sich. It aint no longer to
be endured, this shilly shally, visy versy politicks of yourn.
Here you are a casting up of the accounts this blessed day,
and please Heaven, if there's one cent got into the till in
the three days that have gone by, the last person in the
world to thank for it is yourself, Jesse Ferret. Theodore
Fog's in—got in by a vote that one might say's almost
magnanimous, and he's got all the thirstiest men in this
Borough under his thumb—and he's been pouring 'em in
here in shoals, which he would n't have done, one man of
'em, ef it had n't a been for my principles, which goes the
whole hog—and you so contrairy, constantly a giving out
your no sides—it's raly abominable! and time you should
change, Jesse Ferret, it is.”

“Why, my dear, don't you see the good of it?” said
Mr. Ferret, in a mild, good-natured tone of expostulation.
“The very best thing we can do is for you to go on as you
are doing, and me to go on as I am. Here's come up a
great split in the party; and presently, as sure as you are
born, they'll be having their separate houses and making
party questions out of it: then, my dear, you know Theodore
Fog and his people counts you as a sort of sun dial to
their side, and goes almost by your pinting. And then the
others, you know, cant have nothing to find fault against
me upon account of my sentiments; so, in this way we
shall get the custom of the thorough-stitchers, the half-and-halfs,
the promiscuous, and of every kind of stripe that's
going. Cant you see into it, lovey?”

“No, I cannot see into it,” replied the landlady. “In the

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first place, them Mandarins, as The. Fog says, is not worth
the looking after in our line—they drink nothing but Champagne
and Madeery, and ef they do sometimes send down to
our bar for ourn, they are sure to turn up their noses at it,
and say it's sour. Did n't Nicodemus Handy tell me to my
face that my Anchor Brand, which you've got on the top
shelf, and which cost you six dollars a basket at auction,
was nothing but turnip juice?—and did you ever know
Middleton Flam to call for as much as a thimble-full of
your liquors, with all his preachings and parleyings in this
house? No you did not: and its your duty to cast off
your bucket o' both sides, and go in for The. with the
True Grits, as he calls them; and true enough they are in
the drinking line!—that, nobody who knows them will
deny. I'm tired, Jesse Ferret, and fretted down to the
very bone, at being put upon in this here way, having to
keep up the politicks of this house, which I dont think you
haint no right to do, I dont. I'm been a talking to you
about this tell I'm tired, and I wonder you can be so obstinate,
considering I take it so much to heart.”

“Now Polly, my wife,” interposed our landlord with an
affectionate remonstrance, intended to soothe Mrs. Ferret's
feelings, “many's the struggle I've had on this here very
topic with my own conscience; I may say I have wrestled
for it at the very bottom of my nature. But the case is
this, and I'll explain it to you once for all. I've got a sentiment
at the core of my heart, which is a secret in regard
of these here politicks. I wish to go right—you know I
do,—but if I only knowed what sentiments to take up:—
there's the mystery. If I knowed that, I should feel easy;
but I never could keep any principles, upon account of the
changes. Before a plain, simple man can cleverly tell where
he is, every thing has whisked away in the contrairy direction.
One year we are `all tariff,' and the next, `down

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with it as an abomination.' Here we go `for canals and
railroads!'—a crack of the whip, and there we are all t'other
side. `No electioneering of officers!' cries out the captain
of the squad. `Turn that fellow out, he dont work
for the party!' cries the very same captain in the very next
breath. `Retrenchment and reform!' says every big fellow
there at Washington; and the same words are bawled
all the way down amongst us, even to Theodore Fog;—
`Damn the expense!' (the Lord forgive me for using such
words,) says the very same fellows in the same breath,
`stick on a million here and a million there—the more the
merrier!' And so we go. Here, t'other day, this here Sub-Treasury
was monarchy and revolution to boot, and treason
outright; and now, what it is, every man's afeard to say—
some's for, some's against—some's both, and all's in a state
of amalgamation, perplexity, and caterwauling unaccountable.
What between specy circlars, anti-masons, pocketing
of bills (Lord knows what that means), vetoes, distribution,
fortifications, abolition, running down Indians and running
up accounts, politics has got into a jumble that a Philadelphy
lawyer couldn't steer through them. A poor publican
has a straining time of it, Polly. He cant get right if he
tries—aud
if he does blunder upon it, he cant stay right
six months, let him do his best—morally impossible!'
That's where it's a matter o' conscience with me; and my
conclusion is, in such a mucilaginous state of affairs, a man
who wants to accommodate the public must be either all
sides or no sides; and, therefore I say, my motto is, a Publican
should—leastways I speak in regard of these times—
have no sides. And there's the whole matter laid out to
you, Polly my wife.”

“All sides, any day, before No sides!” replied Mrs. Ferret.
“As Susan Barndollar says, stick to your colors and
they'll carry you to sides a plenty, I'll warrant you. Don't

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Theodore Fog tell us the Democracy's a trying of experiments—
and, Lord bless us! ef they haint carried you on
sides enough, then you are an unreasonable man. Principle
is n't principle—it's following of your party:—you change
when it changes, whereby you are always right. Now,
these here True Grits is two to one to the Mandarins and
Middlings both, and they devour, yes, ten times as much
liquor. Ef you had an eye in your head, you'd come out
a True Grit—it's a naiteral tavern-keeper's politics.”

“Spose, my dear,” said Jesse, waxing warm, “things
takes a turn off hand. Spose these True Grits are upset—
as I should n't wonder they would be, as soon as Middleton
Flam comes home from congress, and winds up the people
right again—as he has often done before—am I going to
run my head against a post by offending the whole New
Light Club, which meets at our house, and make enemies
by having sentiments of my own? You do n't know me,
Polly Ferret.”

“Well, and ef things does take a turn,?” replied the wife,
“is there any think new in that, in this Borough? Haint
we had turns before? Theodore Fog will turn with 'em—
that's his principle—that's my principle, and it ought, by
rights, to be your'n. Does n't the schoolmaster tell you to
stick to the upper side? Does n't our member, Middleton
Flam, tell you the same thing, and Nicodemus Handy, and
Liphlet Fox? There's your own barkeeper, Nim. Porter,
that's asleep in yander winder, who's got more sense than
you have; he knows what side his bread's buttered—and
even your own child, Susan Barndollar, though she stuck
out for the nomination, is n't such a ninny as to have no
principles. We're dimmycrats and always counts with the
majority; and that's safe whichever way it goes; and, as I
said before, no mortal man can find out a better side than
that for a tavern-keeper. But it's the Whigs your're

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acourting, Jesse Ferret—the Whigs, neither more nor less—
and it's pitiful in you to be so sneaking.”

“Polly, if you aint got no better language than that to
use to me,” exclaimed Ferret, under considerable excitement,
“I'd advise you to hold your tongue.”

“My tongue's my own, Mr. Ferret,” replied the landlady,
and I do n't want none of your advice what I'm to do
with it. I have used it long enough to know how to keep
it a-running, and how to stop it, without being taught by
you.”

“I've got no right to listen to you, if I do n't choose,”
retorted the landlord. “Women has their milking and
churning to look after, and, to my thinking, they 'd best
attend to that, instead of skreiking out politics in public barrooms—
that's my opinion, Mrs. Ferret.”

“Women, indeed!—for you to talk about women!—
You're the laughing-stock of all the petticoats of our
Borough,” said the wife, in a high key of exacerbation.
Mrs. Younghusband and Mrs. Snuffers and Mrs. Doubleday
makes you a continual banter, and it hurts my feelings
as the mother of your children, it does.”

“Seize Mrs. Younghusband and Mrs. Snuffers and
Mrs. Doubleday, all three!” exclaimed Ferret in a sort of
demi-oath.

“What's that you said, Mr. Ferret?”

“I said seize 'em! and I do n't care the rinsings of that
glass if you tell 'em so,—a set of mandrakes.”

“Oh, Jesse Ferret, Jesse Ferret,—as a man who sets up
to be an example, what are you coming to!” exclaimed the
landlady with uplifted hands. “Ef your children could
hear such profanity. I declare to patience, you'd try the
quarters of the meekest mother in the universe.”

How far this conjugal outflash might have gone in its
natural course, it is impossible for me to say; although

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Nim. Porter, who pretended to be asleep all the time, and
who heard every word of it, and related it with much pleasantry
to me, says he has often witnessed these breezes between
this worthy couple, and always found that they made
up as soon as Mrs. Ferret got out of breath—which, by-the-by,
she being short-winded, generally occurred in about
half an hour from the first rising of her anger; but, on the
present occasion, it was happily interrupted by the entrance
of Theodore Fog, Dabbs, the foreman in Eliphalet Fox's
printing office, Flan Sucker, More M'Nulty and Sim
Travers, who all marched directly up to the bar. I had entered
upon the heels of this party, and having taken up
“The Whole Hog” for my perusal, in one corner of the
room, was myself a witness to the scene that followed.

Nim Porter, who was seated in an elbow-chair, resting the
back of his head against a window-sill at the opposite end
of the bar-room and counterfeiting sleep, was now roused
up to attend to the customers.

“My dear Mrs. Ferret—paragon of landladies,” said Fog,
“Pillar—yes, bolster of our cause—some drink! Dabbs
owes a treat, and we have resolved that the libation shall be
made under the eye of our own queen. Dabbs, say what
the mixture shall be; I'm not particular—my throat is a
turnpike travelled by all imaginable potations. A mint julep,
Dabbs? gentlemen! Flan, a julep? Yes? A julep, a
julep all round. Agreed to, nem. con. Mrs. Ferret, five
juleps; charge Dabbs—Dabbs's treat.”

Mrs. Ferret's anger against her spouse gradually faded
under this accost; a slight glimpse of sunshine began to
break over her visage as she addressed herself to the task
of preparing the required compounds, and Nim Porter
busied himself in picking sprigs of mint from a large bouquet
of that invaluable plant, which flourished in native

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verdure over the rim of a two quart tumbler, in which it
seemed to grow as in a flower-pot.

Ferret had retreated from the bar towards the door
which looked upon the street; and Theodore Fog, who, as
the truth must be spoken, was at this hour very considerably
advanced towards his customary zenith of excitement, thrust
his hands under the skirts of his striped gingham coatee,
and strutted with the air of a prime minister in a farce,
around the room.

“Nim,” said he,


`Bid thy mistress, when my drink is ready,
She strike upon the bell.'
Ferret—glorious turn out, Ferret. True Grits all alive.
Pound that ice fine, Nim—no water, recollect! First rate
fellows, Ferret—go the whole—real Quods—diamonds.”

“Hope you'll mend matters now, Mr. Fog, since you 've
got in,” said Ferret. “I'm for giving every one a chance;
wish you success.”

“Of course you do, Ferret,” replied Fog; “and so you
would have wished Ag. Flag success if he 'd got in.”

“Or Andy Grant either,” said Mrs. Ferret; “my husband's
not partikler.”

“You 're right, Ferret—you 're right!” interrupted Fog,
“always go with the current—that's sound philosophy—
that's my rule. Dabbs, is n't that metaphysics? Flan,
do n't you call that the true theory of the balance of power?
Gentlemen. I submit it to you all.”

“Real True Grit doctrine,” said Flam; “find out how
the cat jumps—then go ahead.”

“Fundamental, that,” said Dabbs; “principles change,
measures vary, names rise and fall, but majority is always
majority.”

“Bravo, Dabbs!” ejaculated Theodore Fog; “Tempora

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mutantur et nos mutamur cum illis—that's our True Grit
motto. The nominative case always agrees with the verb;
the people are the verb, we're the nominative case.—That's
logic, Mrs. Ferret. Nim, how have you made out in these
illustrious `three days?”'

“Cursed sleepy,” answered Nim Porter, who was now
brewing the drink by pouring it from one tumbler to another;
“hav'n't had three hours rest in the whole three
nights. No right to complain though—won four bets—had
two to one against Andy Grant with Tompkinson—and
even against Ag with three of the New Light Club. I
knew d—d well how it was going, ever since the meeting
at the Sycamore Spring. Fog, you touched them fellows
that work on the Bickerbray and Meltpenny road, 'twixt
wind and water.”

“Did n't I?” exclaimed Fog; “I opine I did; unequivocally,
I fancy I did. I venture to add, with all possible
energy of asservation, that I did that thing, Nim. That's
what I call walking into the understanding of the independent,
electoral constituent body—and the best of it is, we
got them their votes, you dog.”

“You did n't lose no votes that I could bring you,” said
Mrs. Ferret, “although you did n't get Jesse's. But that
wa'n't much loss—for Jesse's of little account any how,
and has n't the influence of a chicken in this Borough—as
no man has n't, whose afeared of his shadow.”

“Well, we don't want to hear no more about that,” interrupted
the landlord. “Mr. Fog knows it was n't ill will
to him—but only my principle, that publicans had best not
take sides.”

“And who has a right to object to that?” exclaimed Fog.
“Give us your hand, Jesse—I'd do the same thing myself,
I were in your place.”

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“Well, if you aint the forgivingest creature, Mr. Fog!”
said the landlady —

“Mrs. Ferret, your health!—gentlemen, take your respective
glasses—Dabbs, your health—Jesse—Flam—all of you—
success to the True Grits! Top off, boys.”

They all drank.

For applied the tumbler to his lips; looked straightforward
with what might be called a fixed stare upon vacancy,
his eyes expressing the deep emotion of sensual pleasure
which the icy compound inspired as it slowly flowed over
his palate, and for a full minute employed himself without
pause, in draining the contents of his glass—gradually
and slowly arching back his head until the last drop trickled
from the bottom.

“Amazing seductive beverage, Mrs. Ferret!” he said as
he smacked his lips, and set the tumbler down upon the
board. “Fascinating potation! If I were not an example
of consummate prudence, and the most circumspect being,
not yet gathered within the pale of the Temperance Society,
my virtue would have fallen a victim before this to that
enticing cordial, Mrs. Ferret. But I'm proof—I have been
sorely tried, and have come out of the furnace, as you see
me, superior to the temptations of this wicked world.
Dabbs, poney up—we must go to the raffle, which begins
in five minutes at Rhody M'Caw's stable—that pacing roan,
Nim—you'll be there, of course:—in your line. Come,
gentlemen—don't wipe your mouths with your sleeves—let
the odor exhale. As some poet somewhere says, speaking
of a mint julep,


Sweet vale of Ovoca, how calm could I rest,
If there's a drink upon earth
It is this—it is this.
Not the words exactly—but something in that run. Jesse,

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the Flower of Quodlibet—Mrs. Ferret, Queen of the Spear
Mint—good bye. Nim, you rascal—after the raffle is over,
expect to see me as dry as an oven.”

When Fog had delivered himself of this rhapsody—
which, no doubt, has impressed the reader with the conviction
that this noontide glass had done its work upon the
brain of our new representative in the Legislature—the
whole party made their exit; and Jesse Ferret, anxious to
avoid another conference with his dame, professing a wish
to witness the raffle, followed in their footsteps.

-- 154 --

p239-159 CHAPTER XII.

THIRD ERA.—DIVISIONS IN QUODLIBET CONTINUE.—FOMENTED BY THE
WOMEN.—FOG RATHER DISAPPOINTS HIS FRIENDS BY HIS COURSE IN
THE LEGISLATURE.—PROSTRATION OF BUSINESS IN THE BOROUGH.—
TRACED TO THE MERCHANTS.—MR. FLAM'S OPINION OF THEM, AND
THE CONSEQUENCE THEREOF.—INDIGNATION OF THE NEW LIGHTS
AGAINST THEM.—FOG'S EULOGIUM UPON THEM.—MOVEMENTS OF THE
TRUE GRITS.—FOX'S SKILFUL MANAGEMENT.—THE TIGERTAIL AFFAIR.—
MYSTERIOUS TERMINATION OF IT.—NIM PORTER'S INDISCRETION.

[figure description] Page 154.[end figure description]

The design of this little book forbids that I should do
more than cursorily touch upon many incidents in the history
of Quodlibet, which, although abundant of interest to
the curious reader, are not so immediately connected with
the main purpose of this work—that purpose being to unfold
the operation of the great principle of the New Light Quodlibetarian
theory.

Whenever the time shall arrive, as I would fain persuade
myself it must, in which the public shall feel such concern
in the affairs of Quodlibet as to demand of me a full disclosure
of the treasures of my MSS., I shall greatly delight
in spreading before it many particulars which I have collected,
having reference to the private concernments and
domestic transactions of our people and their sundry ways
in regard to many matters which do not fall within the scope
of my present undertaking. For, truly, the history of Quodlibet
will be found, when impartially narrated, to yield a
plentiful fruitage of ethical, moral and social instruction, as

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well as political—to which latter aspect are my labors at
this time confined.

In conformity with my plan, and being desirous to hasten
forward to a more modern epoch in these annals, I pass over
the intervening space, and bring my reader almost a year in
advance of the events narrated in the last chapter.

It was now approaching the Fifth year of the Removal:—
the long session of Congress had closed in July, 1838. The
Hon. Middleton Flam had once more returned to his constituents,
and temporarily mingled in the walks of private
life. Greatly was his return desiderated at this epoch. We
had got all wrong—we lacked information—we wanted this
great man's advice.

The split at this time—if I may use a metaphor—was
green and wide—or, in plainer language, our dissensions ran
high. If the men might be said to be at sixes and sevens,
the women were twice as bad—they were at twelves and
fourteens. Mrs. Ferret had become inveterate and headed
a party of Feminine True Grits; Susan Barndollar, who
had a temper of her own, of course became inveterate too,
and, as Barndollar & Hardbottle were accounted a rich firm,
she headed, or strove to do so, a party of Feminine Mandarins.
Hester Hardbottle, under a similar impulse, took
command of the Female Middlings. Thus marshalled, the
New Light women manifested a very high degree of political
coruscation and kept the Borough in perpetual hot water.
Every tea party was a scalding concern, and it was lamentable
to see what a foothold the serpent of discord had gained
in our little Eden of Quodlibet.

The men were not so ferocious; in part because they had
their business to look after; but chiefly, because the stronger,
when they failed in argument, could drub the weaker—and
that drubbing system is a great moderator of political opinions.
The women having neither of these motives to keep

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quiet took the bits in their mouths and ran off as fast as,
and whenever, they chose.

Theodore Fog's conduct in the Legislature, during the
past winter, had in some degree rather weakened the cause
of his friends. He had disappointed them—although they
were unwilling publicly to allow as much—on two points:
First, because he had not got them all provided with offices,
as he had, it appeared, secretly promised; but, on the contrary,
came home without having accomplished that desirable
object for a single individual of the party: and, Secondly,
because he had been exceedingly irregular in his habits
during the whole session, and had consequently made but
four speeches, of three hours each, during the winter, when
it was confidently expected that he would have made at
least thirty-four, and have completely silenced the opposition.
The irregularity of his habits they could forgive;—but the
matter of the offices sunk deep in their hearts—they began
to suspect his democracy.

A change had also taken place in the business affairs of
Quodlibet. All improvements had ceased:—many persons
were out of employment; industry was declining; trade
was at a low ebb; the mechanics were grumbling, and four
mercantile houses had failed. Immediately after the suspension
Nicodemus Handy had issued a great amount of
small notes. Dr. Thomas G. Winkelman, actuated by
patriotic emotions, also issued a batch payable in soda water,
soap or physic. Zachary Younghusband, the tinplate worker
and postmaster, reflecting on the crisis, and being determined
to contribute his mite towards the regulation of the
currency, followed the example of Dr. Winkelman, and
put out a ream, redeemable in Copperplate Bank notes when
presented to the amount of five dollars at his tinplate shop.
Sim Travers, who had a drinking shed at the lower end of
the canal basin, with equal public spirit, uttered his paper

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in fips, “Good for a Drink.” Many others imitated these
precedents, whereby it fell out that no part of the Union
was better supplied with a currency than Quodlibet.

Still the Borough languished and pined under a gradual
decay of its prosperity; and it was long before our wise men
could ascertain the real source of this decline. The cause was
at last discovered. We are indebted for its development to
the astuteness of our distinguished representative. There
were eight of the principal mercantile houses of the Borough
which had been established by Whigs: in fact, throwing
out Barndollar & Hardbottle, all the merchants of Quodlibet
might be said to be opposed to the administration. It
was very apparent, after the Hon. Middleton Flam drew the
attention of the Club to this fact, that these houses had
combined to produce an utter prostration of business, solely
for political effect, and that the malevolence of four of the
most thriving amongst them had gone so far as even to render
themselves bankrupt, and to break up, for no earthly purpose
but that of making the administration unpopular. “This is
a specimen of the gratitude,” said Mr. Flam, speaking with
great emotion upon the subject, “this is the gratitude of
these commercial vultures (he always called them commercial
vultures after the Suspension, and when speaking to the
people) for all the manifold favors and bounties which, for
five years past, the government has been so assiduously
heaping upon their heads. This is their acknowledgment
of the extraordinary kindness shown them by the Secretary
of the Treasury when he directed our Bank to lend these
vipers the public money! Biddle and the Barings are at the
bottom of this conspiracy; and the merchants of the United
States, yes, and the manufacturers and all the moneyed
men would gladly beggar themselves and their families,
rather than allow us to regulate their currency and make

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them the happiest people on earth. What unparalleled
perfidy!”

After this, the New Lights of course became indignant
against the merchants, and held them up, as they deserved,
to public execration, as the authors of all our misfortunes.
From Quodlibet, this sentiment became general amongst
the New Light democrats every where. Mr. Van Buren
caught the idea; the Globe expatiated upon it; the Stump
rang with it; and it soon took its place as one of the cardinal
maxims in the New Light creed. Such is the supremacy
of one commanding intellect!

Never was there a topic equal to this in the elections.
“The merchants,” Theodore Fog very pertinently remarked,
“are a first rate subject for a stump speech: they are a
monstrous little knot of fellows, any how—and, comparatively
speaking, of no sort of account, in the way of voting.
Having the handling of a good deal of cash, and plenty to
do in the way of giving and taking of promissory notes, you
can slap upon them the argument of The Money Power,
with tremendous effect: you can tickle them with the whip
of aristocracy in perfection; and you can run 'em down with
the text of the money changers in the Temple, and all that
sort of thing, to a nicety. Besides, there are so few of them
that either can make a speech before the people, or, if they
can, will take the trouble to follow a man about for that
purpose, that you are not likely to be pestered with their
replies. Capital animals for an opposition, they take a
lathering so quiet. Then, sir, for every one merchant you
lay upon his back, you gain five True Grits to your side.
I've studied that out. Our people, I mean the New Lights,
can be made to hate a merchant like snakes—because if he
does get on well with his business, and makes a little fortune,
we can call him a Rag Baron, a Ruffle Shirt, a Scrub
Aristocrat,—and that's equal to sending him to the deserts of

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Arabia: and if he fails, as the greater part of the poor devils
do, we can get up a still worse cry against him, for turning
the humble and honest laborer out of employment, grinding
the faces of the poor, depriving the widow and the orphan of
their bread, and coining the sweat of the Bone and Sinew's
brow to feed Usurers, Brokers and Shavers. And by the
by, these arguments are quite good against manufacturers
and whig master-mechanics. But a merchant, sir, can't
hold up his head one moment before them. Every which
way, sir, he's a prime scape-goat. Then, sir, when we
want to make an EXPERIMENT,—why, of course, we go to
the merchants. Here's all this currency business, especially
the tail of it, the Sub Treasury—fine thing to stir up the
people with—sounds well in theory, though a little mischievous
in practice. Well, sir, we test it on the merchants:
we get the popularity, they get the damage. The approved
philosophical mode to try a dangerous experiment, is to
attempt it on a cat:—sir, The Merchants are our cats.”

Mr. Flam, seeing the state of our divisions, took a great
deal of trouble to restore harmony into our ranks, and certainly
did much to overawe the True Grits, who, now fancying
themselves in the ascendant, became very dictatorial.
Eliphalet Fox, although he took every occasion to speak in
his paper greatly in commendation of Mr. Flam, was, nevertheless,
an active upholder of The True Grit division. “Our
worthy representative,” he said, “was happily stationed
above the influence of these little family quarrels; and it
was undoubtedly a subject of congratulation with that distinguished
gentleman, that every section of the great democratic
household of Quodlibet could cordially unite in testimonials
of their confidence in his talents, his patriotism and
his fidelity to the interests of his constituents.”

This paragraph was considered a master-stroke of New
Light democracy in Eliphalet, because its tendency was to

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keep him and his paper on good terms with all parties supporting
the administration, while it left him free to pursue
the paramount objects which the True Grits steadily kept in
view.

These objects were the attainment of all the lucrative
offices in our district,—a striking exemplification of which
now occurred in the celebrated Tigertail affair. That affair
my duty as a chronicler requires me to notice.

A secret meeting of the True Grits had been lately held
in the Borough. The subject in discussion was a weighty
one. It was reported to this conclave, that Ferox Tigertail,
the marshal of this district, who resided and kept his office
in Bickerbray, had in his employment two individuals of
suspicious principles. The first was Washington Cutbush,
a clerk, who had been overheard to say, at the Sycamore
Spring, in a confidential conversation with his brother-in-law,
Lemuel Garret, that he began to think Tom Benton's
gold currency a HUMBUG! The second was Corney Dust,
the porter and firemaker of the office, who, there was reason
to believe, had voted at the last election for Agamemnon
Flag. Upon these facts being vouched to the meeting by
Magnus Morehead, the True Grit shoemaker in the borough,
and Sandy Buttercrop, the express rider, message carrier,
baggage porter, and follower of sundry other visible means
of livelihood, it was resolved that a committee of three, to
consist of Eliphalet Fox, Dr. Winkelman, and Nim Porter,
should wait upon Mr. Tigertail, communicate to him the full
extent of the charge, and require him, in the name of The
Exclusive, New Light, True Grit Democrats of Quodlibet,
forthwith to dismiss Washington Cutbush from his office, and
substitute Magnus Morehead in his place; and also to super-sede
Corney Dust by the appointment of Sandy Buttercrop.

The committee in pursuance of these instructions, visited
the marshal, and explained the object of their mission in

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respectful but firm language. Tigertail, being a choleric
man and an old Federalist to boot,—who had been converted
to the New Light faith about eight years ago, at the
date of the renewal of his commission,—heard the committee
with exemplary composure; and then setting his eyes,
with a fixed glare, upon Eliphalet Fox, he waited about ten
seconds—at the end of which brief period of deliberation,
he kicked the said Eliphalet clean out of his office:—and this
being done to his entire satisfaction, he rather testily invited
Dr. Winkelman and Nim Porter to follow their chairman.
It is due to these two gentlemen to say, that like good committee
men, they did so,—even anticipating the Marshal's
invitation to the adoption of that course of conduct.

This incident being faithfully reported by the committee
to the meeting of True Grits, convened for the express purpose
of learning the result, it was unanimously resolved,—
First, that Tigertail's demeanor was mysterious, equivocal
and unexpected: Secondly, that it was unpolite to Eliphalet
Fox: and Thirdly, that it was against the principles and
usages known to the New Light Democracy. Another
resolution was adopted to lay the whole matter before the
President of the United States, and to instruct him, as the
Representative of the People, to dismiss Marshal Tigertail,
without delay, from his post; and confer it upon the injured
Eliphalet Fox, whose kicking entitled him to the deepest
sympathy of the party, and gave him, according to a well-established
maxim of the New Lights, a right to immediate
preferment.

These resolutions imparted great satisfaction to the meeting,
and no doubt was entertained that the President would
act upon the subject with that promptitude which distinguishes
his character. Marshal Tigertail was looked upon
as a doomed man, and no better than a whig; and indeed
he was already considered as having joined that party. Dr.

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Thomas G. Winkleman, Nim Porter and Dabbs the compositor,
were entrusted with this embassy of instruction to
the President;—Eliphalet Fox being left out of the deputation
from obvious considerations of delicacy—a sentiment
which it must be allowed has ever characterised the proceedings
of the True Grits on all occasions, and which many of
the most observant and sagacious of that sect have asserted
has been the principal cause of the failure of their schemes.

The new deputation lost no time in setting forth upon
the execution of their duty. They were attended to the
stage coach by a large number of True Grits, who, to use
the language of Theodore Fog, “signalised their departure
with indignant pomp.” Great expectations were indulged
on this appeal, or rather this mandate to the President.
Day after day passed by without bringing news
from the mission:—the Globe was taken from each mail
with increased avidity, in the hope of seeing some official
announcement of the removal of Tigertail. A provoking
silence on that point reigned throughout its columns. Ten
days rolled on without a letter from the Committee:—a
fortnight wore away, and yet none had returned. A traveller
at last reported that he had seen Nim Porter at the
White Sulphur Springs. It was ascertained that Dr. Winkelman
was in the city of New York purchasing drugs for
his shop; and upon investigation it was discovered that
Dabbs had been at his work in the printing office, unknown
to the Borough, for more than a week. By a singular coincidence
of feeling amongst the True Grits, all curiosity as
to the fate of the mission, suddenly subsided. The subject
was treated with indifference; and in the course of a few
days, after both Dr. Winkelman and Nim Porter had returned
home, when the Throughblue Whole Team put
forth a paragraph inquiring after the Tigertail Embassy;
the Whole Hog came out with a petulant and snappish

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reply, affirming that the report of such a mission was a
mere Whig lie coined with a view to political effect, and
uttered in the Whole Team simply because “that mendacious
and filthy sheet delighted to revel in falsehood, and had
never been known to stumble upon the truth, even by accident.”
Dr. Winkelman studiously avoided all reference to
his absence from the Borough, and Nim Porter was equally
cautious for about a month—at the expiration of which
period Neal Hopper happened to say, in his presence, he
had good reason to know that Marshall Tigertail was no
favorite with the President, and would be removed from
office before the end of the next congress;—whereupon Nim,
very unguardedly and under a sudden, uncontrollable impulse,
planted himself before the miller and said,

“I'll be d—d if I don't bet you one hundred dollars to
ten upon that.”

“Well, I s'pose you know?” said Neal, struck by Nim's
peremptory manner.

“Conclusively and distinctly,” replied Nim with some
heat.—“If you think Liphalet Fox is going to be the
marshal you're most d—mnably mistaken:—I know Martin
Van Buren,” he added with some display of self-importance,
“considerably—and I can tell you that he goes the whole
figure against rotation in this individual and identical case.
He's a Mandarin from snout to tail—trained up from the
gum, and would'nt touch a True Grit with a forty foot pole.
Martin has defined his position emphatically. There can't
be a possibility of mistake upon the subject.”

“Do you mean to say that you heard him say so?” inquired
William Goodlack, the tailor, a strenuous member
of the True Grits, looking angrily at Nim.

“That's neither here nor there,” replied Nim. “But
I'll stand to the bet of one hundred dollars to ten, that Tigertail's
not turned out of office this year:—you are

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welcome to take it yourself, Billy Goodlack, if you're a mind
for a bet.”

“Whoever said Tigertail ought to be turned out,” asked
Goodlack peevishly, “'cepting Neal Hopper who picked
up such a story out of the nine thousand lies of the Whole
Team?”

From this little brush with Nim Porter, and from the
looks that passed between the parties engaged in it, there
was room for the inference that the President did'nt give
much encouragement to the committee who went to him
with instructions to turn out the marshal: and this is nearly
every thing that has ever transpired in Quodlibet upon that
subject. It is very certain that, for some time after this date,
the True Grits were not so bold as a party as they had been
before. Eliphalet Fox was undoubtedly much chop-fallen
during all the following winter.

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p239-170 CHAPTER XIII.

A POLITICAL DISCUSSION AT ABEL BRAWN'S SHOP.—ABEL'S VIEWS OF THE
SUB TREASURY.—IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION MADE BY THEODORE
FOG.—THE NEW LIGHTS TAKE GROUND AGAINST THE BANKS.—THE
HON. MIDDLETON FLAM RESIGNS THE PRESIDENCY OF THE COPPER-PLATE
BANK.—SNUFFERS ASPIRES TO THE SUCCESSION.

[figure description] Page 165.[end figure description]

Towards the latter end of August, in the year referred to
in the last chapter, about five o'clock in the afternoon, a
much larger collection than usual of work horses were seen
around Abel Brawn's shop, waiting to be shod. The shop
stands a few rods below Christy M'Curdy's mill, and immediately
upon the bank of the Rumblebottom. The mill
is just outside of the compactly-built portion of the Borough;
and from the door, Neal Hopper, the miller, could see
along the road, on his left hand into the principal cross street
of Quodlibet, and on his right directly into Abel Brawn's
smith shop. This advantage of position was much prized
by Neal, because it enabled him to observe every body going
either from the town side or the country side to the
blacksmith's. And as the shop was a famous ground for
political discussion and newsmongering; and as Neal had an
insaturable stomach (insaturabile abdomen) for that sort of
gossip, a glance from the mill door gave him the means of
knowing who was either at, or on the way to, the shop.
Then if the company suited him, he was in the habit of confiding
the temporary government of the mill to a

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mealyheaded negro called Cicero, who could turn out a grist as
well as himself, and so allow himself the chance of a brush
at argument with Abel Brawn's customers.

On this evening in August, as I said, there were more horses
than usual at the smithy. Six or seven men were lounging
about the door, or in the shop, talking very loud, with every
now and then a word from Abel who was busily employed
alternately hammering out shoes on the anvil, and fitting
them to the horses' feet; whilst squinting Billy Spike, a rather
ungainly lad, an apprentice to the smith, was keeping
off the flies with a horsetail fastened to the end of a stick.
I had been taking a walk that evening with some of my
boys to look at the ruins of the old school house; and seeing
this little gathering about Abel Brawn's, I stopped to
hear what was going on. Being somewhat fatigued by my
exercitation, I sat down on the bench under the shed, having
sent my boys home by themselves, and remained here
a quiet though not an inattentive spectator of the scene before
me. It is by cultivating such opportunities that I have
been enabled to impart that interest to these pages, which,
without vanity, I may say my reader cannot fail to discover
in them. Such have ever been my choicest and most
profitable moments of observation—subseciva quædam tempora,
quæ ego perire non patiar.

Neal Hopper was engaged in repairing a bolting-cloth up
stairs in the mill, and, for some time after this assemblage
had gathered about the smith's shop, did not hear or seem
to know what was going forward, until there came a loud,
sharp laugh and a whoop which aroused his attention. As
soon as he heard this, he pricked up his ears, listened a
moment, and upon a repetition of the laugh, stepped to the
window, looked down towards the shop and saw who were
there, then called Cicero to finish the repair of the bolting
cloth—and went straight to the blacksmith's.

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“Well, what's the fraction,” said Neal, “that you're all
a busting out in such a spell of a laugh about?”

Hearing Neal's voice, Abel Brawn put down the horse's
foot which he was then shoeing, from his lap, and standing
upright, replied:

“There seems to be a sort of a snarl here amongst
these brother democrats of yours, concerning of this here
Sub Treasury. Some of them say it's against the Banks,
and some of them say it's for the Banks. They have
got it that Cambreling should have give out in Congress
that it was going to help the Banks and keep them
up; and others, on the contrary, say that Old Tom Benton
swears that it won't leave so much as the skin of a corporated
company twixt Down East and the Massissippi. And
they say, moreover, that little Martin lays dark about it.”

“What does the Globe give out concerning of it?” inquired
Neal.

“Well, the Globe,” replied Sam Pivot, the assessor of
our county, who was out for sheriff and who was very
cautious in all his opinions, “is, as I take it, a little
dubious. Sometimes he makes this Sub Treasury a
smasher to all banks; and then again he fetches it up as a
sort of staff to prop the good ones and to knock down the
cripples. Last fall, just before the New York election, he
rather buttered the banks, seeing that the democracy in that
quarter had'nt made up their minds to run as strong against
the laboring people as they are willing to do over here in
the South. But in April, when the Virginny elections was
up, he was as savage as a meat axe;—and I rather expect,
from what I see in the President's message, that it is'nt yet
fairly understood whether the Sub Treasury is to kill or
cure the banking system.”

“It's a pig in a poke, make the best of it,” said Abel
Brawn, “and is flung before the people now because Van

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has'nt got nothing better to offer us, and not because he
values it above an old shoe. To my thinking, when the
people have decided against a law, as they have done
now against this Sub Treasury, as you call it, twice in
Congress, a President of the United States ought to have
that respect for the will of the people to let it drop. That's
what I call Whig democracy—though it may'nt be yourn.”

“Never!” exclaimed Tom Crop, the constable of our
Borough. “If the people go agin the dimocracy, the
dimocracy ought to put them down. We go for principle;
and it's our business to try it over and over again, until we
carry it. Truth is mighty and will prevail, as the old
Gineral says.”

“I have never been able,” said Neal Hopper, “rightly
to make out what this Sub-Treasury is, any how. If any
man knows, let him tell me.”

“What does that signify?” answered Crop. “Some
calls it a divorce—but betwixt who I don't know, and
what's more, I don't care. It's for the poor man we are a
fighting, against the rich. The Whigs are for making the
poor poorer, and the rich richer—and I say any man who
goes against the Sub Treasury can't have no respect for
dimmicratic principles.”

“I'll tell you what it is,” said Abel Brawn. “Ever
since the old Federals took hold of General Jackson's
skirts, and joined him in breaking down the Banks, they
have been plotting to keep their heads above water—and
so they set about making experiments right and left, to see
if they could n't hit upon something new to please the
people. But, bless you—they don't know no more about
the people than they do about making horse shoes; and
that's the reason why they have been such bunglers in all
their works: and the end has been to bring us into such a
pickle as no country ever was in before. They have

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teetotally ruinated every thing they have laid their hands on—
and now they come out and say “the people expect too
much from the Government,' and by way of making that
saying good, they have got up this Sub-Treasury, which is
nothing more nor less than a contrivance to get all the
money of the country into their own strong box, knowing
that when they have the money, they have got the power,
for as long as they please. That's an old Federal trick,
which they understand as well as any men in the world.
Now the people, who see into this scheme, don't like it,
and so they vote it down in Congress. Well, what does
these Federals do then? Submit?—No—to be sure not—
that's not their principle. They go at it again; set to drilling
of Congress, and by promising this man, and buying
off that one with an office, and setting their papers to telling
all sorts of lies, they get the country so confounded at last
that it does n't know whether it is on its head or its heels.
But the worst of it is, these very Federals—some of them
real old Blue Lights—go about preaching about rich and
poor, and sowing enmity between them; and they work so
diligent upon this heat, that many a simple man at last
believes them. It's all a trick—a mean, sneaking deceit,
which I am ashamed to think any honest poor man in this
happy country of ours could be taken in by for one minute.
But we never had this talk until we got Federal measures
and Federal men at the head of the Government. Who are
the rich that they talk about? Why, it is every man who
has sense enough to know that they are imposing on him,
whether he be worth a million or worth only five hundred
dollars—unless indeed it be one of their own rich men, and
then they can't praise him too much. Is industry a sin in
this land, that when it has earned a little something for a
wet day, the man who has thriven by it must be held up as
an enemy to his country? Does it hurt a man's patriotism,

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when he sends his children to school, and works until he
can buy a tract of land to start them well in life—or when
he rents a pew in church, and carries his family there to
teach them to fear God and keep his commandments? Is
it to be told against a man, that his neighbors count him
to be frugal and thrifty, and that he is considered respectable
in the world? Yet that is your new fashioned democracy,
which wants to put every one in the dust who does n't
idle away his time and squander his substance, and let his
family go to wrack, whilst he strolls about the country
bawling democracy. Thank God! the democracy I've larnt
in my time, has taught me to do to others as I would have
others do to me; and which has imbibed into my mind the
principle that I am a freeman, and have a right to think for
myself, to speak for myself and to act for myself, without
having a string put through my nose to lead me wherever it
suits a set of scheming, lying, cunning politicians to have
me for their benefit. Democracy's not what it used to be,
or you would never find the people putting up with this
eternal dictation from the President and his friends, to
Congress and to the nation, what he will have, and what
he won't have:—that's what I call rank monarchy, and I
will fight against it to my latest breath.

“You will have a chance to judge for yourselves whether the
President dictates to the people or not, in this very matter of
the Sub-Treasury:—wait till the next session of Congress:—
the bill has just been rejected a second time. You will see
that Martin is n't a going to give it up, but will bring it forward
again and again—until at last, I make no doubt, he will
get a Congress shabby enough to do his bidding, and pass it;—
and many of the very men who are against it to-day, will
abandon their own opinions and go for it, for no other reason
in the world but that they will be afraid of their Nose-Leaders,
who will tell them they are no democrats unless they

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support the President. It is nothing more nor less than enlisting
men in the service, and marching and countermarching
them which ever way the officers choose; besides bringing
every man to a drum-head who dares to disobey orders.”

“What's Tom Benton's notion?” inquired Neal Hopper.

“He goes for the Sub-Treasury out and out,” said Pivot.

“In course, he does, all hollow,” interrupted Tom Crop,
with rather a fierce frown and an angry tone, designed to
express his indignant feeling at the sentiments uttered by
Abel Brawn, and which sternness of countenance had been
gradually gathering during the whole time occupied by the
Blacksmith's discourse. “There's none of this d—d slang
in him. He's agin all Monypolies, and for the rale Constitutional
Currency—and them's the genuine dimmicratic principles:—
leastways, they've come about so now, whatever
they might 'a been in times past. Old Tom's the first man
what ever found out what the Constitutional Currency raly
was, and sot the dimmicrats a goin on the Hard Money
track: d—n my blood! And, besides, don't I know these
banks?—they're nuisances in grain, and naturally as good
as strikes a poor man in his vitals. I've seed it myself.
Here was Joe Plumb, the cider press maker, got a note
from Jerry Lantern down here at the cross roads, for settin
up his cider press, and he heaved it in the bank for them to
collect it—and what does the Bank do, but go and purtest
it? That's the way they treat a poor man like Joe Plumb,
what's obliged to work for his livin:—would they 'a sarved
a Big Bug so. No—don't tell me about the Banks! I'm
sick a hearin on em.”

This discussion was now interrupted by the approach of
Theodore Fog, Flan Sucker and Sim Travers. By this
addition to the company the New Lights gained an over-whelming
preponderance of numbers over their adversaries.
Indeed Abel Brown and Davy Post, the wheelwright, were

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[figure description] Page 172.[end figure description]

the only Whigs in the assemblage; and the consequence
was that Abel, who fought them all pretty manfully at first,
was obliged to give in so far as to remain silent—with the
exception of a random shot, which now and then he let off
by way of repartee—Abel not being bad at that. Davy
Post was naturally a silent man, and, therefore, did not pretend
to be a speaker on this occasion.

As soon as Theodore Fog was informed what was the
topic in debate, and especially of the doubts which seemed
to be prevalent regarding the Sub-Treasury, he took a station
against the door post, where the whole company gathered
around him; and, being now in an oratorical mood,
he began to address the auditory in something like a speech:

“Gentlemen,” said he, at the same time drawing, with a
jerk, his neckeloth away and flaunting it in his hand, “in a
free government we have no secrets. Freedom of Opinion
and its twin sister Freedom of Discussion are chartered
libertines that float upon the ambient air consecrated to the
Genius of Universal Emancipation”—

“Hurra for old The!” shouted Sim Travers.

“Ya—hoop—halloo—go it!” yelled Flan Sucker with a
wild and deafening scream, which sufficiently manifested
the fact that he was most noisily drunk.

Several of the company interfered by remonstrating with
Flan against this unnecessary demonstration of fervor, which
Flan, on the other hand, insisted upon as his right.

“Whenever old The. Fog comes out high flown,” said
he, “I yells as a matter of principle. It's encouragin to
youth. Nebuchadnezzer the King of the Jews couldn't
beat him at a speech: He's the Butt cut of democracy.”

“Flan, hold your tongue,” said Theodore. “Gentlemen,
we have no secrets. Abel Brawn and Davy Post are welcome
to hear all I have to impart. I know—every body
knows—that we have been in a state of suspense on the

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great question of the Sub-Treasury. The Independent
Treasury, as we are going to call it since Congress rejected
it—we'll try what a new name will do. I say we have
been in suspense. Like honest New Lights we have waited
to see how the cat would jump. Some men imagined that
Martin would bow to the judgment of the people and give
it up. They did not know the stern, uncompromising, footstep-following
principles that dwell at the bottom of his
heart. He will never give it up—the people must take it:
he has got nothing else for them. Hasn't he tried every
thing else? And isn't this the last thing he could think of?
Why, then, of course, the people must gulp it down, or the
party is broke. Where is the slave that would desert his
party? Who's here so base would be a turncoat? The
Whigs call the President the servant of the people—we call
him the Ruler, the Great Chieftain,—and when a man
deserts him he is a TURNCOAT—that is sound New Light
doctrine.

“Sirs, it has been developed in the recent demonstrations
of contemporary history”—

“Yip!”

“Silence, Flan Sucker and don't make a fool of yourself.
It has been discovered that Bank Influence has defeated the
Sub-Treasury bill. Every member who voted against it
has received a large bribe from the banks. The Globe man
has lately discovered this astounding corruption: the President
is aware of it: and for this reason, in addition to that
which I have already mentioned, he is determined to run it
as the Independent Treasury again. Every New Light is
expected to toe the mark.”

“Three cheers for that!” cried Pivot.

“We have heretofore partially denounced the banks,”
continued Fog; “we are now to open upon them like
hounds—worry them like rats. From this day forth, the

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Quods will take a new turn;—they will dismiss all pity
from their bosoms, and cry aloud for strangling the banks—
not even excepting our own. Patriotism demands the sacrifice.
Down with paper money! will be the word. Turn
the tables on the Whigs, and call the whole bank system
the spawn of aristocracy—remember that. At the same
time, gentlemen, be not afraid. No harm will be done to
any bank you have a liking for—the essence of the thing
is in the noise. We shall have perhaps to kill the banks
in the District of Columbia—but that's nothing;—it will be
an offering to consistency. All experiments require an
Exhausted Receiver—and the District is ours;—a snug little
piece of machinery to play upon. So keep it in mind—
Treasury notes and no Paper Money!—down with Credit,
and up with the Independent Treasury!”

“Aint that first rate?” said Sim Travers. “The. who
sot that agoin?”

“Amos Kendall, Francis P. Blair, Tom Benton and John
C. Calhoun,” replied Fog; “the great Quartette and greatest
men of our times. Middleton Flam has just received letters
from Washington laying open the whole plan of operations.
He has accordingly determined to put himself in
position for ultimate action, by resigning the presidency of
the bank. Middleton Flam, gentlemen, I am free to say it,
although we have differed on some questions, is a great
man and an honor to the New Lights. He has already
sent his resignation to Nicodemus Handy. The Board
meet to-morrow to act upon it. You may imagine, gentlemen,
who is looked to as his successor. But I here announce
to you, the conglomerate essence of my constituency
at large, that on no consideration can I be persuaded to
accept the vacant place. No, gentlemen, the whole tenor
of my life renders that impossible. I have defined my
position years ago; and every man must see, that president

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of that, or any other bank, I can never be. Simon Snuffers
is the man. If he can make it agreeable to the democratic
principle upon which he holds the Hay Scales—and that is
for you to say—I have no doubt he will accept. Simon
has no ulterior objects;—and men without ulterior objects
may do as they please.—But I trust that this responsible
post will never be pressed upon me. Upon that point I
cannot indulge the wishes of my friends.”

The importance of this speech was duly appreciated by
those to whom it was addressed; and as every man was
anxious to know what every body else thought about these
matters, there was an immediate adjournment to the Borough.
The consequence was, that Abel Brawn's shop was left in
a few moments without a customer; and in the course of
the next half hour, the news communicated by Theodore
Fog was in every man's mouth. The movement at Washington
was held to be decisive. The Independent Treasury,
from that moment, became a leading test of the allegiance
of the democrats of Quodlibet.

-- 176 --

p239-181 CHAPTER XIV.

LETTER FROM AMOS KENDALL TO MR. FLAM.—DIRECTIONS TO THE DEMOCRACY.—
MR. KENDALL'S MODE OF PRODUCING AN IMPRESSION.—
THE PRESIDENT'S DETERMINATION IN REGARD TO THE INDEPENDENT
TREASURY.—WARNING TO DESERTERS.—CANDIDATES FOR MR. FLAM'S
PLACE IN THE BANK.—HARDBOTTLE ELECTED.—THEODOBE FOG'S
OUTBREAK.—HE COOLS DOWN AND STANDS UPON PRINCIPLE.—HARDBOTTLE
UNPOPULAR.

[figure description] Page 176.[end figure description]

The fact was as Theodore Fog had stated it. Mr. Flam
had received a letter from Amos Kendall, apprising him that
it was deemed absolutely necessary to the preservation of
the New Light Democratic Party to become extremely
pointed in their assault against the State Banks, and that
the misdeeds of those institutions should be exaggerated as
much as possible, and then charged upon the Whigs.

“This attack,” said Amos, “must be made with more
than usual clamor, and followed up with unremitting industry,
that, by force of the first word and incessant repetition,
we may get the people to believe that we have had nothing
to do with the creation of these corporations; but have, in
fact, been inveterately hostile to them from the first, and
that our opponents have been their sole patrons and friends.
Our recent outcry on this subject has succeeded so well
with the people, that we are determined now to make the
denunciation of the banks our chief topic, by way of preparation
for the Independent Treasury which we are resolved

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the people shall swallow. We cannot too strongly impress
upon our friends, the propriety of charging upon the Whigs
that we have repeatedly warned them against increasing the
number of banks in the States. By this device we shall
put upon their shoulders all those mischiefs of over-banking
and over-trading, which they used to talk about. We
must impute to them all the evils of the shinplaster system—
except the Treasury notes, which it would be well for us
to praise, as an admirable democratic scheme to give the
country a METALLIC currency. It has also been deemed
important,” continued the writer, “that we should prove
that the government has lost more money by the State
Banks than by any other agents it has ever employed.
This idea was hinted to Mr. Woodbury, who has, in consequence,
very recently been at work upon the subject, and
has produced a report altogether conclusive against the
banks. He will continue these labors with a view to the
instruction of Congress and all our other inquiring friends;
being, in no respect, daunted by that unlucky report made
by him in 1834, which, singularly enough, proves the opposite
side of the case; for, as he remarks, the specific
gravity of his state papers is so great as to sink them too
deep for the perception of the present generation,—and that
consequently his report of 1834 must be pretty well forgotten
by this time, which, indeed, I think quite likely;—
it was so long-winded, dozy and prosy, as every thing of
Woodbury's is, (a note in the margin marked this as `confidential,
') that I should not wonder if more than ten men
in Congress never read it, and of those, perhaps not a single
one retains any distinct impression of its meaning.” The
letter exhorted Mr. Flam to make these views known to
the drill sergeants and corporals of the party in Quodlibet,
and to stimulate them to active exertions in the part assigned
to them. “Pound it into the public mind,” said the writer,

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“that the Whigs are the authors of the present evils; continual
pounding will inevitably, at last, do the business. Many a
time have I riveted, by diligent hammering, a politic and
necessary fabrication upon the credulity of the people—so
fast that no art of my adversary could tear it away to make
room for the truth: therefore, I say to you and our democratic
friends—hammer without ceasing.”

A letter from Mr. Woodbury, at the same time, informed
Mr. Flam, that as the people had so contumaciously rejected
the Independent Treasury bill, by their representatives in
congress, the President was now determined to carry it at
all hazards; and consequently it was expected that no New
Light democrat would be so false to the glorious principles
of the Quodlibetarian theory as to interpose any opinion of
his own, between the will of the President and the appropriate
duty of the people. “If such should be the case,”
said the secretary, “Mr. Van Buren can have no alternative—
the individual so recreant to the eternal principles of the
New Light Democracy, must be denounced by the Globe
as an enemy to freedom, and what is worse, a traitor to his
party”

Mr. Flam reflected upon these communications with
grave attention; and having shown them to some of his
intimate friends, amongst whom I count it my highest honor
to be ranked, he announced his purpose to resign his
post in the bank. For this step he had two good reasons:
the first was the necessity of disencumbering himself of a
connection which might have impeded his usefulness—to
use his own words—in his public relations: the second
reason was, that he had borrowed so large an amount from
the bank, as to circumscribe its bounty greatly to the prejudice
of sundry of the directors who were, in consequence,
beginning to complain of his management of the institution,
and were even threatening to run an opposition against him

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in the election which was but a few months off. It was
whispered also that Nicodemus Handy had given him a
mysterious but friendly hint to resign, without explaining
his reasons. Upon these considerations his mind was made
up; and accordingly the resignation was laid before the
Board at the time indicated by Theodore Fog.

This event produced great sensation in Quodlibet; not
less from the curiosity to know why our distinguished representative
should relinquish so lucrative a post, than from
the interest felt in the measure of selecting his successor.
Fifteen of our most strenuous New Light Democrats were
candidates; and notwithstanding the speech made at the
blacksmith's shop, Theodore Fog was the first who wrote
a letter to the Board to apprise them that, in consequence
of the eager importunity of his democratic friends to confide
the Bank to his management, he found himself compelled
to forego his objections to having any concern with the
Banking system, and therefore would not feel himself at
liberty to decline the Presidency in case it should be offered
to him. He said he wished it to be distinctly understood,
that emolument was not his object: but that he was actuated
solely by his attachment to that New Light Democratic
principle which taught him on all occasions to seek preferment,
as the means of widening the sphere of his usefulness,
and to increase his worldly fortune only for the sake of the
good it enabled him to dispense to the people. On no
other terms was he willing to accept the government of the
Bank.

Some two or three days were spent in canvassing this
matter; when the choice ultimately, upon the twenty-fifth
balloting, fell upon Anthony Hardbottle, who had not been
previously thought of for the place, and was only brought
forward when all attempts to elect others had failed. The
fifteen original candidates became greatly incensed at this

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[figure description] Page 180.[end figure description]

choice. Theodore Fog was furious: he said Hardbottle
could scarcely be called a democrat:—if any thing, he was
half whig—nay, he believed, whole whig:—and to elect a
whig to a great responsible post like that—a post connected
with the national fisc, allied to the money power, so intimately
related to the important concerns of the currency!—
it was not to be tolerated. The Genius of New Light Democracy
should array herself in steel, indue herself in panoply,
buckle on her armor, shake her lance against it—or
in other words, he deemed it incompatible with free institutions
to allow a whig—or, at least, a man who never
attended political meetings, and who held the whigs in
respect—to preside over such a democratic institution as
the Copperplate Bank of Quodlibet.—Theodore continued
raving in this strain until he drank nine juleps interspersed
with numberless other potations, and became so incapable
of motion as to render it necessary for Mrs. Ferret to have
him carried to bed. As he cooled, so cooled his competitors.
Indeed, in the course of a few days, Theodore Fog,
in commenting upon the pretensions of the several defeated
candidates, found so many objections to them individually
and collectively, as to bring himself into an excellent temper
upon the subject, whereby he was able to make merry with
the whole election; and thus, by degrees, he fell back into
the state of mind which he had manifested at the smith's
shop, and declared that no consideration could possibly induce
him, professing the principles he did, to accept any
post connected with a Bank. He expressed himself in
sharp and censorious terms against what, he said, he had
constantly observed—namely, that he never knew a post in a
bank to be vacant, from the President down to the porter,
including Directors and all, in regard to which he didn't find
half a dozen Loco Focos, to say nothing of New Light
Democrats, applicants to fill the vacancy: he thought it

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inconsistent with principle, now that orders had come for the
Democracy to abuse the banks, to seek or accept such
places; and he did not care who knew his sentiments upon
the subject.

Mr. Hardbottle was a strict man of business, and did not,
it is true, greatly interest himself in politics. Yet, nevertheless,
he was a decided supporter of the New Light cause,
and was always esteemed a useful member of the Borough.
One thing that made against him in the Board was, that he
had never been a very active customer to the Bank, except
so far only as keeping his commercial account there. He
was often urged to accept accommodations with a view to the
improvement of the Borough, but almost invariably refused,
from an aversion to indulging in these useful speculations.
His brother Directors, in consequence, rather regarded him
as a man who was deficient in public spirit; and they imagined
that he might be inclined to depreciate the value of
the services they had rendered the Bank by the liberal employment
they had given to its funds. Mr. Hardbottle,
therefore, might be said to have entered into the government
of the Bank under inauspicious circumstances, and
was likely not to be a very popular President. He was,
however, determined upon one thing, and that was to make
a thorough examination of the Bank for the purpose of
bringing about a resumption of specie payments at the
earliest possible moment; for some complaints had gone
abroad against the Bank of Quodlibet for not resuming
when the other banks of the country affected to be anxious
for that measure.

In consequence of this determination of the New President,
the Bank was kept in a perpetual bustle for the whole
fortnight succeeding the election. What then occurred will
be told in the next chapter.

-- 182 --

p239-187 CHAPTER XV.

UNHAPPY EVENT IN THE LIFE OF NICODEMUS HANDY.—CONSTERNATION
OF QUODLIBET.—DISASTERS AMONGST THE DIRECTORS.—EXPLOSION OF
THE BANK.—CONVERSATION BETWEEN THEODORE FOG AND MR. GRANT.—
FOG'S VIEWS OF THE QUESTION OF DISTRESS.—COMPLIMENT TO JESSE
FERRET.

[figure description] Page 182.[end figure description]

I KNOW not which way to turn. Auribus teneo lupum.
I can scarcely compose myself to write. Such an event!
Many things have happened in this world to excite wonder—
many grief—many indignation—many wailing, lamentation
and moans;—but we have had an incident in the Borough
which overmasters all these emotions by the height and the
depth, the length and the breadth, the stupendous magnitude
of the amazement which it has spread through all minds.

The investigation of the affairs of the Bank, under the
direction of Mr. Hardbottle, lasted more than a fortnight.
They were not yet brought to a close, when — Let the
following paragraph from an extra Whole Hog, issued on
the spur of the moment, tell the rest. I have no nerve for
such a disclosure.

“Our Borough has just been thrown into a state of stupefaction
by an event which completely eclipses every other
act of crime and villany with which the annals of Whiggery
abound. Nicodemus Handy, the Whig cashier of that

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[figure description] Page 183.[end figure description]

extortionate, swindling, Whig rag-factory, The Patriotic Copperplate
Bank of Quodlibet, left this Borough yesterday
morning in the People's Line, which runs through Thorough
Blue. As this journey was undertaken with the pretence
of business, it attracted no attention until this morning,
when the indefatigable democratic President of that institution,
Mr. Anthony Hardbottle, who was recently elected for
the purpose of a thorough investigation into its concerns,
(suspicions having been long indulged of its rottenness—and,
in fact, our worthy representative, the Hon. Middleton Flam,
an unterrified and incorruptible New Light, having retired
from the head of the institution on account of the disgusting
irregularities which fell within his view,) laid a statement
before the board which showed that the cashier had secreted
upwards of $160,000, the greater part of which funds there
is reason to believe he has made away with in the course of
the last three months. Measures were taken to pursue the
offender, and as far as possible to secure the Bank by attachments
upon his property, which is supposed to be considerable.
For the present, we forbear all comment, except so
far as to remark, that we look upon this atrocious fraud but
as the natural fruit of that system of Whig measures which
has cumbered the land with mushroom banks, filthy rags,
and swarms of scrub aristocrats in the shape of presidents,
cashiers, directors, and clerks. We may speedily expect
to hear of many more Whigs following the example of our
absquatulating cashier.”

The sensation produced in the Borough by this intelligence,
is not to be described. The flight of Mr. Handy
was the only topic of conversation for a week. An officer
followed him to Thorough Blue, whence, it was rumored,
the fugitive had shaped his course for Texas: other reports
assigned Canada as his place of refuge—all was uncertainty.
Legal measures were taken to secure his property. This

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[figure description] Page 184.[end figure description]

consisted of his elegant mansion on Copperplate Ridge,
sundry rows of warehouses, and other buildings in Quodlibet,
a large number of which had been left for two years
past in an unfinished state. Upon investigation it was
ascertained that the whole of this estate had been converted
into money; our worthy representative, the Hon. Middleton
Flam, having an absolute conveyance for Handy House,
its furniture and appurtenances, and certain political friends,
connected with the custom house in New York, rank Whigs,
having mortgages on all the rest of the property. The consequence
was, the Bank was able to secure nothing.

One of our first proceedings, after the flight of the cashier,
was to call together the New Light Club, where resolutions
were passed denouncing his fraud as the necessary consequence
of his Whig principles, censuring the Bank, in the
strongest terms, as a swindling Whig concern, and avowing
an unalterable devotion to the Independent Treasury, as the
only sound, genuine, New Light Democratic experiment
which it was proper for the government to make, in the present
condition of affairs—unless the President should change
his mind and find out something still more democratic; in
which event the New Light Club pledged itself to give that
other measure their cordial and patriotic support.

In the course of a fortnight, the inhabitants of the Borough
were surprised to read from a New York paper, in
the list of passengers who sailed for Liverpool by the packet
of the first of October, amongst the names of sundry fashionables,
those also of Mrs. and Miss Handy; and we were
not long afterwards relieved from all doubt as to the
Cashier's destination, by seeing it publicly announced that
he had gone to Havre, from which point, as soon as he
could be joined by his interesting and distressed family, he
designed making the tour of Europe.

From the period of the elopement of Mr. Handy, we had

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a series of convulsions. The first incident of importance
that followed it, was the failure of the whole Board of Directors;
each of whom, according to his own showing, had
lost so much money by the absconding cashier as to be totally
unable to pay up his liabilities to the bank. The next
disaster was the explosion of the bank itself. The abduction
of so large an amount of its funds, as well as its unfortunate
list of bad debts from the directors, rendered this inevitable.
Then came riots amongst the holders of its paper,
who besieged the door for several days, and even threatened
to pull down the building. Never was a community in a
more unhappy commotion than ours at this eventful epoch.

Mr. Grant visited the borough frequently during the prevalence
of these disorders. One day he met Theodore Fog,
who seemed to be rather pleasurably excited by the events
which occupied and engrossed the public attention—for
Theodore, as he was in the habit of remarking, had
nothing to lose by these domestic convulsions, and every
thing to gain. The election was at hand, and he was
again the True Grit candidate; but on this occasion, there
was no opposition from his own party, and the chance of
electing a whig was deemed hopeless. That side made no
nomination; and Fog, therefore, with his two colleagues of
the last year, was in a fair way to walk over the course
without a contest. The interests of the election, consequently,
were altogether absorbed in the other incidents of
the day. Still, Theodore was not inattentive to the voters,
and was, as usual, loquacious and voluble.

“A pretty considerable upheaving of the elements of
social life, Mr. Grant,”—said he, upon encountering the old
gentleman on Ferret's steps at the front door of The Hero.

“I think so,” replied Mr. Grant—“You have brought
your pigs at last to a fine market.”

Our pigs!” exclaimed Fog, with an excellent

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[figure description] Page 186.[end figure description]

representation of surprise:—“well, that beats M'Gonegal, and he
beat the devil. The whole litter comes from a whig mother:
it is the spawn of that aristocracy, against which the
intelligence, the honor and the virtue of the nation have been
waging war ever since the Reign of Terror;—but, sir, it is
down; the intelligence and firmness of the people have triumphed
at last.”

“You allude, I suppose, to your democratic bank here,”
said Mr. Grant,

“No doubt,” replied Fog, “the whigs will attempt to
shuffle the bank off their shoulders and buckle it on the
democrats. But that won't do, sir; that's too stale a trick
to deceive the people. The whigs, sir, are men of property;
the democrats are poor, sir. Banks are not made by
poor men, Mr. Grant; there's the logic of the case.”

“And this Patriotic Copperplate Bank of Quodlibet was
not set on foot by Nicodemus Handy and Theodore Fog?”
returned Mr. Grant.

“By Nicodemus Handy,” replied Fog, “not by me.
Sir, Nicodemus was always a whig; and what's more, attempted
to beguile me into his scheme. He took advantage
of my unsuspecting temper—endeavored to lull into security
my artless, confiding nature; essayed, sir, but in vain,
to seduce me from my allegiance to the democratic faith, by
tempting offers of the presidency of the bank—but, sir, my
virtue was too stern for his treacherous arts. I saw the
gilded bait and spurned it. It was—I say it myself—a rare
example of successful resistance to the fascinations of the
tempter. Many a democrat has fallen into the snare of the
whigs under less allurement. I pride myself on this evidence
of self-command. I have reason to be proud of it.”

“You have a short memory,” said Mr. Grant.

“Why as to that, old friend,” replied Fog with a good-natured
laugh, at the same time laying his hand on Mr.

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[figure description] Page 187.[end figure description]

Grant's shoulder, “you can't call that a fault. Every politician
has a short memory—he'd be no politician without it.
Mine's no shorter than the rest. Sir, let me tell you, the
great secret of the success of the immutable, New Light,
Quodlibetarian Democracy, is in the shortness of the memory.
Still, I would like to know what you mean by the
remark.”

“I mean to say,” replied Mr. Grant, “that when you
and Nicodemus Handy were endeavoring to persuade me to
take an interest in your bank, you did'nt think it so undemocratic
as you seem to do to day.”

“It is impossible for me to remember what I said on the
occasion to which you allude, sir,” returned Fog; “but my
principles have always been the same. I could not have
gone against them, sir; morally impossible.”

“And I told you what would happen,” continued Mr.
Grant.

“Aye, aye,” rejoined Fog; “that's the old song. You
whigs are monstrous good at prophesying after the result is
known.”

“You admit, I suppose,” said Mr. Grant, “that this
Bank of Quodlibet has exploded?”

“Burst, sir, into a thousand tatters,” replied Fog.

“You admit that there is a large amount of paper money
afloat?”

“A genuine Whig crop,” answered Fog: “enough to
make a stack as large as the largest in your barn yard.”

“You admit the derangement of values all over the country?”

“Yes, and of the people too, if you make it a point.”

“The failures of traders and of banks?”

“Yes.”

“This is reasonable, Mr. Fog. Now, you shall judge
whether the Whigs prophesy before or after the result,”

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[figure description] Page 188.[end figure description]

said Mr. Grant, as he thrust his hand into his skirt pocket
and drew forth a pamphlet. “I expected to meet you to
day, and I have brought you a document for your especial
perusal. It is the speech of a Whig member of congress,
made in 1834, upon the Removal of the Deposites;—you will
find the leaf turned down at page 32; and, as you are a good
reader, I wish you would favor this company by reading it
aloud, where you see it scored in the margin.”

“Not I,” replied Theodore; “that's four years ago. The
Statute of Limitation bars that.”

“He's afeard to read it,” said Abel Brawn to some five
or six persons, who had collected round the steps during this
conversation. “Mr. Grant's mighty particular with his
documents, and aint to be shook off in an argument.”

“The, you aint afeard, old fellow?” said Flan Sucker,
“Walk into him, The. Read it.”

“Give me the book,” said Fog, “and let's see what it is.
Speech by Horace Binney—eh? Who's he? I think I have
heard the name. Well, for the sake of obliging a friend,
I'll read.—Conticuere omnes—which means listen.”—Fog
then read as follows:—

“It is here that we find a pregnant source of the present
agony—it is in the clearly avowed design to bring a second time
upon this land the curse of an unregulated, uncontrolled State-Bank
paper currency. We are again to see the drama which
already, in the course of the present century, has passed before
us, and closed in ruin. If the project shall be successful—”

“What project?” inquired Fog.

“The destruction of the Bank of the United States, and
the refusal to create another in its place,” answered Mr.
Grant.

Theodore read on—

“If the project shall be successful, we are again to see these
paper missiles shooting in every direction through the country—

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a derangement of all values,—a depreciated circulation—a suspension
of specie payments;—then a further extension of the
same detestable paper—a still greater depreciation—with failures
of traders and failures of banks in its train—to arrive at last at
the same point from which we departed in 1817.”

“A rank forgery:” said Theodore Fog; “printed for the
occasion.”

“That wont do,” replied Mr. Grant; “I have been the
owner of this pamphlet ever since 1834 myself.”

“Then Binney is a dimmycrat,” said Sim Travers, “and
you are trying to pass him off on us for a Whig. Sound
dimmycratic doctrine and true prophecy.”

“Huzza for Binney!” shouted Flan Sucker, “a tip top
dimmycrat, whoever he is!—I never heard of him before.”

“Yes,” said Mr. Grant, “one ounce of his democracy is
worth a ton weight of the best you will find in the Globe.
But read on, a little further below, where you see it scored.”

“I have an innate and mortal aversion to reading.”—returned
Fog.

“It must be gone through,” said Flan Sucker,—“because
them sentiments is the rale dimmocracy, and we want to
hear them. So, go it, The!—Yip!—listen boys to the doctrine.”

“Well,” said Fog, “if you will have it—as the Pillory
said to the thief, `lend me your ears.”'

“I thank the Secretary,” he began with a discreet voice,
reading where Mr. Grant appointed for him—“for the disclosure
of this plan. I trust in God it will be defeated: that the Bank of
the United States, while it is in existence, may be sustained and
strengthened by the public opinion, and interests of the people,
to defeat it: that the sound and sober state banks of the Union
may resist it—for it is their cause: that the poor men and
laborers iu the land may resist it—for it is a scheme to get from
every one of them a dollar's worth of labor for fifty cents, and to
make fraud the currency of the country as much as paper. Sir,

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the Bank of the United States, in any other relation than to the
currency and property of the country, is as little to me as to any
man under heaven; but after the prime and vigor of life are
passed, and the power of accumulation is gone, to see the children
stripped, by the monstrous imposture of a paper currency,
of all that the father's industry had provided for them—this, sir,
may well excuse the warmth that denounces this plan, as the
precursor of universal dismay and ruin.”

“I'll read no more,” said Fog, giving back the book, with
a theatrical flourish of his arm, to Mr. Grant; “it is nothing
more than stealing our principles from us, and then bringing
them up to break our heads.”

“It is good Whig prophecy, four years before its fulfilment,”
said Mr. Grant, “and which has come true to the
letter. It shows you that we set our faces against your increase
of Banks in the very beginning;—gave you warning
of what was to come;—painted the very evils of this day so
plainly before your eyes that nothing but wilful blindness
prevented you from seeing them;—and now, when it has all
fallen out as it was foretold, you attempt to make us responsible
to the people for your measures.”

“Sir,” said Fog, rather evading the argument, as it is an
admirable part of the New Light system to do when it
pinches, “the New Light Democracy changes its measures,
but never its principles. We go, sir, for the will of the
people—that's the principle which lies at the bottom of all
our actions. If the people are for new measures, we frankly
come out with them. Now, sir, the people are against
the Banks—they are for the Independent Treasury: of
course, then, you know where to find us. You can't get
round us—there we are.”

“I'll not dispute that point with you,” replied Mr. Grant;
“you have been changing from bad to worse ever since you
have had the control of affairs. I only wanted to remind

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you that the present distress of the country is the work of
your own hands, and that you have brought it about with
your eyes open.”

Saying these words Mr. Grant walked off towards the
stable, where he mounted his horse and rode out of the
Borough.

As soon as the old gentleman was gone, Theodore Fog
remarked that he had not had as dry a talk for some years,
and proposed to the company a general visit to the Bar.

“They talk of distress,” said he. “Mr. Grant has gone
off with his head full of that notion of distress; it's a famous
Whig argument, that. But what distress is there? Drinking's
as cheap—eating's as cheap as ever—so is lying.
Eating, drinking and lying are the three principal occupations
of man. Lying down, I mean, metaphorically for
sleeping. Where's the distress, then? Mere panic—false
alarm—a Whig invention! The country is better off than
it ever was before. Not for men who trade upon credit, I
allow—not for merchants and shippers in general—not for
your fellows that go about for jobs—not for farmers—not
for regular laborers—not for mechanics, with families on
their hands, and perhaps not for single ones neither;—but
first-rate for lawyers, barkeepers, and brokers, for marshals
and sheriffs—capital for constables—nonparel for postmasters,
contractors, express riders, and office holders; and glorious
for fellows that are fond of talking and have nothing
to do:—these are the very gristle of the New Light Democracy,
and make a genteel majority at the elections.”

“Mr. Fog,” said Jesse Ferret, “I am so well pleased at
your reading for Mr. Grant this morning, that I'm determined
to give you a treat:—help yourself and your friends.
Gentlemen, walk up.”

“Glad you liked it, old buck,” replied Fog. “Bless
your heart, I'm used to such things. A political man must

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always be ready for rubbers; never would get a gloss if it
wasn't for brushing. That Binney's a d—d smart fellow—
but every word of that speech was whispered into his ear
by Benton—I know the fact personally. He and Benton
sit up every night of their lives together in Washington,
playing Old Sledge and drinking cocktail:—that accounts
for Binney's democracy. Gentlemen, our friend Ferret's
treat—we'll drink his health—a worthy, persuadable, amenable
man—so here's to him. Wait for the word—Jesse
Ferret, a gentleman and a scholar, an antiquarian and a
tavernkeeper—long life to him!”

-- 193 --

p239-198 CHAPTER XVI.

A RAPID REVIEW OF ONE YEAR.—WHAT THE AUTHOR IS COMPELLED TO
PRETERMIT.—THE PRESIDENT'S “SOBER SECONDTHOTGHT” MESSAGE
RECEIVED AT QUODLIBET WITH GREAT REJOICING.—THE AUTHOR COMMUNES
WITH HIS READER TOUCHING NEW LIGHT PRINCIPLES.—ILLUSTRATIONS
OF THEM.—REMARKABLE DEXTERITY OF MR. WOODBURY.—
INTERESTING LETTER FROM THE HON. MIDDLETON FLAM.—DAWNING
OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS.—THE NORTHERN MAN WITH SOUTHERN
PRINCIPLES AND HIS MANNIKIN.

[figure description] Page 193.[end figure description]

Time held his course. Another year went by, and
brought us to the Sixth since the Removal. The year
which I pass over, was marked by many public and domestic
incidents worthy of note in the history of Quodlibet.
Gladly would I have tarried to entertain my reader with
some of these—but I am admonished of the necessity of
bringing these desultory annals to a close. Especially might
I find much to interest many of those who will peruse these
pages, in the private and personal affairs of the Borough;
some of the events of the bygone year being of a nature to
kindle up pathetic emotions in their bosoms. The blank
despair of Agamemnon Flag when he first heard of the
flight of Nicodemus Handy;—his melancholy visits of consolation
to the bereaved family; the disinterested avowal of
his long-smothered and smouldering love to the heiress apparent;
and his offer of his hand and fortune—consisting of
a new suit of clothes and a horse and gig, purchased on
credit—to this dejected lady; his still blanker despair, his

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disappointment and vows of revenge when, after listening to
his suit, he found it announced that she had sailed without
him, to make the grand tour of Europe;—and finally, the
stoical philosophy with which he renounced all claim to the
reversionary interest in the one hundred and sixty thousand
dollars taken from the bank, as well as the net proceeds of
Handy Place, and the rows of buildings, finished and unfinished,
in Quodlibet—these incidents would furnish an
episode of tenderness and passion without a parallel since
the Medea of Euripides.

But these excursions are foreign from the purpose of this
book, and I am sure would be disallowed by the respectable
committee at whose instance I have entered upon this task.
Indeed, they have explicitly enjoined that I divulge nothing
under their sanction, touching the concerns of Quodlibet
which in any manner borders upon the romantic. Upon
these subjects, their caution is, Nulli tacuisse nocet, tutum
silentii præmium. I must, therefore, reluctantly pretermit
all such matter—reserving for some other occasion, the gratification
of the public curiosity therein.

In looking back upon the public events of this interval, I
deem it necessary, in passing, merely to notice the fact that
the New Lights were greatly rejoiced to find in Mr. Van
Buren's message to congress a complete justification of Mr.
Woodbury's promise to Mr. Flam, the import of which was
to assure our representative that the President had made up
his mind, after the rejection of that measure, to carry the
Independent Treasury in spite of the people. Our uncompromising,
fearless, and unshakeable Quods, true to the
dictates of their creed, were, I repeat, greatly rejoiced at the
manly perseverance and unquenchable self-will with which
the President delivered over that question to the “Sober
Second Thoughts” (a pest upon the unlucky coincidence
of that phrase with my patronymic!—it hath given license

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to the tongues of the wags, to my annoyance) of the people.
Every good New Light democrat in the land understood
the hint—and a presidential hint is no small matter to
a democrat now-a-days. Truly delightful was it to see how
it acted upon the New Lights. Not a man amongst them
who had hitherto halted on a scruple of conscience, but became
thereupon, in the twinkling of an eye, a devoted champion
of the Independent Treasury;—and that, too, without
knowing, or caring to know, what it was. It was hoisted
in capitals, at the head of Eliphalet Fox's Weekly, and became
forthwith, as it were, a word written on our banner.
We were, one and all, converted into milites subsignani, and
became the Maccabees of this new kind of Independent
Treasury.

It has doubtless often occurred to the reader of this irregular
history to inquire how it comes to pass that the historian
has ventured to relate with such composure, nay, with
such complacency, what superficial thinkers, at least, might
deem to be the changes in the political principles of the
New Lights. Superficial is a good word and truly explains
the case. Our principles, as every one who is gifted with
sufficient astuteness could not fail to have observed throughout
this narrative—and as, in fact, we have more than once
insinuated—are much deeper than the measures we, from
time to time, find it convenient to adopt. We hold a change
of measures, a change of opinions, a change of doctrine and
even a change of established facts as nothing. But a change of
men we totally abhor; a change of office, unless in the way of
promotion, we utterly discountenance; and a change from a
majority to a minority we execrate as wholly abominable,
detestable, and, in no wise to be endured. Now, in our
creed, men, officers, and majorities make up the complex
idea of what we denominate principle. The whole scope
of the New Light Philosophy is, by the vigor of this thing

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principle, as I have defined it, to keep the Whigs down and
our modern shool of New Light Democrats up. We
proudly appeal to our past history to sustain our consistency
in this pursuit. Let any dispassionate observer trace our
meanderings through the last ten years: he will see the efficacy
of our system manifested in the wonderful, the almost
miraculous conversion of Old Blue Light Federalists, and
Federalists of every hue, into the Born Veterans of Democracy,
and in investing these worthy relics of ancient patriotism
with the most profitable offices in the gift of the government.
He will see it in the merciless war—bellum ad
internecionem—waged by our forces in the name of the
People, against credit, commerce and industry: he will remark
how abundantly, and, as it were, by magic, it has fed
the nation upon the economical, and therefore republican
food of promises, relating to a sound currency—especially
those referring to the gold and silver, whilst it was stealing
along into the cheap and convenient system of a government
paper in the shape of Treasury notes. And he will observe,
with unfeigned surprise and redoubled admiration, how
effectually it has secured to us the services and the money
of the most opulent individuals in the land, and of the largest
corporations created by the states—in a most signal degree
those concerned in public works—whilst it preaches
against wealth, chartered privileges and monopolies; and, by
its zeal against them, has enlisted almost every penniless
man, every wasted bankrupt, and every cracked reputation
in the Union upon our side. But we have a still more
illustricus exemplification of the practical value of our philosophy
in the address with which affairs are managed by
the head of the Treasury.

Amos Kendall's letter of directions to the Hon. Middleton
Flam, with which my readers have been favored in a
previous chapter, it will be remembered, required the New

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Lights to support the Independent Treasury, and as necessary
thereto, to take ground against the State Banks, as altogether
unsafe depositories of the public money. He further
intimated, supposing we might be diffident about this,
that the Secretary of the Treasury had already furnished
evidence of this fact, and would, at the proper time, make
it manifest that the Government had lost more money by
the banks than by any other agents it had ever trusted. Our
club had never before been aware that Mr. Woodbury had
reversed his old opinions on this grave question, and we,
therefore, lost no time in making a call upon our member
for information. Great anxiety was felt to possess the Secretary's
views. A substantial vindication of the Independent
Treasury in this aspect, by the overthrow of the banks
on the authority of the man who had built them up, was a
desideratum which we all acknowledged; and its success
we were prepared to regard as the greatest triumph of the
New Light principle, to be accomplished through the influence
of that matchless Secretary, “whose mind,” as Theodore
Fog once remarked, “was endued with a radiating
faculty sufficiently intense to light up the bottom of a bog,
impart a vitreous translucency to the home of the frog, and
illuminate the abode of the bat with a lustre more brilliant
than that which glittered through the boudoirs of the palace
of Aladdin.” We were aware that in 1834 his duty required
him to prove that the State Banks, whilst unmolested
by the vexatious presence of a Bank of the United States,
were the safest of all possible custodiaries of the people's
money; aud that it was the Monster Bank alone which incapacitated
them to fulfil their engagements to the Government—
thence deducing the fact, that when the monster was
dead, the public funds could be no otherwise than safe in
their keeping. We were aware that at that time it was
more particularly his duty to praise the State Banks, because

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the unprincipled Whigs denied the fact of their safety, and
opposed the scheme of giving them the public treasure, on
the very ground that the Government had been a heavy
loser by them from the period of the war up to the date of
the charter of the Bank. We had read carefully his report
of the 12th of December in that year, and remembered these
words:

“It is a remarkable fact connected with this inquiry, though
often represented otherwise, that not a single selected state bank
failed between the expiration of the old charter and the grant of
the new one; and that none of our losses included in our unavailable
funds, happened until sometime in 1817, after the United
States Bank was in operation.”

This, and some other facts culled from the same report,
constituted the armory of weapons by which our club so
manfully fought and prostrated the croaking and factious
Whigs of Quodlibet, when, in their ravings, they predicted
loss from our employment of the pet banks. But the New
Lights being now ordered to take another tack, and being
promised a good fabrication of facts to fortify our position,
we rested on our arms like soldiers confident in the talents
of their general to intrench them in their new camp, secure
against every charge of the enemy. Mr. Flam lost no time
in providing us with the Secretary's report of February 27th,
1838. Mr. Woodbury did not deceive our hopes. This
lummous paper carried demonstration on its wings and refutation
in its footsteps. Prodigious man! Enormous functionary!
Brightest of ministers! Samson of the New
Lights! Aaron and Moses both in one, of our Democratic,
Quodlibetarian, Golden-calf worshipping Israelites (I speak
symbolically, and not in derogation of the anxiously-looked-for
and long-desired Bentonian coin). He but touched the
rock of New Light faith, and forth gushed the facts like

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water—yea, and arguments like milk and water. With
what gratulation did we read—

“The loss to the Treasury by taking depreciated notes, in
1814, '15, '16, and '17, is estimated at quite five millions five
hundred thousand dollars; and there is now on hand of such
notes then received and never paid away, or collected, about
eighty thousand dollars more.”

There was a conclusive argument to all that the Whigs
might have urged in favor of the safety of State Banks, if
they had thought proper to defend them; and, in truth, it was
some little mortification to us that our adversaries did not
come out in favor of the banks, when we were so well provided
with facts to put them down. But they, with that
remarkable obstinacy which has ever characterised them
and which is altogether behind the age, stuck to their old
opinions and left us without any thing to controvert, except,
indeed, our own facts of 1834.

This instance, however, serves to show with what majestic
bounds the New Lights have passed over the broad
field of measures, and with what facile and graceful dexterity
they have refuted that antiquated and vulgar adage
which stigmatises facts as stubborn things. Thus the
beauty of this unrivalled philosophy consists in the harmony
with which it reconciles past times with the present, with
which it dovetails discordant principles, with which it brings
into brotherhood elements the most repulsive, facts the
most antagonistical, men the most variant, and contingencies
the most impossible; which converts every man into
a Janus, every highway into a labyrinth, every beacon into
a lighthouse—giving to falsehood the value of truth, to
shadow the usefulness of substance, and to concealment the
estimation of candor. Truly is it the great discovery of
modern times! My reader, I trust, will not, now that I

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have opened his understanding to the perception of this sublime
spell-working philosophy, allow himself henceforth to
question the laudable sentiment of approbation with which I
have developed the practical operation of this theory in the
history of Quodlibet.

There was another matter worthy of remark in the events
of the year, which I must cursorily notice before I proceed
to the era with which I propose presently to occupy my
readers. The Presidential election was now in view, and
received that grave consideration from the members of Congress
which they are in the habit of giving to every thing
in Washington except the trifling business of making laws.
Our diligent and watchful representatives, some time before
the close of the short session, wrote to our club a letter full of
important advice for our guidance in the affairs of the
approaching canvass for the Presidency.

Amongst other valuable disclosures, “The Whigs,” said
he, “are to hold a Convention at Harrisburg. Harry
Clay, or, as they term him, Harry of the West, is to be
their man;—at least, so we suspect. Whoever he be, we
have made up our minds as to our course—he is to be run
down in the South as an abolitionist
. Abolition is the
best hobby we have had since the death of the Monster.
We have already broken ground; and if Kendall and Blair
can't prove Clay or any body else to be an abolitionist, the
d—l's in it: their right hand will have forgotten its cunning.
The Globe is full of the matter already. Tell Eliphalet
Fox to begin at once and bark in the same key:—all the
little dogs are expected to yelp after the old hound—or as
Pickens calls him, the Galvanised Corpse: many of them
are at it lustily now. In 1836, Van's principles were
luckily northern;—so we have resolved to let them have full
swing beyond the Potomac, and to put him in masquerade
for the South. We rely implicitly on the stolidity of

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Pennsylvania: and shall secure New York by a concession
to her Banks, which for the time we mean to treat amiably.
Our chief aim is the South: we have made the nullifier a
captain, and he is willing now to swallow the Proclamation,
the corruptions, and Blair, without even a wry face. This
Great Girouette has become so loose on his pivot, that after a
few more gyrations, he will be twisted off the rod, and we
shall have no further trouble with him. Van, in the meantime,
being thoroughly imbued with the New Light Quodlibetarian
democracy, has consented for the benefit of our
cause south of Potomac, to be dubbed, “The Northern man
with Southern principles”—remember that, and tell Fox to
ring the changes on it in every paper. We have hired a
New Hampshire man to play clown to Van; and he somersets
when his master does. This has a most striking effect.
We call him the mannikin of the North, with Southern
principles—Van's mignonette. Our contract required him
to bring in the anti-abolition resolutions touching the petitions;
and although he could not venture against the reception,
he has bolted down all the rest, totidem verbis et
syllabis
, as we wrote them for him;—the reception we
struck out to accommodate the democratic abolitionism of
his district. The effect of this coup d'etat was magical;
and having gagged Wise and the rest of the Whigs with
the Previous Question, we have left them in a state of unnatural
retention which threatens to prove fatal. If is
universally considered here a most lucky hit—Van and the
Mannikin; and we shall, with these performers, play “The
Northern Man with Southern principles,” to crowded
houses. Keep it going!—and don't forget, Clay is an abolitionist.
If the Harrisburg convention nominates any body
else—the same paragraphs will suit him;—Mutato nomine
de te fabula narretur. Get the secretary to translate that.
Be discreet, and show this letter only to the faithful.”

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It may be readily imagined that our Club was thrown
into ecstacy by this confidential missive. Being the custodiary
of the letter, I have ventured, without the permission
of the Club, to incorporate it in these annals; taking upon
myself the risk of their displeasure rather than withhold so
fine a specimen of the New Light Quodlibetarian democracy;—
and indeed I can see no reason why the world shouldn't
have it. We have no secrets amongst the New Lights.

I proceed now to the Fourth Era in these annals.

-- 203 --

p239-208 CHAPTER XVII.

FOURTH ERA.—THE HON. MIDDLETON FLAM RE-ELECTED.—THE NEW
LIGHTS-DETERMINE TO STIGMATISE THE WHIGS AS FEDERALISTS.—
SAVAGE ASSAULT UPON MR. FLAM BY “THE WHOLE TEAM” IN CONSEQUENCE.—
THAT GREAT MAN'S INSTRUCTIONS IN REGARD TO THE PRESIDENTIAL
CANVASS.—NOMINATION OF HARRISON AND TYLER.—COURSE
OF THE NEW LIGHTS.—FORMATION OF THE GRAND CENTRAL COMMITTEE
OF UNFLINCHING NEW LIGHT QUODLIBETARIAN DEMOCRATS.—ITS
PRESIDENT, SECRETARY AND PLACE OF MEETING.

[figure description] Page 203.[end figure description]

In the Autumn of 1839, the Hon. Middleton Flam was
again our candidate for congress. He was opposed by the
celebrated John Smith of Thoroughblue. This contest was
marked by one conspicuous feature: we had completely
succeeded in appropriating to our party the name of democrats—
at least we had labored very hard to do so;—our next
move was to get up the old hue and cry of Federalism
against the Whigs. This required great boldness; but
Middleton Flam entered upon the endeavor with the intrepidity
of a hero. Eliphalet Fox walked in his footsteps,
and from all quarters, simultaneously and by a well managed
concert, the cry of Federalist was poured forth upon our
opponents; and Henry Clay especially—as we counted on
him for the Presidential candidate—was proved to be tainted
with Federalism beyond all hope of bleaching it out.

This artifice of ours, so skilfully carried into practice by Mr.
Flam, excited the Whigs into the manifestation of a ferocity
altogether incredible. I do not mean to dwell upon the

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events of the election; but I cannot forbear noticing the
savage conduct of “The Thoroughblue Whole Team” on
this occasion. With that view, and in order that posterity
may be informed to what lengths the spirit of detraction was
carried in this memorable struggle for the ascendancy of the
New Light Quodlibetarian principles, I have thought it my
duty to transcribe an entire editorial article from the reckless
print I have just named. It will show how blind was its
author to the beauties of our system; how faint a perception
he had of the merits of that great discovery in political
philosophy, which sheds such lustre on the present age.
Verily, posterity will find reason to wonder at the dulness
of this our generation!

The infatuated and angry Augustus Postlethwaite Tompkinson
thus discourses, as he imagined, to the prejudice of
our great and growing party and its honored Representative:

“The most contemptible exhibition that we can conceive,
is that of a troop of renegade democrats, led by the nose by
a renegade Federalist:—Democrats scourged by the party
whip into the ranks, and degraded into flatterers and slaves
of the Executive;—a Federalist affecting fellowship with
Jacobins, Agrarians, Infidels and Fanny Wright's men.
What can be more base than a herd of mock Democrats professing
free opinion, free suffrage and equal rights, yet neither
daring to think, speak nor act but as the President's orders
shall reach them through the lips of a self-appointed and
self-seeking leader, recently a deserter from the rank fold,
though not from the service of Federalism? Amongst mean
figures, what is meaner than the sons of the ancient democracy
following the path and obeying the beck of a man who despised
their sires, who now holds no communion with them

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[figure description] Page 205.[end figure description]

but to command, and who secretly indulges towards them
no other sentiments than derision and scorn? Mr. Flam is
of a tribe of gentlemen Federalists, who have had the skill
or good luck to subjugate the more weak and credulous of
the Democracy, and who are entitled to the gratifying distinction
of having done more to disgrace the ashes of their
fathers, and to heap obloquy upon their former comrades, than
all their old-time enemies could ever accomplish. By the
ravenous appetite with which they have sought office from
the hand that smote them; by the alacrity with which they
have surrendered their honor and consented to wear an appellation
which, from their cradles, they were taught to
abhor as an insult;—above all, by the unutterable baseness,
with which they obey the behest of the President, enjoining
them to persevere in stamping their own cherished name of
`Federalists,' as a signification of ignominy, upon the friends
they have betrayed, no less than upon the enemy who conquered
them in former fields, they have at last afforded the
only justification to be found, in all the past history of their
party, for that charge of treachery to the country, which
was always imputed to them by their adversaries, and which
the mass of the nation believed.

“This recent, unparallelled perfidy in so large a number of
renegades, will long be cited as conclusive confirmation of
that vulgar opinion, which has ever denied that the Federal
party, in its best day, was either patriotic or honest. To
see these men assiduously courting the multitude they have
always reviled; to hear them inveighing against the rich
they always fawned on, and at the same time attempting to
stigmatise every man who struggles after a decent competence
in life as an aristocrat!—especially to hear them denouncing
the thousands of estimable citizens, whose talents
and industry have raised them from poverty to independence,

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[figure description] Page 206.[end figure description]

as enemies of the poor—and all for the sake of that little
significance or emolument which, through a long night of
travail, they have discovered by no other than this meanness,
they could obtain—is certainly the most despicable sacrifice
of character which cupidity, avarice and low ambition
have ever presented to the view of any nation.”

Alas! no straggling beam of the New Light has yet penetrated
the benighted Whig region of Thoroughblue—else I
should not have had to record this merciless assault upon
one of the most exalted characters of our times. Of course
this shaft fell harmless—“quidquid in buccam venerit, stultus
loquitur”—the fool's bolt is soon shot. Notwithstanding
this diatribe, Middleton Flam still exists—vivet et valet.
Yea, under this very hailstorm of vituperation, he was
again elected to the honorable post which he now fills, by
an increased majority.

We had now two great points settled with reference to
the canvass for the Presidency: the Whig candidate was to
be brought into disgrace as an Abolitionist and a Federalist.
Mr. Flam gave our club every assurance that these two
charges combined would destroy the purest man that ever
lived; and that it was only necessary to drive these spikes
with a sledgehammer every day, and the democracy in the
end could not fail to believe in the existence and in the
enormity of these offences, no matter who should be brought
out by the Whigs—whether Scott, Clay, Harrison or Webster.

But we had pretty conclusively made up our minds that
Clay was to be the man; and our club in consequence immediately
set about procuring the materials for a biography
of that statesman, designed to demonstrate that he had all
his life been a Hartford Conventionist in sentiment, and an
unsparing enemy of Southern institutions. This task was
consigned to Eliphabet Fox, who very soon amassed a

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wonderful amount of matter exactly to our purpose. In
this, Eliphabet gave evidence of his usual skill; as his facts
were so contrived that they might be used with equal success
against either of the four above named, or indeed any
one else who might be brought forward: but as Eliphalet
had a particular hatred for Mr. Clay, and was more accustomed
to defame him than any other great man in the
nation, the compilation was imbued with a spirit that would
have been much more effective in breaking down Mr. Clay's
reputation than that of either of the others.

Great was the sensation produced in Quodlibet, great was
our mortification, and great our surprise upon receiving the
news in December from Harrisburg. The convention actually
passed by Mr. Clay, passed by the great claims of
Scott and Webster, and brought out General William Henry
Harrison, together with John Tyler for the Vice Presidency;—
thus, by a perversity which, on all important occasions,
distinguishes the Whigs, putting the two old horses of 1836
upon the course.

Mr. Flam was now at Washington. Our Club met and
immediately opened a correspondence with him for advice.
“Keep your eye on the Globe,” was his first admonition.
His second was, “Open upon Harrison your Abolition batteries;—
swear that the nomination was procured by the
Emancipator;—charge Tyler with being a slave holder, and
send that off to New Hampshire;—prove that Harrison was
a stark Federalist by accepting an Ensigncy from the hands
of Washington;—but, above all, turn him into derision for
his poverty and plain habits.”

It was wonderful to see the zeal with which Quodlibet
set about the task assigned to it by its distinguished counsellor.
Eliphalet Fox, with a degree of magnanimity uncommon
in an editor, took the field in behalf of Mr. Clay.
“That persecuted patriot,” said he, “who deserved more

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of his party than any man in the nation, has been treated
with absolute contempt. It was due to his great claims to
offer him the Presidency; but the spirit of Abolition swayed
this factious convention, and Mr. Clay was rejected solely
on account of his well-known and deep-rooted attachment
to the slave holding interests of the South. As to General
Harrison,” the same article continued, “his humble station
as the clerk of a county court, his insignificance and poverty
will leave the Democrats but little to overcome. Well has an
enlightened and patriotic cotemporary press, a distinguished
pillar of the New Lights, remarked, in reference to the
habits of General Harrison's life and the lowness of his
associations, that two thousand dollars a year, a LOG CABIN,
and a barrel of HARD CIDER would induce him to resign all
claims to the honors his inconsiderate friends have proffered
him.”

The same paper propounded a series of interrogations
skilfully addressed to John Tyler, inquiring of him—what
number of slaves he employed on his plantation, what was
the ratio of their increase in each year, and how many he
had disposed of at various intervals to Southern traders:—
which interrogatories were admirably drawn up in language
so equivocal in its import as to infer, what it did not directly
assert, an extensive traffic in a commodity which could not
but excite great indignation against him amongst the large
mass of voters of all sides in the North.

How beautiful are these evidences of the operation of our
New Light philosophy! What a master in this science is
the unrivalled Eliphalet Fox!

It was soon discovered that our club had fallen into a
slight mistake touching the Log Cabin and Hard Cider,
and the charge of poverty brought against General Harrison.
The audacious Whigs had even the effrontery to
adopt the Log Cabin and Hard Cider as the emblem of

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their party, and to ask the aid of those whom we had inconsiderately
derided for living in those humble cabins and
using this cheap luxury of cider, to make war against our
New Light democracy. The Log Cabin instantly became
the representative of a sentiment, and a word of power;
and in a perfect tornado of enthusiasm, was raised in every
village, hamlet and meeting ground in the land.

Truly did this sudden upraising of the emblem strike dismay
into our ranks! Quid consilii capiemus? was our universal
question in Quodlibet. What should we do? Recourse
was had to Mr. Flam. “Drop,” said that ready-witted man
in reply, “the charge of poverty against Harrison: say he is
rolling in wealth. Bring out your Federalism against him with
new vigor. Call the Log Cabin banner senseless mummery—
and declare your disgust against it, as lowering the tone
of public sentiment and morals. If that does n't do, get
some New Light democratic preacher to say that Hard
Cider produces more intoxication than all the liquors the
democrats ever drank: let him rail against Whig meetings
as Hard Cider orgies—remember the word;—and if we can
only identify the New Light democracy with Temperance,
its twin sister, we shall produce an unheard-of effect.
Meantime, ply the Abolition battery with all possible diligence,—
and vamp up anew that old charge of hiring out
criminals to service; but be careful to make no mistake—
describe it as “selling poor white men into slavery for
debt.” To prove that Harrison is against slavery and at
the same time in favor of it, will be a most happy stroke
of our New Light Quodlibetarian philosophy. Don't fail
to do this with all possible industry. Tell Eliphalet Fox
that the endeavor is worthy of his genius, and if he ever
expects to become a great man, now is the opportunity
presented to him.”

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These counsels gave us great encouragement, and we set
ourselves to work in earnest. The New Light Club was
confined in its operations to the Borough of Quodlibet.
Our whole Congressional district, including Thorough Blue,
Tumbledown and Bickerbray, required the supervision of a
body which might be organized to regulate the affairs of
the canvass within that limit. This gave rise to the Central
Committee. A convention was called to meet in Quodlibet,
where every portion of the district should be represented.
That convention resulted in the appointment of a
Committee of Twelve of the staunchest and most active of
the New Lights. It was called “The Grand Central Committee
of unflinching New Light Quodlibetarian Democrats.”
The name was sonorous, euphonious, and, in a
certain sense magnificent—but being too long for ordinary
use, we reduced it for working purposes to “The Great
New Light Democratic Central Committee of Quodlibet.”
Eliphalet Fox was made President; and the humble author
of these chronicles, in consideration of his fidelity in the
discharge of his duty to the New Light Club, was chosen
to be secretary also of the committee—an honor which,
with due reverence and thankfulness, he hath assumed.

From the date of its organization, the Committee, a majority
whereof are inhabitants of Quodlibet, meet once a
week with most commendable punctuality, and, as we have
reason to believe, with signal usefulness to the glorious
cause in which we have embarked. Zachary Younghusband,
who is a member, gratuitously and generously, out of his
mere zeal in the cause, proffered the use of his room up
stairs above the tin-plate workshop, for our sessions—an
offer which we were reluctantly obliged to decline, after one
trial, on account of the noise created by the workmen below.
I mention this praiseworthy offer as due to Zachary,
in favor of whom the Committee passed a vote of thanks.

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We found a more quiet place of meeting in the back room
of the cabinet store of Isaiah Crape, the Undertaker, for
which we agreed to pay fifty cents a week and find our
own lights. In this secluded spot much is done to shape
and direct the destinies of this Great Republic.

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p239-217 CHAPTER XVIII.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE GRAND CENTRAL COMMITTEE.—VINDICATION OF
THE SEVERITY PRACTISED AGAINST GENERAL HARRISON.—TACTICS OF
THE NEW LIGHTS.—ABOLITIONISM.—SELLING WHITE MEN FOR DEBT.—
HARRISON A COWARD.—CONSIDERATIONS WHICH LED TO THE NAMING
OF THE OPPOSITION BRITISH WHIGS.—STRATAGEM AGAINST HARRISON
AND THE CLAMOR AGAINST HIM FOR NOT ANSWERING.—HOPE OF THE
NEW LIGHTS CONFIRMED BY THE CONNECTICUT, RHODE ISLAND, AND
VIRGINIA ELECTIONS.—BALTIMORE CONVENTION A FAILURE.—IMPORTANT
LETTER FROM MR. FLAM.—AMOS KENDALL'S PURPOSE TO RESIGN.—
EXCITEMENT OF COMPOSITION PRESCRIBED BY HIS PHYSICIAN.—
CENTRAL COMMITTEE SANCTION THE COMPILATION OF THESE ANNALS.

[figure description] Page 212.[end figure description]

The Grand Central Committee having been thus happily
organised, devoted itself with exemplary diligence to the
important concerns of the Presidential election, which, from
this time forth, became the engrossing subject of all men's
thoughts. A volume would not suffice to develop the multifarious
labors of the committee. I could not, in less space,
recount the resolutions, with long argumentative preambles,
linking by means of Whereases, like rings, whole newspaper
loads of facts, invented for the purpose;—the addresses,
the speeches copied from the Globe, and extracts from private
letters—to say nothing of the paragraphs, the sole off-spring
of editorial brains, and all the other machinery employed
by the committee to defame, traduce, and vilify
General Harrison, for the unpardonable sin of being thought
by the Whigs a fit man to preside over this vast republic.

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It was our duty to render, if possible, his very name offensive
in the nostrils of the people. In this endeavor it may
easily be imagined that we found abundance to do in rummaging
up old scraps of history, the falsification of public
records, the oblique interpretation of equivocal laws, and
in practising all the other customary arts of warfare known
to the New Light tactics.

Admirable is that wisdom of the New Democracy which
has provided such an ordeal of punishment for the man who,
in opposition to their wishes, dares to make claim to the
favor of the people. What better chastisement can be inflicted
upon such rash aspirant, than this preliminary gantlet
which it is ordained for him to run before he can be made
sensible of the insolence of his pretensions? Thrice tormented
is it his lot to be, in the fiery furnace of hatred,
malice and all uncharitableness, before he shall see the end
of his vain probation. As certain tribes of Indians have a
custom of torturing, to the verge of stoutest human endurance,
the candidate for the honor of being accounted a Brave;
so in imitation of this commendable usage did we determine,
in no less degree, to torture the man whom the hardihood
of the Whigs had placed before the nation for the like
empty and unavailing honor.

It did truly seem to the New Lights no small insolence of
those men who call themselves Whigs, to propose any individual
for the presidency, whilst the people were already
favored with a chief whose whole life was lustrous with the
radiance of the Quodlibetarian democracy. The very idea
of a New Light presupposes an innate, inherent, and intuitive
fitness to fill any station of any kind or degree whatever;
and here was one distinguished as the very fountain of New
Light principles already at the head of the nation, dispensing
the favors and wielding the power of his great office to the
supreme content of all Quodlibetarians—the only persons

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in this republic whose interests deserve to be held of any
account in the concerns of government. Nothing but the
rankest faction could originate an opposition to his beneficent
administration. Acting upon this conviction, the Central
Committee certainly did not spare General Harrison.

It was, however, soon remarked that the General was a
little stronger with the people than we supposed him to be;
and sundry were the changes to which we were consequently
obliged to resort in our mode of attack. The abolitionism
we never lost sight of: the selling of white men
into slavery for debt
, was also a steady topic; and some of
the more ingenious of the committee fell upon the device of
proving the old General a coward: but our great effort was
to convert him and all his friends into old Blue Light Federalists.
This was always considered our master stroke; and
I may appeal to all the New Light papers of this day for
evidence, that in that department of our labors we plied our
task with an industry that has never been surpassed. The
Jersey election, also, we turned to great account in congress,
and certainly blew our trumpet on that question both loud
and long; it was a noble illustration of our zeal for State
Rights, which all the world knows is one of the favorite
articles in our present faith. With an eye to this same
question of State Rights, we succeeded in getting up a tolerable
good commotion in congress, on the subject of State
debts; holding it our duty, as friends of the sovereignty of
the states, to do all in our power to break down their credit,
and to warn the world against placing any confidence in
their pledges—although, upon this subject, I am bound to
confess that our success has not answered our expectations.

There was one movement upon which our committee
placed great reliance. Mr. Van Buren, and indeed the
whole New Light Democracy, had so often changed their
course upon public measures, as I have already shown, that

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the nation had been by degrees brought into a belief that
every public man was, of necessity, and from the very
nature of his organization, bound to certify, at least once a
year, the state of his principles, and the character of his
opinions on all questions of policy whatever. Now Mr.
Van Buren, in 1836, came to the Presidency upon a very
summary, and to himself, very comfortable profession of
faith. All that he professed at that time was, to follow in
the footsteps—which said footsteps had scope and variation
enough to allow him to take any path he thought proper.
General Harrison, in that contest of 1836, did not enjoy this
advantage, but was compelled to be somewhat specific in
the indication of the grounds upon which his election claimed
to be based. He had, consequently, not only been very full
in this exposition, but had likewise referred his interrogators
to a vast amount of written and printed opinions, which
on divers occasions, in the course of his public career, he
had found reason to express.

In the present canvass it was determined by our committee,
and in fact by our New Light friends in general, that
he should reiterate afresh every thing he had ever said or
written on public matters, and that we should, by no means,
be content with mere references to past declarations. Indeed,
it seemed to our New Light Democracy, that, inasmuch
as our President kept no opinions more than three
years old, at the outside, it was impossible that General
Harrison could be so antiquated as to stick to his for a longer
term. Confiding in this impression, plans were laid by the
New Lights to write letters to the General in the guise of
friends, and in case he should refer the querists to his former
expositions, without full and ample repetition of all he had
said before, to bring a whirlwind of indignant reproof about
his ears as a man who was afraid to trust the public with
his sentiments. This stratagem succeeded beyond the most

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sanguine expectation of the New Lights. The General
was caught in the trap; and such a clamor as was raised has
never before been known in any part of the world.

“He won't answer questions!” exclaimed the Globe.
“Gracious Heaven! what an insult to the intelligence of
a nation of vigilant, truth-seeking, anxiously-inquiring freemen!
A silent candidate! What contumely to the people!
What contempt of the fundamental principles of free government!”

“Gracious Heaven! what contempt of the people!” reechoed
The Quodlibet Whole Team.

“Gracious Heaven! what contumely!” shouted The
Bickerbray Scrutinizer.

“Gracious Heaven!” &c., &c., ejaculated two thousand
patriotic, disciplined, footstep-following papers of all dimensions,
from six by twelve to three feet square, from one end
of the Union to the other. Never was there such a Gracious
Heavening carried on in this country!

In the midst of all this, successively came on the Connecticut,
Rhode Island and Virginia elections. The results
every body knows. Although ostensibly and to outward
appearance against us, we saw in them what our infatuated
opponents could not see, the certain token of our success.
It was evident to us from the returns of these elections, that
a great reaction must occur; and Mr. Doubleday now very
sagely remarked, “that there was no longer room to doubt
that we should beat the Whigs in the fall.” But the Whigs,
instead of desponding at these events, began to take heart,
and straightway set about getting up a Convention in Baltimore.
Well, that convention was held on the Fourth of
May. I was present, and I pronounce it to have been a
thorough failure. The Whigs have represented that at
least twenty thousand persons were assembled on that occasion.
According to the accurate system of computation

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adopted by the New Lights, and which is infallible in regard
to the numbers attending Whig meetings, the whole
assemblage, including boys and blacks, did not quite reach
two thousand, and of those a large number were New
Lights.

Still it is due to truth that I should say, there were some
timid men in our committee who were not altogether satisfied
with the appearances of the day. We found it difficult
to make them comprehend how the late elections had operated
in our favor. Yet it is a fact that we never were
thoroughly convinced of the certainty of our success, until
we saw the returns in these elections. Connecticut and
Rhode Island we had before considered doubtful: we now
had no doubt. And as to Virginia, we became at once fully
persuaded that our success there was actually “brilliant:”—
such is the beautiful operation of the New Light philosophy
in bringing consolation to its votaries under apparent disaster,
and suggesting encouragement where others would
despond.

Yet it must not be concealed that these incidents produced
some slight sensation in our committee. Mr. Flam wrote
from Washington a letter of grave reflection. “Although,”
said he, “our success in Virginia has transcended our expectations,
yet we are not quite certain that our Abolition
battery has been altogether very effective. Indeed, it is
questioned here, whether it would not be as well to abandon
it, and even point the guns in the opposite direction. Martin
has room enough yet to turn
—and, as it is rather manifest
that Virginia considers our charge of abolitionism against
Harrison a humbug, and as the whole South will probably
fall into the same opinion, (in which, in my judgment, they
would not be very far wrong,) the propriety of taking the
opposite ground is well worthy of consideration. Van's
affinities are with the North;
so that if it can be made

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clearly to appear to be his interest to take this backward
leap, his southern principles are not yet more than cobwebs
in his way. We must think of this. In the meantime, it
is the desire of the President and his managing friends here,
that you not only continue to brand the opposition as Federalists,
but call them British Whigs. This is rendered
necessary by the fact that the opposition have just discovered
that Van Buren voted against Madison and the War,
and supported Clinton and the Peace party. By anticipating
the ground and charging the Whigs as under British
influence, we shall take off the edge of this assault, and
avoid the effect of another reminiscence against the President—
I mean his instructions to M'Lane, on the West
India Question, which the Whigs impute to him as a truckling
to Great Britain. Besides this, you know, Martin has
been very assiduous of late in courting the good opinion of
Victoria—so, by all means, drive at The British Whigs!
Keep your eye upon Amos Kendall who has consented to
act as fugleman. His health is so much shattered by the
diseases of the Post Office, that he is compelled to retire;
and as his physician prescribes “the excitement of composition”
as his only cure, he is about to devote himself to
the Extra Globe, in which sheet he will be able to indulge
his imagination in the creation of those chaste and prurient
fancies for which he has been remarkable from a child. The
pure and simple inventions of that paper are ass's milk to
his wasted constitution.”

Thus admonished, our Central Committee proceeded in
their labors with the most spirited activity; and it was not
long before the whole Union was ringing with our charge
against the British Whigs.

It was at this juncture, that I suggested to the Committee
the propriety of making this compilation of the Annals of
Quodlibet. I explained to them how important it was that

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the world should be made acquainted with the history and
character of that New Light Philosophy which had worked
such wonders in our Borough. It was very obvious that
even our friends were not fully aware of the height and
the depth of this sublime theory, nor of its extreme efficacy
in the administration of the government. It had taken the
world by surprise, and had grown up, in a few years, into
a system which no naturalist had yet defined; and had assumed
an importance in the affairs of this country which
few persons were able fully to appreciate. Impressed with
this conviction, I disclosed to the Committee the purpose
which, for some time past, I had secretly cherished, of collating
from my manuscripts all such particulars in the history
of Quodlibet as might serve to elucidate this subject.
The Committee knew that my materials were ample; and
they had more than once been pleased to express their admiration
of those poor talents which I had oftentimes exhibited
in the effusions of my humble pen. The subject was
now brought up to the notice of the Committee on the motion
of my friend, Mr. Younghusband, in a resolution too
laudatory for my modesty to insert in this book. Readily
and cheerfully did the Committee condescend to assign this
task to my endeavors;—confiding the matter and the manner
thereof to my sole discretion, with the single injunction that
I should abstain from all such incidents of mere personal or
private concernment, as might by captious or invidious critics
be designated as savoring of romance. Faithfully, as in
my judgment, I could, have I obeyed this injunction; and
with the frankness and veracity of one who chronicles for
posterity, rather than the present times, have I set forth all
such matters of fact and comments of opinion, as shall guide
my readers to a true knowledge of the doctrine of the New
Light Quodlibetarian Philosophy.

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p239-225 CHAPTER XIX.

DESERVED COMPLIMENT ON MR. VAN BUREN'S EXPLOIT OF THE FLORIDA
WAR.—THE AFFAIR OF THE TRUE GRITS AND SERGEANT TRAP.—TRUE
GRITS SUFFER A DEFEAT.—FLAN. SUCKER'S OPINION UPON THE SUBJECT.—
HIS ACCOUNT OF AN ACTION AT LAW BETWEEN JOE SNARE AND
IKE SWINGLETREE.

[figure description] Page 220.[end figure description]

Just at this period, the True Grits once more began to
give themselves airs of importance in Quodlibet. The
Tigertail affair had stunned them, as a blow sometimes torpefies
a snake; and like that same snake, which after a long
period of consequent inactivity, wakes up in the possession of
new powers of mischief, so woke up the True Grits.

The Florida war, which has been raging on the part of
the Indians, and simmering on our part, for nearly five
years past, is undoubtedly the greatest of all Mr. Van
Buren's exploits, and that which will be longest remembered
in the history of this energetic President by posterity. It
has developed the genius of our New Light Democratic administration
in stronger colors, and speaks more conclusively
in favor of the perseverance and resource of our Great Chief,
than any other of the numerous brilliant acts, whereby he
has illustrated the principles of that unterrified and unflinching
democracy, to whom fortune and General Jackson in
partnership, have entrusted the destinies of this republic.
That war was not only the most righteous and unavoidable
in its origin, but it has also been the most chivalrous in its

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character, the most economical in its management, and is
likely to be the most productive in its results,—if it should
ever please Bill Jumper or Sam Jones or Micanopy, or their
heirs and representatives, to allow it to come to a conclusion—
that has ever been waged between two great nations;
and will unquestionably cover our Commander-in-chief of
the army and navy of the United States with as thick a coat
of glory, as it has already covered the bravest and keenestnosed
of our blood hounds with a coat of mud:—and that
is, perhaps, about as thick a covering as a hero of the President's
mould might be supposed able to stagger under, in
that long journey of fame by which he is to march down to
after times.

Amongst other vigorous measures taken in the prosecution
of this stupendous war, was one that produced no small
sensation in Quodlibet. A tall, raw-boned, slender and very
straight figure of a man, of a singularly red head and remarkably
freckled face—the said figure being decked in a
suit of army regimentals highly bedizened with worsted lace
and cord, begirt with a huge sabre, and wearing a plume
three feet long,—made its appearance recently in the Borough.
This personage rejoiced in the name and title of Sergeant
Trap. He was accompanied by a drummer four feet six
inches high, of a remarkably fierce military aspect; and by
a fifer six feet four, quite as remarkable for the length of his
arms and legs, and the shortness of his sleeves and pantaloons,—
both inferring, from their general effect upon his
exterior, a rustical and imbellicose mode of life which reluctantly
accommodated itself to the military requisitions of
his station.

The sergeant and drummer were strangers to our folks;
but the fifer was no other than Charley Moggs, long known
as the boss loafer of Bickerbray, and who was famed for a
single accomplishment—the perfection with which he

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executed, upon an octave flute, that difficult but favorite piece
of music, which goes by the name of “Sugar in a Gourd;”
which accomplishment was the foundation of his present
astonishing promotion under Sergeant Trap, who had come
to Quodlibet, in pursuance of orders from Mr. Poinsett, to
pick up as many spare heroes for the Florida war, as might
be found in our environs, willing to dog the Indians in
company with our gallant allies lately arrived from Cuba.

The Sergeant took a small frame house next door to Sim
Travers's Refectory,—or rather, as Sim called it, his Drinkery.
Here he hung out the stars and stripes, by a pole
which was secured in the second story window, and from
which the flag vibrated in graceful undulations, almost
sweeping the street when the wind lulled, and filling the
hearts of Sim Travers' customers with emotions of martial
glory.

Now, Sergeant Trap had not the good fortune to be a
New Light; but, on the contrary, had the misfortune to be
perfectly neutral in politics—and, coupled with that, the
additional misfortune to be sometimes in want of money.
In the course of some two or three weeks residence in the
Borough, he had contracted a sort of intimacy with Peter
Ounce, the landlord of The Boatman's Hotel at the upper
end, and on the opposite side, of The Basin. This intimacy
mainly grew out of the circumstance that Ounce's Hotel
furnished very pleasant quarters to the Sergeant, and had
also contributed some five or six recruits to his standard.
Peter Ounce, although a Whig, is a kind-hearted, sociable
man, and disposed to make friendships with those about him;
and the Sergeant having run up a score at the bar, fell into
the relation of a debtor to Peter, which it was not always
convenient for him, at a moment, to destroy. Besides this,
Sergeant Trap had, once or twice, borrowed small sums from
the landlord, and received from him sundry manifestations

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of good will, which laid him, in a certain sense, under obligations
to Peter. The result of it all was, that the Sergeant
took a great liking to his landlord,—and, following the suggestions
of that feeling, rather encouraged his men, when
they had a little money to spend in slaking their thirst, to
throw it in the way of Ounce.

This state of things existed for some time before it was
brought into public observation. Ounce's liquors were
good and cheap, the company about his Hotel was jovial,
and Peter himself obliging—in consequence of all which
Sergeant Trap's men went as often to the Boatman's Hotel,
as they did to Sim Travers' Drinkery which was next door
to the Rendezvous. Sim Travers, who always kept a
sharp eye to his business, was the first to notice the visits
of Trap's men to his rival's Bar, and for some time he bore
it with a sulky and uneasy silence. After a while, sundry
inarticulate murmurs escaped him denoting vexation; and
at length he openly began to shake his head and talk about
the duty of soldiers and officers in the employ of the Government.
We work for the government,” said he, “and
the government ought to work for us. If public money is
to be laid out, them that goes through fire and water has
the best claim. These d—d Whigs are ready enough to
touch the cash when there's profit to be got; while them
that sticks by government in all their d—d choppings and
changings is to be lookers on. To the Wicters belongs the
Spiles;—if that aint a motter, what's the use of having it?
go it full, or give it up—that's what I say.”

Sim continued to repeat these sentiments for some time,
without seeing things alter for the better. Peter Ounce
still continued to divide the profits of the Rendezvous with
him. At last Sim became violent. “I'll make it a committee
matter,” said he. Thereupon he went immediately
to Eliphalet Fox, and opened to him his whole burden of

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grievances. “I'll fix it,” replied Fox, very much in the
tone of a man of business, and Sim went home in excellent
spirits.

The next Whole Hog had a paragraph touching this subject.
“If,” said that paper, “there be one principle which
has been more sacredly established than any other by that
great revolution through which we have just conducted the
nation, in redeeming it from the oppressions of Monopolists
and Privileged orders, it is the deep and fundamental truth
that, To those who have won the victory belong its fruits.
The democracy have an unalienable, and indefeasible right
to all emoluments, issues and profits accruing from the expenditures
of the public money. And, moreover, if there
be any class of persons who emphatically belong to the
government, it is the men who are enlisted for the Florida
war. Few of them are destined ever to return again to the
character of citizens: their lives are undoubtedly the property
of the administration, as every man must see who
reflects upon the history of that war. And if their lives are
thus devoted to the cause of the administration, much more,
may it be said, are their little gains to be employed in the
same cause. Notwithstanding this self evident truth, we
know of men now in this Borough, wearing the livery of
the Government, who do not scruple to enrich the coffers
of the British Whigs with the money lavished upon them
by the bounty of the Government, and which has been
wrung from the sweat of the poor man's brow. We trust
we shall be understood, without being more explicit. If
this abuse continue after this hint, we shall act in a more
efficient form:—a word to the wise.”

Notwithstanding this very significant paragraph, and the
fact that the paper containing it was sent to the Rendezvous,
and even addressed to Sergeant Trap by name, the practice
complained of was in no degree corrected. On the

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contrary, as if from sheer perverseness and contumacy, the
evil, if any thing, was rather increased. Eliphalet Fox
waited a few days to see how his paragraph worked. Sim
Travers came to him with a face now much more in anger
than in grief. “It doesn't work at all,” said Eliphalet adverting
to his paragraph, and anticipating Sim's complaint.
“Never mind, my friend,” continued he, “this is my quarrel.
Go home: leave all to me!”

Sim went home confident that he should have ample redress.
“If I don't get it,” said he, as he walked towards
the Drinkery, ruminating over his wrongs, “blow me if I
don't quit the party. I'm not one of them d—d fools to go
thorough-stitch, and get nothing for it—blow me!”

“I'll see justice done to Sim Travers,” said Eliphalet
Fox, with an atrabilious look, when he was left alone, “or
die in the attempt—blast me!”

After this blowing and blasting, Sim went about the Borough
telling every man of the persecution he was suffering
from the Whigs; and Eliphalet Fox went about to get up
the old Tigertail Convention and bring the matter before
them.

The next evening the Convention met, and a Secret Committee
was raised with instructions to write a lettre de cachet
to the President, explaining the flagitious conduct of Sergeant
Trap, and demanding his immediate dismissal from
the army. This letter was written by Eliphalet Fox, and
was signed by him and William Goodlack, besides Sim
Travers and Thomas Crop the constable, which two latter
made their mark—these four being the Secret Committee.
The letter was duly despatched to Washington to be presented
by the Hon. Middleton Flam, who was required by
the committee to render this service, from a suspicion that
at bottom he was not very favorable to the True Grits.
“Catch a weasel asleep!” said our worthy Representative

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when this letter reached him. “Gentlemen, I'll do your
bidding, by all means.” And so, being wide awake, and
fully determined to give the True Grits no cause of complaint
against him, he went straight with the lettre de cachet
to the President. In a few days the Committee received a
letter from Mr. Flam informing them he had done every
thing they had demanded: that the President had read their
confidential communication, and without hesitation replied,
that if Sergeant Trap had been a civil officer, he would
have dismissed him without further inquiry, in deference to
the respectability of the Committee;—but that, as Sergeant
Trap belonged to the army, he found himself reluctantly
compelled to proceed in a more formal manner, and that
consequently he should direct a Military Court of Inquiry
to take cognizance of the case: that this Court would sit in
Quodlibet where the prosecutors were requested to be ready
to prove the enormities alleged against Sergeant Trap.

“A Court of Inquiry!” exclaimed Fox, with great emotion.
“Is the thing to be made public? We are deceived,
betrayed:—I know by whom,” he added, significantly nodding
his head.

“A Court of Inquiry!—proofs, and all riglar—upon
oath?” exclaimed Sim Travers.

“I'm blest if I go before any court,” said Tom Crop.

“By blazes! I won't,” said Billy Goodlack. “There's
something in this here thing—else why don't the President
go smack forward on the letter?”

“I'm no prosecutor,” said Eliphalet Fox.

“Im not a persecutor nother,” said Tom Crop. “D—n
my blood! I scorn it.”

“I'm not going to put my hand on the book, upon it,”
said Sim Travers. “If a man can't lodge a complaint
without being hauled into court, the party's broke: d—n
the money! who cares about it?”

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[figure description] Page 227.[end figure description]

“That's my identical sentiment!” said Billy Goodlack.
“By blazes, I'm no prosecutioner!”

The Committee was certainly thrown into great consternation.
The cause of this is said to have been that in
representing the case of Sergeant Trap to the President
by letter, upon which they expected an immediate order
dismissing the offender from service, they had charged
him with a long list of misdemeanors against the welfare of
the Great New Light Democratic Party; which they knew,
in the first place, had no sort of foundation in fact, and therefore
might be found extremely difficult of proof; and the
attempt to investigate which, in the second place, they were
aware might bring the True Grits into collision with each
other in a manner not very conducive to the harmony of
the party. They were, therefore, not a little thrown aback
when they were apprised of the President's determination
to make the charges a subject of inquiry.

We cannot sufficiently commend Mr. Van Buren's caution
in this matter, and the sound New Light Democratic view
he took of the subject. Here was a grave charge preferred
against one of his own servants, imputing to him a disposition
to deal with Whigs—nay, an actual dealing with them,
when there was a New Light to be found in the same town
capable of furnishing the same commodity. Doubtless, upon
this nefarious transaction being fully proved, Mr. Van Buren,
like a genuine, unadulterated Quod, as he is, would dismiss
the offender from service, or even inflict on him other
punishment, if it fell in his way. But in so serious a case he
was determined not to be premature in his action: he would
not proceed,—unless, indeed, the offender had been a civil
officer—upon such testimony as the confidential letter of
a committee. He takes the only just course (in this I
have reason to believe he was fully seconded, perhaps even
prompted, by our sagacious representative, the Hon.

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[figure description] Page 228.[end figure description]

Middleton Flam) and that is a formal, solemn judicial inquiry
into the conduct of Sergeant Trap, to ascertain whether he
really had purchased liquors to the prejudice of the Great
New Light Quodlibetarian Democratic Party. Truly have
we reason, day by day, to rejoice in a President of such
magnanimity, such justice, such innate republicanism, and
withal such dignity!

The Court of Inquiry met. It was composed of officers
of high rank. After a long and patient investigation, and
the most accurate ascertainment of the number of gills of
rum, whiskey and brandy sold to Trap's recruits by Sim
Travers and by Peter Ounce, and a careful arithmetical computation
of the value thereof in money; and after a laborious
examination into Sim Travers's politics, as also into those
of Peter Ounce, the trial resulted in the conclusion that Sim
Travers was not so good a New Light as he professed to
be, (this was founded on evidence that Sim had said “he
would leave the party, if he couldn't get his share of spiles,”)
and that Peter Ounce's politics were, in fact, not known to
Sergeant Trap at the time he dealt with him: whereupon
Trap was acquitted of each and every charge brought against
him; although Theodore Fog, the Counsel for the Secret
Committee, took upon himself to inform the Sergeant, somewhat
authoritatively, that as he was now aware of the dangerous
tendency of Ounce's principles, the President would
expect him to close all accounts at the said Peter's bar, and
to be more circumspect the next time.

It was generally admitted, and indeed was the common
talk of the Borough, that in this notable trial Eliphalet Fox
dodged, that Billy Goodlack dodged, that Sim Travers
dodged, and that Tom Crop actually skulked. And the
general effect of the whole was to cut the combs of the True
Grits so thoroughly, that it is believed they will never rise
again. Flan Sucker made a jest of this, very much to the

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annoyance of his friends—for Flan had taken a violent fancy
to Sergeant Trap, and even at one time, it was supposed,
had an idea of enlisting. He used to sit up with the Sergeant
of nights and drink a good deal with him through the
day, and by this means very naturally became quite a crony.
He therefore exulted much more than a True Grit, it was
conceived, ought, at the Sergeant's triumphant acquittal.
“Sargeant Trap,” said he, “Locumsgillied Liphlet Fox;”
and as this expression requires an explanation, he gave it,
to this effect.

“Joe Snare, the bailiff over here in Tumbledown, fotch
a suit before Squire Honey well, agin Ike Swingletree for
twenty-five dollars, on a cart which Joe sold him. Joe
drawed up a note of hand for Ike to sign, which Ike did;
and Ike never thought no more about it. Joe kept askin
for his money, year after year, year after year, tell at last he
got tired, and so fotch the suit. Ike found out at the trial,
that the Squire was goin to give judgment agin him; so
what does he do, but sashrary the case!—whereby the case
was tuck up to the Court. Well, when they came on to
trial there, Ike had a lawyer who found out that the note of
hand was more than three years old, and there hadn't been
no promise to pay in the meantime. Thereupon the Court
told Joe Snare, if he hadn't nothing to say agin it, they
must give judgment for Ike on the Statue of Lamentations.
Is it that, your honor? said Snare—for Joe being bailiff
was pretty well up to law, and pled his own cause;—well,
may it please your honor, may be the statue is agin me,
but, your honor, I drawed up the note of hand myself, and
if you'll just be so kind to look in the corner under the dog's
ear, you'll see two letters at the eend of Ike Swingletree's
name tantamount to L. S., which as I understand, your
honor, goes for Locumsgilly—whereby it takes twelve years,
if I'm not mistaken, to kill the note of hand, bekase that's a

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bond. The judge looked and looked, and then sot up a
laugh; and Ike Swingletree began to turn a little pale. Joe,
says the judge, you're right, says he: that alters the case,
and you must have the judgment. Joe, says he, you have
beaten the lawyer and his client both—you're a clever fellow,
and will get your money. So Joe accordingly got the
judgment, and came off mightily pleased. And when he
was tellin me about the matter next day, he burst out in a
great haw haw, and couldn't hardly talk for laughing: Ike
Swingletree, said he, sashraried me, but I reckon I Locumsgillied
him.

“Well, that's just what Sergeant Trap has done to Liphlet
Fox—Locumsgillied him, beautiful.”

-- 231 --

p239-236 CHAPTER XX.

THESE CHRONICLES DRAW TO A CLOSE.—THE NEW LIGHTS NOT DISPLEASED
WITH ELIPHALET FOX'S DISCOMFITURE.—UNLUCKY MISTAKE
OF A PENNSYLVANIA SENATOR.—CURED BY A TOAST.—PASSAGE OF
THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY BILL AND REJOICING THEREON IN QUODLIBET.—
CHANGES.—INTERESTING LETTER FROM THE DIBBLE FAMILY.—
MR. FLAM RETURNS TO QUODLIBET.—HIS VIEWS OF THE CANVASS.—
MR. VAN BUREN'S NEW LIGHT PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED BY SUNDRY
LETTERS.—HIS RELIANCE ON THE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PEOPLE.—
FEDERALISM, IGNOMINY AND INSULT.—ELECTIONS IN KENTUCKY, INDIANA
AND NORTH CAROLINA.—ALABAMA, MISSOURI AND ILLINOIS.

[figure description] Page 231.[end figure description]

My patient and indulgent reader will doubtless agree with
me that it is time these gossiping chronicles were brought
to a close. Indeed, I am so near upon the heels of the day
in which I write, and the printer so near upon mine that
little remains to be said. I shall therefore despatch what
remains of my memoranda with such speed as shall suit
my reader's longing for the end.

Although the New Lights in general bore no ill will
against that division or faction which has been distinguished
in these pages by the name of True Grits, yet I must say
we were not wholly displeased at the result of Sergeant
Trap's trial. On the contrary, many of us chuckled in
secret thereat. Eliphalet Fox we have ever acknowledged
to be a useful man and a zealous—and we have not been
backward to award him such meed as he deserved. But it
must be told that in Eliphalet, there lurks a scantling of

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[figure description] Page 232.[end figure description]

ambition to climb higher on the ladder than our party is yet
willing to afford to one of his degree. And Eliphalet
moreover is suspected—heaven forfend that I should do
him wrong!—in regard to the Hon. Middleton Flam our
Representative, and those who are not altogether well disposed
towards him, I mean Theodore Fog's adherents, (for
it is manifest Theodore is looking to a seat in Congress)
utrosque parietes linere, as the Latin proverb has it, which
in the vernacular signifies to wear two faces—by no
means an uncommon, though a very objectionable sin in
political affairs. This may be a groundless suspicion, as I
would fain hope it is; but it is believed by many, and
therefore the more reason was there for some secret rejoicing
in Quodlibet at Eliphalet's failure in the matter of Sim
Travers. It unquestionably hath made our Editor of The
Whole Hog more modest and seemly in his behaviour of
late.

The course of the canvass has been growing every day
more and more intensely interesting to our New Lights;
and, bating some few aberrations into which we have fallen,
daily gives us greater promise of the consummation of all
our wishes. One of these aberrations it becomes my duty to
notice; since as I write for the instruction of the New
Democracy, no less than for the information of posterity,
it is but proper that I should point out an occasional error
with a view to guard against its commission in future: and
I do so in the present instance because the fault hath been
happily repaired in a manner that greatly redounds to the
efficacy and excellence of our Quodlibetarian system. The
wisest man may commit mistakes, as may be seen in what
I am about to recount of one of the Magnates of our party.

Ever since New Light Democracy and Nullification
have shaken hands and sworn eternal friendship, or—in the
poetical language of Theodore Fog, “ever since that

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[figure description] Page 233.[end figure description]

Prodigy of Weathercocks, the great Nullifier, first endured,
then pitied and then embraced the Galvanised Corpse,”
there has been a notable race set on foot over the Hard
Money Course. The prize in this race is understood to be
the good will of the South, and upon that is built hopes of
“the Succession;” at least, so I gather from the Hon. Middleton
Flam, who is fully in the secret. Now, it has been
whispered in high places, says my honorable informant,
that when Mr. Van Buren shall vouchsafe to favor us by the
appointment of his successor, Thomas Hart Benton—who
is the king Midas of the New Lights—looks to receive the
mantle; unless, indeed, Amos Kendall shall disallow the
same, and require it to be placed on other shoulders, which
Mr. Flam thinks Amos will not do. On the other hand,
the Nullifier has put in his claim; and it is given out that
as the President at this moment stands greatly in need of
Southern Principles, he only may hope to win favor who
shall contribute the greatest quantity of that material to the
present contest. Hence, the competition in the display of
this commodity.

Some time back many of us in Quodlibet took occasion
to say, that a certain New Light Democrat, of great note
in our ranks—a senator from Pennsylvania—would be as
likely to take the lead as the best of them. This reaching
the ears of the gentleman in question, so fired his ambition
that he straightway became a Hard Money man—as hard
almost as the other two; and, conceiving that he might profitably
imitate the wisdom of the Fox, and steal away the
prize whilst the Wolf and the Leopard were fighting for it,
he unluckily took it into his head to let off a speech,
wherein he demonstrated most satisfactorily to the whole
South, that our country would be “filled with blessings” if
we could only get our inflated values of northern labor
down to the hard money standard of France and Germany.

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Whew! what a turmoil did this little flourish of political
philosophy produce! No sooner did the laboring people of
the North come to hear of this—and they had no right to
hear it, for it was by no means intended for their ears—
than they set up such a floundering and kicking in the
traces as never was known in this country, except in the
case of the Alien and Sedition Law and Mr. Van Buren's
late notorious affair of the Standing Army. They were
actually so perverse and unreasonable as to turn their backs
in a manner disgraceful to the Democracy, upon this proffered
“blessing,” and incontinently to reject it in advance,
as a thing altogether flagitious; and in the mere obstinacy
of their selfish natures, to affirm that the inflated wages
they now received were not a jot beyond their deserts.
Deserts indeed! as if the Pennsylvania Senator was troubling
himself about their deserts, when he had so high a
matter in view as the Presidency. Thereupon many of
these democrats were so foolish as to become British Whigs,
and declare openly that they desired nothing more earnestly
as working men, than to see as little British manufacture
brought into our country, (whilst our own people could
make as good,) as by any fair and lawful means might be
avoided:—a doctrine which, as every body knows, is now
exclusively set up by these British Whigs, and which all
good New Lights reject as in the highest degree undemocratic.

This extraordinary fatuity, and, as I may call it, rebellion
of the working people, of course caused our committee great
uneasiness. We deliberated over the subject anxiously and
long, to find some means of allaying this ferment; and were
well nigh at our wit's end. At last, it occurred to Mr.
Doubleday, that the best and, in truth, the only thing we
could do, was to get the transgressing senator to explain
his speech away
. It was a happy thought; and being

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[figure description] Page 235.[end figure description]

communicated to the gentleman, we had every reason to be satisfied
with his prompt acquiescence in the advice. With
most laudable perseverance and importunity, it must be confessed,
has he obeyed our injunction. It is a sound New
Light precept,—when a leader cannot maintain a dangerous
position, let him roundly affirm that he never took it;
and every genuine Quod and veritable New Light, will stand
by him and back him in the assertion. In this matter of a
man's livelihood, it is sometimes—as the senator has found
it—extremely difficult to bring the stomachs of the people
into subjection to their democracy.

This distinguished Democrat's latter speeches all must admire,
as beautiful examples of our Quodlibetarian mode of
drawing in our horns when we have chanced to thrust them
out too far. But perfect as these are, they sink into insignificance,
in comparison with the masterly address of a
toast which he has recently sent into the very head quarters
of the rebellion. All Quodlibet is in extacy with this piece of
management. The toast is addressed to the Working Men
of Worcester, Massachusetts. It is in itself, a miniature
oration of dainty advice—a rare posy of multum in parvo;
and, as an effort of clever Quodlibetarianism, unmatched in
the effusions of all our great men. If it does not wholly
repel, abrogate, annul and scatter to the four winds of
heaven, all remembrance of that unfortunate speech for
lowering wages, then there is no virtue left in the democracy.

My reader shall peruse this gem of reconciliation.

The Laboring Classes.—The laws of God and the
constitution of this free country, have placed them on an
equality with the proudest of their employers. In the
onward march of public opinion, a lustrum will not elapse
before the petty tyrant, who would degrade them from the
sovereign rank of independent citizens, by threatening them

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[figure description] Page 236.[end figure description]

with the loss of employment, unless they should exercise
the right of suffrage according to his dictation, will himself
be an enemy and traitor to our free institutions.”

This sentiment, of course, must strike every working-man,
as manifesting an extreme interest in his welfare, on
the part of its author;—because it evidently shows, that the
author is fully of opinion that the working people ought to
be told that they are FREEMEN, and have rights as well as
others—a fact that had never been communicated to them
before, and concerning which, it is presumed, they have remained
in total ignorance.

The toast had a peculiarly stimulating effect upon Neal
Hopper, who works for Christy McCurdy at the Mill, and
always votes against him. He proposed a meeting of the
New Light Club, and gathered all the laboring men of Quodlibet
to attend it. Several very pithy speeches were made
in commendation of the useful hint which the senator of
Pennsylvania had imparted to his countrymen; resolutions
of thanks were adopted, to be conveyed to him for his sudden
anxiety to enlighten the laboring classes; and the whole
proceedings wound up with a toast, in cold water, which
had been prepared on the spur of the moment by Theodore
Fog and offered by Neal Hopper—the same being drunk
with loud cheers, and a copy ordered to be sent to the gentleman
in whose honor it was given. It was in these words:

The Senator of Pennsylvania.—The Constitution
has placed him on an equality with the proudest of his employers.
In the onward march of public opinion, not even
the fifth part of a lustrum will elapse before the Petty Tyrant,
who would degrade him from the rank of an independent
statesman by threatening him with the loss of employment
unless he should exercise the right of suffrage according
to his dictation, will himself be considered an enemy
and traitor to our free institutions.”

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[figure description] Page 237.[end figure description]

Thus happily ended a mistake which, in its origin, threatened
so much injury to our cause. If, after the toast I
have noticed, and the laudatory response to it from our New
Lights in Quodlibet, there can be any working-man so
stony-hearted as to refuse to be lopped in his wages and to
vote as our Great, New Light, Quodlibetarian Democratic
Chief shall command—then let him join the British Whigs!
we wash our hands of him.

To compensate us for whatever detriment we might have
suffered by this mishap, the passage of the Independent
Treasury bill has brought us fresh occasion of rejoicing and
confidence. After a long and, as Tom Crop says, a bloody
struggle, Lo! it is at last the law of the land, and all our
wishes are crowned. “It is,” as Mr. Flam has declared,
“the unmingled, unaided, spontaneous result of popular
sagacity—springing not from executive dictation, nor the
influence of party discipline, but from the intuitive and instinctive
wisdom of millions of freemen ground to the dust
by the tyrannical pressure of associated wealth. It is the
law of the land in spite of the groans of merchants, the wailings
of agriculturists, and the murmurs of mechanics. It
seals the fortune of our Great chief, and proclaims the immortal
triumph of the New Light Democracy.”

When the tidings of this joyful event reached us in Quodlibet,
our first care was to fire one hundred guns; the next
was to illuminate the Borough, and to bring out all our flags
and lanterns: after this the New Lights were called together
in the Court House, where addresses were delivered by Agamemnon
Flag and Theodore Fog—the latter of whom actually
outdid himself in an effort that would have exalted
the fame of Patrick Henry: and to close this jubilee, the
Central Committee passed a resolution declaring the bill the
Second Declaration of Independence. For this brilliant

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[figure description] Page 238.[end figure description]

series of events, we have to thank that sturdy devotion to
State Rights which shone with such conspicuous lustre in
the annihilation of New Jersey by the New Lights, in the
House of Representatives. But for that glorious stroke of
policy the bill would again have been crushed by the serpent
of opposition. Now that we have gained it, British
Federal Whiggery is forever prostrate.

A fortnight after this event brought us the cheering tidings
from Louisiana, to which many an anxious eye had
been turned. The elections there have resulted in a splendid
victory—a victory, indeed, not indicated by the polls,
where the majority was seemingly increased against us—but
manifested in the spirit with which our people every where
received the tidings. Until this spirit became manifest, it
might be said our hopes were even wavering; but forthwith
an unwonted confidence in our success has spread abroad.
The sagacious Mr. Doubleday, whose face may be called
the barometer of our party, and to whom we all look for
predictions of the future, now wears a countenance wreathed
in smiles, and tells us that, from what he knows of the
changeableness of that state, “we may make ourselves altogether
certain of the victory in the fall.”

In running over the events of the day, nothing is more
deserving of our animadversion, than the ostentatious display,
by the British Federal Tory Whigs, of the changes
amongst the people against the New Light Democracy;—as
if here and there the change of some recreant Democrat,
who is afraid to follow his leader and chooses to have opinions
of his own, could stay the mighty torrent of attachment
to the fortunes of our Chief. We do not deny these changes;
but rather rejoice that men, so little worthy of being called
true Quods, should leave our standard to the tried soldiers
who have marched behind it in all its vicissitudes, and fought

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[figure description] Page 239.[end figure description]

its battles through the whole field of political experiment.
By such only can our glorious cause be upheld. But we
can recount changes as well as they.

I might select thousands from our newspapers; and I forbear
to do so, only because I think it unworthy of the good
sense of a Quod to parade the names of converts to our
party; thus assimilating, as it were, the people to a flock of
sheep, and expecting that more will follow because many
have gone before.

There is, however, one case which I am sure I shall be
excused for bringing before my reader. It is that of the
Dibble family of Wisconsin. It was brought to the notice
of our Central Committee by Zachary Younghusband, who
came into possession of the original manuscript through a
brother Postmaster, Mr. Straddle, who resides in the neighborhood
of the converted family, and who, in fact, was the
amanuensis used upon the occasion. Our Committee thought
this document of sufficient importance to be copied into the
Whole Hog: from whence it is likely to be transferred into
every New Light Democratic paper of the country. It certainly
exhibits very conclusive as well as very abundant reasons
for change; and may be said to contain the best epitome
of the popular objections of the New Lights to the election
of General Harrison which has yet appeared in print. An
aged and widowed father with five sons—all heretofore
steeped to the lips in the slough of British Whiggery—have
had the independence to rise, in the majesty of freemen, and
boldly assert the highest prerogative of an American citizen—
the right of thinking, speaking, and voting in such
manner as a patriotic, disinterested, New Light Postmaster,
whose opinions are above all suspicion, might direct them.
The letter of this never-sufficiently-to-be-admired family will
speak for itself. I have only to remark that, in transcribing
it, I have taken the liberty to correct, what indeed I must call,

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some glaring faults in the orthography—which are to be
attributed solely to Mr. Straddle, the Postmaster, who reduced
the instrument to writing, and who, by the bye, let
me say, should be advised to give more of his attention to
the useful art of spelling—but in no other point altering
word, syllable, or letter.

It is somewhat fancifully headed

“This is to give notice, that we who have put our signmanuals
to the foot thereof, being till now snorting Whigs,
having heard our Postmaster, Clem Straddle, Esq., say that
he knows General Harrison sold five white men as slaves
off his plantation, and is for Abolition, and whipped four
naked women on their bare backs, and is for imprisonment
for debt, and moreover is for making a King, and goes for
raising the expenses of the Government up to fifteen millions,
and is a coward and wears petticoats, and is kept in
a cage, and wants to reduce wages, and for that purpose is
a going to have a standing army of two hundred thousand
men, which our free and independent spirits wont bear, and
wants to give the public money, which comes from the sweat
of our brows, and public lands, to Sam. Swartwout and
Price, and a gang of British Whigs, which we consider
against the Constitution, and moreover we dont believe he
wont answer, and has got no principles excepting them
what he used to have, and is against the Independent Treasury
which was signed Fourth of July, whereby it is the
Declaration of Independence; and the aforesaid Clem Straddle,
Esq., which writeth this for us and in our names, being
against all office-holders which the British Whigs is a striving
after, and tells us to vote for Van Buren, we being an
affectionate father and five orphan children without any mother,
and never had any since infancy, make known that in

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the next Presidential election in this Territory, if we had a
vote, and if not we shall vote in Missouri, we goes against
Tip. and Ty. and all that disgusting mummery of Log
Cabins, Hard Cider, Coonskins, Possums, and Gourds, in
regard of their lowering morals, and goes for Jackson, Hickory
Poles, Whole Hogs, and Van Buren, as witness our
hands and seals.

his
Malachi + Dibble, Parent.
mark.
his
Washinoton + Dibble.
mark.
his
Jefferson + Dibble.
mark.
Madison Dibble.
Fayette Dibble.
his
Squintus Curtius + Dibble.
mark.
Note.—Washington and Jefferson is voters, Madison and
Fayette is at school, and signs for themselves, and Squintus
Curtius is going on nine.”

This letter, it will be admitted by all unprejudiced persons,
bears the most expressive testimony to the natural and
unsophisticated character of its authors; and furnishes us
gratifying evidence that the great Reform, which it has been
the labor of our committee to promote, has begun at the
right end, and that the result must be the infallible and universal
triumph of New Light Democracy over the whole
Union.

Upon the adjournment of congress, late in July, the Hon.
Middleton Flam returned to Quodlibet, to infuse new energy
into our indefatigable committee. Through him we were
apprised of many matters of deep interest, touching the

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progress of the campaign, which was now growing amazingly
active. Being in the confidence of the president and Amos
Kendall, he could tell us divers things which were not intrusted
to the party at large; and let us into the secrets of
the little and big wheels which were at work in Washington
and other places. Amos, we were glad to learn from
him, had entirely recovered his health by the change from
the corrupt atmosphere of the post office to the wholesome
air of the Globe's type-room: the “excitement of composition,”
Mr. Flam said, daily brought a fresh glow upon his
cheek—and particularly in the writing of some late articles
against General Harrison; and his children, upon the whole,
slept better than formerly—having insensibly grown more
indifferent to the Whig victories which at first produced such
unhappy effects upon their slumbers.

Mr. Van Buren, our observant representative also informed
us, was a good deal nettled at the people for their
restiveness at his standing army scheme, and thought that
our New Lights in congress had behaved in a very cowardly
and shameful manner in regard to it. He whispered to Mr.
Flam that, notwithstanding all this pother, it was an admirable
democratic scheme, and should eventually become
the law in spite of lamentations in congress or elsewhere:
that the opposition to it now was no greater than that to the
Independent Treasury in 1835, and as he had carried the
one, so he would the other. For the present, he said, he
was obliged to succumb to the people; and it was the first
time he had ever been reduced to this point of humiliation
since he was President. But it was a case of necessity
and he had no alternative. He had consequently determined
to write a letter and insinuate some doubts as to the constitutionality
of the plan; and in the mean time Mr. Poinsett,
who was of that best description of friends, a friend
in need, had very obligingly, and like a faithful New Light,

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agreed to stand between him and the storm, and take the
whole blame upon himself. All these movements have
been subsequently developed, in confirmation of Mr. Flam's
communication to our committee; and the whole matter is
before the public.

The President, our member further told us, was greatly
annoyed at the impertinent curiosity of the Whigs in regard
to some passages in his past history, especially his
vote on the Missouri question and his denial, in the New
York convention, of the right of suffrage to old soldiers
whilst he was giving it to free negroes. These matters the
Whigs got out of that Book of Holland's which was written
before Mr. Van Buren was inoculated with Southern principles,
and when, in fact, he was rather looking to the opposite
point of the compass. He spoke of these subjects as of
an abstract character, belonging, as he said, to Geographical
Metaphysics, and he thought it therefore unjust to bring
them into the present canvass. And there was the affair of
the Negro Witnesses, which also, Mr. Flam remarked, deprived
the President of his natural rest. But these are the
common vexations of statesmanship; and if it were not for
the President's thorough endoctrination in the Quodlibetarian
philosophy would go nigh to affect his brain. As it
is, he is very sorry, Mr. Flam assures us, for these old
errors; has completely changed in regard to the whole
of them; and is now busily employed every day in writing
letters to convince the people that they are mere Whig misrepresentations.

Upon the subject of the Tariff and the Cumberland Road,
notwithstanding that the New Lights have, somewhat inconsiderately,
gone against the constitutional power to
meddle with them, Mr. Van Buren has confidentially disclosed
to Mr. Flam, (who in the same confidence has
imparted it to the Committee,) that, for the present at least, he

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means to see-saw a little on these points, and, in the Quodlibetarian
fashion, take his course hereafter. This determination,
we have reason to believe, will furnish the author of
the Worcester Toast another opportunity of displaying his
skill in drawing in his horns—that worthy Senator being
supposed to have got into an ultra position on this subject,
from not being sufficiently cautious, in marching, to “dress
by the right.” “Upon the whole,” Mr. Flam says, “so far
are these imputations, vexations and variations from doing
Mr. Van Buren any harm in the canvass, they, in fact,
only the more endear him to his friends, and strengthen his
chance of reelection, since they prove the more conclusively,
that he is personally experienced in the pros and cons of
every great question, by having been on both sides, and has
thereby rendered himself more competent to decide as a
statesman what is most likely to enure to the benefit of his
party. We shall see,” continued Mr. Flam, “a triumphant
vindication of the President's influence over the people, in
the results of the Western and Southern elections which
are immediately to take place. Indiana is surely with us;
even Kentucky is shaking in the wind; and North Carolina
will speak in a voice of thunder, in condemnation of
British Whiggery. Depend upon that. Our information is
of the most exact and authentic character. Read Amos
Kendall's health-inspiring paragraphs, replete with the soul
of truth, and no faithful Quod can for a moment doubt the
result.”

Accordingly we wait in anxious but cheerful suspense to
hear of the elections.

Some nervous New Lights affect to see signs of alarm,
in the fact that the President should find occasion so frequently
to write letters over the country, touching the affairs
of the election; that the Vice President should be obliged
to mount his horse and peddle in politics, as he does from

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town to town; and that even the Old Lion of the Hermitage
should, now and then, let off a roar to frighten the British
Whigs. But what can be more consistent with the principles
and professions of our new creed? Have we not exploded
Mr. Jefferson's old and unprofitable notion that the
office holders ought not to interfere with the freedom of the
elective franchise? Is it not a fundamental point with us
that the offices are “the spoils,” and that the men who hold
them ought to fight for them? How appropriate then is it
that our greatest officers should be in the very front of the
battle? Besides, we should not have considered Mr. Van
Buren worthy of that high place we have assigned him in the
Quodlibetarian school, if he did not set himself to work to
mystify every unpleasant matter of fact which might come
out against him. His letters are models for the instruction
of future New Light Statesmen, and therefore deserve the
attention not only of his contemporaries, but of all coming
generations.

A few instances will make this clear to every man's perception.

A committee of his friends in Illinois, being troubled at
the charge against him regarding the Negro suffrage and
the qualification which excluded white citizens, gathered
from his biographer—not doubting that he could explain the
matter to their satisfaction, very indiscreetly, before the
election, question him thereon; and especially demand whether
Holland's representations be true! With admirable
frankness Mr. Van Buren assures them that he will answer
at another time: and, in the meanwhile, gives these
friends reason to infer that it is quite likely Holland's book
is a forgery. Which subtle response, every man must see,
cuts up by the root every little item of fact the British Whigs
might get out of that volume to his prejudice. Vir sapit qui
pauca loquitur.

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And again:—It is a good New Light maxim, when a politician
is suspected of any unwholesome opinion, to repeal
the effect of this suspicion by the casual but frequent repetition
of words and sentiments which, in the popular judgment,
shall be held to contradict it. Of this point of tactics we
have a pregnant example in another of these letters.

Mr. Van Buren has been charged by some captious persons
with slighting the intelligence of the people, in regard to
some of his prominent acts, and, in fact, of practising upon
what he assumed to be the ignorance of those who have
been accustomed to vote for him and his measures because
he has called them democrats. Now having some little
misgivings that possibly this might be believed, he invariably
fills his letters, as if it were accidentally, with reiterated
compliments to the good sense of the people. Thus, he remarks
in a recent famous epistle of his:

“The Intelligence and virtue of our people have triumphed
over art, panic and pressure”—

—“the Intelligence and firmness of our people are equal
to any emergency”—

—“the most gratifying evidences have been furnished
that our people are, in Intelligence and integrity and determined
resolution, equal to the task of self government”—

—“in the triumph of the Independent Treasury we
witness the triumph of the popular Intelligence and firmness”—

—“on these evidences of popular Intelligence and firmness
the republican patriot rests with well grounded faith.”

All of which reiterations the curious reader, upon examination,
may find in five consecutive paragraphs of the
same letter.

This stratagem of Rhetoric has a marvellous effect upon
our new Lights; as we had occasion to observe a few days
ago, when Mr. Flam read this epistle aloud to a

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considerable assemblage of our people who had gathered together in
our committee room to hear it. At every recurrence of the
word Intelligence a loud clapping of hands evinced the sense
of the meeting at the token of approbation thus conferred
upon them by the President: and, at its conclusion, old Mr.
Snuffers wiped his eyes with his handkerchief—for it had
affected him to tears—and remarked aloud, “that if any man
after that could doubt Mr. Van Buren's democracy, he must
have the head of an infidel and the heart of a Turk.”

There was one sentiment in this letter that particularly
delighted Mr. Flam, and upon which he paused with an
inward gratification that for some moments interrupted his
reading. The eloquence and the philosophy of the sentiment
must be my excuse for inserting it here. He is speaking
of the opposition of the Federalists to the Kentucky
Resolutions:

“While even the name,” says he, “of the proud and
powerful party which opposed them, has come to be considered
a term of reproach, if not of ignominy and insult,
the principles of the Kentucky Resolutions, in profession, if
not in fact, now enter into the creed of every political sect,
and the once derided name borne by their apostates and
advocates is considered an essential passport to popularity
and success
.”

How satisfactorily does this emanation of the President's
secret mind explain the motive and the source of his own
New Light Democracy! How indelibly does it fix upon
Henry Clay and the thousands who, for a quarter of a century,
have fought at his side in the great struggle to disarm
the President of his power—that name of ignominy and
insult which is attached to all who opposed the Kentucky
Resolutions!

It is wonderful to contemplate the influence of these master
minds upon our Quodlibetarian friends. The President

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scarcely drops a sentiment from his pen before it becomes
as it were expanded into the common air of Democracy.
The Globe usually leads off: the Whole Hog follows; and
upon their heels the Scrutiniser with all the Rank and File
of Typographs, brings up a glorious chorus of repetition
which leaves no hill or valley, mountain or plain in the
whole land uninstructed in the Presidential utterances. Thus
is it, even now, with this tribute to the intelligence and firmness
of the people, and this stigma of ignominy and insult
upon the old Federalists.

The Hon. Middleton Flam, Theodore Fog, Agememnon
Flag and Zachary Youngbusband, (for Zachary has turned
orator of late,) and, without vaunting, I myself may say that
the importance of the crisis has even, on some recent occasions,
placed me in the same category—we all give breath
to the same sentiment in speeches by day and by night, and
“the same key note,” to quote a studied and prepared figure
of speech from an admirable oration delivered last week by
Agamemnon Flag in front of the Iron Railing—“The same
Key Note of the Intelligence of the People rings in the
discourses of five thousand Orators, and jangles in twenty
thousand resolutions of New Light Democratic Clubs from
the St. Croix to the Sabine; and through all the windings of
its devious way the Ignominy and the Insult of Federalism
murmur on the ear in inseparable treble accompaniment.”

We have just received in Quodlibet the news from Kentucky,
Indiana and North Carolina. We are lost in amazement!
Our cause is no longer in doubt. Whatever misgivings
we may have heretofore entertained, all have vanished.
The majorities, Mr. Doubleday accounts for in the
most satisfactory manner,—and though ostensibly on the
side of the British Whigs, they have yet been obtained in

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such a manner as to render us perfectly certain of success
“in the Fall.”

Nim Porter offers an even bet of one thousand dollars on
the result, and is willing to increase it to ten.

Alabama, Illinois and Missouri are in, at the office of The
Whole Hog. Eliphalet Fox is stark mad with delirious
joy. To outward appearance something is gained by the
enemy; but Mr. Doubleday says it is altogether illusory,
and that, in fact, he has never been truly confident until
now. He repeats his assurance, that we must, from the
signs, inevitably carry all before us “in the Fall.”

Nim Porter is willing to double his bets.

Gentle reader, I have performed my covenant. Quod
meum fuit præstiti. What content these chronicles, and the
poor skill with which they are set forth, may have brought to
our respcctable Committee, I am in no position to decide;
since I know that an author is seldom honestly commended
to his face. That there is division of opinion on this matter
I am aware; for upon the reading at the last meeting on
Wednesday night, I could not fail to observe certain signs
of dissent, if not of displeasure, passing between Eliphalet
Fox and Zachary Younghusband; and that more than once.
But Mr. Flam, who has always shown himself a true friend
and patron to me, took up my cause with such spirit and
effect, being well supported by Mr. Doubleday and Mr.
Snuffers—that a unanimous vote of approbation was finally
passed by the Committee. Thus sheltered under the shield
of triple brass and tough bull hide of our Grand Central
Committee, I cheerfully submit my labors to the judgment
of the good folks of Quodlibet; promising, if they approve

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and should again call me to the desk, to contribute what my
opportunity may allow to the better elucidation of their character,
both social and public, wherein it is manifest an eager
desire to be instructed hath lately grown up in this nation.
Non sum qui oblivionis artem, quam memoriæ mallem.

Solomon Secondthoughts, Schoolmaster. THE END. Back matter

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Kennedy, John Pendleton, 1795-1870 [1840], Quodlibet: containing some annals thereof: with an authentic account of the origin and growth of the borough (Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia) [word count] [eaf239].
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