Note return to page 1 Charles Kean's acting version of the play, first performed, with all the characteristically lavish ‘educational’ decor recorded by this edition, at the Princess's Theatre in March 1859, makes many of the same cuts as the by then century-old version published in Bell's edition (such as the omission of Princess Katherine's English lesson), along with still more curtailments required to make room for the production's grandiose scenic effects.

Note return to page 2 For reference to Historical Authorities indicated by Letters, see end of each Act.

Note return to page 3 *The English authorities vary in their statements from seventeen to one hundred skilled. The French historian, Monstrelet, estimates the loss of his countrymen at ten thousand men.

Note return to page 4 1O, for a muse of fire, &c.] This goes, says Warburton, upon the notion of the Peripatetic system, which imagines several heavens one above another, the last and highest of which was one of fire. It alludes, likewise, to the aspiring nature of fire, which, by its levity, at the separation of the chaos, took the highest seat of all the elements.

Note return to page 5 2Assume the port of Mars;] i. e., the demeanour, the carriage, air of Mars. From portée, French.

Note return to page 6 3Can this cockpit hold] Shakespeare probably calls the stage a cockpit, as the most diminutive enclosure present to his mind.

Note return to page 7 4Upon this little state] The original text is “within this wooden, O,” in allusion, probably, to the theatre where this history was exhibited, being, from its circular form, called The Globe.

Note return to page 8 5&lblank; the very casques] Even the helmets, much less the men by whom they were worn.

Note return to page 9 6—imaginary forces] Imaginary for imaginative, or your powers of fancy. Active and passive words are by Shakespeare frequently confounded.

Note return to page 10 7The perilous narrow ocean parts asunder.] Perilous narrow means nor more than very narrow. In old books this mode of expression frequently occurs.

Note return to page 11 8Into a thousand parts divide one man,] i. e., suppose every man to represent a thousand.

Note return to page 12 9&lblank; make imaginary puissance:] i. e., imagine you see an enemy.

Note return to page 13 *The throne is powdered with the letter S. This decoration made its appearance in the reign of Henry IV., and has been differently accounted for. The late Sir Samuel Meyrick supposes it to be the initial letter of Henry's motto, “Soueraine.” The King's costume is copied from Strutt's “Regal Antiquities.” The dresses of the English throughout the play are taken from the works of Strutt, Meyrick, Shaw, and Hamilton Smith. The heraldry has been kindly supplied by Thomas Willement, Esq., F.S.A. The Lord Great Chamberlain carrying the sword of state is De Vere, Earl of Oxford.

Note return to page 14 1&lblank; task] Keep busied with scruples and disquisitions.

Note return to page 15 2Archbishop of Canterbury,] Henry Chichely, a Carthusian monk, recently promoted to the see of Canterbury.

Note return to page 16 3Bishop of Ely.] John Fordham, consecrated 1388; died, 1426.

Note return to page 17 4&lblank; wrest,] i.e., distort.

Note return to page 18 5&lblank; or bow your reading,] i.e., bend your interpretation.

Note return to page 19 6Or nicely charge your understanding soul] Take heed, lest by nice and subtle sophistry you burthen your knowing soul, or knowingly burthen your soul, with the guilt of advancing a false title, or of maintaining, by specious fallacies, a claim which, if shown in its native and true colours, would appear to be false. —Johnson.

Note return to page 20 7&lblank; miscreate,] Ill-begotten, illegitimate, spurious.

Note return to page 21 8&lblank; in approbation] i.e., in proving and supporting that title which shall be now set up.

Note return to page 22 9&lblank; impawn our person,] To engage and to pawn were in our author's time synonymous.

Note return to page 23 10&lblank; gloze] Expound, explain.

Note return to page 24 11&lblank; imbare their crooked titles] i. e., to lay open, to display to view.

Note return to page 25 12In allusion to the battle of Crecy, fought 25th Augusth, 1346.

Note return to page 26 13So hath your highness;] i. e., your highness hath indeed what they think and know you have.

Note return to page 27 14They of those marches,] The marches are the borders, the confines. Hence the Lords Marchers, i. e., the lords presidents of the marches, &c.

Note return to page 28 15&lblank; in few.] i. e., in short, brief.

Note return to page 29 16&lblank; a nimble galliard won;] A galliard was an ancient dance. The word is now obsolete.

Note return to page 30 17&lblank; let me bring thee to Staines.] i.e., let me attend, or accompany thee.

Note return to page 31 18&lblank; Arthur's bosom,] Dame Quickly, in her usual blundering way, mistakes Arthur for Abraham.

Note return to page 32 19'A made a finer end,] To make a fine end is not an uncommon expression for making a good end. The Hostess means that Falstaff died with becoming resignation and patient submission to the will of Heaven.

Note return to page 33 20&lblank; an it had been any christom child;] i.e., child that has wore the chrysom, or white cloth put on a new baptized child.

Note return to page 34 21&lblank; turning o' the tide:] It has been a very old opinion, which Mead, de imperio solis, quotes, as if he believed it, that nobody dies but in the time of ebb: half the deaths in London confute the notion; but we find that it was common among the women of the poet's time. —Johnson.

Note return to page 35 22&lblank; I saw him fumble with the sheets,] Pliny, in his chapter on the signs of death, makes mention of “a fumbling and pleiting of the bed-clothes.” The same indication of approaching death is enumerated by Celsus, Lommius, Hippocrates, and Galen.

Note return to page 36 23'A could never abide carnation;] Mrs. Quickly blunders, mistaking the word incarnate for a colour. In questions of Love, published 1566, we have “yelowe, pale, redde, blue, whyte, gray, and incarnate.”

Note return to page 37 24Shall we shog off?] i.e., shall we move off—jog off?

Note return to page 38 25Let senses rule;] i.e., let prudence govern you—conduct yourself sensibly.

Note return to page 39 26&lblank; Pitch and pay;] A familiar expression, meaning pay down at once, pay ready money; probably throw down your money and pay.

Note return to page 40 27&lblank; hold-fast is the only dog,] Alluding to the proverbial saying—“Brag is a good dog, but Holdfast is a better.”

Note return to page 41 28&lblank; caveto be thy counsellor.] i.e., let prudence be thy counsellor.

Note return to page 42 29&lblank; clear thy crystals.] Dry thine eyes.

Note return to page 43 35800001[A] (A) &lblank; should famine, sword, and fire, Crouch for employment.] Holinshed states that when the people of Rouen petitioned Henry V., the king replied “that the goddess of battle, called Bellona, had three handmaidens, ever of necessity attending upon her, as blood, fire, and famine.” These are probably the dogs of war mentioned in Julius Cæsar.

Note return to page 44 35800002[B] (B) King Henry on his throne,] King Henry V. was born at Monmouth, August 9th, 1388, from which place he took his surname. He was the eldest son of Henry Bolingbroke, Earl of Derby, afterwards Duke of Hereford, who was banished by King Richard the Second, and, after that monarch's deposition, was made king of England, A.D. 1399. At eleven years of age Henry V. was a student at Queen's College, Oxford, under the tuition of his half-uncle, Henry Beaufort, Chancellor of that university. Richard II. took the young Henry with him in his expedition to Ireland, and caused him to be imprisoned in the castle of Trym, but, when his father, the Duke of Hereford, deposed the king and obtained the crown, he was created Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall. In 1403 the Prince was engaged at the battle of Shrewsbury, where the famous Hotspur was slain, and there wounded in the face by an arrow. History states that Prince Henry became the companion of rioters and disorderly persons, and indulged in a course of life quite unworthy of his high station. There is a tradition that, under the influence of wine, he assisted his associates in robbing passengers on the highway. His being confined in prison for striking the Chief Justice, Sir William Gascoigne, is well known. These excesses gave great uneasiness and annoyance to the king, his father, who dismissed the Prince from the office of President of his Privy Council, and appointed in his stead his second son, Thomas, Duke of Clarence. Henry was crowned King of England on the 9th April, 1413. We read in Stowe—“After his coronation King Henry called unto him all those young lords and gentlemen who were the followers of his young acts, to every one of whom he gave rich gifts, and then commanded that as many as would change their manners, as he intended to do, should abide with him at court; and to all that would persevere in their former like conversation, he gave express commandment, upon pain of their heads, never after that day to come in his presence.” This heroic king fought and won the celebrated battle of Agincourt, on the 25th October, 1415; married the Princess Katherine, daughter of Charles VI. of France and Isabella of Bavaria, his queen, in the year 1420; and died at Vincennes, near Paris, in the midst of his military glory, August 31st, 1422, in the thirty-fourth year of his age, and the tenth of his reign, leaving an infant son, who succeeded to the throne under the title of Henry VI. The famous Whittington was for the third time Lord Mayor of London in this reign, A.D. 1419. Thomas Chaucer, son of the great poet, was speaker of the House of Commons, which granted the supplies to the king for his invasion of France.

Note return to page 45 35800003[C] (C) Bedford,] John, Duke of Bedford, was the third son of King Henry IV., and his brother, Henry V., left to him the Regency of France. He died in the year 1435. This duke was accounted one of the best generals of the royal race of Plantaganet. King Lewis XI. being counselled by certain envious persons to deface his tomb, used these, indeed, princely words:—“What honor shall it be to us, or you, to break this monument, and to pull out of the ground the bones of him, whom, in his life time, neither my father nor your progenitors, with all their puissance, were once able to make fly a foot backward? Who by his strength, policy, and wit, kept them all out of the principal dominions of France, and out of this noble Dutchy of Normandy? Wherefore I say first, God save his soul, and let his body now lie in rest, which, when he was alive, would have disquieted the proudest of us all; and for his tomb, I assure you, it is not so worthy or convenient as his honor and acts have deserved.” —Vide Sandford's History of the Kings of England.

Note return to page 46 35800004[D] (D) Gloster,] Humphrey, Duke of Gloster, was the fourth son of King Henry IV., and on the death of his brother, Henry V., became Regent of England. It is generally supposed he was strangled. His death took place in the year 1446.

Note return to page 47 35800005[E] (E) Exeter,] Shakespeare is a little too early in giving Thomas Beaufort the title of Duke of Exeter; for when Harfleur was taken, and he was appointed governor of the town, he was only Earl of Dorset. He was not made Duke of Exeter till the year after the battle of Agincourt, November 14, 1416. Exeter was half brother to King Henry IV., being one of the sons of John of Gaunt, by Catherine Swynford.

Note return to page 48 35800006[F] (F) Archbishop of Canterbury,] The Archbishop's speech in this scene, explaining King Henry's title to the crown of France, is closely copied from Holinshed's chronicle, page 545. “About the middle of the year 1414, Henry V., influenced by he persuasions of Chichely, Archbishop of Canterbury, by the dying injunction of his royal father, not to allow the kingdom to remain long at peace, or more probably by those feelings of ambition, which were no less natural to his age and character, than consonant with the manners of the time in which he lived, resolved to assert that claim to the crown of France which his great grandfather, King Edward the Third, had urged with such confidence and success.” —Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt.

Note return to page 49 35800007[G] (G) &lblank; the law Salique,] According to this law no woman was permitted to govern or be a Queen in her own right. The title only was allowed to the wife of the monarch. This law was imported from Germany by the warlike Franks.

Note return to page 50 35800008[H] (H) Tennis-balls, my liege.] Some contemporary historians affirm that the Dauphin sent Henry the contemptuous present, which has been imputed to him, intimating that such implements of play were better adapted to his dissolute character than the instruments of war, while others are silent on the subject. The circumstance of Henry's offering to meet his enemy in single combat, affords some support to the statement that he was influenced by those personal feelings of revenge to which the Dauphin's conduct would undoubtedly have given birth.

Note return to page 51 35800009[I] (I) Enter Bardolph, Nym, Pistol, Mrs. Quickly, and Boy.] These followers of Falstaff figured conspicuously through the two parts of Shakespeare's Henry IV. Pistol is a swaggering, pompous braggadocio; Nym a boaster and a coward; and Bardolph a liar, thief, and coward, who has no wit but in his nose.

Note return to page 52 1&lblank; which he fills] i.e., the King of France.

Note return to page 53 2&lblank; Richard, earl of Cambridge;] Was Richard de Coninsbury, younger son of Edmund of Langley, Duke of York. He was father of Richard, Duke of York, father of Edward the Fourth.

Note return to page 54 3Henry lord Scroop of Masham,] Was third husband of Joan Duchess of York (she had four), mother-in-law of Richard, Earl of Cambridge.

Note return to page 55 4&lblank; the gilt of France,] i.e., golden money.

Note return to page 56 5&lblank; this grace of kings] i.e., he who does the greatest honor to the title. By the same phraseology the usurper in Hamlet is called the vice of kings, i.e., the opprobrium of them.

Note return to page 57 6&lblank; while we force a play.] To force a play is to produce a play by compelling many circumstances into a narrow compass.

Note return to page 58 7We'll not offend one stomach] That is, you shall pass the sea without the qualms of sea-sickness.

Note return to page 59 8But, till the king come forth, and not till then,] The meaning is, “We will not shift our scene unto Southampton till the king makes his appearance on the stage, and the scene will be at Southampton only for the short time while he does appear on the stage; for, soon after his appearance, it will change to France.” —Malone.

Note return to page 60 1&lblank; in a fair consent with ours,] i. e., in friendly concord; in unison with ours.

Note return to page 61 2&lblank; hearts create] Hearts compounded or made up of duty and zeal.

Note return to page 62 3&lblank; more advice,] On his return to more coolness of mind.

Note return to page 63 4Are heavy orisons 'gainst, &c.] i. e., are weighty supplications against this poor wretch.

Note return to page 64 5&lblank; proceeding on distemper,] Distemper'd in liquor was a common expression. We read in Holinshed, vol. iii., page 626:— “gave him wine and strong drink in such excessive sort, that he was therewith distempered, and reeled as he went.”

Note return to page 65 6&lblank; how shall we stretch our eye] If we may not wink at small faults, how wide must we open our eyes at great.

Note return to page 66 7Who are the late commissioners?] That is, who are the persons lately appointed commissioners.

Note return to page 67 8&lblank; quick] That is, living.

Note return to page 68 9&lblank; as gross] As palpable.

Note return to page 69 10&lblank; though the truth of it stands off as gross As black from white,] Though the truth be as apparent and visible as black and white contiguous to each other. To stand off is être relerè, to be prominent to the eye, as the strong parts of a picture. —Johnson.

Note return to page 70 11Which I in sufferance heartily will rejoice,] Cambridge means to say, at which prevention, or, which intended scheme that it was prevented, I shall rejoice. Shakespeare has many such elliptical expressions. The intended scheme that he alludes to was the taking off Henry, to make room for his brother-in-law. —Malone.

Note return to page 71 12&lblank; our kingdom's safety must so tender,] i.e., must so regard.

Note return to page 72 13&lblank; dear offences!—] To dere, in ancient language, was to hurt; the meaning, therefore, is hurtful—pernicious offences.

Note return to page 73 14Our puissance] i.e., our power, our force.

Note return to page 74 15&lblank; French King,] The costume of Charles VI. is copied from Willemin. Monuments Français. The dresses of the other Lords are selected from Montfaucon Monarchie Françoise.

Note return to page 75 16&lblank; more than carefully it us concerns,] More than carefully is with more than common care; a phrase of the same kind with better than well. —Johnson.

Note return to page 76 17How modest in exception,] How diffident and decent in making objections.

Note return to page 77 18&lblank; strain] lineage.

Note return to page 78 19That haunted us] To haunt is a word of the utmost horror, which shows that they dreaded the English as goblins and spirits.

Note return to page 79 20&lblank; crown'd with the golden sun,—] Shakespeare's meaning (divested of its poetical fancy) probably is, that the king stood upon an eminence, with the sun shining over his head. —Steevens.

Note return to page 80 21&lblank; fate of him.] His fate is what is allotted him by destiny, or what he is fated to perform.

Note return to page 81 22Montjoy,] Mont-joie is the title of the principal king-at-arms in France, as Garter is in our country.

Note return to page 82 23&lblank; spend thier mouths,] That is, bark; the sportsman's term.

Note return to page 83 24&lblank; memorable line,] This genealogy; this deduction of his lineage.

Note return to page 84 25Shall chide your trespass,] To chide is to resound, to echo.

Note return to page 85 26&lblank; you shall read] i.e., shall find.

Note return to page 86 35800010[A] (A) Three corrupted men,— One, Richard earl of Cambridge; and the second, Henry lord Scroop of Masham; and the third, Sir Thomas Grey knight of Northumberland,— Have for the guilt of France (O, guilt, indeed!) Confirm'd conspiracy with fearful France. About the end of July, Henry's ambitious designs received a momentary check from the discovery of a treasonable conspiracy against his person and government, by Richard, Earl of Cambridge, brother of the Duke of York; Henry, Lord Scroop of Masham, the Lord Treasurer; and Sir Thomas Grey, of Heton, knight. The king's command for the investigation of the affair, was dated on the 21st of that month, and a writ was issued to the Sheriff of Southampton, to assemble a jury for their trial; and which on Friday, the 2nd of August, found that on the 20th of July, Richard, Earl of Cambridge, and Thomas Grey, of Heton, in the County of Northumberland, knight, had falsely and traitorously conspired to collect a body of armed men, to conduct Edmund, Earl of March,* [Subnote: *At that moment the Earl of March was the lawful heir to the crown, he being the heir general of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III, whilst Henry V. was but the heir of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, King Edward's fourth son.] to the frontiers of Wales, and to proclaim him the rightful heir to the crown, in case Richard II. was actually dead; but they had solicited Thomas Frumpyngton, who personated King Richard, Henry Percy, and many others from Scotland to invade the realm, that they had intended to destroy the King, the Duke of Clarence, the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Gloucester, with other lords and great men; and that Henry, Lord Scroop, of Masham, consented to the said treasonable purposes, and concealed the knowledge of them from the king. On the same day the accused were reported by Sir John Popham, Constable of the Castle of Southampton, to whose custody they had been committed, to have confessed the justice of the charges brought against them, and that they threw themselves on the king's mercy; but Scroop endeavoured to extenuate his conduct, by asserting that his intentions were innocent, and that he appeared only to acquiesce in their designs to be enabled to defeat them. The Earl and Lord Scroop having claimed the privilege of being tried by the peers, were remanded to prison, but sentence of death in the usual manner was pronounced against Grey, and he was immediately executed; though, in consequence of Henry having dispensed with his being drawn and hung, he was allowed to walk from the Watergate to the Northgate of the town of Southampton, where he was beheaded. A commission was soon afterwards issued, addressed to the Duke of Clarence, for the trial of the Earl of Cambridge and Lord Scroop: this court unanimously declared the prisoners guilty, and sentence of death having been denounced against them, they paid the forfeit of their lives on Monday, the 5th of August. In consideration of the earl being of the blood royal, he was merely beheaded; but to mark the perfidy and ingratitude of Scroop, who had enjoyed the king's utmost confidence and friendship, and had even shared his bed, he commanded that he should be drawn to the place of execution, and that his head should be affixed on one of the gates of the city of York. —Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt.

Note return to page 87 35800011[A] (A) &lblank; the man that was his bedfellow,] So, Holinshed: “The said Lord Scroop was in such favour with the king, that he admitted him sometimes to be his bedfellow.” The familiar appellation of bedfellow, which appears strange to us, was common among the ancient nobility. There is a letter from the sixth Earl of Northumberland (still preserved in the collection of the present duke), addressed “To his beloved cousin, Thomas Arundel,” &c., which begins “Bedfellow, after my most hasté recommendation.” —Steevens. This unseemly custom continued common till the middle of the last century, if not later. Cromwell obtained much of his intelligence, during the civil wars, from the mean men with whom he slept. —Malone. After the battle of Dreux, 1562, the Prince of Condé slept in the same bed with the Duke of Guise; an anecdote frequently cited, to show the magnanimity of the latter, who slept soundly, though so near his greatest enemy, then his prisoner. —Nares.

Note return to page 88 35800012[B] (B) For me,—the gold of France did not seduce;] Holinshed observes, “that Richard, Earl of Cambridge, did not conspire with the Lord Scroop and Thomas Grey, for the murdering of King Henry to please the French king, but only to the intent to exalt to the crown his brother-in-law Edmund, Earl of March, as heir to Lionel, Duke of Clarence; after the death of which Earl of March, for divers secret impediments not able to have issue, the Earl of Cambridge was sure that the crown should come to him by his wife, and to his children of her begotten; and therefore (as was thought), he rather confessed himself for need of money to be corrupted by the French king, than he would declare his inward mind, &c., which if it were espied, he saw plainly that the Earl of March should have tasted of the same cup that he had drunk, and what should have come to his own children he merely doubted, &c.” A million of gold is stated to have been given by France to the conspirators. Historians have, however, generally expressed their utter inability to explain upon what grounds the conspirators built their expectation of success; and unless they had been promised powerful assistance from France, the design seems to have been one of the most absurd and hopeless upon record. The confession of the Earl of Cambridge, and his supplication for mercy in his own hand writing, is in the British Museum.

Note return to page 89 35800013[C] (C) Touching our person, seek we no revenge;] This speech is taken from Holinshed:— “Revenge herein touching my person, though I seek not; yet for the safeguard of my dear friends, and for due preservation of all sorts, I am by office to cause example to be showed: Get ye hence, therefore, you poor miserable wretches, to the receiving of your just reward, wherein God's majesty give you grace of his mercy, and repentance of your heinous offences.”

Note return to page 90 35800014[D] (D) Cheerly to sea; the signs of war advance:] “The king went from his castle of Porchester in a small vessel to the sea, and embarking on board his ship, called The Trinity, between the ports of Southampton and Portsmouth, he immediately ordered that the sail should be set, to signify his readiness to depart.” “There were about fifteen hundred vessels, including about a hundred which were left behind. After having passed the Isle of Wight, swans were seen swimming in the midst of the fleet, which, in the opinion of all, were said to be happy auspices of the undertaking. On the next day, the king entered the mouth of the Seine, and cast anchor before a place called Kidecaus, about three miles from Harfleur, where he proposed landing.” —Nicolas's History of Agincourt. The departure of Henry's army on this occasion, and the separation between those who composed it and their relatives and friends, is thus described by Drayton, who was born in 1563, and died in 1631:— There might a man have seen in every street,   The father bidding farewell to his son; Small children kneeling at their father's feet:   The wife with her dear husband ne'er had done: Brother, his brother, with adieu to greet:   One friend to take leave of another, run; The maiden with her best belov'd to part, Gave him her hand who took away her heart. The nobler youth the common rank above,   On their curveting coursers mounted fair: One wore his mistress' garter, one her glove;   And he a lock of his dear lady's hair: And he her colours, whom he did most love;   There was not one but did some favour wear: And each one took it, on his happy speed, To make it famous by some knightly deed.

Note return to page 91 35800015[E] (E) Enter the French King, the Dauphin, the Duke of Burgundy, the Constable, and others.] Charles VI., surnamed the Well Beloved, was King of France during the most disastrous period of its history. He ascended the throne in 1380, when only thirteen years of age. In 1385 he married Isabella of Bavaria, who was equally remarkable for her beauty and her depravity. The unfortunate king was subject to fits of insanity, which lasted for several months at a time. On the 21st October, 1422, seven years after the battle of Agincourt, Charles VI. ended his unhappy life at the age of 55, having reigned 42 years. Lewis the Dauphin was the eldest son of Charles VI. He was born 22nd January, 1396, and died before his father, December 18th, 1415, in his twentieth year. History says, “Shortly after the battle of Agincourt, either for melancholy that he had for the loss, or by some sudden disease, Lewis, Dovphin of Viennois, heir apparent to the French king, departed this life without issue.” John, Duke of Burgundy, surnamed the Fearless, succeeded to the dukedom in 1403. He caused the Duke of Orleans to be assassinated in the streets of Paris, and was himself murdered August 28, 1419, on the bridge of Montereau, at an interview with the Dauphin, afterwards Charles VII. John was succeeded by his only son, who bore the title of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. The Constable, Charles D'Albret, commanded the French army at the Battle of Agincourt, and was slain on the field.

Note return to page 92 1The well-appointed king] i.e., well furnished with all the necessaries of war.

Note return to page 93 2Embark his royalty;] The place where Henry's army was encamped, at Southampton, is now entirely covered with the sea, and called Westport.

Note return to page 94 3&lblank; rivage,] The bank or shore.

Note return to page 95 4&lblank; to sternage of this navy;] The stern being the hinder part of the ship, the meaning is, let your minds follow close after the navy. Stern, however, appears to have been anciently synonymous to rudder.

Note return to page 96 5&lblank; linstock] The staff to which the match is fixed when ordnance is fired.

Note return to page 97 6Or close the wall up with our English dead!] i. e., re-enter the breach you have made, or fill it up with your own dead bodies.

Note return to page 98 7Whose blood is fet] To fet is an obsolete word meaning to fetch. That is, “whose blood is derived,” &c. The word is used by Spencer and Ben Jonson.

Note return to page 99 8&lblank; like greyhounds in the slips,] Slips are a contrivance of leather, to start two dogs at the same time.

Note return to page 100 9&lblank; whom of succour we entreated,] This phraseology was not uncommon in Shakespeare's time.

Note return to page 101 *Extracts from the Account of the Siege of Harfleur, selected from the pages of the anonymous Chronicler who was an eyewitness of the event. “Our King, who sought peace, not war, in order that he might further arm the cause in which he was engaged with the shield of justice offered peace to the besieged, if they would open the gates to him, and restore, as was their duty, freely, without compulsion, that town, the noble hereditary portion of his Crown of England, and of his Dukedom of Normandy. “But as they, despising and setting at nought this offer, strove to keep possession of, and to defend the town against him, our King summoned to fight, as it were, against his will, called upon God to witness his just cause &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; he (King Henry) gave himself no rest by day or night, until having fitted and fixed his engines and guns under the walls, he had planted them within shot of the enemy, against the front of the town, and against the walls, gates, and towers, of the same &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; so that taking aim at the place to be battered, the guns from beneath blew forth stones by the force of ignited powers, &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; and in the mean time our King, with his guns and engines, so battered the said bulwark, and the walls and towers on every side, that within a few days, by the impetuosity and fury of the stones, the same bulwark was in a great part broken down; and the walls and towers from which the enemy had sent forth their weapons, the bastions falling in ruins, were rendered defenceless; and very fine edifices, even in the middle of the city, either lay altogether in ruins, or threatened an inevitable fall; or at least were so shaken as to be exceedingly damaged. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; And although our guns had disarmed the bulwark, walls, and towers during the day, the besieged by night, with logs, faggots, and tubs on vessels full of earth, mud, and sand or stones, piled up within the shattered walls, and with other barricadoes, refortified the streets. &stellam; &stellam; The King had caused towers and wooden bulwarks to the height of the walls, and ladders and other instruments, besides those which he had brought with him for the assault.”—We are then told that the enemy contrived to set these engines on fire ‘by means of powders, and combustibles prepared on the walls.’ The History then states that “a fire broke out where the strength of the French was greater, and the French themselves were overcome with resisting, and in endeavouring to extinguish the fire, until at length by force of arms, darts, and flames, their strength was destroyed. Leaving the place therefore to our party, they fled and retreated beneath the walls for protection; most carefully blocking up the entrance with timber, stones, earth, and mud, lest our people should rush in upon them through the same passage.” “On the following day a conference was held with the Lord de Gaucort, who acted as Captain, and with the more powerful leaders, whether it was the determination of the inhabitants to surrender the town without suffering further rigour of death or war. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; On that night they entered into a treaty with the King, that if the French King, or the Dauphin, his first-born, being informed, should not raise the seige, and deliver them by force of arms within the first hour after morn on the Sunday following, they would surrender to him the town, and themselves, and their property.” “And neither at the aforesaid hour on the following Sunday, nor within the time, the French King, the Dauphin, nor any one else, coming forward to raise the siege. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; The aforesaid Lord de Gaucort came from the town into the king's presence, accompanied by those persons who before had sworn to keep the articles, and surrendering to him the keys of the Corporation, submitted themselves, together with the citizens, to his grace. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; Then the banners of St. George and the King were fixed upon the gates of the town, and the King advanced his illustrious uncle, the Lord Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Dorset (afterwards Duke of Exeter) to be keeper and captain of the town, having delivered to him the keys.” Thus, after a vigorous siege of about thirty-six days, one of the most important towns of Normandy fell into the hands of the invaders. The Chronicler in the text informs us, that the dysentery had carried off infinitely more of the English army than were slain in the siege; that about five thousand men were then so dreadfully debilitated by that disease, that they were unable to proceed, and were therefore sent to England; that three hundred men-at-arms and nine hundred archers were left to garrison Harfleur; that great numbers had cowardly deserted the King, and returned home by stealth; and that after all these deductions, not more than nine hundred lances and five thousand archers remained fit for service. Hume, in his History of England, relates that “King Henry landed near Harfleur, at the head of an army of 6,000 men-at-arms, and 24,000 foot, mostly archers. He immediately began the siege of that place, which was valiantly defended by d'Estoüleville, and under him by de Guitri, de Gaucourt, and others of the French nobility; but as the garrison was weak, and the fortifications in bad repair, the governor was at last obliged to capitulate, and he promised to surrender the place if he received no succour before the 18th of September. The day came, and there was no appearance of a French army to relieve him. Henry, taking possession of the town, placed a garrison in it, and expelled all the French inhabitants, with an intention of peopling it anew with English. The fatigues of this siege, and the unusual heat of the season, had so wasted the English army, that Henry could enter on no farther enterprise, and was obliged to think of returning to England. He had dismissed his transports, which could not anchor in an open road upon the enemy's coasts, and he lay under a necessity of marching by land to Calais before he could reach a place of safety. A numerous French army of 14,000 men at-arms, and 40,000 foot, was by this time assembled in Normandy, under the constable d'Albret, a force which, if prudently conducted, was sufficient either to trample down the English in the open field, or to harass and reduce to nothing their small army before they could finish so long and difficult a march. Henry, therefore, cautiously offered to sacrifice his conquest of Harfleur for a safe passage to Calais; but his proposal being rejected, he determined to make his way by valour and conduct through all the opposition of the enemy.”

Note return to page 102 10&lblank; are we addrest.] i. e., prepared.

Note return to page 103 1&lblank; lavoltas high] A dance in which there was much turning, and much capering.

Note return to page 104 2&lblank; swift corantos;] A corant is a sprightly dance.

Note return to page 105 3With pennons] Pennons armorial were small flags, on which the arms, deviee, and motto of a knight were painted.

Note return to page 106 4And, for achievement, offer us his ransom.] i. e., instead of fighting, he will offer to pay ransom.

Note return to page 107 5&lblank; ancient Pistol.] Ancient, a standard or flag; also the ensign bearer, or officer, now called an ensign.

Note return to page 108 6Of buxom valour,] i.e., valour under good command, obedient to its superiors. The word is used by Spencer.

Note return to page 109 7&lblank; upon the rolling restless stone,—] Fortune is described by several ancient authors in the same words.

Note return to page 110 8&lblank; with a muffler before her eyes,] A muffler was a sort of veil, or wrapper, worn by ladies in Shakespeare's time, chiefly covering the chin and throat.

Note return to page 111 9For he hath stolen a pix,] A pix, or little chest (from the Latin word pixis, a box), in which the consecrated host was used to be kept.

Note return to page 112 10Fico for thy friendship!] Fico is fig—it was a term of reproach.

Note return to page 113 11The fig of Spain!] An expression of contempt or insult, which consisted in thrusting the thumb between two of the closed fingers, or into the mouth; whence Bite the thumb. The custom is generally regarded as being originally Spanish —Nares.

Note return to page 114 12&lblank; such slanders of the age,] Cowardly braggarts were not uncommon characters with the old dramatic writers.

Note return to page 115 13&lblank; I must speak with him from the pridge.] From for about— concerning the fight that had taken place there.

Note return to page 116 14&lblank; bubukles,] A corrupt word for carbuncles, or something like them.

Note return to page 117 15&lblank; and whelks,] i. e., stripes, marks, discolorations.

Note return to page 118 16&lblank; his fire's out.] This is the last time that any sport can be made with the red face of Bardolph.

Note return to page 119 17&lblank; by my habit,] That is, by his Herald's coat. The person of a herald being inviolable, was distinguished in those times of formality by a peculiar dress, which is likewise yet worn on particular occasions.

Note return to page 120 18&lblank; admire our sufferance.] i.e., our patience, moderation.

Note return to page 121 19Without impeachment:] i.e., hindrance. Empechement, French.

Note return to page 122 20Yet, Heaven before,] In the acting edition, the name of God is changed to Heaven. This was an expression in Shakespeare's time for God being my guide.

Note return to page 123 21Though France himself,] i.e., though the King of France himself.

Note return to page 124 35800016[A] (A) Come you from the bridge?] After Henry had passed the Somme, Titus Livius asserts, that the King having been informed of a river which must be crossed, over which was a bridge, and that his progress depended in a great degree upon securing possession of it, despatched some part of his forces to defend it from any attack, or from being destroyed. They found many of the enemy ready to receive them, to whom they gave battle, and after a severe conflict, they captured the bridge, and kept it.

Note return to page 125 35800017[B] (B) Fortune is Bardolph's foe, and frowns on him; For he hath stol'n a pix, and hanged must 'a be.] It will be seen by the following extract from the anonymous Chronicler how minutely Shakespeare has adhered to history—“There was brought to the King in that plain a certain English robber, who, contrary to the laws of God and the Royal Proclamation, had stolen from a church a pix of copper gilt, found in his sleeve, which he happened to mistake for gold, in which the Lord's body was kept; and in the next village where he passed the night, by decree of the King, he was put to death on the gallows.” Titus Livius relates that Henry commanded his army to halt until the sacrilege was expiated. He first caused the pix to be restored to the Church, and the offender was then led, bound as a thief, through the army, and afterwards hung upon a tree, that every man might behold him.

Note return to page 126 35800018[C] (C) Go, bid thy master well advise himself: If we may pass, we will; if we be hinder'd, We shall your tawny ground with your red blood Discolour:] My desire is, that none of you be so unadvised, as to be the occasion that I in my defence shall colour and make red your tawny ground with the effusion of Christian blood. When he (Henry) had thus answered the Herald, he gave him a great reward, and licensed him to depart. —Holinshed.

Note return to page 127 1&lblank; stilly sounds,] i.e., gently, lowly.

Note return to page 128 2The secret whispers of each other's watch:] Holinshed says, that the distance between the two armies was but 250 paces.

Note return to page 129 3Fire answers fire;] This circumstance is also taken from Holinshed. “But at their coming into the village, fires were made by the English to give light on every side, as there likewise were in the French hoste.”

Note return to page 130 4&lblank; the other's umber'd face:] Umber'd means here discoloured by the gleam of the fires. Umber is a dark yellow earth, brought from Umbria, in Italy, which, being mixed with water, produces such a dusky yellow colour as the gleam of fire by night gives to the countenance. Shakespeare's theatrical profession probably furnished him with the epithet, as burnt umber is occasionally used by actors for colouring the face.

Note return to page 131 5&lblank; over-lusty] i.e., over-saucy.

Note return to page 132 6Do the low-rated English play at dice;] i.e., do play them away at dice. Holinshed says—“The Frenchmen, in the meanwhile, as though they had been sure of victory, made great triumph; for the captains had determined before how to divide the spoil, and the soldiers the night before had played the Englishmen at dice.

Note return to page 133 7Minding true things] To mind is the same as to call to remembrance.

Note return to page 134 1&lblank; popular] i. e., one of the people.

Note return to page 135 2&lblank; you are a better than the king.] i.e., a better man than the king.

Note return to page 136 3The king's a bawcock,] A burlesque term of endearment, supposed to be derived from beau cog.

Note return to page 137 4&lblank; an imp of fame;] An imp is a young shoot, but means a son in Shakespeare. In this sense the word has become obsolete, and is now only understood as a small or inferior devil. In Holingshed, p. 951, the last words of Lord Cromwell are preserved, who says:—“&lblank; and after him, that his son Prince Edward, that goodly imp, may long reign over you.”

Note return to page 138 5It sorts] i. e., it agrees.

Note return to page 139 6&lblank; speak lower.] Shakespeare has here, as usual, followed Holinshed: “Order was taken by commandement from the king, after the army was first set in battle array, that no noise or clamor should be made in the host.”

Note return to page 140 7&lblank; conditions:] i.e., qualities. The meaning is, that objects are represented by his senses to him, as to other men by theirs. What is danger to another is danger likewise to him; and, when he feels fear, it is like the fear of meaner mortals. —Johnson.

Note return to page 141 8&lblank; his cause being just, and his quarrel honourable.] In his address to the army, King Henry called upon them all to remember the just cause and quarrel for which they fought. —Holinshed.

Note return to page 142 9&lblank; the latter day,] i.e., the last day, the day of Judgment. Shakespeare frequently uses the comparative for the superlative.

Note return to page 143 10&lblank; their children rawly left.] i.e., left young and helpless.

Note return to page 144 11&lblank; too round:] i. e., too rough, too unceremonious.

Note return to page 145 12Rambures,] The Lord of Rambures was commander of the cross-bows in the French army at Agincourt.

Note return to page 146 13And dout them] Dout, is a word still used in Warwickshire, and signifies to do out, or extinguish.

Note return to page 147 14&lblank; a hilding foe.] Hilding, or hinderling, is a low wretch.

Note return to page 148 15Yon island carrions,] This description of the English is founded on the melancholy account given by our historians of Henry's army, immediately before the battle of Agincourt.

Note return to page 149 16Their ragged curtains poorly are let loose,] By their ragged curtains, are meant their colours.

Note return to page 150 17The king himself is rode to view their battle.] The king is reported to have dismounted before the battle commenced, and to have fought on foot.

Note return to page 151 18&lblank; on the vigil feast his friends,] i. e., the evening before the festival.

Note return to page 152 19&lblank; with advantages,] Old men, notwithstanding the natural forgetfulness of age, shall remember their feats of this day, and remember to tell them with advantage. Age is commonly boastful, and inclined to magnify past acts and past times. —Johnson.

Note return to page 153 20From this day to the ending] It may be observed that we are apt to promise to ourselves a more lasting memory than the changing state of human things admits. This prediction is not verified; the feast of Crispin passes by without any mention of Agincourt. Late events obliterate the former: the civil wars have left in this nation scarcely any tradition of more ancient history. —Johnson.

Note return to page 154 21&lblank; gentle his condition:] This day shall advance him to the rank of a gentleman. King Henry V. inhibited any person but such as had a right by inheritance, or grant, to assume coats of arms, except those who fought with him at the battle of Agincourt; and, I think, these last were allowed the chief seats of honour at all feasts and publick meetings. —Tollet.

Note return to page 155 22&lblank; bravely in their battles set.] Bravely, for gallantly.

Note return to page 156 23Bid them achieve me,] i. e., gain, or obtain me.

Note return to page 157 24&lblank; warriors for the working-day:] We are soldiers but coarsely dressed; we have not on our holiday apparel.

Note return to page 158 25&lblank; our guilt] i.e., golden show, superficial gilding. The word is obsolete.

Note return to page 159 26O perdurable shame!] Perdurable is lasting.

Note return to page 160 27Or void the field;] i. e., avoid, withdraw from the field.

Note return to page 161 28&lblank; raught me his hand,] Raught is the old preterite of the verb to reach.

Note return to page 162 29&lblank; Monmouth caps;] Monmouth caps were formerly much worn, and Fuller, in his “Worthies of Wales,” says the best caps were formerly made at Monmouth.

Note return to page 163 30&lblank; great sort,] High rank.

Note return to page 164 31&lblank; quite from the answer of his degree.] A man of such station as is not bound to hazard his person to answer to a challenge from one of the soldier's low degree.

Note return to page 165 32Five hundred were but yesterday dubb'd knights:] In ancient times, the distribution of this honor appears to have been customary on the eve of a battle.

Note return to page 166 33Sixteen hundred mercenaries;] i.e., common soldiers, hired soldiers.

Note return to page 167 35800019[A] (A) The English Camp at Agincourt.] The French were about a quarter of a mile from them at Agincourt and Ruisseauville, and both armies proceeded to light their fires, and to make the usual arrangements for a bivouack. The night was very rainy, and much inconvenience is said to have been experienced in each camp from wet and cold, accompanied, among the English, by hunger and fatigue. It was passed in a manner strictly consistent with their relative situations. The French, confident in their numbers, occupied the hours not appropriated to sleep in calculating upon their success; and in full security of a complete victory, played at dice with each other for the disposal of their prisoners, an archer being valued at a blank, and the more important persons in proportion; whilst the English were engaged in preparing their weapons, and in the most solemn acts of religion. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; The Chronicler in the text states, that from the great stillness which prevailed throughout the English camp, the enemy imagined they were panic-struck, and intended to decamp. Monstrelet relates that the English “were much fatigued and oppressed by cold, hunger, and other annoyances; that they made their peace with God, by confessing their sins with tears, and numbers of them taking the sacrament; for, as it was related by some prisoners, they looked for certain death on the morrow.”

Note return to page 168 35800020[B] (B) Enter Erpingham.] Sir Thomas Erphingham came over with Bolingbroke from Bretagne, and was one of the commissioners to receive King Richard's abdication. In Henry the Fifth's time Sir Thomas was warden of Dover Castle, and at the battle of Agincourt, was commander of the Archers. This venerable knight is described by Monstrelet to have grown grey with age and honour; and when orders were given for the English army to march toward the enemy, by Henry crying aloud, “Advance banners,” Sir Thomas threw his truncheon in the air as a signal to the whole field, exclaiming, “Now strike;” and loud and repeated shouts testified the readiness with which they obeyed the command.

Note return to page 169 35800021[C] (C) I Richard's body have interred new;] Henry was anxious not only to repair his own misconduct, but also to make amends for those iniquities into which policy or the necessity of affairs had betrayed his father. He expressed the deepest sorrow for the fate of the unhappy Richard, did justice to the memory of that unfortunate prince, even performed his funeral obsequies with pomp and solemnity, and cherished all those who had distinguished themselves by their loyalty and attachment towards him. —Hume's History of England.

Note return to page 170 35800022[D] (D) Enter Orleans.] Charles Duke of Orleans was wounded and taken prisoner at Agincourt. Henry refused all ransom for him, and he remained in captivity twenty-three years. This prince was a celebrated poet, and some of his most beautiful verses were composed during his confinement in the Tower of London. He married Isabella of Valois, daughter of Charles VI. and Isabeau of Bavaria, eldest sister to the Princess Katharine, Queen of Henry V. Isabella was the widow of our Richard the Second when she married the Duke of Orleans. After the victory of Agincourt, the following anecdote is related by Remy:—“During their journey to Calais, at a place where they rested, Henry caused bread and wine to be brought to him, which he sent to the Duke of Orleans; but the French Prince would neither eat nor drink. This being reported to the King, he imagined that it arose from dissatisfaction, and, therefore, went to the duke. ‘Noble cousin,’ said Henry, ‘how are you?’ ‘Well, my lord,’ answered the duke. ‘Why, then, is it,’ added the King, ‘that you will neither eat nor drink?’ To which Orleans replied, ‘that truly he had no inclination for food.’ ‘Noble cousin,’ rejoined Henry, ‘be of good heart. I know that God gave me the victory over the French, not that I deserved it, but I fully believe that he wished to punish them; and if what I have heard is true, it is not to be wondered at, for never were there greater disorder, sensuality, sins, and vices seen than now prevail in France; which it is horrible to hear described; and if God is provoked, it is not a subject of surprise, and no one can be astonished.’ Many more conversations are said to have passed between the King and the Duke of Orleans, and the commisseration and courtesy of the former to his prisoners is mentioned by every writer in terms of just praise.”

Note return to page 171 35800023[E] (E) The English army, drawn up for battle;] The victory gained at Agincourt, in the year 1415, is, in a great measure, ascribed to the English Archers, and that there might be no want of arrows, Henry V. ordered the sheriffs of several counties to procure feathers from the wings of geese, plucking six from each goose. An archer of this time was clad in a cuirass, or a hauberk of chain-mail, with a salade on his head, which was a kind of bacinet. Every man had a good bow, a sheaf of arrows, and a sword. Fabian describes the archer's dress at the battle of Agincourt. “The yeomen had their limbs at liberty, for their hose was fastened with one point, and their jackets were easy to shoot in, so that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows a yard long.” Some are described as without hats or caps, others with caps of boiled leather, or wicker work, crossed over with iron; some without shoes, and all in a very dilapidated condition. Each bore on his shoulder a long stake, sharpened at both extremities, which he was instructed to fix obliquely before him in the ground, and thus oppose a rampart of pikes to the charge of the French Cavalry.

Note return to page 172 35800024[F] (F) O that we now had here But one ten thousand of those men in England That do no work to day!] A certain lord, Walter Hungerford, knight, was regretting in the king's presence that he had not, in addition to the small retinue which he had there, ten thousand of the best English Archers, who would be desirous of being with him; when the King said, Thou speaketh foolishly, for, by the God of Heaven, on whose grace I have relied, and in whom I have a firm hope of victory, I would not, even if I could, increase my number by one; for those whom I have are the people of God, whom He thinks me worthy to have at this time. Dost thou not believe the Almighty, with these his humble few, is able to conquer the haughty opposition of the French, who pride themselves on their numbers, and their own strength, as if it might be said they would do as they liked? And in my opinion, God, of his true justice, would not bring any disaster upon one of so great confidence, as neither fell out to Judas Maccabeus until he became distrustful, and thence deservedly fell into ruin. —Nicolas's History of Agincourt.

Note return to page 173 35800025[G] (G) Enter King Henry, attended.] Henry rose with the earliest dawn, and immediately heard three masses. He was habited in his “cote d'armes,” containing the arms of France and England quarterly, and wore on his bacinet a very rich crown of gold and jewels, circled like an imperial crown, that is, arched over. The earliest instance of an arched crown worn by an English monarch. —Vide Planche's History of British Costume. King Henry had at Agincourt for his person five banners; that is, the banner of the Trinity, the banner of St. George, the banner of St. Edward, the banner of St. Edmund, and the banner of his own arms. “When the King of England had drawn up his order of battle he made a fine address to his troops, exhorting them to act well; saying, that he was come into France to recover his lawful inheritance, and that he had good and just cause to claim it; that in that quarrel they might freely and surely fight; that they should remember that they were born in the kingdom where their fathers and mothers, wives and children, now dwelt, and therefore they ought to strive to return there with great glory and fame; that the kings of England, his predecessors, had gained many noble battles and successes over the French; that on that day every one should endeavour to preserve his own person and the honor of the crown of the King of England. He moreover reminded them that the French boasted they would cut off three fingers from the right hand of every archer they should take, so that their shot should never again kill man nor horse. The army cried out loudly, saying, ‘Sir, we pray God give you a good life, and the victory over your enemies.’” —Nicolas's History of Agincourt. The banner of the Oriflamme is said to have been unfurled by the French for the last time at Agincourt.

Note return to page 174 35800026[H] (H) The feast of Crispian. ] The battle of Agincourt was fought upon the 25th of October, 1415, St. Crispin's day. The legend upon which this is founded, is as follows:—“Crispinus and Crispianus were brethren, born at Rome; from whence they travelled to Soissons in France, about the year 303, to propagate the Christian religion; but because they would not be chargeable to others for their maintenance, they exercised the trade of shoemakers; but the Governor of the town, discovering them to be Christians, ordered them to be beheaded about the year 303. From which time, the shoemakers made choice of them for their tutelar saints.” —See Hall's Chronicle.

Note return to page 175 35800027[I] (I) Bedford and Exeter, Warwick and Talbot, Salisbury and Gloster.] Although Shakespeare has adhered very closely to history in many parts of Henry V., he has deviated very much from it in the Dramatis Personæ. He makes the Duke of Bedford accompany Henry to Harfleur and Agincourt when he was Regent of England. The Earl of Exeter, or, more properly speaking, the Earl of Dorset, was left to command Harfleur; the Earl of Westmoreland, so far from quitting England, was appointed to defend the marches of Scotland, nor does it appear that the Earl of Salisbury was either at Harfleur or Agincourt. The Earl of Warwick* [Subnote: *Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. He did not obtain that title till 1417, two years after the era of this play.] had returned to England ill from Harfleur. The characters introduced in the play who really were at Agincourt, are the Dukes of Gloucester and York, and Sir Thomas Erpinghham. Holinshed states that the English army consisted of 15,000, and the French of 60,000 horse and 40,000 infantry—in all, 100,000. Walsingham and Harding represent the English as but 9,000, and other authors say that the number of French amounted to 150,000. Fabian says the French were 40,000, and the English only 7,000. The battle lasted only three hours.

Note return to page 176 35800028[K] (K) How thou pleasest, Heaven, dispose the day.] At the battle of Agincourt, having chosen a convenient spot on which to martial his men, the king sent privately two hundred archers into a low meadow, which was on one of his flanks, where they were so well secured by a deep ditch and a marsh, that the enemy could not come near them. Then he divided his infantry into three squadrons, or battles; the van-warde, or avant-guard, composed entirely of archers; the middle-warde, of bill-men only; and the rerewarde, of bill-men and archers mixed together; the horse-men, as wings, went on the flanks of each of the battles. He also caused stakes to be made of wood about five or six feet long, headed with sharp iron; these were fixed in the ground, and the archers so placed before them that they were entirely hid from the sight of the enemy. When, therefore, the heavy cavalry of the French charged, which was done with the utmost impetuosity, under the idea of cutting down and riding over the archers, they shrunk at once behind the stakes, and the Frenchmen, unable to stop their horses, rode full upon them, so that they overthrew their riders, and caused the utmost confusion. The infantry, who were to follow up and support this charge, were so struck with amazement that they hesitated, and by this were lost, for during the panic the English archers threw back their bows, and with axes, bills, glaives, and swords, slew the French, till they met the middle-warde. The king himself, according to Speed, rode in the main battle completely armed, his shield quartering the achievements of France and England; upon his helm he wore a coronet encircled with pearls and precious stones, and after the victory, although it had been cut and bruised, he would not suffer it to be ostentatiously exhibited to the people, but ordered all his men to give the glory to God alone. His horse was one of fierce courage, and had a bridle and furniture of goldsmiths' work, and the caparisons were most richly embroidered with the victorious ensigns of the English monarchy. Thus is he represented on his great seal, with the substitution of a knights' cap, and the crest, for the chaplet. Elmham's account, from which this is amplified, is more particular in some of the details; he relates, that the king appeared on a palfrey, followed by a train of led horses, ornamented with the most gorgeous trappings; his helmet was of polished steel, surmounted with a coronet sparkling with jewels, and on his surcoat, or rather jupon, were emblazoned the arms of France and England, azure, three fleurs-de-lis or, and gules, three lion's passant guardant or. The nobles, in like manner, were decorated with their proper armorial bearings. Before him was borne the royal standard, which was ornamented with gold and splendid colours. An account of the memorable battle of Azincourt, or Agincourt, fought on the 25th of October, 1415, is thus related by Mr. Turner:—“At dawn the King of England had matins and the mass chaunted in his army. He stationed all the horses and baggage in the village, under such small guard as he could spare, having resolved to fight the battle on foot. He sagaciously perceived that his only chance of victory rested in the superiority of the personal fortitude and activity of his countrymen, and to bring them face to face, and arm to arm, with their opponents, was the simple object of his tactical dispositions. He formed his troops into three divisions, with two wings. The centre, in which he stationed himself, he planted to act against the main body of the French, and he placed the right and left divisions, with their wings, at a small distance only from himself. He so chose his ground that the village protected his rear, and hedges and briars defended his flanks. Determined to shun no danger, but to be a conspicuous example to his troops on a day when no individual exertions could be spared, he put on a neat and shining armour, with a large and brilliant helmet, and on this he placed a crown, radiant with its jewels, and he put over him a tunic adorned with the arms of France and England. He mounted his horse, and proceeded to address his troops. The French were commanded by the Constable of France, and with him were the Dukes of Orleans, Burgundy, Berry, and Alençon, the Marshal and Admiral of France, and a great assemblage of French nobility. Their force was divided into three great battalions, and continued formed till ten o'clock, not advancing to the attack. They were so numerous as to be able to draw up thirty deep, the English but four. A thousand speared horsemen skirmished from each of the horns of the enemy's line, and it appeared crowded with balistae for the projection of stones of all sizes on Henry's little army. Henry sent a part of his force behind the village of Agincourt, where the French had placed no men at arms. He moved from the rear of his army, unperceived, two hundred archers, to hide themselves in a meadow on the flank of the French advanced line. An old and experienced knight, Sir Thomas Erpingham, formed the rest into battle array for an attack, putting the archers in front, and the men at arms behind. The archers had each a sharp stake pointed at both ends, to use against the French horse. Sir Thomas having completed his formation, threw up his truncheon in the air, and dismounted. The English began the attack, which the French had awaited, not choosing to give the advantage as at Poictiers; but when they saw them advance, they put themselves in motion, and their cavalry charged; these were destroyed by the English archers. The French, frightened by the effect of the arrows, bent their heads to prevent them from entering the vizors of their helmets, and, pressing forward, became so wedged together as to be unable to strike. The archers threw back their bows, and, grasping their swords, battle-axes, and other weapons, cut their way to the second line. At this period the ambushed archers rushed out, and poured their impetuous and irresistable arrows into the centre of the assailed force, which fell in like manner with the first line. In short, every part successively gave way, and the English had only to kill and take prisoners.”

Note return to page 177 35800029[L] (L) The Duke of York commanded the van guard of the English army, and was slain in the battle. This personage is the same who appears in Shakespeare's play of King Richard the Second by the title of Duke of Aumerle. His christian name was Edward. He was the eldest son of Edmund Langley, Duke of York, who is introduced in the same play, and who was the fifth son of King Edward III. Richard, Earl of Cambridge, who appears in the second act of this play, was younger brother to this Edward, Duke of York.

Note return to page 178 35800030[M] (M) Ride thou unto the horsemen on yon hill:] After the battle, “there were small bodies of the French on different parts of the plain, but they were soon routed, slain, or taken.”

Note return to page 179 35800031[N] (N) Enter Montjoy.] He (the king) asked Montjoye to whom the victory belonged, to him or to the King of France? Montjoye replied that the victory was his, and could not be claimed by the King of France. The king said to the French and English heralds, “It is not we who have made this great slaughter, but the omnipotent God, as we believe, for a punishment of the sins of the French. The king then asked the name of the castle he saw near him. He was told it was Agincourt. Well, then, said he, since all battles should bear the name of the fortress nearest to the spot where they were fought, this battle shall from henceforth bear the ever durable name of Agincourt.” —Nicolas's History of Agincourt.

Note return to page 180 35800032[O] (O) When Alençon and myself were down together.] During the battle, the Duke of Alençon most valiantly broke through the English line, and advanced, fighting, near to the king, insomuch that he wounded and struck down the Duke of York. King Henry, seeing this, stepped forth to his aid, and as he was leaning down to raise him, the Duke of Alençon gave him a blow on the helmet that struck off part of his crown. The king's guard on this surrounded him, when, seeing he could no way escape death but by surrendering, he lifted up his arm, and said to the king, “I am the Duke of Alençon, and yield myself to you;” but as the king was holding out his hand to receive his pledge, he was put to death by the guards. —Nicolas's History of Agincourt.

Note return to page 181 35800033[P] (P) Enter Warwick and Gloster.] The noble Duke of Gloucester, the king's brother, pushing himself too vigorously on his horse into the conflict, was grievously wounded, and cast down to the earth by the blows of the French, for whose protection the king being interested, he bravely leapt against his enemies in defence of his brother, defended him with his own body, and plucked and guarded him from the raging malice of the enemy's, sustaining perils of war scarcely possible to be borne. —Nicolas's History of Agincourt.

Note return to page 182 35800034[Q] (Q) Here was a royal fellowship of death!—] There is not much difficulty in forming a correct estimate of the numbers of the French slain at Agincourt, for if those writers who only state that from three to five thousand were killed, merely meant the men-at-arms and persons of superior rank, and which is exceedingly probable, we may at once adopt the calculation of Monstrelet, Elmham, &c., and estimate the whole loss on the field at from ten to eleven thousand men. It is worthy of remark how very nearly the different statements on the subject approach to each other, and which can only be explained by the fact that the dead had been carefully numbered. ]Among the most illustrious persons slain were the Dukes of Brabant, Barré, and Alençon, five counts, and a still greater proportion of distinguished knights; and the Dukes of Orleans, the Count of Vendôsme, who was taken by Sir John Cornwall, the Marshall Bouciqualt, and numerous other individuals of distinction, whose names are minutely recorded by Monstrelet, were made prisoners. The loss of the English army has been variously estimated. The discrepancies respecting the number slain on the part of the victors, form a striking contrast to the accuracy of the account of the loss of their enemies. The English writers vary in their statements from seventeen to one hundred, whilst the French chroniclers assert that from three hundred to sixteen hundred individuals fell on that occasion. St. Remy and Monstrelet assert that sixteen hundred were slain. —Nicolas's History of Agincourt.

Note return to page 183 35800035[R] (R) Do we all holy rites:] Holinshed says, that when the king saw no appearance of enemies, he caused the retreat to be blown, and gathering his army together, gave thanks to Almighty God for so happy a victory, causing his prelates and chaplains to sing this psalm—In exitu Israel de Egypto; and commanding every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse—Non nobis domine, non nobis, seel nomini tuo da gloriam: which, done, he caused Te Deum and certain anthems to be sung, giving laud and praise to God, and not boasting of his own force, or any human power.

Note return to page 184 1&lblank; a mighty whiffler] An officer who walks first in processions, or before persons in high stations, on occasions of ceremony. The name is still retained in London, and there is an officer so called that walks before their companies at times of publick solemnity. It seems a corruption from the French word huissier. —Hanmer.

Note return to page 185 *Extracts of King Henry's reception into London from the anonymous Chronicler, who was an eye-witness of the events he describes:— “And when the wished-for Saturday dawned, the citizens went forth to meet the king. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; viz., the Mayor† [Subnote: †The Lord Mayor of London, A.D. 1415, was Nicholas Wotton] and Aldermen in scarlet, and the rest of the inferior citizens in red suits, with party-coloured hoods, red and white. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; When they had come to the Tower at the approach to the bridge, as it were at the entrance to the authorities to the city. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; Banners of the Royal arms adorned the Tower, elevated on its turrets; and trumpets, clarions, and horns, sounded in various melody; and in front there was this elegant and suitable inscription upon the wall, ‘Civitas Regis justicie’—(‘The city to the King's righteousness.’) &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; And behind the Tower were innumerable boys, representing angels, arrayed in white, and with countenances shining with gold, and glittering wings, and virgin locks set with precious sprigs of laurel, who, at the King's approach, sang with melodious voices, and with organs, an English anthem. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; “A company of Prophets, of venerable hoariness, dressed in golden coats and mantles, with their heads covered and wrapped in gold and crimson, sang with sweet harmony, bowing to the ground, a psalm of thanksgiving. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; “Beneath the covering were the twelve kings, martyrs and confessors of the succession of England, their loins girded with golden girdles, sceptres in their hands, and crowns on their heads, who chaunted with one accord at the King's approach in a sweet tune. &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; “And they sent forth upon him round leaves of silver mixed with wafers, equally thin and round. And there proceeded out to meet the King a chorus of most beautiful virgin girls, elegantly attired in white, singing with timbrol and dance; and then innumerable boys, as it were an angelic multitude, decked with celestial gracefulness, white apparel, shining feathers, virgin locks, studded with gems and other resplendent and most elegant array, who sent forth upon the head of the King passing beneath minæ of gold, with bows of laurel; round about angels shone with celestial gracefulness, chaunting sweetly, and with all sorts of music. “And besides the pressure in the standing places, and of men crowding through the streets, and the multitude of both sexes along the way from the bridge, from one end to the other, that scarcely the horsemen could ride through them. A greater assembly, or a nobler spectacle, was not recollected to have been ever before in London.”

Note return to page 186 1To have me fold up, &c.] Dost thou desire to have me put thee to death.

Note return to page 187 2&lblank; a squire of low degree.] That is, I will bring thee to the ground.

Note return to page 188 3&lblank; astonished him.] That is, you have stunned him with the blow.

Note return to page 189 4&lblank; gleeking] i. e., scoffing, sneering. Gleek was a game at cards.

Note return to page 190 5&lblank; English condition.] Condition is temper, disposition of mind.

Note return to page 191 6Doth fortune play the huswife] That is, the jilt.

Note return to page 192 7The dresses of Queen Isabella, her ladies, and the Princess Katharine, are taken from Montfaucon Monarchie Françoise.

Note return to page 193 8&lblank; wherefore we are met!] i. e., Peace, for which we are here met, be to this meeting.

Note return to page 194 9The fatal balls of murdering basilisks:] It was anciently supposed that this serpent could destroy the object of its vengeance by merely looking at it.

Note return to page 195 10&lblank; we will, suddenly, Pass our accept, and peremptory answer.] i. e., answer shall be such as to leave no room for further questioning in the matter. “We will peremptorily make answer.”

Note return to page 196 11&lblank; look greenly,] i. e., like a young lover, awkwardly.

Note return to page 197 12&lblank; take a fellow of plain and uncoined constancy;] Untwined constancy signifies real and true constancy, unrefined and unadorned.

Note return to page 198 13&lblank; a good leg will fall,] i. e., shrink—fall away.

Note return to page 199 14&lblank; shall go to Constantinople] Shakespeare has here committed an anachronism. The Turks were not possessed of Constantinople before the year 1453, when Henry the Fifth had been dead thirty-one years.

Note return to page 200 15&lblank; my condition is not smooth;] i.e., manners, appearance.

Note return to page 201 35800036[A] (A) Enter King Henry,] At this interview, which is described as taking place in the Church of Notre Dame, at Troyes, King Henry was attired in his armour, and accompanied by sixteen hundred warriors. Henry is related to have placed a ring of “inestimable value” on the finger of Katharine, “supposed to be the same worn by our English queen-consorts at their coronation,” at the moment when he received the promise of the princess.

Note return to page 202 35800037[B] (B) The Princess Katharine,] Katharine of Valois was the youngest child of Charles VI., King of France, and his Queen, Isabella of Bavaria. She was born in Paris, October 27th, 1401. Monstrelet relates, that on Trinity Sunday, June 3rd, the King of England wedded the lady Katharine in the church at Troyes, and that great pomp and magnificence were displayed by him and his princess, as if he had been king of the whole world. Katharine was crowned Queen of England February 24, 1421; and shortly after the death of her heroic husband, which event took place August 31st, 1422, the queen married a Welch gentleman of the name of Owen Tudor, by whom she had three sons and one daughter. The eldest son, Edmund, married Margaret Beaufort, the heiress of the house of Somerset. His half-brother, Henry VI., created him Earl of Richmond. He died before he reached twenty years of age, leaving an infant son, afterwards Henry VII., the first king of the Tudor line. Katharine died January 3rd, 1437, in the thirty-sixth year of her age, and was buried at Westminster Abbey.

Note return to page 203 35800038[C] (C) &lblank; may our oaths well kept and prosp'rous be;] The principal articles of the treaty were, that Henry should espouse the Princess Catherine: That King Charles, during his life time, should enjoy the title and dignity of King of France: That Henry should be declared and acknowledged heir of the monarchy, and be entrusted with the present administration of the government: That that kingdom should pass to his heirs general: That France and England should for ever be united under one king; but should still retain their several usages, customs, and privileges: That all the princes, peers, vassals, and communities of France, should swear, that they would both adhere to the future succession of Henry, and pay him present obedience as regent: That this prince should unite his arms to those of King Charles and the Duke of Burgundy, in order to subdue the adherents of Charles, the pretended dauphin; and that these three princes should make no peace or truce with him but by common consent and agreement. Such was the tenour of this famous treaty; a treaty which, as nothing but the most violent animosity could dictate it, so nothing but the power of the sword could carry it into execution. It is hard to say whether its consequences, had it taken effect, would have proved more pernicious to England or France. It must have reduced the former kingdom to the rank of a province: It would have entirely disjointed the succession of the latter, and have brought on the destruction of the royal family; as the houses of Orleans, Anjou, Alençon, Britanny, Bourbon, and of Burgundy itself, whose titles were preferable to that of the English princes, would, on that account, have been exposed to perpetual jealousy and persecution from the sovereign. There was even a palpable deficiency in Henry's claim, which no art could palliate. For, besides the insuperable objections to which Edward the Third's pretensions were exposed, lie was not heir to that monarch: If female succession were admitted, the right had devolved on the house of Mortimer: Allowing that Richard the Second was a tyrant, and that Henry the Fourth's merits in deposing him were so great towards the English, as to justify that nation in placing him on the throne, Richard had nowise offended France, and his rival had merited nothing of that kingdom: It could not possibly be pretended that the crown of France was become an appendage to that of England; and that a prince who by any means got possession of the latter, was, without farther question, entitled to the former. So that, on the whole, it must be allowed that Henry's claim to France was, if possible, still more unintelligible than the title by which his father had mounted the throne of England. —Hume's History of England.

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