Note return to page 1 1Julius Cæsar.] It appears from Peck's Collection of divers curious Historical Pieces, &c. (appended to his Memoirs, &c. of Oliver Cromwell,) p. 14, that a Latin play on this subject had been written. “Epilogus Cæsaris interfecti, quomodo in scenam prodiit ea res, acta in Ecclesia Christi, Oxon. Qui Epilogus a magistro Ricardo Eedes et scriptus et in proscenio ibidem dictus fuit, A. D. 1582.” Meres, whose Wit's Commonwealth was published in 1598, enumerates Dr. Eedes among the best tragic writers of that time. Steevens. William Alexander, afterwards earl of Sterline, wrote a tragedy on the story and with the title of Julius Cæsar. It may be presumed that Shakespeare's play was posterior to his; for lord Sterline, when he composed his Julius Cæsar was a very young author, and would hardly have ventured into that circle, within which the most eminent dramatic writer of England had already walked. The death of Cæsar, which is not exhibited but related to the audience, forms the catastrophe of his piece. In the two plays many parallel passages are found, which might, perhaps, have proceeded only from the two authors drawing from the same source. However, there are some reasons for thinking the coincidence more than accidental. Mr. Steevens has produced from Darius, another play of this writer's, some lines so like a celebrated passage of Shakespeare in the Tempest, act III. that the one must, I apprehend, have been copied from the other. Lord Sterline's Darius was printed at Edinburgh in 1603, and his Julius Cæsar in 1607, at a time when he was but little acquainted with English writers; for they abound with Scoticisms, which, in the subsequent folio edition, 1637, he corrected. But neither the Tempest, nor the Julius Cæsar of our author, was printed till 1623. It must be also remembered, that our author has several plays, founded on subjects which had been unsuccessfully treated by others. Of this kind are King John, King Henry V. King Lear, Measure for Measure, the Taming of the Shrew, Antony and Cleopatra, the Merchant of Venice, and perhaps Macbeth* [Footnote: 1Kb]

Note return to page 2 *See Dr. Farmer's note at the end of Macbeth.

Note return to page 3 2Murellus.] I have, upon the authority of Plutarch, &c. given to this tribune, his right name Marullus. Theobald.

Note return to page 4 3Mar. What mean'st thou by that?] As the Cobler, in the preceding speech, replies to Flavius, not to Marullus; 'tis plain, I think, this speech must be given to Flavius. Theobald. I have replaced Marullus, who might properly enough reply to a saucy sentence directed to his colleague, and to whom the speech was probably given, that he might not stand too long unemployed upon the stage. Johnson.

Note return to page 5 4I meddle with no tradesman's matters, nor woman's matters, but with all.] This should be, “I meddle with no trade,—man's matters, nor woman's matters, but with awl.” Farmer.

Note return to page 6 5&lblank; his banks,] The old copy reads—her banks. As Tyber is always represented by the figure of a man, the feminine gender is improper. Milton says, that “&lblank; the river of bliss “Rolls o'er Elysian flowers her amber stream; but he is speaking of the water, and not of its presiding power or genius. Steevens.

Note return to page 7 6See, whe'r] Whether, thus abbreviated, is used by Ben Jonson. Steevens.

Note return to page 8 7&lblank; deck'd with ceremonies.] Ceremonies, for religious ornaments. Thus afterwards he explains them by Cæsar's trophies; i. e. such as he had dedicated to the gods. Warburton. Cæsar's trophies, are, I believe, the crowns which were placed on his statues. So, in sir Tho. North's translation. “&lblank; There were set up images of Cæsar in the city with diadems on their heads like kings. Those the two tribunes went and pulled down.” Steevens.

Note return to page 9 8This person was not Decius, but Decimus Brutus. The poet (as Voltaire has done since) confounds the characters of Marcus and Decimus. Decimus Brutus was the most cherished by Cæsar of all his friends, while Marcus kept aloof, and declined so large a share of his favours and honours, as the other had constantly accepted. Velleius Paterculus, speaking of Decimus Brutus, says, —“ab iis quos miserat Antonius, jugulatus est, justissimasque optimè de se merito, C. Cæsari pœnas dedit, cujus cum primus omnium amicorum fuisset, intersector fuit, et fortunæ ex qua fructum tulerat, invidiam in auctorem relegabat, censebatque æquum quæ acceperat a Cæsare retinere, Cæsarem qui illa dederat periisse.” Lib. ii. c. 64. “Jungitur his Decimus, notissimus inter amicos “Cæsaris, ingratus, cui trans-Alpina fuisset “Gallia Cæsareo nuper commissa favore. “Non illum conjuncta fides, non nomen amici “Deterrere potest.” “Ante alios Decimus, cui fallere, nomen amici “Præcipue dederat, ductorem sæpe morantem “Incitat.—Supplem. Lucani.” Steevens. Shakespeare's mistake of Decius for Decimus, arose from the old translation of Plutarch. Farmer. Lord Sterline has committed the same mistake in his Julius Cæsar. Malone.

Note return to page 10 9&lblank; in Antonius' way.] The old copy generally reads Antonio, Octavio, Flavio. The players were more accustomed to Italian than Roman terminations, on account of the many versions from Italian novels, and the many Italian characters in dramatic pieces formed on the same originals. Steevens.

Note return to page 11 1Sennet.] I have here inserted the word Sennet, from the original edition, that I may have an opportunity of retracting a hasty conjecture in one of the marginal directions in Henry VIII. Sennet appears to be a particular tune or mode of martial musick. Johnson. I have been informed that sennet is derived from sennesie, an antiquated French tune formerly used in the army; but the Dictionaries which I have consulted exhibit no such word. In Decker's Satiromastix, 1602: “Trumpets sound a flourish, and then a sennet.” In the Dumb Show preceding the first part of Hieronimo, 1605, is “Sound a signate and pass over the stage.” In Antonio's Revenge, 1602: “Cornets sound a cynet.” In Look about You, 1600: “Enter a sinet.” In a play called Alarum for London, &c. 1602: “A signet sounded.” In B. and Fletcher's Knight of Malta, a synnet is called a flourish of trumpets, but I know not on what authority. See a note on K. Henry VIII. act II. sc. iv. Sennet may be a corruption from sonata, Ital. Steevens.

Note return to page 12 2&lblank; strange a hand] Strange, is alien, unfamiliar, such as might become a stranger. Johnson.

Note return to page 13 3&lblank; passions of some difference,] With a fluctuation of discordant opinions and desires. Johnson. So, in Coriolanus, act V. sc. iii: “&lblank; thou hast set thy mercy and thy honour “At difference in thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 14 4The eye sees not itself.] So, sir John Davies in his poem on The Immortality of the Soul: Is it because the mind is like the eye,   Through which it gathers knowledge by degrees; Whose rays reflect not, but spread outwardly;   Not seeing itself, when other things it sees? Again, in Marston's comedy of the Fawne, 1606: “Thus few strike sail until they run on shelf; “The eye sees all things but its proper self.” Steevens.

Note return to page 15 5To stale with ordinary oaths my love, &c.] To invite every new protester to my affection by the stale or allurement of customary oaths. Johnson.

Note return to page 16 6And I will look on both indifferently;] Dr. Warburton has a long note on this occasion, which is very trifling. When Brutus first names honour and death, he calmly declares them indifferent; but as the image kindles in his mind, he sets honour above life. Is not this natural? Johnson.

Note return to page 17 7But ere we could arrive the point propos'd,] The verb arrive is used, without the preposition at, by Milton in the second book of Paradise Lost, as well as by Shakespeare in the Third Part of K. Henry VI. act V. sc. iii: “&lblank; those powers that the queen “Hath rais'd in Gallia, have arriv'd our coast.” Steevens.

Note return to page 18 8His coward lips did from their colour fly;] A plain man would have said, the colour fled from his lips, and not his lips from their colour. But the false expression was for the sake of as false a piece of wit: a poor quibble, alluding to a coward flying from his colours. Warburton.

Note return to page 19 9&lblank; get the start of the majestick world, &c.] This image is extremely noble: it is taken from the Olympic games. The majestick world is a fine periphrasis for the Roman empire: their citizens set themselves on a footing with kings, and they called their dominion Orbis Romanus. But the particular allusion seems to be to the known story of Cæsar's great pattern Alexander, who being asked, Whether he would run the course at the Olympic games, replied, Yes, if the racers were Kings. Warburton.

Note return to page 20 1Sound them, it doth become the mouth as well.] A similar thought occurs in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1614: “What diapason's more in Tarquin's name “Than in a subject's? or what's Tullia “More in the sound, than should become the name “Of a poor maid?” Steevens.

Note return to page 21 2That her wide walls] The old copy reads walks, which may be right. Steevens.

Note return to page 22 3There was a Brutus once, i. e. Lucius Junius Brutus. Steevens.

Note return to page 23 4&lblank; eternal devil &lblank;] I should think that our author wrote rather, infernal devil. Johnson. I would continue to read eternal devil. L. J. Brutus (says Cassius) would as soon have submitted to the perpetual dominion of a dæmon, as to the lasting government of a king. Steevens.

Note return to page 24 5&lblank; chew upon this;] Consider this at leisure; ruminate on this. Johnson.

Note return to page 25 6Under such hard &lblank;] The old copy reads, these hard &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 26 7&lblank; ferret &lblank;] A ferret has red eyes. Johnson.

Note return to page 27 8Sleek-headed men, &c.] “So, in sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch, 1579. “When Cæsar's friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief towards him; he answered, as for those fat men and smooth-combed heads, (quoth he) I never reckon of them: but those pale-visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius.” And again: “Cæsar had Cassius in great jealousy, and suspected him much; whereupon he said on a time, to his friends, what will Cassius do, think you? I like not his pale looks.” Steevens.

Note return to page 28 9'Would he were fatter: &lblank;] Jonson in his Bartholomew-fair, 1614, unjustly sneers at this passage, in Knockham's speech to the Pig-woman. “Come, there's no malice in fat folks; I never fear thee, an I can 'scape thy lean moon-calf there.” Warburton.

Note return to page 29 1&lblank; one of these coronets;] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; he came to Cæsar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about with laurel.” Steevens.

Note return to page 30 2&lblank; a man of any occupation,] Had I been a mechanick, one of the Plebeians to whom he offered his throat. Johnson.

Note return to page 31 3Thy honourable metal may be wrought From what it is dispos'd:] The best metal or temper may be worked into qualities contrary to its original constitution. Johnson.

Note return to page 32 4If I were Brutus now, and he were Cassius, He should not humour me.] This is a reflection on Brutus's ingratitude; which concludes, as is usual on such occasions, in an encomium on his own better conditions. If I were Brutus (says he) and Brutus, Cassius, he should not cajole me as I do him. To humour signifies here to turn and wind him, by inflaming his passions. The Oxford editor alters the last line to Cæsar should not love me. What he means by it, is not worth inquiring. Warburton. The meaning, I think, is this, Cæsar loves Brutus, but if Brutus and I were to change places, his love should not humour me, should not take hold of my affection, so as to make me forget my principles. Johnson.

Note return to page 33 5&lblank; Brought you Cæsar home?] Did you attend Cæsar home? Johnson.

Note return to page 34 6&lblank; sway of earth] The whole weight or momentum of this globe. Johnson.

Note return to page 35 7A common slave, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; a slave of the souldiers that did cast a marvelous burning flame out of his hande, insomuch as they that saw it, thought he had bene burnt; but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt.” Steevens.

Note return to page 36 8Who glar'd upon me, &lblank;] The first edition reads: Who glaz'd upon me, &lblank; Perhaps, Who gaz'd upon me. Johnson. Glar'd is certainly right. To gaze is only to look stedfastly, or with admiration. Glar'd has a singular propriety, as it expresses the furious scintillation of a lion's eyes: and, that a lion should appear full of fury, and yet attempt no violence, augments the prodigy. Steevens.

Note return to page 37 9Why birds, and beasts, from quality and kind;] That is, Why they deviate from quality and nature. This line might perhaps be more properly placed after the next line: Why birds, and beasts, from quality and kind; Why all these things change from their ordinance. Johnson.

Note return to page 38 1&lblank; and children calculate;] Calculate here signifies to foretel or prophesy: for the custom of foretelling fortunes by judicial astrology (which was at that time much in vogue) being performed by a long tedious calculation, Shakespeare, with his usual liberty, employs the species [calculate] for the genus [foretel]. Warburton. Shakespeare found the liberty established. To calculate a nativity, is the technical term. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0925

Note return to page 39 2&lblank; prodigious grown,] Prodigious is portentous. Steevens.

Note return to page 40 3Have thewes and limbs &lblank;] Thewes is an obsolete word implying nerves or muscular strength. It is used by Falstaff in the Second Part of Hen. IV. and in Hamlet: “For nature, crescent, does not grow alone “In thewes and bulk.” The two last folios, in which some words are injudiciously modernized, read sinews. Steevens.

Note return to page 41 4My answer must be made.] I shall be called to account, and must answer as for seditious words. Johnson.

Note return to page 42 5&lblank; Hold my hand:] Is the same as, Here's my hand. Johnson.

Note return to page 43 6Be factious for redress &lblank;] Factious seems here to mean active. Johnson.

Note return to page 44 7Is fev'rous, like the work &lblank;] The old edition reads: Is favors, like the work &lblank; I think we should read: In favour's like the work we have in hand, Most bloody, fiery, and most terrible. Favour is look, countenance, appearance. Johnson. To favour is to resemble. Thus Stanyhurst in his translation of the Third Book of Virgil's Æneid, 1582: “With the petit town gates favoring the principal old portes.” We may read It favours, or—Is favour'd—i. e. is in appearance or countenance like, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 45 8&lblank; in his orchard.] The modern editors read garden, but orchard seems anciently to have had the same meaning. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0926

Note return to page 46 9Remorse from power:] Remorse, for mercy. Warburton. Remorse (says the author of the Revisal) signifies the conscious uneasiness arising from a sense of having done wrong; to extinguish which feeling, nothing hath so great a tendency as absolute uncontrouled power. I think Warburton right. Johnson. Remorse is pity, and has twice occurred in that sense in Measure for Measure, act II. and act V. Many more instances of this use of the word are given in Othello, Act III. sc. iii. Steevens.

Note return to page 47 1&lblank; common proof,] Common experiment. Johnson.

Note return to page 48 2But when he once attains the upmost round, He then unto the ladder turns his back; &c.] So, in Daniel's Civil Wars, 1602:   “The aspirer once attain'd unto the top, “Cuts off those means by which himself got up: “And with a harder hand, and straighter rein,   “Doth curb that looseness he did find before; “Doubting the occasion like might serve again:   “His own example makes him fear the more.” Malone.

Note return to page 49 3&lblank; base degrees] Low steps. Johnson.

Note return to page 50 4&lblank; as his kind, &lblank;] According to his nature. Johnson.

Note return to page 51 5Is not to-morrow, boy, the first of March?] We should read ides: for we can never suppose the speaker to have lost fourteen days in his account. He is here plainly ruminating on what the soothsayer told Cæsar [Act I. sc. ii.] in his presence. [—Beware the ides of March.] The boy comes back and says, Sir, March is wasted fourteen days. So that the morrow was the ides of March, as he supposed. For March, May, July, and October, had six nones each, so that the fifteenth of March was the ides of that month. Warburton.

Note return to page 52 6In former editions: Sir, March is wasted fifteen days. The editors are slightly mistaken: it was wasted but fourteen days: this was the dawn of the 15th, when the boy makes his report. Theobald.

Note return to page 53 7Between the acting of a dreadful thing, And the first motion, &c.] That nice critic, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, complains, that of all kind of beauties, those great strokes, which he calls the terrible graces, and which are so frequent in Homer, are the rarest to be found in the following writers. Amongst our countrymen, it seems to be as much confined to the British Homer. This description of the condition of conspirators, before the execution of their design, has a pomp and terror in it that perfectly astonishes. The excellent Mr. Addison, whose modesty made him sometimes diffident of his own genius, but whose true judgment always led him to the safest guides (as we may see by those fine strokes in his Cato borrowed from the Philippics of Cicero) has paraphrased this fine description; but we are no longer to expect those terrible graces which animate his original: “O think, what anxious moments pass between “The birth of plots, and their last fatal periods. “Oh, 'tis a dreadful interval of time, “Fill'd up with horror all, and big with death.” Cato. I shall make two remarks on this fine imitation. The first is, that the subjects of the two conspiracies being so very different (the fortunes of Cæsar and the Roman empire being concerned in the one; and that of a few auxiliary troops only in the other) Mr. Addison could not, with propriety, bring in that magnificent circumstance which gives one of the terrible graces of Shakespeare's description; The genius and the mortal instruments Are then in council &lblank; For kingdoms, in the Pagan Theology, besides their good, had their evil genius's, likewise; represented here, with the most daring stretch of fancy, as sitting in consultation with the conspirators, whom he calls their mortal instruments. But this, as we say, would have been too pompous an apparatus to the rape and desertion of Syphax and Sempronius. The other thing observable is, that Mr. Addison was so struck and affected with these terrible graces in his original, that instead of imitating his author's sentiments, he hath, before he was aware, given us only the copy of his own impressions made by them. For, Oh, 'tis a dreadful interval of time, Fill'd up with horror all, and big with death. are but the affections raised by such forcible images as these: &lblank; All the int'rim is Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream. &lblank; the state of man, Like to a little kingdom, suffers then The nature of an insurrection. Comparing the troubled mind of a conspirator to a state of anarchy, is just and beautiful; but the int'rim, or interval, to an hideous vision, or a frightful dream, holds something so wonderfully of truth, and lays the soul so open, that one can hardly think it possible for any man, who had not some time or other been engaged in a conspiracy, to give such force of colouring to nature. Warburton. The &grD;&gre;&gric;&grn;&gro;&grn; of the Greek critics does not, I think, mean sentiments which raise fear, more than wonder, or any other of the tumultuous passions; &grt;&grog; &grd;&gre;&gric;&grn;&gro;&grn; is that which strikes, which astonishes with the idea either of some great subject, or of the author's abilities. Dr. Warburton's pompous criticism might well have been shortened. The genius is not the genius of a kingdom, nor are the instruments, conspirators. Shakespeare is describing what passes in a single bosom, the insurrection which a conspirator feels agitating the little kingdom of his own mind; when the genius, or power that watches for his protection, and the mortal instruments, the passions, which excite him to a deed of honour and danger, are in council and debate; when the desire of action and the care of safety, keep the mind in continual fluctuation and disturbance. Johnson. The foregoing was perhaps among the earliest notes written by Dr. Warburton on Shakespeare. Though it was not inserted by him in Theobald's editions, 1732 and 1740, (but was reserved for his own in 1747), yet he had previously communicated it, with little variation, in a letter to Matthew Concanen in the year 1726. See a note on Dr. Akinside's Ode to Mr. Edwards. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0927 Instead of instruments, it should, I think, be instrument, and explained thus: The genius, i. e. the soul or spirit, which should govern; and the mortal instrument, i. e. the man, with all his bodily, that is, earthly passions, such as envy, pride, malice, and ambition, are then in council, i. e. debating upon the horrid action that is to be done, the soul and rational powers dissuading, and the mortal instrument, man, with his bodily passions, prompting and pushing on to the horrid deed, whereby the state of man, like to a little kingdom, suffers then the nature of an insurrection, the inferior powers rising and rebelling against the superior. See this exemplified in Macbeth's soliloquy, and also by what King John says, act IV: “Nay, in the body of this fleshly land, “This kingdom, this confine of blood and breath, “Hostility and civil tumult reigns “Between my conscience and my cousin's death.” Smith.

Note return to page 54 8&lblank; your brother Cassius &lblank;] Cassius married Junia, Brutus' sister. Steevens.

Note return to page 55 9&lblank; of favour.] Any distinction of countenance. Johnson.

Note return to page 56 1For if thou path thy native semblance on,] If thou walk in thy true form. Johnson. The same verb is used by Drayton in his Polyolbion, Song II: “Where, from the neighbouring hills, her passage Wey doth path.” Again, in his Epistle from Duke Humphrey to Elinor Cobham: “Pathing young Henry's unadvised ways.” Steevens.

Note return to page 57 2No, not an oath. If that the face of men, &c.] Dr. Warburton would read fate of men; but his elaborate emendation is, I think, erroneous. The face of men is the countenance, the regard, the esteem of the publick; in other terms, honour and reputation; or the face of men may mean the dejected look of the people. He reads, with the other modern editions: &lblank; if that the face of men: but the old reading is, &lblank; if not the face, &c. Johnson. So, Tully in Catilinam—Nihil horum ora vultusque moverunt? Steevens.

Note return to page 58 3No, not an oath. &lblank;] Shakespeare form'd this speech on the following passage in sir T. North's translation of Plutarch:— “The conspirators having never taken oaths together, nor taken or given any caution or assurance, nor binding themselves one to another by any religious oaths, they kept the matter so secret to themselves,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 59 4'Till each man drop by lottery.] Perhaps the poet alluded to the custom of decimation, i. e. the selection by lot of every tenth soldier, in a general mutiny, for punishment. He speaks of this in Coriolanus: “By decimation, and a tythed death, “Take thou thy fate.” Steevens.

Note return to page 60 5Swear priests &c.] This is imitated by Owtay: “When you would bind me, is there need of oaths?” &c. Venice Preserved. Johnson.

Note return to page 61 6&lblank; cautelous] Is here cautious, sometimes insidious. So, in Woman is a Weathercock, 1612: “Yet warn you be as cautelous not to wound my integrity.” Again, in Drayton's Miseries of Queen Margaret: “Witty, well-spoken, cautelous, though young.” Again, in the second of these two senses in the romance of Kynge Appolyn of Thyre, 1610: “&lblank; a fallacious polycy and cautelous wyle.” Again, in Holinshed, p. 945: “&lblank; the emperor's councell thought by a cautell to have brought the king in mind to sue for a licence from the pope.” Steevens.

Note return to page 62 7O, that we then could come by Cæsar's spirit, &c.] Lord Sterline has the same thought: Brutus remonstrating against the taking off of Anthony, says: “Ah! ah! we must but too much murder see,   “That without doing evil cannot do good; “And would the gods that Rome could be made free,   “Without the effusion of one drop of blood!” Malone.

Note return to page 63 8&lblank; as a dish fit for the gods, &c.] “&lblank; Gradive, dedisti, “Ne qua manus vatem, ne quid mortalia bello “Lædere tela queant, sanctum et venerabile Diti “Funus erat.” Stat. Theb. VII. 1. 696. Steevens.

Note return to page 64 9&lblank; take thought, &lblank;] That is, turn melancholy. Johnson. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “What shall we do, Ænobarbus? “Think and die.” Again, in Holinshed, p. 833: “&lblank; now they were without service, which caused them to take thought, insomuch that some died by the way, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 65 1For he is superstitious grown of late; Quite from the main opinion he held once Of fantasy, of dreams and ceremonies:] Cæsar, as well as Cassius, was an Epicurean. By main opinion Cassius intends a compliment to his sect, and means solid, fundamental opinion, grounded in truth and nature: as by fantasy is meant ominous forebodings; and by ceremonies, atonements of the gods by means of religious rites and sacrifices. A little after, where Calphurnia says: Cæsar, I never stood on ceremonies, Yet now they fright me: The poet uses ceremonies in a quite different sense, namely, the turning accidents to omens, a principal superstition of antiquity. Warburton. Main opinion, is nothing more than leading, fixed, predominant opinion. Johnson.

Note return to page 66 2&lblank; for he loves to hear, &c.] It was finely imagined by the poet, to make Cæsar delight in this sort of conversation. The author of St. Evremond's Life tells us, that the great prince of Conde took much pleasure in remarking on the foible and ridicule of characters. Warburton.

Note return to page 67 3That unicorns may be betray'd by trees, And bears with glasses, elephants with holes.] Unicorns are said to have been taken by one who, running behind a tree, eluded the violent push the animal was making at him, so that his horn spent its force on the trunk, and stuck fast, detaining the beast till he was dispatched by the hunter. So, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. II. c. 5: “Like as a lyon whose imperiall powre   “A prowd rebellious unicorne defies;   “T'avoid the rash assault and wrathfull stowre   “Of his fiers foe, him to a tree applies:   “And when him running in full course he spies,   “He slips aside; the whiles the furious beast   “His precious horne, sought of his enemies,   “Strikes in the stocke, ne thence can be releast, “But to the mighty victor yields a bounteous feast.” Again, in Bussy D' Ambois, 1641: “An angry unicorne in his full career “Charge with too swift a foot a jeweller “That watch'd him for the treasure of his brow, “And e'er he could get shelter of a tree, “Nail him with his rich antler to the earth.” Bears are reported to have been surprised by means of a mirror, which they would gaze on, affording their pursuers an opportunity of taking the surer aim. This circumstance, I think, is mentioned by Claudian. Elephants were seduced into pitfalls, lightly covered with hurdles and turf, on which a proper bait to tempt them, was exposed. See Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. VIII. Steevens.

Note return to page 68 4&lblank; bear Cæsar hard.] Thus the old copy, but Rowe, Pope, and Hanmer, on the authority of the latter folios read hatred, though the same expression appears again in the first scene of the following act: “&lblank; I do beseech you, if you bear me hard:” and has already occurr'd in a former one: “Cæsar doth bear me hard, but he loves Brutus.” Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0928

Note return to page 69 5Let not our looks &lblank;] Let not our faces put on, that is, wear or show our designs. Johnson.

Note return to page 70 5I charm you &lblank;] Thus the old copy. Pope and Hanmer read charge, but unnecessarily. So, in Cymbeline: “&lblank; 'tis your graces “That from my mutest conscience to my tongue “Charms this report out.” Steevens.

Note return to page 71 6To keep with you at meals, &c.] “I being, O Brutus, (sayed she) the daughter of Cato, was maried vnto thee, not to be thy beddefellowe and companion in bedde and at borde onelie, like a harlot: but to be partaker also with thee, of thy good and euill fortune. Nowe for thyselfe, I can finde no cause of faulte in thee touchinge our matche: but for my parte, how may I showe my duetie towardes thee, and how muche I woulde doe for thy sake, if I can not constantlie beare a secret mischaunce or griefe with thee, which requireth secrecy and fidelitie? I confesse, that a womans wit commonly is too weake to keepe a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education, and the companie of vertuous men, haue some power to reforme the defect of nature. And for my selfe, I haue this benefit moreouer: that I am the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of these things before: vntil that now I have found by experience, that no paine nor griefe whatsoeuer can ouercome me. With those wordes she shewed him her wounde on her thigh, and tolde him what she had done to proue her selfe.” Sir Tho. North's Translat. of Plutarch. Steevens. Here also we find our author and lord Sterline walking over the same ground: “I was not, Brutus, match'd with thee, to be   “A partner only of thy board and bed, “Each servile whore in those might equal me,   “That did herself to nought but pleasure wed. “No—Portia spous'd thee with a mind t' abide   “Thy fellow in all fortunes good or ill; “With chains of mutual love together ty'd   “As those that have two breasts, one heart, two souls, one will.” Lord Sterline's Julius Cæsar. Malone.

Note return to page 72 6&lblank; comfort your bed,] “is but an odd phrase, and gives as odd an idea,” says Mr. Theobald. He therefore substitutes, consort. But this good old word, however disused through modern refinement, was not so discarded by Shakespeare. Henry VIII. as we read in Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, in commendation of queen Katharine, in public said, “She hath beene to me a true obedient wife, and as comfortable as I could wish.” Upton. In the books of entries at Stationers' Hall, I meet with the following: 1598. “A Conversation between a careful Wyfe and her comfortable Husband.” Steevens. In our marriage ceremony, the husband promises to comfort his wife; and Barrett's, Alvearie, or Quadruple Dictionary, 1582, says, that to comfort is, “to recreate, to solace, to make pastime.” Collins.

Note return to page 73 7&lblank; in the suburbs.] Perhaps here is an allusion to the place in which the harlots of Shakespeare's age resided. So, in B. and Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas: “Get a new mistress, “Some suburb saint, that sixpence, and some oaths “Will draw to parley. Steevens.

Note return to page 74 8I grant I am a woman, &c.] So, lord Sterline: “And though our sex too talkative be deem'd   “As those whose tongues import our greatest pow'rs, “For secrets still bad treasurers esteem'd,   “Of others greedy, prodigal of ours; “Good education may reform defects,   “And I this vantage have to a vertuous life, “Which others minds do want and mine respects,   “I'm Cato's daughter, and I'm Brutus' wife.” Malone.

Note return to page 75 9A woman well-reputed; Cato's daughter.] This false pointing should be corrected thus: A woman well reputed Cato's daughter. i. e. worthy of my birth, and the relation I bear to Cato. This indeed was a good reason why she should be intrusted with the secret. But the false pointing, which gives a sense only implying that she was a woman of a good character, and that she was Cato's daughter, gives no good reason: for she might be Cato's daughter, and yet not inherit his firmness; and she might be a woman well-reputed, and yet not the best at a secret. But if she was well-reputed Cato's daughter, that is, worthy of her birth, she could neither want her father's love to her country, nor his resolution to engage in its deliverance. Warburton.

Note return to page 76 1&lblank; all the charactery &lblank;] i. e. all that is character'd on, &c. The word has already occurr'd in the Merry Wives of Windsor. Steevens.

Note return to page 77 2Would you were not sick! &c.] So, lord Sterline: “By sickness being imprison'd in his bed   “Whilst I Ligarius spied, whom pains did prick “When I had said with words that anguish bred,   “In what a time Ligarius art thou sick? “He answer'd straight, as I had physick brought,   “Or that he had imagin'd my design, “If worthy of thyself thou would'st do ought, “Then Brutus I am whole, and wholly thine.” Malone

Note return to page 78 3Cæsar, I never stood on ceremonies.] i. e. I never paid a ceremonious or superstitious regard to prodigies or omens. The adjective is used in the same sense in the Devil's Charter, 1607: “The devil hath provided in his covenant, “I should not cross myself at any time: &lblank; “I never was so ceremonious.” The original thought is in the old translation of Plutarch: “Calphurnia, until that time, was never given to any fear or superstition.” Steevens.

Note return to page 79 4The noise of battle hurtled in the air.] The hurtle is, I suppose, to clash, or move with violence and noise. So, in Selimus Emperor of the Turks, 1638: “Here the Polonian he comes hurtling in, “Under the conduct of some foreign prince.” Shakespeare uses the word again in As You Like It: “&lblank; in which hurtling, “From miserable slumber I awak'd.” Again, in Selinus, &c. “To toss the spear, and in a warlike gyre “To hurtle my sharp sword about my head.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. II. c. 7: “His harmful club he gan to hurtle high.” Steevens.

Note return to page 80 5Cowards die many times before their deaths.] So in Marston's Insatiate Countess, 1603: “Fear is my vassal; when I frown, he flies, “A hundred times in life a coward dies.” The first known edition of Julius Cæsar is that of 1623: Lord Essex, probably before any of these writers, made the same remark. In a letter to lord Rutland, he observes, “that as he which dieth nobly, doth live for ever, so he that doth live in fear, doth die continually.” Malone. “When some of his friends did counsel him to have a guard for the safety of his person; he woud never consent to it, but said, it was better to die once, than always to be affrayed of death.” Sir Th. North's Transl. of Plutarch. Steevens.

Note return to page 81 6&lblank; that I yet have heard.] This sentiment appears to have been imitated by Dr. Young in his tragedy of Busiris king of Egypt: “&lblank; Didst thou e'er fear? “Sure 'tis an art; I know not how to fear: “'Tis one of the few things beyond my power; “And if death must be fear'd before 'tis felt, “Thy master is immortal.”— Steevens.

Note return to page 82 7&lblank; death, a necessary end, &c.] This is a sentence derived from the stoical doctrine of predestination, and is therefore improper in the mouth of Cæsar. Johnson.

Note return to page 83 8&lblank; in shame of cowardice:] The ancients did not place courage but wisdom in the heart. Johnson.

Note return to page 84 9We were &c.] In old editions: We heard two lions—The first folio: &lblank; We heare &lblank; The copies have been all corrupt, and the passage, of course, unintelligible. But the slight alteration, I have made, restores sense to the whole; and the sentiment will neither be unworthy of Shakespeare, nor the boast too extravagant for Cæsar in a vein of vanity to utter: that he and Danger were two twin-whelps of a lion, and he the elder, and more terrible of the two. Theobald. Upton would read: We are &lblank; This resembles the boast of Otho: Experti invicem sumus, Ego et Fortuna. Tacitus. Steevens.

Note return to page 85 1And these she does apply for warnings and portents, And evils imminent. The late Mr. Edwards was of opinion that we should read: &lblank; warnings and portents Of evils imminent. Steevens.

Note return to page 86 2&lblank; and that great men shall press For tinctures, stains, relicks, and cognizance.] That this dream of the statue's spouting blood should signify, the increase of power and empire to Rome from the influence of Cæsar's arts and arms, and wealth and honour to the noble Romans through his beneficence, expressed by the words, from you great Rome shall suck reviving blood, is intelligible enough. But how these great men should literally press for tinctures, stains, relicks, and cognisance, when the spouting blood was only a symbolical vision, I am at a loss to apprehend. Here the circumstances of the dream, and the interpretation of it, are confounded with one another. This line therefore, For tinctures, stains, relicks, and cognisance, must needs be in way of similitude only; and if so, it appears that some lines are wanting between this and the preceding; which want should, for the future, be marked with asterisks. The sense of them is not difficult to recover, and, with it, the propriety of the line in question. The speaker had said, the statue signified, that by Cæsar's influence Rome should flourish and increase in empire, and that great men should press to him to partake of his good fortune, just as men run with handkerchiefs, &c. to dip them in the blood of martyrs, that they may partake of their merit. It is true, the thought is from the Christian history; but so small an anachronism is nothing with our poet. Besides, it is not my interpretation which introduces it, it was there before: for the line in question can bear no other sense than as an allusion to the blood of the martyrs, and the superstition of some churches with regard to it. Warburton. I am not of opinion that any thing is lost, and have therefore marked no omission. This speech, which is intentionally pompous, is somewhat confused. There are two allusions; one to coats armorial, to which princes make additions, or give new tinctures, and new marks of cognisance; the other to martyrs, whose reliques are preserved with veneration. The Romans, says Decius, all come to you as to a saint, for reliques, as to a prince, for honours. Johnson.

Note return to page 87 3When Cæsar's wife shall meet with better dreams.] So, in lord Sterline's Julius Cæsar: “How can we satisfy the world's conceit, “Whose tongues still in all ears your praise proclaims? “Or shall we bid them leave to deal in state, “Till that Calphurnia first have better dreams?” Malone.

Note return to page 88 4And reason, &c.] And reason, or propriety of conduct and language, is subordinate to my love. Johnson.

Note return to page 89 4&lblank; the fates with traitors do contrive.] The fates join with traitors in contriving thy destruction. Johnson.

Note return to page 90 5Why dost thou stay? &c.] Shakespeare has expressed the perturbation of K. Richard the third's mind by the same incident: “&lblank; Dull, unmindful villain! “Why stay'st thou here, and go'st not to the duke? &lblank; “Cat. First, mighty liege, tell me your highness' pleasure, “What from your grace I shall deliver to him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 91 6He is addrest:] i. e. he is ready. So, in As You Like It: “Address'd a mighty power, which was on foot.” We are now to suppose the senate is seated. Steevens.

Note return to page 92 7&lblank; you are the first that rear your hand.] This, I think, is not English. The first folio has reares, which is not much better. To reduce the passage to the rules of grammar, we should read—You are the first that rears his hand. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 93 8And turn pre-ordinance &lblank;] Pre-ordinance, for ordinance already established. Warburton.

Note return to page 94 9Into the lane of children.] I do not well understand what is meant by the lane of children. I should read, the law of children. That is, change pre-ordinance and decree into the law of children; into such slight determinations as every start of will would alter. Lane and lawe in some manuscripts are not easily distinguished. Johnson. If the lane of children be the true reading, it may possibly receive illustration from the following passage in Ben Jonson's Staple of News: “A narrow-minded man! my thoughts do dwell “All in a lane.” The lane of children will then mean the narrow conceits of children, which must change as their minds grow more enlarg'd. So, in Hamlet: “For nature, crescent, does not grow alone “In thewes and bulk; but as this temple waxes, “The inward service of the mind and soul, “Grows wide withal.” But even this explanation is harsh and violent. Perhaps the poet wrote:—“in the line of children,” i. e. after the method or manner of children. In Troilus and Cressida, he uses line for method, course: “&lblank; in all line of order.” Steevens.

Note return to page 95 1Know, Cæsar doth not wrong; nor without cause Will he be satisfied.] Ben Jonson quotes this line unfaithfully among his Discoveries, and ridicules it again in the Introduction to his Staple of News. “Cry you mercy; you never did wrong, but with just cause?” Steevens. It may be doubted, I think, whether Jonson has quoted this line unfaithfully. The turn of the sentence, and the defect in the metre (according to the present reading), rather incline me to believe that the passage stood originally thus: Know, Cæsar doth not wrong, but with just cause; Nor without cause will he be satisfied. We may suppose that Ben started this formidable criticism at one of the earliest representations of the play, and that the players, or perhaps Shakespeare himself, over-awed by so great an authority, withdrew the words in question; though, in my opinion, it would have been better to have told the captious censurer that his criticism was ill-founded; that wrong is not always a synonymous term for injury; that, in poetical language especially, it may be very well understood to mean only harm, or hurt, what the law calls damnum sine injuriâ; and that, in this sense, there is nothing absurd in Cæsar's saying, that he doth not wrong (i. e. doth not inflict any evil, or punishment) but with just cause. But, supposing this passage to have been really censurable, and to have been written by Shakespeare, the exceptionable words were undoubtedly left out when the play was printed in 1623; and therefore what are we to think of the malignant pleasure with which Jonson continued to ridicule his deceased friend for a slip, of which posterity, without his information, would have been totally ignorant? Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 96 2&lblank; apprehensive;] Susceptible of fear, or other passions. Johnson. So, in K. Hen. IV. P. II. Act IV. sc. iii: “&lblank; makes it apprehensive, quick, forgetive, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 97 3&lblank; but one] One and only one. Johnson.

Note return to page 98 4&lblank; holds on his rank,] Perhaps, holds on his race; continues his course. We commonly say, To hold a rank, and To hold on a course or way. Johnson.

Note return to page 99 5Doth not Brutus bootless kneel?] I would read: Do not Brutus bootless kneel! Johnson. I cannot subscribe to Dr. Johnson's opinion. Cæsar, as some of the conspirators are pressing round him, answers their importunity properly: See you not my own Brutus kneeling in vain? What success can you expect to your solicitations, when his are ineffectual? This might have put my learned coadjutor in mind of the passage of Homer, which he has so elegantly introduced in his preface. Thou? (said Achilles to his captive) when so great a man as Patroclus has fallen before thee, dost thou complain of the common lot of mortality? Steevens.

Note return to page 100 6&lblank; Go to the pulpit, Brutus] We have now taken leave of Casca. Shakespeare for once knew that he had a sufficient number of heroes on his hands, and was glad to lose an individual in the croud. It may be added, that the singularity of Casca's manners would have appeared to little advantage amidst the succeeding varieties of tumult and war. Steevens.

Note return to page 101 7Nor to no Roman else.] This use of two negatives, not to make an affirmative, but to deny more strongly, is common to Chaucer, Spenser, and other of our ancient writers. Hickes observes, that in the Saxon, even four negatives are sometimes conjoined, and still preserve a negative signification. Steevens.

Note return to page 102 8Stoop, Romans, stoop, &c.] In all the editions this speech is ascribed to Brutus, than which nothing is more inconsistent with his mild and philosophical character. But (as I often find speeches in the later editions put into wrong mouths, different from the first published by the author) I think this liberty not unreasonable. Pope. &lblank; Stoop, Romans, stoop;] Mr. Pope has arbitrarily taken away the remainder of this speech from Brutus, and placed it to Casca; because he thinks nothing is more inconsistent with Brutus's mild and philosophical character. I have made bold to restore the speech to its right owner. Brutus esteem'd the death of Cæsar a sacrifice to liberty: and, as such, gloried in his heading the enterprize. Besides, our poet is strictly copying a fact in history. Plutarch, in the Life of Cæsar, says, “Brutus and his followers, being yet hot with the murder, march'd in a body from the senate house to the Capitol, with their drawn swords, with an air of confidence and assurance.” And in the Life of Brutus,—“Brutus and his party betook themselves to the Capitol, and in their way, shewing their hands all bloody, and their naked swords, proclaim'd liberty to the people.” Theobald. Dr. Warburton follows Pope. Johnson.

Note return to page 103 9&lblank; who else is rank;] Who else may be supposed to have overtopped his equals, and grown too high for the public safety. Johnson.

Note return to page 104 1Our arms exempt from malice,] This is the reading only of the modern editions, yet perhaps the true reading. The old copy has: Our arms in strength of malice. Johnson. The old reading I believe to have been what the author design'd; and Dr. Johnson seems to have given a sanction to the alteration of his predecessors, without considering the context. To you, (says Brutus) our swords have leaden points: our arms, strong in the deed of malice they have just perform'd, and our hearts united like those of brothers in the action, are yet open to receive you with all possible affection. The supposition that Brutus meant, their hearts were of brothers' temper in respect of Antony, seems to have misled those who have commented on this passage before. I have replaced the old reading. Mr. Pope first substituted the words exempt from, in its place. If alteration were necessary, it would be easier to read: Our arms no strength of malice, &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 105 3&lblank; crimson'd in thy lethe.] Mr. Theobald says, The dictionaries acknowledge no such word as lethe; yet he is not without supposition, that Shakespeare coin'd the word; and yet, for all that, the l might be a d imperfectly wrote, therefore he will have death instead of it. After all this pother, lethe was a common French word, signifying death or destruction, from the Latin lethum. Warburton. Lethe is used by many of the old translators of novels, for death; and in Heywood's Iron Age, Part II. 1632: “The proudest nation that great Asia nurs'd, “Is now extinct in lethe.” Again, in Cupid's Whirligig, 1616: “For vengeance' wings bring on thy lethal day.” Steevens.

Note return to page 106 4&lblank; in the tide of times.] That is, in the course of times. Johnson.

Note return to page 107 5Over thy wounds now do I prophesy, &lblank; Which like dumb mouths, &c.] Shakespeare, perhaps, in his thoughts had an old play, called, A Warning for faire Women, 1599. It was once very popular, and appears to have been written some years before it was printed: “&lblank; I gave him fifteen wounds, “Which now be fifteen mouths that do accuse me: “In every wound there is a bloody tongue “Which will all speak although he hold his peace.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0929

Note return to page 108 6&lblank; upon the limbs of men:] We should read: &lblank; line of men; i. e. human race. Warburton. Hanmer reads: &lblank; kind of men; I rather think it should be, &lblank; the lives of men; unless we read: &lblank; these lymms of men; That is, these bloodhounds of men. The uncommonness of the word lymm easily made the change. Johnson. I think the old reading may very well stand. Antony means only, that a future curse shall commence in distempers seizing on the limbs of men, and be succeeded by commotion, cruelty, and desolation over all Italy. Steevens.

Note return to page 109 7And Cæsar's spirit, ranging for revenge, &c.] “&lblank; umbraque erraret Crassus inulta.” Lucan, lib. 1. “Fatalem populis ultro poscentibus horam “Admovet atra dies; Stygiisque emissa tenebris “Mors fruitur cœlo, bellatoremque volando “Campum operit, nigroque viros invitat hiatu.” Stat. Theb. VIII. “&lblank; Furiæ rapuerunt licia Parcis.” Ibid. Steevens.

Note return to page 110 8Cry Havock, &lblank;] A learned correspondent has informed me, that, in the military operations of old times, havock was the word by which declaration was made, that no quarter should be given. In a tract intitled, The Office of the Constable and Mareschall in the Tyme of Werre, contained in the Black Book of the Admiralty, there is the following chapter: “The peyne of hym that crieth havock and of them that followeth hym, etit. v.” “Item Si quis inventus fuerit qui clamorem inceperit qui vocatur Havok.” “Also that no man be so hardy to crye Havok upon peyne that he that is begynner shal be deede therefore: & the remanent that doo the same or folow, shall lose their horse & harneis: and the persones of such as foloweth & escrien shal be under arrest of the Conestable and Mareschall warde unto tyme that they have made fyn; and founde suretie no morr to offende; and his body in prison at the Kyng wyll. &lblank;” Johnson.

Note return to page 111 9No Rome of safety, &c.] If Shakespeare meant to quibble on the words Rome and room, in this and a former passage, he is at least countenanced in it by other authors: So, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1638: “&lblank; You shall have my room, “My Rome indeed, for what I seem to be, “Brutus is not, but born great Rome to free.” Steevens.

Note return to page 112 1countrymen, and lovers! &c.] There is nowhere, in all Shakespeare's works a stronger proof of his not being what we call a scholar than this; or of his not knowing any thing of the genius of learned antiquity. This speech of Brutus is wrote in imitation of his famed laconic brevity, and is very fine in its kind; but no more like that brevity, than his times were like Brutus's. The ancient laconic brevity was simple, natural, and easy: this is quaint, artificial, gingling, and abounding with forced antitheses. In a word, a brevity, that for its false eloquence would have suited any character, and for its good sense would have become the greatest of our author's time; but yet, in a stile of declaiming, that sits as ill upon Brutus as our author's trowsers or collar-band would have done. Warburton. This artificial gingle of short sentences was affected by most of the orators in Shakespeare's time, whether in the pulpit or at the bar. The speech of Brutus may therefore be regarded rather as an imitation of the false eloquence then in vogue, than as a specimen of laconic brevity. Steevens.

Note return to page 113 2&lblank; beholden to us all.] Throughout the old copies of Shakespeare, and many other ancient authors, beholden is corruptedly spelt—beholding. Steevens.

Note return to page 114 3Cæsar has had great wrong. 3 Pleb. Cæsar had never wrong but with just cause.] If ever there was such a line written by Shakespeare, I should fancy it might have its place here, and very humourously in the character of a plebeian. One might believe Ben Jonson's remark was made upon no better credit than some blunder of an actor in speaking that verse near the beginning of the third act: Know, Cæsar doth not wrong; nor without cause Will he be satisfied &lblank; But the verse, as cited by Ben Jonson, does not connect with, Will he be satisfied. Perhaps this play was never printed in Ben Jonson's time, and so he had nothing to judge by, but as the actor pleased to speak it. Pope. I have inserted this note, because it is Pope's, for it is otherwise of no value. It is strange that he should so much forget the date of the copy before him, as to think it not printed in Jonson's time. Johnson.

Note return to page 115 4And none so poor &lblank;] The meanest man is now too high to do reverence to Cæsar. Johnson.

Note return to page 116 5&lblank; their napkins.] i. e. their handkerchiefs. Napery was the ancient term for all kinds of linen. Steevens.

Note return to page 117 6For Brutus, as you know, was Cæsar's angel:] This title of endearment is more than once introduced in Sidney's Arcadia. Steevens.

Note return to page 118 7And, in his mantle, &c.] Read the lines thus: And, in his mantle muffling up his face Which all the while ran blood, great Cæsar fell, Even at the base of Pompey's statue. Plutarch tells us, that Cæsar received many wounds in the face on this occasion, so that it might be said to run blood. But, instead of that, the statue, in this reading, and not the face, is said to do so; it is plain these two lines should be transposed: And then the reflection, which follows: O what a fall was there &lblank; is natural, lamenting the disgrace of being at last subdued in that quarrel in which he had been compleat victor. Warburton. The image seems to be, that the blood of Cæsar flew upon the statue, and trickled down it. And the exclamation: O what a fall was there &lblank; follows better after &lblank; great Cæsar fell, than with a line interposed. Johnson. Perhaps Shakespeare meant that the very statue of Pompey lamented the fate of Cæsar in tears of blood. Such poetical hyperboles are not uncommon. Pope, in his Eloisa, talks of &lblank; pitying saints, whose statues learn to weep. Shakespeare has enumerated dews of blood among the prodigies on the preceding day; and, as I have since discovered, took these very words from sir Thomas North's Translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; against the very base whereon Pompey's image stood, which ran all a gore blood, till he was slain.” Steevens.

Note return to page 119 8The dint of pity] is the impression of pity. The word is in common use among our ancient writers. So, in Preston's Cambyses: “Your grace therein may hap receive, with others for your parte, “The dent of death, &c.” Again, Ibid: “He shall dye by dent of sword, or els by choking rope.” Steevens.

Note return to page 120 9For I have neither wit, &lblank;] The old copy reads: For I have neither writ, nor words, &lblank; which may mean, I have no penned and premeditated oration. Johnson. The second folio reads wit. Steevens.

Note return to page 121 1&lblank; seventy-five drachmas.] A drachma was a Greek coin, the same as the Roman denier, of the value of four sesterces, 7d. ob. Steevens.

Note return to page 122 2On this side Tiber.] The scene is here in the Forum near the Capitol, and in the most frequented part of the city; but Cæsar's gardens were very remote from that quarter: Trans Tiberim longe cubat is, prope Cæsaris hortos, says Horace: and both the Naumachia and gardens of Cæsar were separated from the main city by the river; and lay out wide, on a line with Mount Janiculum. Our author therefore certainly wrote, On that side Tyber; &lblank; and Plutarch, whom Shakespeare very diligently studied, in the Life of Marcus Brutus, speaking of Cæsar's will, expressly says, That he left to the public his gardens, and walks, beyond the Tiber. Theobald. This emendation has been adopted by the subsequent editors; but hear the old translation, where Shakespeare's study lay. “He bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome seventy five drachmas a man, and he left his gardens and arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of the river Tiber.” Farmer.

Note return to page 123 3&lblank; fire the traitors' houses.] Thus the old copy. The more modern editors read—fire all the traitor's houses; but fire was then pronounced, as it was sometimes written, fier. So, in Humors Ordinary, a collection of Epigrams: “Oh rare compound, a dying horse to choke, “Of English fier and of Indian smoke!” Steevens.

Note return to page 124 4Scene III.] The subject of this scene is taken from Plutarch. Steevens.

Note return to page 125 for, have no will, read, I have no will.

Note return to page 126 5A small island] Mr. Rowe, and Mr. Pope after him, have mark'd the scene here to be at Rome. The old copies say nothing of the place. Shakespeare, I dare say, knew from Plutarch, that these triumvirs met, upon the proscription, in a little island; which Appian, who is more particular, says, lay near Mutina, upon the river Lavinius. Theobald. A small island in the little river Rhenus near Bononia. Hanmer. So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Thereuppon all three met together (to wete, Cæsar, Antonius, & Lepidus) in an iland enuyroned round about with a little riuer, & there remayned three dayes together. Now as touching all other matters, they were easily agreed, & did deuide all the empire of Rome betwene them, as if it had bene their owne inheritance. But yet they could hardly agree whom they would put to death: for euery one of them would kill their enemies, and saue their kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, giving place to their greedy desire to be reuenged of their enemies, they spurned all reuerence of blood, and holines of friendship at their feete. For Cæsar left Cicero to Antonius will, Antonius also forsooke Lucius Cæsar, who was his vncle by his mother: and both of them together suffred Lepidus to kill his owne brother Paulus.” That Shakespeare, however, meant the scene to be at Rome, may be inferred from what almost immediately follows: “Lep. What, shall I find you here? “Cæs. Or here, or at the Capitol.” Steevens.

Note return to page 127 6Upon condition, Publius shall not live.] Mr. Upton has sufficiently proved that the poet made a mistake as to this character mentioned by Lepidus. Lucius, not Publius, was the person meant, who was uncle by the mother's side to Mark Antony: and in consequence of this, he concludes, that Shakespeare wrote: You are his sister's son, Mark Antony. The mistake, however, is more like the mistake of the author, than of his transcriber or printer. Steevens.

Note return to page 128 7&lblank; damn him.] i. e. condemn him. So, in Promos and Cassandra, 1578: “Vouchsafe to give my damned husband life.” Again, in Chaucer's Knightes Tale, v. 1747. “&lblank; by your confession “Hath damned you, and I wol it recorde.” Steevens.

Note return to page 129 8&lblank; as the ass bears gold,] This image had occurr'd before in Measure for Measure, Act III. sc. i: “&lblank; like an ass whose back with ingots bows, “Thou bear'st thy heavy riches but a journey, “Till death unloads thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 130 1In the old editions: A barren-spirited fellow, one that feeds On objects, arts, and imitations, &c. 'Tis hard to conceive, why he should be call'd a barren-spirited fellow that could feed either on objects or arts: that is, as I presume, form his ideas and judgment upon them: stale and obsolete imitation, indeed, fixes such a character. I am persuaded, to make the poet consonant to himself, we must read, as I have restored the text: On abject orts, &lblank; i. e. on the scraps and fragments of things rejected and despised by others. Theobald. It is surely easy to find a reason why that devotee to pleasure and ambition, Antony, should call him barren-spirited who could be content to feed his mind with objects, i. e. speculative knowledge, or arts, i. e. mechanic operations. I have therefore taken the liberty of bringing back the old reading to its place, though Mr. Theobald's emendation is still left before the reader. Lepidus, in the tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra, is represented as inquisitive about the structures of Egypt, and that too when he is almost in a state of intoxication. Antony, as at present, makes a jest of him, and returns him unintelligible answers to very reasonable questions. Objects, however, may mean things objected or thrown out to him. In this sense Shakespeare uses the verb to object in another play, where I have given an instance of its being employ'd by Chapman on the same occasion. A man who can avail himself of neglected hints thrown out by others, though without original ideas of his own, is no uncommon character. Steevens.

Note return to page 131 7&lblank; at the stake.] An allusion to bear-baiting. So, in Macbeth, act V: “They have chain'd me to a stake, I cannot fly, “But bear-like I must fight the course.” Steevens.

Note return to page 132 8In his own change, or by ill officers,] The sense of which is this, Either your master, by the change of his virtuous nature, or by his officers abusing the power he had intrusted to them, hath done some things I could wish undone. This implies a doubt which of the two was the case. Yet, immediately after, on Pindarus's saying, His master was full of regard and honour, he replies, He is not doubted. To reconcile this we should read: In his own charge, or by ill officers, i. e. Either by those under his immediate command, or under the command of his lieutenants, who had abused their trust. Charge is so usual a word in Shakespeare, to signify the forces committed to the trust of a commander, that I think it needless to give any instances. Warburton. The arguments for the change proposed are insufficient. Brutus could not but know whether the wrongs committed were done by those who were immediately under the command of Cassius, or those under his officers. The answer of Brutus to the servant is only an act of artful civility; his question to Lucilius proves, that his suspicion still continued. Yet I cannot but suspect a corruption, and would read: In his own change, or by ill offices. That is, either changing his inclination of himself, or by the ill-offices and bad influences of others. Johnson. Surely alteration is unnecessary. In the subsequent conference Brutus charges both Cassius and his officer Lucius Pella, with corruption. Steevens.

Note return to page 133 9&lblank; every nice offence &lblank;] i. e. small trifling offence. Warburton. So, in Romeo and Juliet, act V: “The letter was not nice, but full of charge “Of dear import.” Steevens.

Note return to page 134 1I had rather be a dog, and bay the moon, Than such a Roman.] The poets and common people, who generally think and speak alike, suppose the dog bays the moon out of envy to its brightness; an allusion to this notion makes the beauty of the passage in question: Brutus hereby insinuates a covert accusation against his friend, that it was only envy at Cæsar's glory which set Cassius on conspiring against him; and ancient history seems to countenance such a charge. Cassius understood him in this sense, and with much conscious pride retorts the charge by a like insinuation: &lblank; Brutus, bay not me. Warburton. The old copy reads—bait not me; but Dr. Warburton's emendation is strengthened by Shakespeare's having used the word bay in other places, and in the sense here required. So, in Troilus and Cressida, act II. sc. iii: “What moves Ajax thus to bay at him?” Again, in the Second Part of K. Henry IV. act I. sc. iii: “&lblank; the French and Welsh “Baying him at the heels.” Again, in Cymbeline: “Set the dogs of the street “To bay me.” The old reading, however, may be countenanced by the following passage in a Pleasant conceited comedy how to chuse a good Wife from a bad, 1634: “Do I come home so seldom, and that seldom, “Am I thus baited?” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0933

Note return to page 135 2To hedge me in; &lblank;] That is, to limit my authority by your direction or censure. Johnson.

Note return to page 136 3&lblank; I am a soldier, I, Older in practice, &c.] Thus the ancient copies; but the modern editors, instead of I, have read ay, because the vowel I sometimes stands for ay the affirmative adverb. I have replaced the old reading, on the authority of the following line: And I am Brutus; Marcus Brutus I. Steevens.

Note return to page 137 4To make conditions.] That is, to know on what terms it is fit to confer the offices which are at my disposal. Johnson.

Note return to page 138 5&lblank; than to wring From the hard hands of peasants their vile trash,] This is a noble sentiment, altogether in character, and expressed in a manner inimitably happy. For to wring, implies both to get unjustly, and to use force in getting: and hard hands signify both the peasant's great labour and pains in acquiring, and his great unwillingness to quit his hold. Warburton.

Note return to page 139 6Bru. I do not, till you practise them on me.] But was this talking like Brutus? Cassius complained that his friend made his infirmities greater than they were. To which Brutus replies, not till those infirmities were injuriously turned upon me. But was this any excuse for aggravating his friend's failings? Shakespeare knew better what was fit for his hero to say, and certainly wrote and pointed the line thus: I do not. Still you practise them on me. i. e. I deny your charge, and this is a fresh injury done me. Warburton. The meaning is this: I do not look for your faults, I only see them, and mention them with vehemence, when you force them into my notice, by practising them on me. Johnson.

Note return to page 140 7If that thou be'st a Roman, take it forth, &c.] But why is he bid to rip out his heart, if he were a Roman? There is no other sense but this, If you have the courage of a Roman. But this is so poor, and so little to the purpose, that the reading may be justly suspected. The occasion of this quarrel was Cassius's refusal to supply the necessities of his friend, who charges it on him as a dishonour and crime, with great asperity of language. Cassius, to shew him the injustice of accusing him of avarice, tells him, he was ready to expose his life in his service; but at the same time, provoked and exasperated at the other's reproaches, he upbraids him with the severity of his temper, that would pardon nothing, but always aimed at the life of the offender; and delighted in his blood, though a Roman, and attached to him by the strongest bonds of alliance: hereby obliquely insinuating the case of Cæsar. The sense being thus explained, it is evident we should read: If that thou needst a Roman's, take it forth. i. e. if nothing but another Roman's death can satisfy the unrelenting severity of your temper, take my life as you did Cæsar's. Warburton. I am not satisfied with the change proposed, yet cannot deny, that the words, as they now stand, require some interpretation. I think he means only, that he is so far from avarice, when the cause of his country requires liberality, that if any man should wish for his heart, he would not need enforce his desire any otherwise, than by shewing that he was a Roman Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0934

Note return to page 141 8Enter Poet.] Shakespeare found the present incident in Plutarch. The intruder, however, was Marcus Phaonius who had been a friend and follower of Cato; not a poet, but one who assumed the character of a cynic philosopher. Steevens.

Note return to page 142 9Love, and be friends, as two such men should be; For I have seen more years, I'm sure, than ye. This passage is a translation from the following one in the first book of Homer: &GRAr;&grl;&grl;&grag; &grp;&gria;&grq;&gre;&grs;&grq;&grap; &grasa;&grm;&grf;&grw; &grd;&greg; &grn;&gre;&grw;&grt;&grea;&grr;&grw; &gres;&grs;&grt;&grog;&grn; &gre;&grm;&gre;&gric;&gro;. which is thus given in sir Thomas North's Plutarch: “My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, “For I have seen more years than such ye three.” Steevens.

Note return to page 143 1Companion, hence.] Companion is used as a term of reproach in many of the old plays; as we say at present—fellow. So, in K. Henry IV. Part II. Dol Tearsheet says to Pistol: “&lblank; I scorn you, scurvy companion, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 144 2And, her attendants absent, swallow'd fire.] This circumstance is taken from Plutarch. It is also mentioned by Val. Maximus. It may not, however, be amiss to remark, that the death of Portia wants that foundation which has hitherto entitled her to a place in poetry, as a pattern of Roman fortitude. She is reported, by Pliny, I think, to have died at Rome of a lingering illness while Brutus was abroad; but some writers seem to look on a natural death as a derogation from a distinguished character. Steevens.

Note return to page 145 5There is a tide, &c.] This passage is poorly imitated by B. and Fletcher, in the Custom of the Country: “There is an hour in each man's life appointed “To make his happiness, if then he seize it, &c. Steevens.9Q0935

Note return to page 146 6&lblank; thy leaden mace.] A mace is the ancient term for a scepter. So, in the Arraignment of Paris, 1584: “&lblank; look upon my stately grace, “Because the pomp that longs to Juno's mace, &c.” Again: “&lblank; because he knew no more “Fair Venus' Ceston, than dame Juno's mace.” Again, in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “&lblank; proud Tarquinius “Rooted from Rome the sway of kingly mace.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. I. c. x: “Who mightily upheld that royal mace.” Steevens.

Note return to page 147 7Well; then I shall see thee again.] Shakespeare has on this occasion deserted his original. It does not appear from Plutarch that the Ghost of Cæsar appeared to Brutus, but “a wonderful straunge and monstruous shape of a body.” This apparition could not be at once the shade of Cæsar, and the evil genius of Brutus. “Brutus boldly asked what he was, a god, or a man, and what cause brought him thither. The spirit aunswered him, I am thy euill spirit, Brutus: and thou shalt see me by the citie of Philippes. Brutus beeing no otherwise affrayd, replyed againe vnto it: well, then I shall see thee agayne. The spirit presently vanished away: and Brutus called his men vnto him, who tolde him that they heard no noyse, nor sawe any thinge at all.” See the story of Cassius Parmensis in Valerius Maximus, Lib. I. c. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 148 8Thou! awake.] The accent is so unmusical and harsh, 'tis impossible the poet could begin his verse thus. Brutus certainly was intended to speak to both his other men; who both awake, and answer, at an instant. I read: Varro awake! Warburton.

Note return to page 149 9&lblank; warn us &lblank;] To warn, seems to mean here the same as to alarm. Hanmer reads: They mean to wage us. Johnson. I know not the exact signification of this verb. It may, however, mean to stop, or to oppose. So, in the ancient metrical romance of Syr Guy Earl of Warwick, bl. l. no date: “For whoso warned him the gate, “He smote him sore upon the pate.” To warn him the gate from the context must mean to impede his passage through the gate. In K. John, to warn is undoubtedly to summon: “Who is it that hath warn'd us to the walls?” Shakespeare uses the word yet more intelligibly in K. Rich. III: “And sent to warn them to his royal presence. Steevens.

Note return to page 150 1&lblank; Casca &lblank;] Casca struck Cæsar on the neck, coming like a degenerate cur behind him. Johnson.

Note return to page 151 2&lblank; three and thirty wounds] Thus all the editions implicitly; but I have ventured to reduce this number to three and twenty from the joint authorities of Appian, Plutarch, and Suetonius: and I am persuaded, the error was not from the poet but his transcribers. Theobald.

Note return to page 152 3Messala, &c.] Almost every circumstance in this speech is taken from sir Thomas North's Translation of Plutarch. “But touching Cassius, Messala reporteth that he supped by him selfe in his tent with a few of his friendes, and that all supper tyme he looked very sadly, and was full of thoughts, although it was against his nature: and that after supper he tooke him by the hande, and holding him fast (in token of kindnes as his manner was) told him in Greeke: Messala, I protest vnto thee, and make thee my witnes, that I am compelled against my minde and will (as Pompey the Great was) to ieopard the libertie of our contry, to the hazard of a battel. And yet we must be liuely, and of good corage, considering our good fortune, whom we shoulde wronge too muche to mistrust her, although we followe euill counsell. Messala writeth, that Cassius hauing spoken these last wordes vnto him, he had him farewell, and willed him to come to supper to him the next night following, bicause it was his birth-day. Steevens.

Note return to page 153 4&lblank; our foremost ensign.] The old copy reads former, which may be right, as Shakespeare sometimes uses the comparative instead of the positive and superlative. See K. Lear, act IV. sc. iii. Either word has the same origin; nor do I perceive why former should be less applicable to place than time. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0938

Note return to page 154 5The very last time we shall speak together: What are you then determined to do?] i. e. I am resolved in such a case to kill myself. What are you determined of? Warburton.

Note return to page 155 6&lblank; of that philosophy,] There is an apparent contradiction between the sentiments contained in this and the following speech which Shakespeare has put into the mouth of Brutus. In this, Brutus declares his resolution to wait patiently for the determinations of Providence; and in the next, he intimates, that though he should survive the battle, he would never submit to be led in chains to Rome. This sentence in sir Thomas North's Translation, is perplexed, and might be easily misunderstood. Shakespeare, in the first speech, makes that to be the present opinion of Brutus, which in Plutarch, is mentioned only as one he formerly entertained, though now he condemned it. So, in sir Thomas North:—“There Cassius beganne to speake first, and sayd: the gods graunt vs, O Brutus, that this day we may winne the field, and euer after to liue all the rest of our life quietly, one with another. But sith the gods haue so ordeyned it, that the greatest & chiefest things amongest men are most vncertaine, and that if the battell fall out otherwise to daye then we wishe or looke for, we shall hardely meete againe: what art thou then determined to doe, to fly, or dye? Brutus aunswered him, being yet but a young man, and not ouergreatly experienced in the world: I trust, (I know not how) a certaine rule of philosophie, by the which I did greatly blame and reproue Cato for killing of him selfe, as being no lawfull nor godly acte, touching the gods, nor concerning men, valliant, not to giue place and yeld to diuine prouidence, and not constantly and paciently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to send vs, but to drawe backe, and flie: but being nowe in the middest of the daunger, I am of a contrarie mind. For if it be not the will of God, that this battell fall out fortunate for vs: I will looke no more for hope, neither seeke to make any new supply for war againe, but will rid me of this miserable world, and content me with my fortune. For, I gaue vp my life for my contry in the ides of Marche, for the which I shall liue in another more glorious worlde.” Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0939

Note return to page 156 7&lblank; arming myself with patience, &c.] Dr. Warburton thinks, that in this speech something is lost, but there needed only a parenthesis to clear it. The construction is this; I am determined to act according to that philosophy which directed me to blame the suicide of Cato, arming myself with patience. Johnson.

Note return to page 157 8&lblank; give these bills] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “In the meane tyme Brutus that led the right winge, sent litle billes to the collonels and captaines of private bandes, in which he wrote the worde of the battell, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 158 9This hill is far enough, &c.] Thus, in the old translation of Plutarch: “So, Cassius him selfe was at length compelled to flie, with a few about him, vnto a little hill, from whence they might easely see what was done in all the plaine: howbeit Cassius him self sawe nothing, for his sight was verie bad, sauing that he saw (and yet with much a doe) how the enemies spoiled his campe before his eyes. He sawe also a great troupe of horsemen, whom Brutus sent to aide him, and thought that they were his enemies that followed him: but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to goe and know what they were. Brutus horsemen sawe him comming a farre of, whom when they knewe that he was one of Cassius chiefest frendes, they showted out for ioy: and they that were familiarly acquainted with him, lighted from their horses, and went and imbraced him. The rest compassed him in rounde about a horsebacke, with songs of victorie and great rushing of their harnes, so that they made all the field ring againe for ioy. But this marred all. For Cassius thinking in deede that Titinnius was taken of the enemies, he then spake these wordes: Desiring too much to liue, I haue liued to see one of my best frendes taken, for my sake, before my face. After that, he gotte into a tent where no bodie was, and tooke Pyndarus with him, one of his freed bondmen, whom he reserued ever for suche a pinche, since the cursed battell of the Parthians, where Crassus was slaine, though he notwithstanding scaped from that ouerthrow: but then casting his cloke ouer his head, & holding out his bare neck vnto Pyndarus, he gaue him his head to be striken of. So the head was found seuered from the bodie: but after that time Pyndarus was neuer seene more.” Steevens.

Note return to page 159 1Go, Pindarus] This dialogue between Cassius and Pindarus, is beautifully imitated by B. and Fletcher in their tragedy of Bonduca, Act III. sc. v. Steevens.

Note return to page 160 *&lblank; time is come round.] So, in K. Lear, the Bastard, dying says: “The wheel is come full circle.” Steevens.

Note return to page 161 2Thou last of all the Romans.] Objectum est Historico (Cremutio Cordo. Tacit. Ann. l. iv. 34.) quod Brutum Cassiumque ultimos Romanorum dixisset. Suet. Tiber. Lib. III. c. 61. Steevens.

Note return to page 162 3and to Tharsus send his body:] Thus all the editions hitherto very ignorantly. But the whole tenor of history warrants us to write, as I have restored the text, Thassos. Theobald. It is Thassos in sir Tho. North's Translation. Steevens.

Note return to page 163 4I am the son of Marcus Cato &lblank;] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “There was the sonne of Marcus Cato slaine valiantly fighting, &c. telling aloud his name and his father's name, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 164 5&lblank; being Cato's son.] i. e. worthy of him. Warburton.

Note return to page 165 6Luc. Only I yield to die: There is so much, that thou wilt kill me straight;] Dr. Warburton has been much inclined to find lacunæ, or passages broken by omission, throughout this play. I think he has been always mistaken. The soldier here says, Yield, or thou diest. Lucilius replies, I yield only on this condition, that I may die; here is so much gold as thou seest in my hand, which I offer thee as a reward for speedy death. What now is there wanting? Johnson.

Note return to page 166 7I'll tell the news .&lblank;] The old copy reads: I'll tell thee news. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 167 8Safe, Antony;] So in the old translation of Plutarch: “In the mean time Lucilius was brought to him, who stowtly with a bold countenaunce sayd, Antonius, I dare assure thee, that no enemie hath taken, nor shall take Marcus Brutus aliue: and I beseech God keepe him from that fortune. For wheresouer he be found, aliue or dead, he will be founde like him selfe. And nowe for my selfe, I am come vnto thee, hauing deceiued these men of armes here, bearing them downe that I was Brutus: and doe not refuse to suffer any torment thou wilt put me to. Lucilius wordes made them all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side, looking vpon all them that had brought him, sayd vnto them: my companions, I thinke ye are sorie you haue failed of your purpose, & that you thinke this man hath done great wrong: but I doe assure you, you have taken a better bootie, then that you followed. For, instead of an enemie, you have brought me a frend, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 168 9Statilius shew'd the torch-light, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great number of men slaine in battell, and to know the trueth of it, there was one called Statilius, that promised to goe through his enemies (for otherwise it was impossible to goe see their campe) and from thence if all were well, that he woulde lift vp a torch light in the ayer, and then returne againe with speede to him. The torche-light was lift vp as he had promised, for Statilius went thither. Nowe Brutus seeing Statilius tarie long after that, and that he came not again, he sayd: if Statilius be aliue, he will come againe. But his euill fortune was suche, that as he came backe, he lighted in his enemies hands, and was slaine. Now, the night being farre spent, Brutus as he sate, bowed towards Clitus one of his men, and told him somwhat in his eare, the other aunswered him not, but fell a weeping. Thereupon he proued Dardanus, and sayd somwhat also to him: at length he came to Volumnius him selfe, and speaking to him in Græke, prayed him for the studies sake which brought them acquainted together, that he woulde helpe him to put his hande to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others: and amongest the rest, one of them sayd, there was no tarying for them there, but that they must needes flie. Then Brutus rising vp, we must flie in deede sayd he, but it must be with our hands, not with our feete. Then taking euery man by the hand, he sayd these words vnto them with a cheerefull countenance. It reioyceth my hart that not one of my frends hath failed me at my neede, and I do not complaine of my fortune, but only for my contries sake: for, as for me, I thinke my selfe happier than they that haue ouercome, considering that I leaue a perpetuall fame of our corage and manhoode, the which our enemies the conquerors shall neuer attaine vnto by force nor money, neither can let their posteritie to say, that they being naughtie and uniust men, haue slaine good men, to vsurpe tyrannical power not pertaining to them. Hauing sayd so, he prayed euery man to shift for them selues, and then he went a litle aside &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 169 1Farewel to thee too, Strato.] Thus the modern editions. I think, rightly. The old folio reads: Farewell to thee, to Strato, countrymen. Johnson.

Note return to page 170 2&lblank; save only he, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “For, it was sayd that Antonius spake it openly diuers tymes, that he thought, that of all them that had slayne Cæsar, there was none but Brutus only that was moued to do it, as thinking the acte commendable of it selfe: but that all the other conspirators did conspire his death, for some priuate malice or enuy, that they otherwise did beare vnto him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 171 3&lblank; the elements So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, This was a man.] So, in the Barons' Wars, by Drayton, Canto III: “He was a man (then boldly dare to say) “In whose rich soul the virtues well did suit; “In whom so mix'd the elements all lay, “That none to one could sov'reignty impute; “As all did govern, so did all obey: “He of a temper was so absolute,   “As that it seem'd, when nature him began,   “She meant to shew all that might be in man.” This poem was published in the year 1598. The play of our author did not appear before 1623. Steevens.

Note return to page 172 Of this tragedy many particular passages deserve regard, and the contention and reconcilement of Brutus and Cassius is universally celebrated; but I have never been strongly agitated in perusing it, and think it somewhat cold and unaffecting, compared with some other of Shakespeare's plays; his adherence to the real story, and to Roman manners, seems to have impeded the natural vigour of his genius. Johnson.

Note return to page 173 1Among the entries in the books of the Stationers' Company, October 19, 1593, I find “A Booke entituled the Tragedie of Cleopatra.” It is entered by Symon Waterson, for whom some of Daniel's works were printed; and therefore it is probably by that author, of whose Cleopatra there are several editions. In the same volumes, May 2, 1608, Edward Blount entered “A Booke called Anthony and Cleopatra.” This is the first notice I have met with concerning any edition of this play more ancient than the folio, 1623. Steevens.

Note return to page 174 2&lblank; reneges &lblank;] Renounces. Pope. So, in K. Lear: “Renege, affirm &c.” This word is likewise used by Stanyhurst in his version of the second book of Virgil's Æneid: “To live now longer, Troy burnt, he flatly reneageth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 175 3And is become the bellows, and the fan, To cool a gypsy's lust. &lblank;] In this passage something seems to be wanting. The bellows and fan being commonly used for contrary purposes, were probably opposed by the author, who might perhaps have written: &lblank; is become the bellows, and the fan, To kindle and to cool a gypsy's lust. Johnson. In Lylly's Midas, 1592, the bellows is used both to cool and to kindle: “Methinks Venus and Nature stand with each of them a pair of bellows, one cooling my low birth, the other kindling my lofty affections.” Steevens. I do not see any necessity for supposing a word lost. The bellows, as well as the fan, cools the air by ventilation; and Shakespeare probably considered it in that light only. We meet a similar phraseology in his Venus and Adonis, 1593: “Then with her windy sighs and golden hair “To fan and blow them dry again, she seeks.” Malone.

Note return to page 176 4&lblank; gypsy's lust. &lblank;] Gypsy is here used both in the original meaning for an Egyptian, and in its accidental sense for a bad woman. Johnson.

Note return to page 177 5The triple pillar &lblank;] Triple is here used improperly for third, or one of three. One of the triumvirs, one of the three masters of the world. Warburton.

Note return to page 178 6There's beggary in the love that can be reckon'd.] So, in Romeo and Juliet: “They are but beggars that can count their worth.” “Basia pauca cupit, qui numerare potest.” Mart. l. vi. ep. 36. Steevens.

Note return to page 179 7&lblank; bourn &lblank;] Bound or limit. Pope.

Note return to page 180 8Then must thou needs find out new heaven, &c.] Thou must set the boundary of my love at a greater distance than the present visible universe affords. Johnson.

Note return to page 181 9&lblank; The sum.] Be brief, sum thy business in a few words. Johnson.

Note return to page 182 1&lblank; and the wide arch Of the rang'd empire fall! &lblank;] Taken from the Roman custom of raising triumphal arches to perpetuate their victories. Extremely noble. Warburton. I am in doubt whether Shakespeare had any idea but of a fabrick standing on pillars. The later editions have all printed the raised empire, for the ranged empire, as it was first given. Johnson. The rang'd empire is certainly right. Shakespeare uses the same expression in Coriolanus: “&lblank; bury all which yet distinctly ranges, “In heaps and piles of ruin.” Again, in Much ado about Nothing, act II. sc. ii: “Whatsoever comes athwart his affection, ranges evenly with mine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 183 2&lblank; to weet,] To know. Pope.

Note return to page 184 3&lblank; Antony. Will be himself. Ant. But stir'd by Cleopatra. &lblank;] But, in this passage, seems to have the old Saxon signification of without, unless, except. Antony, says the queen, will recollect his thoughts. Unless kept, he replies, in commotion by Cleopatra. Johnson.

Note return to page 185 4To-night we'll wander through the streets, &c.] So, in sir Thomas North's Translation of the Life of Antonius: “&lblank; Sometime also when he would goe up and downe the citie disguised like a slave in the night, and would peere into poore mens' windowes and their shops, and scold and brawl with them within the house; Cleopatra would be also in a chamber maides array, and amble up and down the streets with him, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 186 5That he approves the common liar, &lblank;] Fame. That he proves the common lyar, fame, in his case to be a true reporter. Malone.

Note return to page 187 6Enter Charmian, Iras, Alexas, and a Soothsayer.] The old copy reads: “Enter Enobarbus, Lamprius, a Southsayer, Rannius, Lucillius, Charmian, Iras, Mardian the Eunuch, and Alexas.” Plutarch mentions his grandfather Lamprias, as his author for some of the stories he relates of the profuseness and luxury of Antony's entertainments at Alexandria. Shakespeare appears to have been very anxious in this play to introduce every incident and every personage he met with in his historian. In the multitude of his characters, however, Lamprias is entirely overlook'd, together with the others whose names we find in this stage-direction. Steevens.

Note return to page 188 7&lblank; change his horns with garlands.] This is corrupt; the true reading evidently is: &lblank; must charge his horns with garlands, i. e. make him a rich and honourable cuckold, having his horns hung about with garlands. Warburton. Sir Thomas Hanmer reads, not improbably, change for horns his garlands. I am in doubt, whether to change is not merely to dress, or to dress with changes of garlands. Johnson. So, Taylor the water-poet, describing the habit of a coachman: “&lblank; with a cloak of some py'd colour, with two or three change of laces about.” Change of clothes in the time of Shakespeare signified variety of them. Coriolanus says that he has received “change of honours” from the Patricians. Act II. sc. i. Steevens.

Note return to page 189 8I had rather heat my liver &lblank;] To know why the lady is so averse from heating her liver, it must be remembered, that a heated liver is supposed to make a pimpled face. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0943

Note return to page 190 9&lblank; to whom Herod of Jewry may do homage! &lblank;] Herod paid homage to the Romans, to procure the grant of the kingdom of Judea; but I believe there is an allusion here to the theatrical character of this monarch, and to a proverbial expression founded on it. Herod was always one of the personages in the mysteries of our early stage, on which he was constantly represented as a fierce, haughty, blustering tyrant, so that Herod of Jewry became a common proverb, expressive of turbulence and rage. Thus, Hamlet says of a ranting player, that he “out-herods Herod.” And in this tragedy Alexas tells Cleopatra that “not even Herod of Jewry dare look upon her when she is angry;” i.e. not even a man as fierce as Herod. According to this explanation, the sense of the present passage will be—Charmian wishes for a son who may arrive to such power and dominion that the proudest and fiercest monarchs of the earth may be brought under his yoke. Steevens.

Note return to page 191 1&lblank; I love long life better than figs.] This is a proverbial expression. Steevens.

Note return to page 192 2Then, belike, my children shall have no names: &lblank;] If I have already had the best of my fortune, then I suppose I shall never name children, that is, I am never to be married. However, tell me the truth, tell me, how many boys and wenches? Johnson. A fairer fortune, I believe, means—a more reputable one. Her answer then implies, that belike all her children will be bastards, who have no right to the name of their father's family. Thus says Launce in the third act of the Two Gentlemen of Verona: “That's as much as to say bastard virtues, that indeed know not their fathers, and therefore have no names.” Steevens.

Note return to page 193 3If every of your wishes had a womb, And foretold every wish a million.] This nonsense should be reformed thus: If ev'ry of your wishes had a womb, And fertil ev'ry wish, &lblank;] Warburton. For foretel, in ancient editions, the later copies have foretold. Foretel favours the emendation, which is made with great acuteness; yet the original reading may, I think, stand. If you had as many wombs as you will have wishes, and I should foretel all those wishes, I should foretel a million of children. It is an ellipsis very frequent in conversation; I should shame you, and tell all; that is, and if I should tell all. And is for and if, which was anciently, and is still provincially used for if. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0944

Note return to page 194 4Char. Our worser thoughts heav'ns mend. Alex. Come, his fortune, his fortune. O, let him marry a woman, &c.] Whose fortune does Alexas call out to have told? But, in short, this I dare pronounce to be so palpable and signal a transposition, that I cannot but wonder it should have slipt the observation of all the editors; especially of the sagacious Mr. Pope, who has made this declaration, That if, throughout the plays, had all the speeches been printed without the very names of the persons, he believes one might have applied them with certainty to every speaker. But in how many instances has Mr. Pope's want of judgment falsified this opinion? The fact is evidently this; Alexas brings a fortune-teller to Iras and Charmian, and says himself, We'll know all our fortunes. Well; the soothsayer begins with the women; and some jokes pass upon the subject of husbands and chastity: after which, the women hoping for the satisfaction of having something to laugh at in Alexas's fortune, call him to hold out his hand, and wish heartily that he may have the prognostication of cuckoldom upon him. The whole speech, therefore, must be placed to Charmian. There needs no stronger proof of this being a true correction, than the observation which Alexas immediately subjoins on their wishes and zeal to hear him abused. Theobald.

Note return to page 195 5&lblank; extended Asia,] i. e. widened or extended the bounds of the Lesser Asia. Warburton. To extend, is a term used for to seize; I know not whether that be not the sense here. Johnson. I believe Dr. Johnson's explanation right. So, in Selimus Emperor of the Turks, by T. Goff, 1638: “Ay, though on all the world we make extent “From the south pole unto the northern bear.” Again, in Twelfth Night: “&lblank; this uncivil and unjust extent “Against thy peace.” Again, in Massinger's New Way to pay old Debts, the Extortioner says: “This manor is extended to my use.” Mr. Tollet has likewise no doubt but that Dr. Johnson's explanation is just; “for (says he) Plutarch informs us that Labienus was by the Parthian king made general of his troops, and had over-run Asia from Euphrates and Syria to Lydia and Ionia” To extend is a law term used for to seize lands and tenements. In support of his assertion he adds the following instance: “Those wasteful companions had neither lands to extend nor goods to be seized. Savile's Translation of Tacitus, dedicated to Q. Elizabeth:” and then observes, that “Shakespeare knew the legal signification of the term, as appears from a passage in As you like it: “And let my officers of such a nature “Make an extent upon his house and lands.” Steevens.

Note return to page 196 6When our quick winds lie still; &lblank;] The sense is, that man, not agitated by censure, like soil not ventilated by quick winds, produces more evil than good. Johnson. The Tragedy of Cræsus, 1604, seems to contain a similar allusion: “Whose knowledge clouded is with prosprous winds.” Some one, I forget who, has proposed to read—minds. It is at least a conjecture that deserves to be mentioned. Steevens.

Note return to page 197 7&lblank; the present pleasure, By revolution lowering, does become The opposite of itself; &lblank;] The allusion is to the sun's diurnal course; which rising in the east, and by revolution lowering, or setting in the west, becomes the opposite of itself. Warburton. This is an obscure passage. The explanation which Dr. Warburton has offer'd is such, that I can add nothing to it; yet perhaps Shakespeare, who was less learned than his commentator, meant only, that our pleasures, as they are revolved in the mind, turn to pain. Johnson. I rather understand the passage thus: “What we often cast from us in contempt we wish again for, and what is at present our greatest pleasure, lowers in our estimation by the revolution of time; or by a frequent return of possession becomes undesireable and disagreeable. Tollet. I believe revolution means change of circumstances. This sense appears to remove every difficulty from the passage.—The pleasure of to-day, by revolution of events and change of circumstances, often loses all its value to us, and becomes to-morrow a pain. Steevens.

Note return to page 198 8The hand could pluck her back, &c.] The verb could has a peculiar signification in this place; it does not denote power but inclination. The sense is, the hand that drove her off would now willingly pluck her back again. Revisal. Could, would and should, are a thousand times indiscriminately used in the old plays, and yet appear to have been so employed rather by choice than by chance. Steevens.

Note return to page 199 9&lblank; poorer moment: &lblank;] For less reason; upon meaner motives. Johnson.

Note return to page 200 1&lblank; it shews to man the tailors of the earth, comforting therein, &c.] I have printed this after the original, which, though harsh and obscure, I know not how to amend. Sir. Tho. Hanmer reads, They shew to man the tailors of the earth comforting him therein. I think the passage, with somewhat less alteration, for alteration is always dangerous, may stand thus; It shews to men the tailors of the earth, comforting them, &c. Johnson. The meaning is this. As the gods have been pleased to take away your wife Fulvia, so they have provided you with a new one in Cleopatra; in like manner as the tailors of the earth, when your old garments are worn out, accommodate you with new ones. Anonymous.

Note return to page 201 2&lblank; the tears live in an onion &c.] So, in The noble Soldier, 1634: “So much water as you might squeeze out of an onion had been tears enough &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 202 3The cause of our expedience &lblank;] Expedience for expedition. Warburton.

Note return to page 203 4&lblank; more urgent touches,] Things that touch me more sensibly, more pressing motives. Johnson.

Note return to page 204 4Petition us at home: &lblank;] Wish us at home; call for us to reside at home. Johnson.

Note return to page 205 6&lblank; the courser's hair, &c.] Alludes to an old idle notion that the hair of a horse dropt into corrupted water, will turn to an animal. Pope. So, in Holinshed's Description of England, p. 224: “&lblank; A horse-haire laid in a pale full of the like water will in a short time stirre and become a living creature. But sith the certaintie of these things is rather proved by few &c.” Steevens. Dr. Lister, in the Philosophical Transactions, showed that what were vulgarly thought animated horse-hairs, are real insects. I was also affirmed, that they moved like serpents, and were poisonous to swallow. Tollet.

Note return to page 206 7&lblank; Say, our pleasure To such whose places under us require Our quick remove from hence.] Such is this passage in the first copy. The late editors have all altered it, or received it altered in silence thus: &lblank; Say, our pleasure, To such whose place is under us, requires Our quick remove from hence. This is hardly sense. I believe we should read: Their quick remove from hence. Tell our design of going away to those, who being by their places obliged to attend us, must remove in haste. Johnson. Surely the old reading with the slight amendment made by some former editor—whose place is—affords perfect sense.&lblank; “Say to such whose place is under us, i. e. to our attendants, that our pleasure requires our quick remove from hence.” Malone.

Note return to page 207 8I did not send you; &lblank;] You must go as if you came without my order or knowledge. Johnson.

Note return to page 208 9&lblank; in our brows' bent; &lblank;] i. e. in the arch of our eyebrows. Steevens.

Note return to page 209 1&lblank; a race of heaven: &lblank;] i. e. had a smack or flavour of heaven. Warburton. This word is well explained by Dr. Warburton; the race of wine is the taste of the soil. Sir T. Hanmer, not understanding the word, reads, ray. Johnson.

Note return to page 210 2Remains in use &lblank;] The poet seems to allude to the legal distinction between the use and absolute possession. Johnson.

Note return to page 211 3&lblank; My more particular, And that which most with you should save my going, Is Fulvia's death.] Thus all the more modern editions; the first and second folios read safe: All corruptedly. Antony is giving several reasons to Cleopatra, which make his departure from Ægypt necessary; most of them, reasons of state; but the death of Fulvia, his wife, was a particular and private call. Cleopatra is jealous of Antony, and suspicious that he is seeking colours for his going. Antony replies to her doubts, with the reasons that obliged him to be absent for a time; and tells her, that, as his wife Fulvia is dead, and so she has no rival to be jealous of, that circumstance should be his best plea and excuse, and have the greatest weight with her for his going. Who does not see now, that it ought to be read: &lblank; should salve my going. Theobald. Mr. Upton reads, I think rightly: &lblank; safe my going. Johnson.

Note return to page 212 4&lblank; Can Fulvia die?] That Fulvia was mortal, Cleopatra could have no reason to doubt; the meaning therefore of her question seems to be:—Will there ever be an end of your excuses? As often as you want to leave me, will not some Fulvia, some new pretext be found for your departure? She has already said that though age could not exempt her from some follies, at least it frees her from a childish belief in all he says. Steevens.

Note return to page 213 5The garboils she awak'd; &lblank;] i. e. the commotion she occasioned. The word is used by Heywood in the Rape of Lucrece, 1616: “&lblank; thou Tarquin, dost alone survive, “The head of all those garboiles.” Again, by Stanyhurst in his translation of the four first books of Virgil's Æneid, 1582: “Now manhood and garboils I chaunt and martial horror.” Again, in Jarvis Markham's English Arcadia, 1607: “Days of mourning by continuall garboiles were, however, numbered and encreased.” The word is derived from the old French garbouil, which Cotgrave explains by hurlyburly, great stir. Steevens.

Note return to page 214 6O most false love! Where be the sacred vials thou shouldst fill With sorrowful water? &lblank;] Alluding to the lachrymatory vials, or bottles of tears, which the Romans sometimes put into the urn of a friend. Johnson. So, in the first act of The Two Noble Kinsmen, written by B. and Fletcher [Correction: 1Kb]

Note return to page 215 for, B. and Fletcher, read oly, Fletcher.

Note return to page 216 7So Antony loves.] i. e. uncertain as the state of my health is the love of Antony. Steevens.

Note return to page 217 8&lblank; to Egypt: &lblank;] To me, the queen of Egypt. Johnson.

Note return to page 218 9&lblank; Herculean Roman &lblank;] Antony traced his descent from Anton a son of Hercules. Steevens.

Note return to page 219 1O, my oblivion is a very Antony, And I am all forgotten.] The plain meaning is, My forgetfulness makes me forget myself. But she expresses it by calling forgetfulness Antony; because forgetfulness had forgot her, as Antony had done. For want of apprehending this quaintness of expression, the Oxford editor is forced to tell us news, That all forgotten is an old way of speaking, for apt to forget every thing. Warburton. I cannot understand the learned critic's explanation. It appears to me, that she should rather have said: O my remembrace is a very Antony, And I am all forgotten. It was her memory, not her oblivion, that, like Antony, was forgetting and deserting her. I think a slight change will restore the passage. The queen, having something to say, which she is not able, or would not seem able to recollect, cries out: O my oblivion!—'Tis a very Antony. The thought of which I was in quest is a very Antony, is treacherous and fugitive, and has irrevocably left me: And I am all forgotten. If this reading stand, I think the explanation of Hanmer must be received. Johnson. Dr. Warburton's explanation is certainly just, but I cannot perceive any need of change. Cleopatra has something to say, which seems to be suppress'd by sorrow, and after many attempts to produce her meaning, she cries out: O, this oblivious memory of mine is as false and treacherous to me as Antony is, and I forget every thing. Oblivion, I believe, is boldy used for a memory apt to be deceitful. If too great a latitude be taken in this explanation, we might with little violence read, as Mr. Edwards has proposed in his MS. notes: Oh me! oblivion is a very Antony, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 220 2But that your royalty Holds idleness your subject, I should take you For idleness itself.] i.e. But that your charms hold me, who am the greatest fool on earth, in chains, I should have adjudged you to be the greatest. That this is the sense is shewn by her answer: 'Tis sweating labour, To bear such idleness so near the heart, As Cleopatra, this. &lblank; Warburton. The sense may be:—But that your queenship chuses idleness for the subject of your conversation, I should take you for idleness itself. So Webster (who was often a very close imitator of Shakespeare) in his Vittoria Corombona, 1612: “&lblank; how idle am I “To question my own idleness!” Or an antithesis may be designed between royalty and subject.— But that I know you to be a queen, and that your royalty holds idleness in subjection to you, exalting you far above its influence, I should suppose you to be the very genius of idleness itself. Steevens.

Note return to page 221 3Since my becomings kill me, &lblank;] There is somewhat of obscurity in this expression. In the first scene of the play Antony had called her: “&lblank; wrangling queen, “Whom every thing becomes.” It is to this, perhaps, that she alludes. Steevens.

Note return to page 222 4One great competitor: &lblank;] Perhaps, Our great competitor. Johnson.

Note return to page 223 5&lblank; as the spots of heav'n, More fiery by night's blackness;] If by spots are meant stars, as night has no other fiery spots, the comparison is forced and harsh, stars having been always supposed to beautify the night; nor do I comprehend what there is in the counter-part of this simile, which answers to night's blackness. Hanmer reads: “spots on ermine, Or fires, by night's blackness. Johnson. The meaning seems to be—As the stars or spots of heaven are not obscured, but rather rendered more bright by the blackness of the night, so neither, is the goodness of Antony eclipsed by his evil qualities, but, on the contrary, his faults seem enlarged and aggravated by his virtues. That which answers to the blackness of the night, in the counterpart of the simile, is Antony's goodness. His goodness is a ground which gives a relief to his faults, and makes them stand out more prominent and conspicuous. It is objected, that stars rather beautify than deform the night. But the poet considers them here only with respect to their prominence and splendour. It is sufficient for him that their scintillations appear stronger in consequence of darkness, as jewels are more resplendent on a black ground than on any other.—That the prominence and splendour of the stars were alone in Shakespeare's contemplation, appears from a passage in Hamlet, where the same thought is less equivocally express'd: “&lblank; Your skill shall, like a star i' the darkest night, “Stick fiery off indeed.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0948

Note return to page 224 6&lblank; purchas'd; &lblank;] Procur'd by his own fault or endeavour. Johnson.

Note return to page 225 7&lblank; say, this becomes him; As his composure must be rare, indeed, Whom these things cannot blemish; &lblank;] This seems inconsequent. I read: And his composure, &c. Grant that this becomes him, and if it can become him, he must have in him something very uncommon; yet, &c. Johnson.

Note return to page 226 8So great weight in his lightness: &lblank;] The word light is one of Shakespeare's favourite play-things. The sense is, His trifling levity throws so much burden upon us. Johnson.

Note return to page 227 9Call on him for't: &lblank;] Call on him, is, visit him. Says Cæsar, If Antony followed his debaucheries at a time of leisure, I should leave him to be punished by their natural consequences, by surfeits and dry bones. Johnson.

Note return to page 228 1&lblank; boys; who, being mature in knowledge,] For this Hanmer, who thought the maturity of a boy an inconsistent idea, has put: &lblank; who, immature in knowledge: but the words experience and judgment require that we read mature: though Dr. Warburton has received the emendation. By boys mature in knowledge, are meant, boys old enough to know their duty. Johnson.

Note return to page 229 2That only have fear'd Cæsar: &lblank;] Those whom not love but fear made adherents to Cæsar, now shew their affection for Pompey. Johnson.

Note return to page 230 3&lblank; he, which is, was wish'd, until he were; And the ebb'd man, ne'er lov'd, 'till ne'er worth love, Comes fear'd, by being lack'd. &lblank;] Let us examine the sense of this in plain prose. The earliest histories inform us, that the man in supreme command was always wish'd to gain that command, 'till he had obtain'd it. And he, whom the multitude has contentedly seen in a low condition, when he begins to be wanted by them, becomes to be fear'd by them. But do the multitude fear a man, because they want him? Certainly, we must read: Comes dear'd, by being lack'd. i. e. endear'd, a favourite to them. Besides, the context requires this reading; for it was not fear, but love, that made the people flock to young Pompey, and what occasion'd this reflection. So, in Coriolanus: “I shall be lov'd, when I am lack'd.” Warburton.

Note return to page 231 4Goes to, and back, lashing the varying tide, To rot itself with motion.] How can a flag, or rush, floating upon a stream, and that has no motion but what the fluctuation of the water gives it, be said to lash the tide? This is making a scourge of a weak ineffective thing, and giving it an active violence in its own power. All the old editions read lacking. 'Tis true, there is no sense in that reading; but the addition of a single letter will not only give us good sense, but the genuine word of our author into the bargain. &lblank; Lacquing the varying tide, i. e. floating backwards and forwards with the variation of the tide, like a page, or lacquey, at his master's heels. Theobald. Theobald's conjecture may be supported by a passage in the fifth book of Chapman's translation of Homer's Odyssey: “&lblank; who would willingly “Lacky along so vast a lake of brine?” Again, in his version of the 24th Iliad: “My guide to Argos either ship'd or lackying by thy side.” Again, in the Prologue to the second part of Antonio and Mellida, 1602: “O that our power “Could lacky or keep pace with our desires!” Steevens.

Note return to page 232 5Perhaps another messenger should be noted here, as entering with fresh news. Steevens.

Note return to page 233 6&lblank; which they ear &lblank;] To ear, is to plow; a common metaphor. Johnson. To ear, is not, however, at this time, a common word. I meet with it in Turbervile's Falconry, 1575: “&lblank; because I have a larger field to ear.” Again, in Drayton's Legend of Robert Duke of Normandy: “So Troy, thought I, her stately head did rear, “Whose crazed ribs the furrowing plough doth ear.” Again, in Gower, De Confessione Amantis, b. i. fol. 26: “And eren it with strength of plough.” Steevens.

Note return to page 234 7Lack blood to think on't, &lblank;] Turn pale at the thought of it. Johnson.

Note return to page 235 8&lblank; and flush youth &lblank;] Flush youth is youth ripened to manhood; youth whose blood is at the flow. Steevens.

Note return to page 236 9&lblank; thy lascivious wassels. &lblank;] Wassel is here put for intemperance in general. So, in Love's Labour's Lost: “At wakes and wassels, meetings, markets, fairs.” For a more particular account of the word, see Macbeth, act I. sc. ult. The old copy, however, reads vassailes. Steevens.

Note return to page 237 1&lblank; Thou didst drink The stale of horses, &lblank;] All these circumstances of Antony's distress, are taken literlly from Plutarch. Steevens.

Note return to page 238 2&lblank; mandragora.] A plant of which the infusion was supposed to procure sleep. Shakespeare mentions it in Othello: “Not poppy, nor mandragora, “Can ever med'cine thee to that sweet sleep.” Johnson. So, in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, 1623: “Come violent death, “Serve for mandragora, and make me sleep.” Steevens. &lblank; to drink mandragora.] Gerard, in his Herbal, says of the mandragoras: “Dioscorides doth particularly set downe many faculties hereof, of which notwithstanding there be none proper unto it, save those that depend upon the drowsie and sleeping power thereof.” In Adlington's Apuleius (of which the epistle is dated 1566) reprinted 1639, 4to, bl. l. p. 187, lib. 10: “I gave him no poyson, but a doling drink of mandragoras, which is of such force, that it will cause any man to sleepe, as though he were dead.” Percy.

Note return to page 239 3And burgonet of man. &lblank;] A burgonet is a kind of helmet. So, in Hen. VI: “This day I'll wear aloft my burgonet.” So, in Heywood's Iron Age, 1632: “I'll hammer on thy proof-steel'd burgonet.” Again, in the Birth of Merlin, 1662: “This, by the gods and my good sword, I'll set “In bloody lines upon thy burgonet.” Steevens.

Note return to page 240 4&lblank; Broad-fronted Cæsar,] Mr. Seyward is of opinion, that the poet wrote—bald-fronted Cæsar. Steevens.

Note return to page 241 5&lblank; that great medicine hath with his tinct gilded thee.] Alluding to the philosopher's stone, which, by its touch, converts base metal into gold. The alchemists call the matter, whatever it be, by which they perform transmutation, a medicine. Johnson. Thus Chapman, in his Shadow of Night, 1594, “O then, thou great elixir of all treasures.” And on this passage he has the following note: “The philosopher's stone, or philosophica medicina is called the great Elixir, to which he here alludes.” Thus, in the Chanones Yemannes Tale of Chaucer, late edit. v. 16330: “&lblank; the philosophre's stone, “Elixir cleped, we seken fast eche on.” Steevens.

Note return to page 242 6&lblank; arm-gaunt steed,] i. e. his steed worn lean and thin by much service in war. So, Fairfax: “His stall-worn steed the champion stout bestrode.” Warburton. On this note Mr. Edwards has been very lavish of his pleasantry, and indeed has justly censured the misquotation of stall-worn, for stall-worth, which means strong, but makes no attempt to explain the word in the play. Mr. Seyward, in his preface to Beaumont, has very elaborately endeavoured to prove, that an arm-gaunt steed is a steed with lean shoulders. Arm is the Teutonic word for want, or poverty. Arm-gaunt may be therefore an old word, signifying, lean for want, ill fed. Edwards's observation, that a worn-out horse is not proper for Atlas to mount in battle, is impertinent; the horse here mentioned seems to be a post-horse, rather than a war horse. Yet as arm-gaunt seems not intended to imply any defect, it perhaps means, a horse so slender that a man might clasp him, and therefore formed for expedition. Hanmer reads: &lblank; arm-girt steed. Johnson. The following compound word which I find in Chaucer's description of a king of Thrace in the Knight's Tale, may support Dr. Johnson's explanation: “A wreth of gold arm-gret, of huge weight “Upon his hed &c.” late edit. v. 2147. Armgrete is as big as the arm, and arm-gaunt may mean as slender as the arm. We still say, in vulgar comparison, as long as my arm, as thick as my leg, &c. Again, in the Booke of Fyshing, &c. bl. l. no date: “&lblank; cut between Michelmas and Candellmas a fayre staff of a fadome and a half longe and arm-great, of hasyll, &c.” Again, in Lidgate: “&lblank; Line-right,” i. e. as strait as a line. Steevens.

Note return to page 243 7Was beastly dumb by him.] Mr. Theobald reads dumb'd, put to silence. “Alexas means, (says he) the horse made such a neighing, that if he had spoke he could not have been heard.” Johnson. The verb which Theobald would introduce, is found in Pericles Prince of Tyre, 1609: “Deep clerks she dumbs &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 244 8My sallad days! When I was green in judgment, cold in blood! To say, as I said then! &lblank;] This puzzles the late editor, Mr. Theobald. He says: “Cleopatra may speak very naturally here with contempt of her judgment at that period: but how truly with regard to the coldness of her blood may admit some question:” and then employs his learning to prove, that at this cold season of her blood, she had seen twenty good years. But yet he thinks his author may be justified, because Plutarch calls Cleopatra at those years, &grK;&groa;&grr;&grh;, which by ill luck proves just the contrary; for that state which the Greeks designed by &grK;&groa;&grr;&grh;, was the very height of blood. But Shakespeare's best justification is restoring his own sense, which is done merely by a different pointing: My sallad days; When I was green in judgment. Cold in blood! To say as I said then. Cold in blood, is an upbraiding expostulation to her maid. Those, says she, were my sallad days, when I was green in judgment; but your blood is as cold as my judgment, if you have the same opinion of things now as I had then. Warburton.

Note return to page 245 9&lblank; unpeople Ægypt.] By sending out messengers. Johnson.

Note return to page 246 1The persons are so named in the first edition; but I know not why Menecrates appears; Menas can do all without him. Johnson.

Note return to page 247 2Whiles we are suitors to their throne, decays The thing we sue for.] This nonsense should be read thus: Whiles we are suitors to their throne, delay's The thing we sue for. Menecrates had said, The gods do not deny that which they delay. The other turns his words to a different meaning, and replies, Delay is the very thing we beg of them, i. e. the delay of our enemies in making preparation against us: which he explains afterwards, by saying, Mark Antony was tied up by lust in Ægypt; Cæsar by avarice at Rome; and Lepidus employed in keeping well with both. Warburton. It is not always prudent to be too hasty in exclamation; the reading which Dr. Warburton rejects as nonsense, is in my opinion right; if delay be what they sue for, they have it, and the consolation offered becomes superfluous. The meaning is, While we are praying, the thing for which we pray is losing its value. Johnson.

Note return to page 248 3In old editions, My powers are crescent, aud my auguring hope Says it will come to th' full.] What does the relative it belong to? It cannot in sense relate to hope, nor in concord to powers. The poet's allusion is to the moon; and Pompey would say, he is yet but a half moon, or crescent; but his hopes tell him, that crescent will come to a full orb. Theobald.

Note return to page 249 4&lblank; thy wan lip!] In the old edition it is &lblank; thy wand lip! Perhaps, for fond lip, or warm lip, says Dr. Johnson. Wand, if it stand, is either a corruption of wan, the adjective, or a contraction of wanned, or made wan, a participle. So, in Hamlet: “That, from her working, all his visage wan'd.” Again, in Marston's Antonio and Mellida: “&lblank; a cheek “Not as yet wan'd.” Or perhaps waned lip, i. e. decreased, like the moon, in its beauty. So, in the Tragedy of Mariam, 1613: “And Cleopatra then to seek had been “So firm a lover of her wained face.” Again, in the Skynner's Play, among the Chester collection of Mysteries, MS. Harl. 1013. p. 152: “O blessed be thou ever and aye “Now wayned is all my woo.” Yet this expression of Pompey's perhaps, after all, implies a wish only, that every charm of love may confer additional softness on the lips of Cleopatra: i. e. that her beauty may improve to the ruin of her lover. The epithet wan might have been added, only to shew the speaker's private contempt of it. It may be remarked, that the lips of Africans and Asiatics are paler than those of European nations. Steevens. Shakespeare's orthography often adds a d at the end of a word. Thus, vile is (in the old editions) every where spelt vild. Laund is given instead of lawn: why not therefore wan'd for wan here? If this however should not be accepted, suppose we read with the addition only of an apostrophe, wan'd; i. e. waned, declined, gone off from its perfection; comparing Cleopatra's beauty to the moon past the full. Percy.

Note return to page 250 5&lblank; since he went from Ægypt, 'tis A space for farther travel.] i. e. since he quitted Egypt, a space of time has elapsed in which a longer journey might have been performed than from Egypt to Rome. Steevens.

Note return to page 251 6&lblank; would have don'd his helm] To don is to do on, to put on. So, in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, 1623: “Call upon our dame aloud, Bid her quickly don her shrowd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 252 7&lblank; But let us rear The higher our opinion, that our stirring Can from the lap of Egypt's widow pluck The near lust-wearied Antony.] Sextus Pompeius, upon hearing that Antony is every hour expected in Rome, does not much relish the news. He is twice the soldier, (says he) that Octavius and Lepidus are; and I did not think, the petty war, which I am raising, would rouze him from his amours in Ægypt.—But why should Pompey hold a higher opinion of his own expedition, because it awaked Antony to arms, who was near weary, almost surfeited, of lascivious pleasures? Indolent and stupid editors, that can dispense with words without ever weighing the reason of them! How easy is the change to the true reading? The ne'er-lust-wearied Antony. If Antony, though never tired of luxury, yet moved from that charm, upon Pompey's stirring, it was a reason for Pompey to pride himself upon being of such consequence. Theobald. Could it be imagined, after this swelling exultation, that the first edition stands literally thus? The neare lust wearied Antony. Johnson.

Note return to page 253 8I cannot hope, &c.] The judicious editor of the Canterbury Tales of Chaucer in four vols 8vo, 1775, observes that to hope on this occasion means to expect. So, in the Reve's Tale, v. 4027: “Our manciple I hope he wol be ded.” Steevens.

Note return to page 254 9&lblank; warr'd upon him; &lblank;] Thus the second folio; the first wan'd. Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0950

Note return to page 255 1&lblank; square &lblank;] That is, quarrel. So, in the Shoemaker's Holiday, or the gentle Craft, 1600: “What? square they, master Scott? &lblank; “&lblank; Sir, no doubt: “Lovers are quickly in and quickly out.” The same word is used both in the Midsummer Night's Dream, Titus Andronicus, and in this play, act III. sc. xi: “Mine honesty and I begin to square.” Steevens.

Note return to page 256 2Our lives upon, &lblank;] This play is not divided into acts by the authour or first editors, and therefore the present division may be altered at pleasure. I think the first act may be commodiously continued to this place, and the second act opened with the interview of the chief persons, and a change of the state of action. Yet it must be confessed, that it is of small importance, where these unconnected and desultory scenes are interrupted. Johnson.

Note return to page 257 3Were I the wearer of Antonius' beard, I would not shav't to-day.] Alluding to the phrase, I will beard him. Warburton. I believe he means, I would meet him undressed, without shew of respect. Johnson.

Note return to page 258 4Nor curstness grow to the matter.] Let not ill-humour be added to the real subject of our difference. Johnson.

Note return to page 259 5Cæs. Sit. Ant. Sit, sir!] Antony appears to be jealous of a circumstance which seemed to indicate a consciousness of superiority in his too successful partner in power; and accordingly resents the invitation of Cæsar to be seated: Cæsar answers, Nay then—i. e. if you are so ready to resent what I meant an act of civility, there can be no reason to suppose you have temper enough for the business on which at present we are met. The former editors leave a full point at the end of this as well as the preceeding speech. Steevens. The following circumstance may serve to strengthen Mr. Steevens's opinion: When the fictitious Sebastian made his appearance in Europe, he came to a conference with the Conde de Lemos; to whom, after the first exchange of civilities, he said, Conde de Lemos, be covered. And being asked by that nobleman, by what pretences he laid claim to the superiority expressed by such permission, he replied, I do it by right of my birth; I am Sebastian. Johnson.

Note return to page 260 6Did practise on my state, &lblank;] To practise means to employ unwarrantable arts or stratagems. So, in the Tragedie of Antonie, done into English by the countess of Pembroke, 1595: “&lblank; nothing kills me so “As that I so my Cleopatra see “Practise with Cæsar.” Steevens.

Note return to page 261 7&lblank; question.] i. e. My theme or subject of conversation. So before: “Out of our question wipe him.” See a note on Hamlet, act I: “Thou com'st in such a questionable shape, &c.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0951

Note return to page 262 8&lblank; their contestation Was theam for you, you were the word of war.] The only meaning of this can be, that the war, which Antony's wife and brother made upon Cæsar, was theam for Antony too to make war; or was the occasion why he did make war. But this is directly contrary to the context, which shews, Antony did neither encourage them to it, nor second them in it. We cannot doubt then, but the poet wrote: &lblank; and their contestation Was theam'd for you. i. e. The pretence of the war was on your account, they took up arms in your name, and you were made the theme and subject of their insurrection. Warburton. I am neither satisfied with the reading nor the emendation; theam'd is, I think, a word unauthorised, and very harsh. Perhaps we may read: &lblank; their contestation Had theme from you, you were the word of war. The dispute derived its subject from you. It may be corrected by mere transposition: &lblank; their contestation You were theme for, you were the word &lblank; Johnson. Was theam for you, I believe means only, was proposed as an example for you to follow on a yet more extensive plan; as themes are given for a writer to dilate upon. Shakespeare, however, may prove the best commentator on himself. Thus, in Coriolanus, act I. sc. i: “&lblank; throw forth greater themes “For insurrection's arguing.” Sicinius calls Coriolanus, “&lblank; the theme of our assembly.” Steevens. Was theam &c.] I cannot help thinking Dr. Warburton's conjecture right. Theam'd is such a word as Shakespeare would not scruple to use. In almost every one of his plays we meet substantives used as verbs. I read: Was theam'd from you. Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0952

Note return to page 263 9&lblank; my brother never Did urge me in his act: &lblank;] i. e. Never did make use of my name as a pretence for the war. Warburton.

Note return to page 264 1&lblank; true reports,] Reports for reporters. Mr. Tollet observes that Holinshed, p. 1181, uses records for vouchers. Steevens.

Note return to page 265 2Having alike your cause? &lblank;] The meaning seems to be, having the same cause as you to be offended with me. But why, because he was offended with Antony, should he make war upon Cæsar? May it not be read thus: &lblank; Did he not rather Discredit my authority with yours, And make the wars alike against my stomach, Hating alike our cause? Johnson. The old reading is immediately explained by Antony's being the partner with Octavius in the cause against which his brother fought. Steevens.

Note return to page 266 3As matter whole you have not to make it with,] The original copy reads: As matter whole you have to make it with. Without doubt erroneously; I therefore only observe it, that the reader may more readily admit the liberties which the editors of this author's works have necessarily taken. Johnson. The old reading may be right. It seems to allude to Antony's acknowledged neglect in aiding Cæsar; but yet Antony does not allow himself to be faulty upon the present cause alledged against him. Steevens.

Note return to page 267 4&lblank; with graceful eyes &lblank;] Thus the old copy reads, and I believe, rightly. We still say, I could not look handsomely on such or such a proceeding. The modern editors reads—grateful. Steevens.

Note return to page 268 5&lblank; fronted &lblank;] i. e. Opposed. Johnson.

Note return to page 269 6I told him of myself; &lblank;] i. e. Told him the condition I was in, when he had his last audience. Warburton.

Note return to page 270 7The honour is sacred &lblank;] Sacred, for unbroken, unviolated. Warburton. Dr. Warburton seems to understand this passage thus; The honour which he talks of me as lacking, is unviolated, I never lacked it. This may perhaps be the true meaning, but before I read the note, I understood it thus: Lepidus interrupts Cæsar, on the supposition that what he is about to say will be too harsh to be endured by Antony; to which Antony replies, No, Lepidus, let him speak; the security of honour on which he now speaks, on which this conference is held now, is sacred, even supposing that I lacked honour before. Johnson. I do not entirely agree with either of the learned commentators on this passage. Antony, in my opinion, means to say:—“The theme of honour which he now speaks of, namely the religion of an oath, for which he supposes me not to have a due regard, is sacred; it is a tender point, and touches my character nearly. Let him therefore urge his charge, that I may vindicate myself.” Malone.

Note return to page 271 8&lblank; your considerate stone.] This line is passed by all the editors, as if they understood it, and believed it universally intelligible. I cannot find in it any very obvious, and hardly any possible meaning. I would therefore read: Go to then, you considerate ones. You who dislike my frankness and temerity of speech, and are so considerate and discreet, go to, do your own business. Johnson. I believe, Go to then, your considerate stone, means only this: If I must be chidden, henceforward I will be mute as a marble statue, which seems to think, though it can say nothing. As silent as a stone, however, might have been once a common phrase. So, in the Interlude of Jacob and Esau, 1598: “Bring thou in thine, Mido, and see thou be a stone, “Mido.] A stone! how should that be &c. “Rebecca.] I meant thou should'st nothing say.” Again, in the old metrical romance of Syr Guy of Warwick, bl. l. no date: “Guy let it passe as still as stone, “And to the steward word spake none.” Again, in Gower, De Confessione Amantis, b. i. fol. 17; “But he lay still as any stone.” Again, in Titus Andronicus, act III. sc. i: “A stone is silent and offendeth not.” Again, Chaucer: “To riden by the way, dombe as the stone.” Mr. Tollet explains the passage in question, thus: “I will henceforth seem senseless as a stone, however I may observe and consider your words and actions.” Steevens.

Note return to page 272 9I do not much dislike the matter, but The manner of his speech: &lblank;] I do not, says Cæsar, think the man wrong, but too free of his interposition; for't cannot be, we shall remain in friendship: yet if it were possible, I would endeavour it. Johnson.

Note return to page 273 1&lblank; your reproof Were well deserv'd &lblank;] In the old edition: &lblank; your proof Were well deserv'd &lblank;] Which Mr. Theobald, with his usual triumph, changes to approof, which he explains, allowance. Dr. Warburton inserted reproof very properly into Hanmer's edition, but forgot it in his own. Johnson.

Note return to page 274 2Lest my remembrance suffer ill report;] Lest I be thought too willing to forget benefits, I must barely return him thanks, and then I will defy him. Johnson.

Note return to page 275 3&lblank; be square to her.] i. e. if report quadrates with her, or suits with her merits. Steevens.

Note return to page 276 4O'er-picturing that Venus, where we see, &c.] Meaning the Venus of Protogenes mentioned by Pliny, l. 35. c. 10. Warburton.

Note return to page 277 5And what they undid, did.] It might be read less harshly: And what they did, undid. Johnson.

Note return to page 278 6&lblank; tended her i' th' eyes.] Perhaps tended her by th' eyes, discovered her will by her eyes. Johnson.

Note return to page 279 7And made their bends adornings: &lblank;] This is sense indeed, and may be understood thus; her maids bowed with so good an air, that it added new graces to them. But this is not what Shakespeare would say: Cleopatra, in this famous scene, personated Venus just rising from the waves: at which time the Mythologists tell us, the Sea-deities surrounded the Goddess to adore, and pay her homage. Agreeably to this fable Cleopatra had dressed her maids, the poet tells us, like Nereids. To make the whole therefore conformable to the story represented, we may be assured, Shakespeare wrote: And made their bends adorings. They did her observance in the posture of adoration, as if she had been Venus. Warburton. That Cleopatra personated Venus, we know; but that Shakespeare was acquainted with the circumstance of homage being paid her by the Deities of the sea, is by no means as certain. The old term will probably appear the more elegant of the two to modern readers, who have heard so much about the line of beauty. The whole passage is taken from the following in sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch: “She disdained to set forward otherwise, but to take her barge in the riuer of Cydnus, the poope whereof was of gold, the sailes of purple, and the owers of siluer, which kept stroke in rowing after the sounde of the musicke of flutes, howboyes, citherns, violls, and such other instruments as they played vpon in the barge. And now for the person of her selfe: she was layed vnder a pauillion of cloth of gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the Goddesse Venus, commonly drawn in picture; and hard by her, on either hand of her, pretie faire boyes apparelled as painters do set forth God Cupide, with little fannes in their hands, with the which they fanned wind vpon her. Her ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were apparelled like the nymphes Nereides (which are the mermaides of the waters) and like the Graces, some stearing the helme, others tending the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a wonderfull passing sweete sauor of perfumes, that perfumed the wharfes side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them followed the barge all alongst the riuer's side: others also ranne out of the citie to see her coming in. So that in thend, there ranne such multitudes of people one after another to see her, that Antonius was left post alone in the market place, in his imperiall seate to geve audience:” &c. Had Shakespeare written adore instead of adorn, it has been observed that they were once synonymously used. So, in Spenser's Faery Queen, b. iv. c. II: “Congealed little drops which do the morn adore.” Again, in the Elder Brother of Beaumont and Fletcher: “And those true tears, falling on your pure chrystals, “Should turn to armlets for great queens to adore.” Steevens. I think bends or bands is the same word, and means in this place the several companies of Nereids, that waited on Cleopatra. It is said in Spenser's Shepherd's Calendar for May: “A fresh bend of lovely nymphs did attend on lady Flora.” It is easy to conceive how these attendants being happily disposed in groups, might add new graces to the appearance of their mistress. So, in Titus Andronicus, act II. sc. iii: “Whom have we here? Rome's royal emperess? Unfurnish'd of her well-beseeming troop?” Tollet. Mr. Tollet may be right. So, in Tho. Drant's translation of the third epistle of Horace, 1567: “Quid studiosa cohors operum struit?” “What doth our busye bende of clarkes?” Again, in Hall's Chronicle, K. Henry VIII. p. 75: “&lblank; should be set in the breste of the battaill or bend of footmen.” Again, “&lblank; most goodly battaill or bend of footmen.” Steevens. And made their bends adornings: &lblank;] Their bends, I apprehend, refers to Cleopatra's eyes, and not to her gentlewomen. Her attendants in order to learn their mistress's will, watched the motion of her eyes, the bends or movements of which added new lustre to her beauty. In our author we frequently find the word bend applied to the eye. Thus, in the first act of this play: “Those his goodly eyes &lblank; now bend, now turn, &c.” Again: “Eternity was in our lips and eyes, “Bliss in our brows-bent.” Again, in Cymbeline: “Although they wear their faces to the bent “Of the king's looks.” Again, in Troilus and Cressida: “All gaze and bent of amorous view.” And lastly, in Julius Cæsar, which affords an instance exactly apposite: “And that same eye whose bend doth awe the world.” Malone.

Note return to page 280 8&lblank; which, but for vacancy, Had gone &lblank;] Alluding to an axiom in the peripatetic philosophy then in vogue, that Nature abhors a vacuum. Warburton.

Note return to page 281 9&lblank; nor custom stale] This verb is used by Heywood in the Iron Age, 1632: “One that hath stal'd his courtly tricks at home.” Steevens.

Note return to page 282 1&lblank; Other women cloy The appetites they feed; but she makes hungry, Where most she satisfies. &lblank;] Almost the same thought, cloathed nearly in the same expressions, is found in the old play of Pericles: “Who starves the ears she feeds, and makes them hungry the more she gives them speech.” Malone.

Note return to page 283 2&lblank; when she is riggish.] Rigg is an ancient word meaning a strumpet. So, in Whetstone's Castle of Delight, 1576: “Then loath they will both lust and wanton love, “Or else be sure such ryggs my care shall prove.” Again: “Immodest rigg, I Ovid's counsel usde.” Steevens.

Note return to page 284 3&lblank; Octavia is A blessed lottery to him.] Dr. Warburton says, the poet wrote allottery: but there is no reason for this assertion. The ghost of Andrea in the Spanish Tragedy, says: “Minos in graven leaves of lottery “Drew forth the manner of my life and death.” Farmer. So, in Stanyhurst's translation of Virgil, 1582: “By this hap escaping the filth of lottarye carnal.” Again, in the Honest Man's Fortune, by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; fainting under “Fortune's false lottery.” &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 285 4&lblank; shall bow in prayers] The old copy reads: &lblank; shall bow my prayers which I believe to be the true reading. The same construction is in Coriolanus, act I. sc. i: “Shouting their emulation.” Again, in K. Lear, act II. sc. ii: “Smile you my speeches?” Steevens.

Note return to page 286 5I see it in My motion, have it not in my tongue: &lblank;] What motion? I can trace no sense in this word here, unless the author were alluding to that agitation of the divinity, which diviners pretend to when the fit of soretelling is upon them; but then, I think verily, he would have wrote, emotion. I am persuaded, Shakespeare meant that the Soothsayer should say, he saw a reason in his thought or opinion, though he gave that thought or opinion no utterance. Notion is a word which our author frequently chuses to express the mental faculties. See K. Lear, Coriolanus, Macbeth, and Othello. Theobald. I see it in My motion, &lblank;] i. e. the divinitory agitation. Warburton.

Note return to page 287 6Becomes a Fear, &lblank;] i. e. a fearful thing. The abstract for the concrete. Warburton. Mr. Upton reads: Becomes afear'd, &lblank; The common reading is more poetical. Johnson. A Fear was a personage in some of the old moralities. Fletcher alludes to it in the Maid's Tragedy, where Aspasia is instructing her servants how to describe her situation in needle-work: “&lblank; and then a Fear: “Do that Fear bravely, wench.” &lblank; Spenser had likewise personified Fear, in the 12th canto of the third book of his Faery Queen. In the sacred writings Fear is also a person: “I will put a Fear in the land of Egypt.” Exodus. The whole thought is borrowed from sir T. North's translation of Plutarch: “With Antonius there was a soothsayer or astronomer of Egypt, that coulde cast a figure, and iudge of mens natiuities, to tell them what should happen to them. He, either to please Cleopatra, or else for that he founde it so by his art, told Antonius plainly, that his fortune (which of it selfe was excellent good, and very great) was altogether bleamished, and obscured by Cæsars fortune: and therefore he counselled him vtterly to leaue his company, and to get him as sarre from him as he could. For thy Demon said he, (that is to say, the good angell and spirit that keepeth thee) is affraied of his: and being coragious and high when he is alone, becometh fearefull and timerous when he commeth neere vnto the other.” Steevens.

Note return to page 288 7&lblank; his quails &lblank;] The ancients used to match quails as we match cocks. Johnson. So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “For, it is said, that as often as they two drew cuts for pastime, who should haue any thing, or whether they plaied at dice, Antonius alway lost. Oftentimes when they were disposed to see cockefight, or quailes that were taught to fight one with an other: Cæsars cockes or quailes did euer ouercome.” Steevens.

Note return to page 289 8&lblank; inhoop'd, at odds. &lblank;] Thus the old copy. Inhoop'd is inclosed, confined, that they may fight. The modern editions read: Beat mine, in whoop'd-at odds. &lblank; Johnson. Shakespeare gives us the practice of his own time: and there is no occasion for in whoop'd at, or any other alteration. John Davies begins one of his epigrams upon proverbs: “He sets cocke on the hoope,” in, you would say; “For cocking in hoopes is now all the play.” Farmer. The attempt at emendation, however, deserves some respect; as in As you like it, Celia says: “&lblank; and after that out of all whooping.” Steevens.

Note return to page 290 *&lblank; at mount] i. e. Mount Misenum. Steevens.

Note return to page 291 9&lblank; musick, moody food] The mood is the mind, or mental disposition. Van Haaren's panegyrick on the English begins, Grootmoedig Volk, [great-minded nation.] Perhaps here is a poor jest intended between mood the mind and moods of musick. Johnson. Moody, in this instance, means melancholy. Gotgrave explains moody, by the French words, morne and triste. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0956

Note return to page 292 1Tawny-fin'd fishes; &lblank;] The first copy reads: Tawney fine fish. &lblank; Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0957

Note return to page 293 2Did hang a salt-fish &c.] This circumstance is likewise taken from sir Tho. North's translation of the life of Antony in Plutarch. Steevens.

Note return to page 294 3&lblank; whilst I wore his sword Philippan. &lblank;] We are not to suppose, nor is there any warrant from history, that Antony had any particular sword so called. The dignifying weapons, in this sort, is a custom of much more recent date. This therefore seems a compliment à posteriori. We find Antony, afterwards, in this play, boasting of his own prowess at Philippi. Ant. Yes, my lord, yes; he at Philippi kept His sword e'en like a dancer; while I struck The lean and wrinkled Cassius; &c. That was the greatest action of Antony's life; and therefore this seems a fine piece of flattery, intimating, that his sword ought to be denominated from that illustrious battle, in the same manner as modern heroes in romance are made to give their swords pompous names. Theobald.

Note return to page 295 4Ram thou thy fruitful tidings &lblank;] Shakespeare probably wrote, (as sir T. Hanmer observes) Rain thou &c. Rain agrees better with the epithets fruitful and barren. So, in Timon: “Rain sacrificial whisp'rings in his ear.” Again, in the Tempest: “&lblank; Heavens rain grace!” Steevens.

Note return to page 296 5But well and free, &c.] This speech is but coldly imitated by B. and Fletcher in The False One: “Cleop. What of him? Speak: if ill, Apollodorus, “It is my happiness: and for thy news “Receive a favour kings have kneel'd in vain for, “And kiss my hand.” Steevens.

Note return to page 297 6Not like a formal man.] Formal, for ordinary. Warburton. Rather decent, regular. Johnson. By a formal man, Shakespeare means, a man in his senses. Informal women, in Measure for Measure, is used for women beside themselves. Steevens. Formal man, I believe, only means a man in form, i. e. shape. You shall come [Correction: 1Kb]

Note return to page 298 for, you shall come, read, you should come.

Note return to page 299 7I have a mind to strike thee ere thou speak'st; Yet, if thou say, Antony lives, 'tis well, Or friends with Cæsar, or not captive to him, I'll set thee in a shower of gold, and hail Rich pearls upon thee. &lblank;] We surely should read is well. The messenger is to have his reward, if he says, that Antony is alive, in health, and either friends with Cæsar, or not captive to him. Tyrwhitt. I have adopted this reading, being thoroughly convinced of its probability and propriety. Steevens.

Note return to page 300 8I'll set thee in a shower of gold, and hail Rich pearls upon thee.] That is, I will give thee a kingdom: it being the eastern ceremony, at the coronation of their kings, to powder them with gold-dust and seed-pearl; so Milton: “&lblank; the gorgeous east with liberal hand “Showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold.” In the Life of Timur-bec or Tamerlane, written by a Persian contemporary author, are the following words, as translated by Mons. Petit de la Croix, in the account there given of his coronation, book ii. chap. i. “Les princes du sang royal & les emirs repandirent à pleines mains sur sa tête quantité d'or & de pierreries selon la coûtume.” Warburton.

Note return to page 301 9Draws a dagger.] The old copy—Draw a knife. Steevens.

Note return to page 302 1Melt Ægypt into Nile! &lblank;] So, in the first scene of this play: “Let Rome in Tyber melt, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 303 2These hands do lack nobility, that they strike A meaner than myself; &lblank;] This thought seems to be borrowed from the laws of chivalry, which forbad a knight to engage with his inferior. So, in Albumazar: “Stay; understand'st thou well the points of duel? “Art born of gentle blood, and pure descent? &lblank; “Was none of all thy lineage hang'd, or cuckold? “Bastard, or bastinado'd? is thy pedigree “As long and wide as mine?—for otherwise “Thou wert most unworthy, and 'twere loss of honour “In me to fight.” Steevens.

Note return to page 304 3&lblank; were submerg'd, &lblank;] Submerg'd is whelm'd under water. So, in the Martial Maid, by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; spoil'd, lost, and submerg'd in the inundation &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 305 4That art not what thou'rt sure of! &lblank;] For this, which is not easily understood, sir Thomas Hanmer has given: That say'st but what thou'rt sure of! I am not satisfied with the change, which, though it affords sense, exhibits little spirit. I fancy the line consists only of abrupt starts. O that this fault should make a knave of thee, That art—not what?—Thou'rt sure on't.—Get thee hence: That his fault should make a knave of thee that art—but what shall I say thou art not? Thou art then sure of this marriage.—Get thee hence. Dr. Warburton has received sir T. Hanmer's emendation. Johnson. In Measure for Measure, act II. sc. ii. is a passage so much resembling this, that I cannot help pointing it out for the use of some future commentator, though I am unable to apply it with success to the very difficult line before us: “Drest in a little brief authority, “Most ignorant of what he's most assur'd, “His glassy essence.” Steevens. Thou art not what thou'rt sure of! &lblank;] i. e. Thou art not an honest man, of which thou art thyself assured, but thou art in my opinion a knave by thy master's fault alone. Tollet.

Note return to page 306 5&lblank; the feature of Octavia, &lblank;] By feature seems to be meant the cast and make of her face. Feature, however, anciently appears to have signified beauty in general. So, in Greene's Farewel to Folly, 1617: “&lblank; rich thou art, featur'd thou art, feared thou art.” Spenser uses feature for the whole turn of the body. Faery Queen, b. i. c. 8: “Thus when they had the witch disrobed quite, “And all her filthy feature open shown.” Again, in b. iii. c. 9: “She also dost her heavy haberjeon “Which the fair feature of her limbs did hide.” Steevens.

Note return to page 307 6Let him for ever go. &lblank;] She is now talking in broken sentences, not of the messenger, but Antony. Johnson.

Note return to page 308 7The other way's a Mars: &lblank;] In this passage the sense is clear, but, I think, may be much improved by a very little alteration. Cleopatra, in her passion upon the news of Antony's mariage, says: Let him for ever go—Let him not—Charmian,— Though he be painted one way like a Gorgon, The other way he's a Mars. &lblank; This, I think, would be more spirited thus: Let him for ever go—let him—no,—Charmian; Though he be painted, &c. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 309 8Thou canst not fear us &lblank;] Thou canst not affright us with thy numerous navy. Johnson.

Note return to page 310 9But since cuckow builds not for himself,] Since, like the cuckow, that seizes the nests of other birds, you have invaded a house which you could not build, keep it while you can. Johnson. So, in P. Holland's translation of Pliny, b. x. ch. 9:. “These (cuckows) lay alwaies in other birds' nests.” Steevens.

Note return to page 311 1What counts hard fortune casts, &c.] Metaphor from making marks or lines in casting accounts in arithmetick. Warburton.

Note return to page 312 2&lblank; to Cæsar &lblank;] i. e. To Julius Cæsar. Steevens.

Note return to page 313 3I will praise any man that will praise me,] The poet's art in delivering this humourous sentiment (which gives us so very true and natural a picture of the commerce of the world) can never be sufficiently admired. The confession could come from none but a frank and rough character like the speaker's: and the moral lesson insinuated under it, that flattery can make its way through the most stubborn manners, deserves our serious reflexion. Warburton.

Note return to page 314 4&lblank; Some o' their plants &lblank;] Plants, besides its common meaning, is here used for the foot, from the Latin. Johnson.

Note return to page 315 5They have made him drink alms-drink.] A phrase, amongst good fellows, to signify that liquor of another's share which his companion drinks to ease him. But it satirically alludes to Cæsar and Antony's admitting him into the triumvirate, in order to take off from themselves the load of envy. Warburton.

Note return to page 316 6As they pinch one another by the disposition, &lblank;] A phrase equivalent to that now in use, of Touching one in a sore place. Warburton.

Note return to page 317 7&lblank; a partizan &lblank;] A pike. Johnson.

Note return to page 318 8To be call'd into a huge sphere, and not to be seen to move in't, are the holes where eyes should be, which pitifully disaster the cheeks.] This speech seems to be mutilated; to supply the deficiencies is impossible, but perhaps the sense was originally approaching to this. To be called into a huge sphere, and not to be seen to move in it, is a very ignominious state; great offices are the holes where eyes should be, which, if eyes be wanting, pitifully disaster the cheeks. Johnson. In the eighth book of the Civil Wars, by Daniel, st. 103, is a passage which resembles this, though it will hardly serve to explain it. The earl of Warwick says to his confessor: “I know that I am fix'd unto a sphere “That is ordain'd to move. It is the place “My fate appoints me; and the region where “I must, whatever happens there embrace. “Disturbance, travail, labour, hope and fear, “Are of that clime, ingender'd in that place: “And action best, I see, becomes the best: “The stars that have most glory, have no rest.” Steevens.

Note return to page 319 9&lblank; the mean, &lblank;] i. e. the middle. Steevens.

Note return to page 320 1Or foizon follow: &lblank;] Foizon is a French word signifying plenty, abundance. I am told that it is still in common use in the North. Steevens.

Note return to page 321 2&lblank; or sky inclips,] i. e. embraces. Steevens.

Note return to page 322 3&lblank; Let me cut the cable;] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Now in the middest of the feast, when they fell to be merie with Antonius loue vnto Cleopatra: Menas the pirate came to Pompey, and whispering in his eare, said unto him: shall I cut the gables of the ankers, and make thee Lord not only of Sicile and Sardinia, but of the whole empire of Rome besides? Pompey hauing pawsed a while vpon it, at length aunswered him: thou shouldest haue done it, and neuer haue told it me, but now we must content vs with that we haue. As for my selfe, I was neuer taught to breake my faith, nor to be counted a traitor.” Steevens.

Note return to page 323 4All then is thine.] The old copy reads: All there is thine. If alteration be necessary, we might as well give: All theirs is thine. All there, however, may mean all in the vessel. Steevens.

Note return to page 324 5&lblank; thy pall'd fortunes &lblank;] Palled, is vapid, past its time of excellence; palled wine, is wine that has lost its original spriteliness. Johnson. So, in the Hist. of Clyomon Knight of the Golden Shield, &c. 1599: “Can comfort more the careful corps and over-palled spright.” Steevens.

Note return to page 325 6&lblank; Strike the vessels, &lblank;] Try whether the casks sound as empty. Johnson. I believe, strike the vessels means no more than chink the vessels one against the other, as a mark of our unanimity in drinking, as we now say, chink glasses. Steevens.

Note return to page 326 7In old editions: The holding every man shall beat, &lblank; The company were to join in the burden, which the poet stiles, the Holding. But how were they to beat this with their sides? I am persuaded, the poet wrote: The holding ev'ry man shall bear, as loud As his strong sides can volly. The breast and sides are immediately concerned in straining to sing as loud and forcibly as a man can. Theobald. Mr. Theobald's emendation is very plausible; and yet beat I believe to have been the poet's word, however harsh it may appear at present. In Hen. VIII. we find a similar expression: “&lblank; let the music knock it.” Steevens. The holding every man shall beat, &lblank;] Every man shall accompany the chorus by drumming on his sides, in token of concurrence and applause. Johnson.

Note return to page 327 8&lblank; with pink eyne:] Dr. Johnson, in his Dictionary says a pink eye is a small eye, and quotes this passage for his authority. Pink eyne, however, may be red eyes: eyes inflamed with drinking, are very well appropriated to Bacchus. So, in Julius Cæsar: “&lblank; such ferret and such fiery eyes.” So, Greene, in his Defence of Coney-catching, 1592: “&lblank; like a pink-ey'd ferret.” Again, in a song sung by a drunken Clown in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “Thou makest some to stumble, and many mo to fumble, “And me have pinky eyne, most brave and jolly wine!” Steevens.

Note return to page 328 9O, Antony, you have my father's house,] The historian Paterculus says: “Cum Pompeia quoque circa Misenum pax inita: Qui haud absurdè cum in navi Cæsaremque et Antonium cæna exciperet, dixit: In Carinis suis se cœnam dare: referens hoc dictum ad loci nomen in quo paterna domus ab Antonio possidebatur.” Our author, though he lost the joke, yet seems willing to commemorate the story. Warburton. The joke of which the learned editor seems to lament the loss, is not preserved in the old translation of Plutarch, and Shakespeare looked no further. Steevens.

Note return to page 329 1Struck] alludes to darting. Thou whose darts have so often struck others, art struck now thyself. Johnson.

Note return to page 330 2&lblank; Thy Pacorus, Orodes!] Pacorus was the son of Orodes, king of Parthia. Steevens.

Note return to page 331 1&lblank; that, without the which A soldier, and his sword, grants scarce distinction:] Grant, for afford. It is badly and obscurely expressed: but the sense is this, Thou hast that, Ventidius, which if thou didst want, there would be no distinction between thee and thy sword. You would be both equally cutting and senseless. This was wisdom or knowledge of the world. Ventidius had told him the reasons why he did not pursue his advantages: and his friend, by this compliment, acknowledges them to be of weight. Warburton.

Note return to page 332 2&lblank; Arabian bird!] The phœnix. Johnson.

Note return to page 333 3&lblank; bards, poets, &lblank;] Not only the tautology of bards and poets, but the want of a correspondent action for the poet, whose business in the next line is only to number, makes me suspect some fault in this passage, which I know not how to mend. Johnson. I suspect no fault. The ancient bard sung his compositions to the harp; the poet only commits them to paper. Verses are often called numbers, and to number, a verb (in this sense) of Shakespeare's coining, is to make verses. This puerile arrangement of words was much studied in the age of Shakespeare, even by the first writers. So in An excellent Sonnet of a Nymph, by Sir P. Sidney; printed in England's Helicon, 1614: “Vertue, beautie, and speech, did strike, wound, charme, “My heart, eyes, eares, with wonder, love, delight: “First, second, last, did binde, enforce, and arme, “His works, showes, sutes, with wit, grace, and vowes-might: “Thus honour, liking, trust, much, farre, and deepe, “Held, pearst, possest, my judgment, sence, and will; “Till wrongs, contempt, deceite, did grow, steale, creepe, “Bands, favour, faith, to breake, defile, and kill. “Then griefe, unkindnes, proofe, tooke, kindled, taught, “Well grounded, noble, due, spite, rage, disdaine: “But ah, alas (in vaine) my mind, sight, thought, “Doth him, his face, his words, leave, shunne, refraine: “For nothing, time, nor place, can loose, quench, ease, “Mine own, embraced, sought, knot, fire, disease.” Steevens.

Note return to page 334 4They are his shards, and he their beetle. &lblank;] i. e. They are the wings that raise this heavy lumpish insect from the ground. So in Macbeth, “&lblank; the shard-borne bettle.” Steevens.

Note return to page 335 5You take from me a great part of myself;] So in the Tempest: “I have given you here a third of my own life.” Steevens.

Note return to page 336 6&lblank; as my furthest band] As I will venture the greatest pledge of security, on the trial of thy conduct. Johnson.

Note return to page 337 7&lblank; therein curious,] i. e. scrupulous. So in the Taming of a Shrew: “For curious I cannot be with you.” Steevens.

Note return to page 338 8The elements be kind, &c.] This is obscure. It seems to mean, May the different elements of the body, or principles of life, maintain such proportion and harmony as may keep you cheerful. Johnson. The elements be kind, &c. I believe means only, May the four elements, of which this world is composed, unite their influences to make thee cheerful. There is, however, a thought which seems to favour Dr. Johnson's explanation in The two noble Kinsmen by Beaumont, Fletcher, and Shakespeare: “&lblank; My precious maid, “Those best affections that the heavens infuse “In their best temper'd pieces, keep enthron'd “In your dear heart!” Again, in Twelfth Night: “Does not our life consist of the four elements?—Faith, so they say.” And another, which may serve in support of mine, “&lblank; the elements, “That know not what nor why, yet do effect “Rare issues by their operance.” These parting words of Cæsar to his sister, may indeed mean no more than the common compliment which the occasion of her voyage very naturally required. He wishes that serene weather and prosperous winds may keep her spirits free from every apprehension that might disturb or alarm them. Steevens.

Note return to page 339 9&lblank; were he a horse;] A horse is said to have a cloud in his face, when he has a black or dark-coloured spot in his forehead between his eyes. This gives him a sour look, and being supposed to indicate an ill-temper, is of course regarded as a great blemish. Steevens.

Note return to page 340 1Believe it, till I weep too.] I have ventur'd to alter the tense of the verb here, against the authority of all the copies. There was no sense in it, I think, as it stood before. Theobald. I am afraid there was better sense in this passage as it stood before, than Mr. Theobald's alteration will afford us. Believe it, (says Enobarbus) that Antony did so, i. e. that he wept over such an event, till you see me weeping on the same occasion, when I shall be obliged to you for putting such a construction on my tears, which, in reality, (like his) will be tears of joy. I have replaced the old reading. Theobald reads, “till I wept too.” Steevens.

Note return to page 341 2Is she as tall as me? &c. &c. &c.] This scene (says Dr. Gray) is a manifest allusion to the questions put by queen Elizabeth to sir James Melvil, concerning his mistress, the queen of Scots. Whoever will give himself the trouble to consult his Memoirs, will probably suppose the resemblance to be more than accidental. Steevens.

Note return to page 342 3&lblank; her station] Station, in this instance, means the act of standing. So in Hamlet: “A station like the herald Mercury.” Steevens.

Note return to page 343 4&lblank; so harry'd him. &lblank;] To harry, is to use roughly. I meet with the word in The Revenger's Tragedy, 1607: “He harried her, and midst a throng, &c.” Again, in The Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntington, 1601, “Will harry me about instead of her.” Holinshed, p. 735, speaking of the body of Rich. III. says, it was “harried on horseback, dead.” The same expression had been used by Harding in his Chronicle. Again, Nash in his Lenten Stuff, 1599, “&lblank; as if he were harrying and chasing his enemies,” Steevens.

Note return to page 344 5When the best hint was given him, he o'erlook'd. Or did it from his teeth.] The first folio reads, not look'd. Dr. Thirlby advis'd the emendation which I have inserted in the text. Theobald.

Note return to page 345 6&lblank; the mean time, lady, I'll raise the preparation of a war Shall stain your brother; &lblank;] Thus the printed copies. But, sure, Antony, whose business here is to mollify Octavia, does it with a very ill grace: and 'tis a very odd way of satisfying her, to tell her the war, he raises, shall stain, i. e. cast an odium upon her brother. I have no doubt, but we must read, with the addition only of a single letter. Shall strain your brother; &lblank; i. e. shall lay him under constraints; shall put him to such shifts, that he shall neither be able to make a progress against, or to prejudice me. Plutarch says, that Octavius, understanding the sudden and wonderful preparations of Antony, was astonish'd at it; for he himself was in many wants; and the people were sorely oppressed with grievous exactions. Theobald. I do not see but stain may be allowed to remain unaltered, meaning no more than shame or disgrace. Johnson.

Note return to page 346 7&lblank; wars 'twixt you twain would be, &c.] The sense is, that war between Cæsar and Antony would engage the world between them, and that the slaughter would be great in so extensive a commotion. Johnson.

Note return to page 347 8rivality.] Equal rank. Johnson.

Note return to page 348 9Upon his own appeal,] To appeal, in Shakespeare, is to accuse; Cæsar seized Lepidus without any other proof than Cæsar's accusation. Johnson.

Note return to page 349 1Then 'would thou had'st a pair of chaps, no more; and throw between them all the food thou hast, they'll grind the other. Where's Antony?] This is obscure, I read it thus, Then, world, thou hast a pair of chaps, no more, And throw between them all the food thou hast, They'll grind the one the other. Where's Antony? Cæsar and Antony will make war on each other, though they have the world to prey upon between them. Johnson.

Note return to page 350 2&lblank; More, Domitius;] I have something more to tell you, which I might have told at first, and delayed my news. Antony requires your presence. Johnson.

Note return to page 351 3I' the market-place, &lblank;] So in the old translation of Plutarch. “For he assembled all the people in the show place, where younge men doe exercise them selues, and there vpon a high tribunall siluered, he set two chayres of gold, the one for him selfe, and the other for Cleopatra, and lower chaires for his children: then he openly published before the assembly, that first of all he did establish Cleopatra queene of Egypt, of Cyprvs, of Lydia, and of the lower Syria, and at that time also, Cæsarion king of the same realmes. This Cæsarion was supposed to be the sonne of Julius Cæsar, who had left Cleopatra great with child. Secondly, he called the sonnes he had by her, the kings of kings, and gaue Alexander for his portion, Armenia, Media, and Parthia, when he had conquered the contry: and vnto Ptolemy for his portion, Phenicia, Syria, and Cilicia.” Steevens.

Note return to page 352 4For Lydia, Mr. Upton, from Plutarch, has restored Lybia. Johnson. In the translation from the French of Amyot, by Tho. North, in folio, 1597,* [Footnote: 1Kb]

Note return to page 353 *I find the character of this work pretty early delineated: “'Twas Greek at first, that Greek was Latin made, That Latin French, that French to English straid: Thus 'twixt one Plutarch there's more difference, Than i'th' same Englishman return'd from France.”, Farmer.

Note return to page 354 5&lblank; the goddess Isis] So in the old translation of Plutarch. “Now for Cleopatra, she did not onely weare at that time (but at all other times els when she came abroad) the apparell of the goddesse Isis, and so gaue audience vnto all her subjects, as a new Isis.” Steevens.

Note return to page 355 6Which soon he granted, Being an abstract 'tween his lust and him.] Antony very soon comply'd to let Octavia go at her request, says Cæsar; and why? Because she was an abstract between his inordinate passion and him; this is absurd. We must read, Being an obstruct 'tween his lust and him. i. e. his wife being an obstruction, a bar to the prosecution of his wanton pleasures with Cleopatra. Warburton.

Note return to page 356 7Mr. Upton remarks, that there are some errours in this enumeration of the auxiliary kings: but it is probable that the authour did not much wish to be accurate. Johnson. Mr. Upton proposes to read: “&lblank; Polemon and Amintas “Of Lycaonia; and the king of Mede.” And this obviates all impropriety. Steevens.

Note return to page 357 8Be of comfort.] The old copy—Best of comfort. Steevens.

Note return to page 358 9&lblank; potent regiment &lblank;] Regiment, is, government, authority; he puts his power and his empire into the hands of a false woman. It may be observed, that trull was not, in our author's time, a term of mere infamy, but a word of slight contempt, as wench is now. Johnson. Regiment is used for regimen or government by most of our ancient writers. The old translation of the Schola Salernitana, is called the Regiment of Helth. Again, in Lylly's Woman in the Moon, 1597: “Or Hecate in Pluto's regiment.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. II. c. x: “So when he had resign'd his regiment.” Trull is not employed in an unfavourable sense by G. Peele in the Song of Coridon and Melampus, published in England's Helicon: “When swaines sweet pipes are puft, and truls are warme.” Again, in Damætas's Jigge in praise of his love, by John Wootton; printed in the same collection: “&lblank; be thy mirth seene; “Heard to each swaine, seene to each trull.” Steevens.

Note return to page 359 1&lblank; forspoke my being &lblank;] To forspeak, is to contradict, to speak against, as forbid is to order negatively. Johnson. Thus, in the Arraignment of Paris, 1580: “&lblank; thy life forspoke by love.” To forspeak likewise signified to curse. So in Drayton's Epistle from Elinor Cobham to Duke Humphrey: “Or to forspeak whole flocks as they did feed.” To forspeak, in the last instance, has the same power as to forbid in Macbeth: “He shall live a man forbid.” So to forthink meant anciently to repent. “Therfore of it be not to boolde, “Lest thou forthink it when thou art olde.” Interlude of Youth, bl. l. no date. And in Gower, De Confessione Amantis, b. i. to forshape is to mishape. “Out of a man into a stone “Forshape, &c.” To forspeak has generally reference to the mischiefs effected by enchantment. So in Ben Jonson's Staple of News, “&lblank; a witch, gossip to forspeak the matter thus.” In Shakespeare it is the opposite of bespeak. Steevens.

Note return to page 360 2Is't not denounc'd against us? &c.] I would read: “Is't not? Denounce against us, why should not we “Be there in person?” &lblank; Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 361 3And take in Toryne.] To take in is to gain by conquest. So in the 18th Song of Drayton's Polyolbion: “He took strong Ivery in, &c.” Again, in Knolles's Hist. of the Turks: “He sent, &c. to take in the other cities of Tunis.” Again, in the Polyolbion, Song I: “Where taking in the towns pretended to belong “Unto that Grecian lord, &c.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, chap. 3: “He therefore, landing took in Crete, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 362 4&lblank; muleteers, &lblank;] The old copy reads militers. Malone.

Note return to page 363 5Their ships are yare; yours heavy: &lblank;] So in sir Tho. North's Plutarch.—“Cæsar's ships were not built for pomp, high and great, &c. but they were light of yarage.” Yare generally signifies, dextrous, manageable. So in Gower, De Confessione Amantis, lib. v. fol. 101. b. “The winde was good, the ship was yare.” Steevens.

Note return to page 364 *&lblank; my Thetis! &lblank;] Antony addresses Cleopatra by the name of this sea-nymph, because she had just promised him assistance in his naval expedition. Steevens.

Note return to page 365 6O noble emperor, &c.] So in the old translation of Plutarch. “Now, as he was setting his men in order of battel, there was a captaine, & a valliant man, that had serued Antonius in many battels & conflicts, & had all his body hacked & cut: who as Antonius passed by him, cryed out vnto him, & sayd: O, noble emperor, how commeth it to passe that you trust to these vile brittle shippes? what, doe you mistrust these woundes of myne, and this sword? let the Ægyptians and Phænicians fight by sea, and set vs on the maine land, where we vse to conquer, or to be slayne on our feete. Antonius passed by him, and sayd neuer a word, but only beckoned to him with his hand and head, as though he willed him to be of good corage, although indeede he had no great corage him selfe.” Steevens.

Note return to page 366 9By Hercules, I think, I am i' the right. Can. Soldier, thou art; but his whole action grows Not in the power on't: &lblank;] That is, his whole conduct becomes, ungoverned by the right, or by reason. Johnson.

Note return to page 367 1&lblank; distractions &lblank;] Detachments; separate bodies. Johnson. The word is thus used by sir Paul Rycaut in his Maxims of Tuskish Polity: “&lblank; and not suffer his affections to wander on other wives, slaves, or distractions of his love.” Steevens.

Note return to page 368 2The Antoniad, &c.] Which Plutarch says, was the name of Cleopatra's ship. Pope.

Note return to page 369 3The greater cantle &lblank;] A piece or lump. Pope. Cantle is rather a corner. Cæsar in this play mentions the three-nook'd world. Of this triangular world every triumvir had a corner. Johnson. The word is used by Chaucer in the Knight's Tale, late edit. v. 3010: “Of no partie ne cantel of a thing.” Steevens.

Note return to page 370 4&lblank; token'd &lblank;] Spotted. Johnson. The death of those visited by the plague was certain when particular eruptions appepared on the skin; and these were called God's tokens. So, in the comedy of Two wise Men and all the rest Fools, in seven acts, 1619: “A will and a tolling bell are as present death as God's tokens.” Again, in Herod and Antipater, 1622: “His sickness, madam, rageth like a plague “Once spotted, never cur'd.” Again, in Love's Labour's Lost: “For the Lord's tokens on you both I see.” Steevens.

Note return to page 371 5&lblank; ribald &lblank;] A luxurius squanderer. Pope. The word is in the old edition ribaudred, which I do not understand, but mention it, in hopes others may raise some happy conjecture. Johnson. A ribald is a lewd fellow. So, in Arden of Feversham, 1592: “&lblank; that injurious riball that attempts “To vyolate my dear wyve's chastity.” Again: “Injurious strumpet and thou ribald knave.” Ribaudred, the old reading, is, I believe, no more than corruption. Shakespeare, who is not always very nice about his versification, might have written: Yon ribald-rid nag of Egypt, &lblank; i. e. Yon strumpet who is common to every wanton fellow. It appears however from Barrett's Alvearie, 1580, that the word was sometimes written ribaudrous. Steevens. &lblank; You ribald nag of Ægypt,] I believe we should read—hag. What follows seems to prove it: “&lblank; She once being looft, “The noble ruin of her magic, Antony, “Claps on his sea-wing. &lblank; Tyrwhitt. The brieze, or œstrum, the fly that stings cattle, proves that nag is the right word. Johnson.

Note return to page 372 6Whom leprosy o'ertake! &lblank;] Leprosy, an epidemical distemper of the Ægyptians; to which Horace probably alludes in the controverted line: “Contaminato cum grege turpium “Morbo virorum.” Johnson. Leprosy was one of the various names by which the Lues venerea was distinguished. So, in Greene's Disputation between a He Coneycatcher and a She Coneycatcher, 1592: “Into what jeopardy a man will thrust himself for her that he loves, altho' for his sweete villanie he be brought to loathsome leprosie.” Steevens.

Note return to page 373 7The brize upon her, &lblank;] The brize is the gad-fly. So, in Spenser: “&lblank; a brize, a scorned little creature, “Through his fair hide his angry sting did threaten.” Steevens.

Note return to page 374 8&lblank; being looft,] To loof is to bring a ship close to the wind. This expression is in the old translation of Plutarch. Steevens.

Note return to page 375 9The wounded chance of Antony, &lblank;] I know not whether the author, who loves to draw his images from the sports of the field, might not have written: The wounded chase of Antony, &lblank; The allusion is to a deer wounded and chased, whom all other deer avoid. I will, says Enobarbus, follow Antony, though chased and wounded. The common reading, however, may very well stand. Johnson.

Note return to page 376 1&lblank; so lated in the world, &lblank;] Alluding to a benighted traveller. Johnson. So, in Macbeth, act III: “Now spurs the lated traveller apace.” Steevens.

Note return to page 377 2&lblank; I've lost command,] I am not maker of my own emotions. Johnson. Surely, he rather means,—I intreat you to leave me, because I have lost all power to command your absence. Steevens.

Note return to page 378 3&lblank; He, at Philippi, kept His sword even like a dancer, &lblank;] In the Morisco, and perhaps anciently in the Pyrrhick dance, the dancers held swords in their hands with the points upward. Johnson. I am told that the peasants in Northumberland have a sword-dance which they always practise at Christmas. Steevens. The Goths in one of their dances held swords in their hands with the points upwards, sheathed and unsheathed. Might not the Moors in Spain borrow this custom of the Goths who intermixed with them? Tollet. I believe it means that Cæsar never offered to draw his sword, but kept it in the scabbard, like one who dances with a sword on, which was formerly the custom in England. There is a similar allusion in Titus Andronicus, act II. sc. i: “&lblank; our mother, unadvis'd, “Gave you a dancing rapier by your side.” Steevens.

Note return to page 379 4&lblank; and 'twas I, That the mad Brutus ended: &lblank;] Nothing can be more in character, than for an infamous debauched tyrant to call the heroic love of one's country and publick liberty, madness. Warburton.

Note return to page 380 5&lblank; he alone Dealt on lieutenantry, &lblank;] I know not whether the meaning is, that Cæsar acted only as lieutenant at Philippi, or that he made his attempts only on lieutenants, and left the generals to Antony. Johnson. Dealt on lieutenantry, I believe, means only,—fought by proxy, made war by his lieutenants, or, on the strength of his lieutenants. So, in the countess of Pembroke's Antonie, 1595: “&lblank; Cassius and Brutus ill betid, “March'd against us, by us twice put to flight, “But by my sole conduct; for all the time, “Cæsar heart-sick with fear and feaver lay.” To deal on any thing, is an expression often used in the old plays. So, in the Roaring Girl, 1611: “You will deal upon men's wives no more.” The prepositions on and upon are sometimes oddly employed by our ancient writers. So, in Drayton's Miseries of Q. Margaret: “That it amaz'd the marchers, to behold “Men so ill arm'd upon their bows so bold.” Upon their bows must here mean on the strength of their bows—relying on their bows. Again, in Have with you to Saffron Walden, &c. by Nashe, 1596: “At Wolfe's he is billeted, sweating and dealing upon it most intentively.” Again, in Othello: “Upon malicious bravery dost thou come “To start my quiet.” Again, in K. Richard III: “&lblank; are they that I would have thee deal upon.” Steevens.

Note return to page 381 6&lblank; death will seize her, but Your comfort, &c.] But has here, as once before in this play, the force of except, or unless. Johnson.

Note return to page 382 7How I convey my shame &lblank;] How, by looking another way, I withdraw my ignominy from your sight. Johnson.

Note return to page 383 8&lblank; ty'd by the strings] That is, by the heart-string. Johnson. So, in the Tragedie of Antonie, done into English by the countess of Pembroke, 1595: “&lblank; as if his soule “Unto his ladies soule had been enchained, “He left his men &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 384 9&lblank; Thyreus, &lblank;] In the old copy always—Thidias. Steevens.

Note return to page 385 1&lblank; his schoolmaster:] The name of this person was Euphronius. Steevens.

Note return to page 386 2&lblank; as petty to his ends, As is the morn-dew on the myrtle leaf To his grand sea.] Thus the old copy. To whose grand sea? I know not. Perhaps we should read: To this grand sea. We may suppose that the sea was within view of Cæsar's camp, and at no great distance. Tyrwhitt. The modern editors arbitrarily read:—the grand sea. I believe the old reading is the true one. His grand sea may mean his full tide of prosperity. So, in The two Noble Kinsmen by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; though I know “His ocean needs not my poor drops, yet they “Must yield their tribute here.” There is a play-house tradition that the first act of this play was written by Shakespeare. Mr. Tollet offers a further explanation of the change proposed by Mr. Tyrwhitt: “Alexandria, towards which Cæsar was marching, is situated on the coast of the Mediterranean sea, which is sometimes called mare magnum. Pliny terms it, “immensa æquorum vastitas.” I may add, that sir John Mandevile, p. 89, calls that part of the Mediterranean which washes the coast of Palestine, “the grete see.” The passage, however, is capable of yet another explanation. His grand sea may mean the sea from which the dew-drop is exhaled. Shakespeare might have considered the sea as the source of dews as well as rain. His is used instead of its. Steevens.

Note return to page 387 3The circle of the Ptolemies &lblank;] The diadem; the ensign of royalty. Johnson.

Note return to page 388 4&lblank; how Antony becomes his flaw;] That is, how Antony conforms himself to this breach of his fortune, Johnson.

Note return to page 389 5Think, and die.] Read: Drink, and die. This reply of Enobarbus seems grounded upon a peculiarity in the conduct of Antony and Cleopatra, which is related by Plutarch: that, after their defeat at Actium, they instituted a society of friends, who entered into engagement to die with them, not abating, in the mean time, any part of their luxury, excess, and riot, in which they had liv'd before. Hanmer. This reading, offered by sir T. Hanmer, is received by Dr. Warburton and Mr. Upton, but I have not advanced it into the page, not being convinced that it is necessary. Think, and die; that is, Reflect on your folly, and leave the world, is a natural answer. Johnson. Sir T. Hanmer reads: Drink, and die. And his emendation has been approved, it seems, by Dr. Warburton and Mr. Upton. Dr. Johnson, however, “has not advanced it into the page, not being convinced that it is necessary. Think, and die;” says he, “that is, Reflect on your own folly, and leave the world, is a natural answer.” I grant it would be, according to this explanation, a very proper answer from a moralist or a divine; but Enobarbus, I doubt, was neither the one nor the other. He is drawn as a plain, blunt soldier; not likely, however, to offend so grossly in point of delicacy as sir T. Hanmer's alteration would make him. I believe the true reading is: Wink, and die. When the ship is going to be cast away, in the Sea-voyage of Beaumont and Fletcher, (act I. sc. i.) and Aminta is lamenting, Tibalt says to her: “&lblank; Go, take your gilt “Prayer-book, and to your business; wink, and die:” insinuating plainly, that she was afraid to meet death with her eyes open. And the same insinuation, I think, Enobarbus might very naturally convey in his return to Cleopatra's desponding question. Tyrwhitt. I adhere to the old reading, which may be supported by the following passage in Julius Cæsar: “&lblank; all that he can do “Is to himself; take thought, and die for Cæsar.” Mr. Tollet observes that the expression of taking thought, in our old English writers is equivalent to the being anxious or solicitous, or laying a thing much to heart. So, says he, it is used in our translations of the New Testament. Matthew vi. 25, &c. So, in Holinshed, vol. III. p. 50, or anno 1140: “&lblank; taking thought for the losse of his houses and money, he pined away and died.” In the margin thus: “The bishop of Salisburie dieth of thought.” Again, in p. 833. Again, in Stowe's Chronicle, anno 1508: “Christopher Hawis shortened his life by thought-taking.” Again, in p. 546, edit. 1614. Again, in Leland's Collectanea, vol. I. p. 234: “&lblank; their mother died for thought.”—Mr. Tyrwhitt might have given additional support to the reading which he offers, from a passage in the second part of K. Hen. IV: “&lblank; led his powers to death, “And winking leapt into destruction.” Steevens. After all that has been written upon this passage, I believe the old reading is right; but then we must understand think and die to mean the same as die of thought, or melancholy. In this sense is thought used below, act IV. sc. vi. and by Holinshed, Chron. of Ireland, p. 97. “His father lived in the tower—where for thought of the young man his follie he died.” There is a passage almost exactly similar in the Beggar's Bush of Beaumont and Fletcher, vol. II. p. 423: “Can I not think away myself and die?” Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 390 6&lblank; he being The meered question: &lblank;] The meered question is a term I do not understand. I know not what to offer, except: The mooted question. &lblank; That is, the disputed point, the subject of debate. Mere is indeed a boundary, and the meered question, if it can mean any thing, may, with some violence of language, mean, the disputed boundary. Johnson. So, in Stanyhurst's translation of Virgil, b. iii. 1582: “Whereto joinetlye mearing a cantel of Italye neereth.” Barrett in his Alvearie or Quadruple Dictionary, 1580, interprets a meere-stone by lapis terminalis. Question is certainly the true reading. So, in Hamlet, act I. sc. i: “&lblank; the king “That was and is the question of these wars.” Steevens.

Note return to page 391 7&lblank; his gay comparisons apart, And answer me declin'd, &lblank;] I require of Cæsar not to depend on that superiority which the comparison of our different fortunes may exhibit to him, but to answer me man to man, in this decline of my age or power. Johnson. To lay his gay comparisons apart,] I suspect Shakespeare wrote, his gay caparisons. Let him divest himself of the splendid trappings of power, his coin, ships, legions, &c. and meet me in single combat. Caparison is frequently used by our author and his contemporaries, for an ornamental dress. So in As you Like it, act III. sc. 2: “Though I am caparison'd like a man” &lblank; Again, in The Winter's Tale, act. IV. sc. 2: “With die and drab I purchas'd this caparison.” The old reading is however supported by a passage in Macbeth: “'Till that Bellona's bridegroom, lapt in proof, “Confronted him with self-comparisons, “Point against point, rebellious.” Dr. Johnson's explanation of declin'd is certainly right. So in Timon: “Not one accompanying his declining foot.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0961

Note return to page 392 8&lblank; be stag'd to shew &lblank;] So Goff, in his Raging Turk, 1631: “&lblank; as if he stag'd “The wounded Priam &lblank;” Steevens.

Note return to page 393 9The loyalty, well held to fools, &c.] After Enobarbus has said, that his honesty and he begin to quarrel, he immediately falls into this generous reflection: “Though loyalty, stubbornly preserv'd to a master in his declin'd fortunes, seems folly in the eyes of fools; yet he, who can be so obstinately loyal, will make as great a figure on record, as the conqueror.” I therefore read, Though loyalty, well held, to fools does make Our faith meer folly &lblank; Theobald. I have preserved the old reading: Enobarbus is deliberating upon desertion, and finding it is more prudent to forsake a fool, and more reputable to be faithful to him, makes no positive conclusion. Sir T. Hanmer follows Theobald; Dr. Warburton retains the old reading. Johnson.

Note return to page 394 1&lblank; Cæsar intreats, Not to consider in what case thou stand'st Further than he is Cæsar.] i. e. Cæsar intreats, that at the same time you consider your desperate fortunes, you wou'd consider he is Cæsar: That is, generous and forgiving, able and willing to restore them. Warburton.

Note return to page 395 2Most kind messenger, Say to great Cæsar this in disputation, I kiss his conqu'ring hand: &lblank;] The poet certainly wrote, Most kind messenger, Say to great Cæsar this; in deputation I kiss his conqu'ring hand: &lblank; i. e. by proxy; I depute you to pay him that duty in my name. Warburton. I am not certain that this change is necessary.—I kiss his hand in disputation—may mean, I own he has the better in the controversy. —I confess my inability to dispute or contend with him. To dispute may have no immediate reference to words or language by which controversies are agitated. So in Macbeth, “Dispute it like a man;” and Macduff, to whom this short speech is addressed, is disputing or contending with himself only. Again, in Twelfth Night.—“For though my soul disputes well with my sense.”— If Dr. Warburton's change be adopted, we should read—“by deputation.” Steevens.

Note return to page 396 3Tell him, that from his all-obeying breath, &c. &lblank;] Doom is declared rather by an all-commanding, than an all-obeying breath. I suppose we ought to read, &lblank; all-obeyed breath. Johnson. Perhaps there is no need of change. In the Gentlemen of Verona, Shakespeare uses longing, a participle active, with a passive signification: “To furnish me upon my longing journey.” i. e. my journey long'd for. In the Unnatural Combat, by Massinger, the active participle is yet more irregularly employed: “For the recovery of a strangling husband.” i. e. one that was to be strangled. Steevens.

Note return to page 397 4&lblank; Give me grace &lblank;] Grant me the favour. Johnson.

Note return to page 398 5Like boys unto a muss, &lblank;] i, e. a scramble. Pope. So used by Ben Jonson in his Magnetic Lady: “&lblank; nor are they thrown “To make a muss among the gamesome suitors.” And again in his Bartholomew Fair: “God's so, a muss, a muss, a muss, a muss! Again, in Middleton's comedy of A mad World my Masters, 1608: “I would you could make such another muss. “Do'st call it a muss?” Again, in the Spanish Gipsie, by Middleton and Rowley, 1653: “To see if thou be'st Alcumy or no, “They'll throw down gold in musses.” Steevens.

Note return to page 399 6By one that looks on feeders?] One that waits at the table while others are eating. Johnson. A feeder, or an eater, was anciently the term of reproach for a servant. So in Ben Jonson's Silent Woman: “Bar my doors. Where are all my eaters? My mouths now? bar up my doors, my varlets.” One who looks on feeders, is one who throws away her regard on servants, such as Antony would represent Thyreus to be. Thus in Cymbeline: “&lblank; that base wretch, “One bred of alms, and foster'd with cold dishes, “The very scraps o' the court.” Steevens.

Note return to page 400 7&lblank; seel our eyes] This passage should rather be pointed thus: seel our eyes; In our own filth drop our clear judgments. Tyrwhitt. I have adopted this punctuation. Formerly, &lblank; seel our eyes In our own filth; &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 401 8The horned herd, &lblank;] It is not without pity and indignation that the reader of this great poet meets so often with this low jest, which is too much a favourite to be left out of either mirth or fury. Johnson.

Note return to page 402 9&lblank; thou say, &c.] Thus in the old translation of Plutarch. “Whereupon Antonius caused him to be taken and well fauoredly whipped, and so sent him vnto Cæsar: and bad him tell him that he made him angrie with him, bicause he shewed him self prowde and disdainfull towards him, and now specially when he was easie to be angered, by reason of his present miserie. To be short, if this mislike thee said he, thou hast Hipparchus one of my infranchised bondmen with thee: hang him if thou wilt, or whippe him at thy pleasure, that we may crie quittaunce.” Steevens.

Note return to page 403 1&lblank; to quit me: &lblank;] To repay me this insult; to requite me. Johnson.

Note return to page 404 2&lblank; the next Cæsarion smite!] Cæsarion was Cleopatra's son by Julius Cæsar. Steevens.

Note return to page 405 3By the discattering of this pelleted storm,] This reading we owe first, I presume, to Mr. Rowe: and Mr. Pope has very faithfully fallen into it. The old folios read, discandering: from which corruption both Dr. Thirlby and I saw, we must retrieve the word with which I have reform'd the text. Theobald.

Note return to page 406 4&lblank; and float, &lblank;] This is a modern emendation, perhaps right. The old reading is, &lblank; and fleet, &lblank; Johnson. I have replaced the old reading. So in the tragedy of Edward II. by Marlow, 1622: “This isle shall fleet upon the ocean.” Again, in Tamburlaine, 1590: “Shall meet those Christians fleeting with the tide.” Again, in the Cobler's Prophecy, 1594: “And envious snakes among the fleeting fish.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, b. ii. c. 7: “And in frayle wood on Adrian gulfe doth fleet.” Again, in Harding's Chronicle, 1543: “The bodies flete amonge our shippes eche daye.” Mr. Tollet has since furnished me with instances in support of this old reading, from Verstegan's Restitution of decay'd Intelligence, Holinshed's Description of Scotland, and Spenser's Colin Clout's come home again. Steevens. The old reading should certainly be restored. Fleet is the old word for float. See Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 1958, 2399, 4883. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 407 5Were nice and lucky, &lblank;] Nice, for delicate, courtly, flowing in peace. Warburton. Nice rather seems to be, just fit for my purpose, agreeable to my wish. So we vulgarly say of any thing that is done better than was expected, it is nice. Johnson. Nice is trifling. So in Romeo and Juliet, act V. sc. ii: “The letter was not nice, but full of charge.” See a note on this passage. Steevens.

Note return to page 408 6&lblank; gaudy night.] This is still an epithet bestow'd on feast days in the colleges of either university. Steevens.

Note return to page 409 7I have many other ways to die: &lblank;] What a reply is this to Antony's challenge? 'tis acknowledging that he should die under the unequal combat; but if we read, He hath many other ways to die: mean time, I laugh at his challenge. In this reading we have poignancy, and the very repartee of Cæsar. Let's hear Plutarch. After this, Antony sent a challenge to Cæsar, to fight him hand to hand, and received for answer, that he might find several other ways to end his life. Upton. I think this emendation deserves to be received. It had, before Mr. Upton's book appeared, been made by sir T. Hanmer. Johnson. Most indisputably this is the sense of Plutarch, and given so in the modern translations; but Shakespeare was misled by the ambiguity of the old one. “Antonius sent again to challenge Cæsar to fight him: Cæsar answered, that he had many other ways to die, than so.” Farmer.

Note return to page 410 8Make boot of &lblank;] Take advantage of. Johnson.

Note return to page 411 9&lblank; take all.] Let the survivor take all. No composition, victory or death. Johnson.

Note return to page 412 1&lblank; one of those odd tricks, &lblank;] I know not what obscurity the editors find in this passage. Trick is here used in the sense in which it is uttered every day by every mouth, elegant and vulgar: yet sir T. Hanmer changes it to freaks, and Dr. Warburton, in his rage of Gallicism, to traits. Johnson.

Note return to page 413 2&lblank; or if, A mangled shadow.] Or if you see me more, you will see me a mangled shadow, only the external form of what I was. Johnson. &lblank; or if, A mangled shadow.] The thought is, as usual, taken from sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch: “So being at supper, (as it is reported) he commaunded his officers and household seruauntes that waited on him at his bord, that they should fill his cuppes full, and make as much of him as they could: for said he, you know not whether you shall doe so much for me to morrow or not, or whether you shall serue an other maister: and it may be you shall see me no more, but a dead bodie. This notwithstanding, perceiuing that his frends and men fell a weeping to heare him say so: to salue that he had spoken, he added this more vnto it, that he would not leade them to battell, where he thought not rather safely to returne with victorie, than valliantly to dye with honor.” Steevens.

Note return to page 414 3And the gods yield you for't?] i. e. reward you. See a note on Macbeth, act I. sc. vi. and another on As you like it, act V. sc. iv. Steevens.

Note return to page 415 4&lblank; onion-ey'd &lblank;] I have my eyes as full of tears as if they had been fretted by onions. Johnson. So in the Birth of Merlin, 1662: “I see something like a peel'd onion; “It makes me weep again.” Steevens.

Note return to page 416 5Grace grow where those drops fall!] So in K. Richard II: “Here did she drop a tear; here, in this place, “I'll set a bank of rue, sour herb of grace” Steevens.

Note return to page 417 6&lblank; death and honour. &lblank;] That is, an honourable death. Upton.

Note return to page 418 7Peace, what noise?] So in the old translation of Plutarch. “Furthermore, the selfe same night within litle of midnight, when all the citie was quiet, full of feare, and sorrowe, thinking what would be the issue and ende of this warre: it is said that sodainly they heard a maruelous sweete harmonie of sundrie sortes of instrumentes of musicke, with the crie of a multitude of people, as they had bene dauncing, and had song as they vse in Bacchus feastes, with mouinges and turnings after the maner of the satyres: & it seemed that this daunce went through the city vnto the gate that opened to the enemies, & that all the troupe that made this noise they heard, went out of the city at that gate. Now, such as in reason sought the depth of the interpretacion of this wonder, thought that it was the god vnto whom Antonius bare singular deuotion to counterfeate and resemble him, that did forsake them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 419 8It signs well, &c.] i. e. it bodes well, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 420 9&lblank; thine iron &lblank;] I think it should be rather, &lblank; mine iron &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 421 1Nay, I'll help too.] These three little speeches, which in the other editions are only one, and given to Cleopatra, were happily disentangled by sir T. Hanmer. Johnson.

Note return to page 422 9Briefly, sir.] That is, quickly, sir. Johnson.

Note return to page 423 1To doff it &lblank;] To doff is to do off, to put off. So, in Macbeth: “To doff their dire distresses.” Steevens.

Note return to page 424 2The morn is fair.—Good morrow, general!] This speech, in the old copy, is erroneously given to Alexas. Steevens.

Note return to page 425 3Eros. The gods make this a happy day to Antony!] 'Tis evident, as Dr. Thirlby likewise conjectured, by what Antony immediately replies, that this line should not be placed to Eros, but to the soldier, who, before the battle of Actium, advised Antony to try his fate at land. Theobald.

Note return to page 426 4&lblank; Dispatch, my Eros.] Thus the modern editors. The old edition reads: &lblank; Dispatch Enobarbus. Perhaps, it should be: &lblank; Dispatch! To Enobarbus! Johnson.

Note return to page 427 5Our will is, Antony be took alive;] It is observable with what judgment Shakespeare draws the character of Octavius. Antony was his hero; so the other was not to shine: yet being an historical character, there was a necessity to draw him like. But the ancient historians, his flatterers, had delivered him down so fair, that he seems ready cut and dried for a hero. Amidst these difficulties Shakespeare has extricated himself with great address. He has admited all those great strokes of his character as he found them, and yet has made him a very unamiable character, deceitful, mean-spirited, narrow-minded, proud, and revengeful. Warburton.

Note return to page 428 6Shall bear the olive freely,] i. e. shall spring up every where spontaneously and without culture. Warburton.

Note return to page 429 7&lblank; persuade] The old copy has dissuade, perhaps rightly. Johnson.

Note return to page 430 8Hath after thee sent all thy treasure, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Furthermore, he delt very friendly and courteously with Domitius, and against Cleopatraes mynde. For, he being sicke of an agewe when he went, and tooke a little boate to go to Cæsar's campe, Antonius was very sory for it, but yet he sent after him all his caryage, trayne, and men: and the same Domitius, as though he gaue him to vnderstand that he repented his open treason, he died immediately after.” Steevens.

Note return to page 431 9&lblank; This blows my heart:] All the latter editions have: &lblank; This bows my heart: I have given the original word again the place from which I think it unjustly excluded. This generosity, (says Enobarbus) swells my heart, so that it will quickly break, if thought break it not, a swifter mean. Johnson. The reading of the old copy is supported by another passage in this play, where the word blow is used in the same sense: “&lblank; Here on her breast “There is a vent of blood, and something blown.” Malone.

Note return to page 432 1&lblank; and our oppression] Oppression for opposition. Warburton. Sir T. Hanmer has received opposition. Perhaps rightly. Johnson.

Note return to page 433 2&lblank; run one before, And let the queen know of our guests. &lblank;] What guests was the queen to know of? Antony was to fight again on the morrow; and he had not yet said a word of marching to Alexandria, and treating his officers in the palace. We must read: And let the queen know of our gests. i. e. res gestæ: our feats, our glorious actions. A term then in common use. Warburton. This passage needs neither correction nor explanation. Antony after his success intends to bring his officers to sup with Cleopatra, and orders notice to be given her of their guests. Johnson.

Note return to page 434 3&lblank; clip your wives, &lblank;] To clip is to embrace. So, Shakespeare, in another play: “&lblank; Neptune's arms, who clippeth thee about.” Steevens.

Note return to page 435 4To this great fairy &lblank;] Mr. Upton has well observed, that fairy, which Dr. Warburton and sir T. Hanmer explain by Inchantress, comprises the idea of power and beauty. Johnson.

Note return to page 436 5&lblank; proof of harness, &lblank;] i. e. armour of proof. So, in Macbeth: “At least we'll die with harness on our back.” Harnois, French. Arnese, Ital. Steevens.

Note return to page 437 6Get goal for goal of youth. &lblank;] At all plays of barriers, the boundary is called a goal; to win a goal, is to be a superiour in a contest of activity. Johnson.

Note return to page 438 7&lblank; it was a king's.] So, in sir T. North's translation of Plutarch: “Then came Antony again to the palace greatly boasting of this victory, and sweetly kissed Cleopatra, armed as he was when he came from the fight, recommending one of his men of arms unto her, that had valiantly fought in this skirmish. Cleopatra, to reward his manliness, gave him an armour and head-piece of clean gold.” Steevens.

Note return to page 439 8Bear our hack'd targets like the men that owe them:] i. e. hack'd as much as the men to whom they belong. Warburton. Why not rather, Bear our hack'd targets with spirit and exultation, such as becomes the brave warriors that own them? Johnson. So, in Decker's If this be not a good Play, the Devil is in it, 1612: “&lblank; six days;—seventh “Be his that owes it.” Again, in Astrophell his song to Phillida and Coridon, published in England's Helicon, 1614: “Poor Coridon doth keepe the fields   “Though Phillida be she that owes them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 440 9&lblank; tabourines;] A tabourin was a small drum. It is often mentioned in our ancient romances. So, in the History of Helyas Knight of the Swanne, bl. l. no date: “Trumpetes, clerons, tabourins, and other minstrelsy.” Steevens.

Note return to page 441 1&lblank; the court of guard: &lblank;] i. e. the guard-room, the place where the guard musters. The expression occurs again in Othello. Steevens.

Note return to page 442 2&lblank; Throw my heart] The pathetick of Shakespeare too often ends in the ridiculous. It is painful to find the gloomy dignity of this noble scene destroyed by the intrusion of a conceit so far-fetched and unaffecting. Johnson.

Note return to page 443 3The hand of death hath raught him.] Raught is the ancient preterite of the verb to reach. So, in Tancred and Guismund, 1592: “&lblank; she raught the cane, “And with her own sweet hand did give it me.” Again: “Therewith she raught from her alluring locks “This golden tress.” Steevens.

Note return to page 444 4Hark, how the drums demurely &lblank;] Demurely for solemnly. Warburton.

Note return to page 445 5They have put forth the haven. Further on.] These words, further on, though not necessary, have been inserted in the later editions, and are not in the first. Johnson.

Note return to page 446 6Where their appointment we may best discover, And look on their endeavour.] i. e. where we may best discover their numbers, and see their motions. Warburton.

Note return to page 447 7But being charg'd, we will be still by land, Which, as I take't, we shall; &lblank;] i. e. unless we be charged we will remain quiet at land, which quiet I suppose we shall keep. But being charged was a phrase of that time, equivalent to unless we be, which the Oxford editor not understanding, he has alter'd the line thus: Not being charg'd, we will be still by land, Which as I take't we shall not. Warburton. “But (says Mr. Lambe in his notes on the ancient metrical history of the Battle of Floddon) signifies without,” in which sense it is often used in the North. “Boots but spurs.” Vulg. “Sic nonsense! love tak root but tocher-good, “Tween a herd's bairn, and ane of gentle blood.” Gent. Shepherd. Again, in Kelly's Collection of Scots proverbs: “—He could eat me but salt.” Again: “He gave me whitings but bones.” Again, in Chaucer's Persones Tale, late edit. “Ful oft time I rede, that no man trust in his owen perfection, but he be stronger than Sampson, or holier than David, or wiser than Solomon.” But is from the Saxon Butan. Thus butan leas; absque falso, without a lye. Again, in the Vintner's Play in the Chester collection. Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 2013. p. 29: “Abraham. Oh comely creature but I thee kill “I greeve my God and that full ill.” See also Ray's North Country Words. Steevens.

Note return to page 448 8&lblank; the augurers] The old copy has auguries. This leads us to what seems most likely to be the true reading—augurers, which word is used in the last act: “You are too sure an augurer.” Malone.

Note return to page 449 9&lblank; Triple-turn'd whore! &lblank;] She was first for Antony, then was supposed by him to have turned to Cæsar, when he found his messenger kissing her hand; then she turned again to Antony, and now has turned to Cæsar. Shall I mention what has dropped into my imagination, that our author might perhaps have written triple-tongued? Double-tongued is a common term of reproach, which rage might improve to triple-tongued. But the present reading may stand. Johnson. She was first for Julius Cæsar, then for Pompey the great, and afterwards for Antony. Tollet.

Note return to page 450 1That spaniel'd me at heels, &lblank;] All the editions reads: That pannell'd me at heels, &lblank; Sir T. Hanmer substituted spaniel'd by an emendation, with which it was reasonable to expect that even rival commentators would be satisfied; yet Dr. Warburton proposes pantler'd, in a note, of which he is not injur'd by the suppression; and Mr. Upton having in his first edition proposed plausibly enough: That paged me at heels, &lblank; in the second edition retracts his alteration, and maintains pannell'd to be the right reading, being a metaphor taken, he says, from a pannel of wainscot. Johnson. Spaniel'd is so happy a conjecture, that I think we ought to acquiesce in it. It is of some weight with me that spaniel was often formerly written spannel. Hence there is only the omission of the first letter, which has happened elsewhere in our poet, as in the word chear &c. To dog them at the heels is not an uncommon expression in Shakespeare; and in the Midsummer Night's Dream, act II. sc. ii. Helena says to Demetrius: “I am your spaniel—only give me leave, “Unworthy as I am, to follow you.” Tollet.

Note return to page 451 2&lblank; this grave charm, &lblank;] I know not by what authority, nor for what reason, this grave charm, which the first, the only original copy exhibits, has been through all the modern editions changed to this gay charm. By this grave charm, is meant, this sublime, this majestic beauty. Johnson. I believe grave charm means only deadly, or destructive piece of witchcraft. In this sense the epithet grave is often used by Chapman in his translation of Homer. So, in the 19th book: “&lblank; but not far hence the fatal minutes are “Of thy grave ruin.” It seems to be employed in the sense of the Latin word gravis. Steevens.

Note return to page 452 3&lblank; was my crownet, my chief end, &lblank;] Dr. Johnson supposes that crownet means last purpose, probably from finis coronat opus. Chapman, in his translation of the second book of Homer, uses crown in the sense which my learned coadjutor would recommend: “&lblank; all things have their crowne.” Again, in our author's Cymbeline: “My supreme crown of grief.” Steevens.

Note return to page 453 4Like a right gipsy, hath at fast and loose, Beguil'd me &c.] There is a kind of pun in this passage, arising from the corruption of the word Egyptian into gipsey. The old law-books term such persons as ramble about the country, and pretend skill in palmistry and fortune telling, Egyptians. Fast and loose is a term to signify a cheating game, of which the following is a description. A leathern belt is made up into a number of intricate folds, and placed edgewise upon a table. One of the folds is made to resemble the middle of the girdle, so that whoever should thrust a skewer into it would think he held it fast to the table; whereas, when he has so done, the person with whom he plays may take hold of both ends and draw it away. This trick is now known to the common people, by the name of pricking at the belt or girdle, and perhaps was practised by the Gypsies in the time of Shakespeare. Sir J. Hawkins. Sir John Hawkins's supposition is confirm'd by the following Epigram in an ancient collection called Run and a great Cast, by Tho. Freeman, 1614: In Ægyptum suspensum. Epig. 95. “Charles the Ægyptian, who by jugling could “Make fast or loose, or whatsoere he would; “Surely it seem'd he was not his craft's master, “Striving to loose what struggling he made faster: “The hangman was more cunning of the twaine, “Who knit what he could not unknit againe. “You countrymen Ægyptians make such sots, “Seeming to loose indissoluble knots: “Had you been there, but to see the cast, “You would have won, had you but laid—'tis fast.” Steevens.

Note return to page 454 5&lblank; to the very heart of loss. &lblank;] To the utmost loss possible. Johnson.

Note return to page 455 6&lblank; most monster-like, be shewn For poor'st diminutives, for dolts; &lblank;] As the allusion here is to monsters carried about in shews, it is plain, that the words, for poorest diminutives, must mean for the least piece of money; we must therefore read the next word: &lblank; for doits, &lblank; i. e. farthings, which shews what he means by poorest diminutives. Warburton. There was surely no occasion for the poet to shew what he meant by poorest diminutives. The expression is clear enough, and certainly requires no additional force from the explanation. I rather believe we should read: For poorest diminutives, to dolts; &lblank; This aggravates the contempt of her supposed situation; to be shewn, as monsters are, not only for the smallest pieces of money, but to the most stupid and vulgar spectators. Tyrwhitt. I have adopted this truly sensible emendation. Steevens.

Note return to page 456 7With her prepared nails. &lblank;] i. e. with nails which she suffered to grow for this purpose. Warburton.

Note return to page 457 8Let me lodge Lichas &lblank;] Sir T. Hanmer reads thus: &lblank; thy rage Led thee lodge Lichas—and &lblank; Subdue thy worthiest self. &lblank; This reading, harsh as it is, Dr. Warburton has received, after having rejected many better. The meaning is, Let me do something in my rage, becoming the successor of Hercules. Johnson. Let me lodge Lichas on the horns o' th' moon,] This image our poet seems to have taken from Seneca's Hercules, who says Lichas being launched into the air, sprinkled the clouds with his blood. Sophocles, on the same occasion, talks at a much soberer rate. Warburton. Shakespeare might have taken part of this imagery from Heywood's Silver Age, 1613: “To see this wanton, with her bastard, blown “And hang'd upon the high horns of the moon.” Steevens.

Note return to page 458 9Than Telamon for his shield; &lblank;] i. e. than Ajax Telamon for the armour of Achilles, the most valuable part of which was the shield. The boar of Thessaly was the boar killed by Meleager. Steevens.

Note return to page 459 1Was never so emboss'd.] A hunting term: when a deer is hard run and foams at the mouth, he is said to be imbost. A dog also, when he is strained with hard running, will have his knees swelled, and then he is said to be imbost, from the French word bosse, which signifies a tumour. Hanmer.

Note return to page 460 2Sometime, we see a cloud that's dragonish, &c.] So, Aristophanes, Nubes, v. 345: &GRHsa;&grd;&grh; &grp;&gro;&grt;&grap; &gras;&grn;&gra;&grb;&grea;&gry;&gra;&grs;&grerc;&gri;&grd;&gre;&grst; &grn;&grh;&grf;&grea;&grl;&grh;&grn; &grK;&gre;&grn;&grt;&gra;&grua;&grr;&grw; &gro;&grm;&gro;&gria;&gra;&grn;; &GRHsa; &grp;&gra;&grr;&grd;&gra;&grl;&gre;&gri;, &grhrg; &grl;&grua;&grk;&grw;, &grhra; &grt;&gra;&grua;&grr;&grw;&gr?; Sir W. Rawlinson. Perhaps Shakespeare received the thought from P. Holland's translation of Pliny's Nat. Hist. b. ii. c. 3: “&lblank; our eiesight testifieth the same, whiles in one place there appeareth the resemblance of a waine or chariot, in another of a beare, the figure of a bull in this part, &c.” or from Chapman's Monsieur D'Olive, 1606: “Like to a mass of clouds that now seem like “An elephant, and straightways like an ox, “And then a mouse &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 461 3The rack dislimns; &lblank;] i. e. The fleeting away of the clouds destroys the picture. Steevens.

Note return to page 462 4My good knave, Eros, &lblank;] Knave is servant. So, in A Mery Geste of Robyn Hoode, bl. l. no date: “I shall thee lende lyttle John my man,   “For he shall be thy knave.” Again, in the old metrical romance of Syr Degore, bl. l. no date: “He sent the chylde to her full rathe “With much money by his knave.” Steevens.

Note return to page 463 5Pack'd cards with Cæsar, and false play'd my glory Unto an enemy's triumph. &lblank;] Shakespeare has here, as usual, taken his metaphor from a low trivial subject; but has enobled it with much art, by so contriving that the principal term in the subject from whence the metaphor was taken, should belong to, and suit the dignity of the subject to which the metaphor is transferred: thereby providing at once for the integrity of the figure, and the nobleness of the thought. And this by the word triumph, which either signifies Octavius's conquest, or what we now call, contractedly, the trump at cards, then called the triumph or the triumphing sort. Warburton. This explanation is very just, the thought did not deserve so good an annotation. Johnson. A passage in Ben Jonson's Fortunate Isles, a masque, I think sufficiently supports Dr. Warburton's etymology: “The kings and queens that triumph in the cards.” This use of the word comes to us from the French, who at this day call the trump at cards, le triomphe. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0968

Note return to page 464 6The battery from my heart. &lblank;] I would read: This battery form my heart. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 465 7&lblank; thy continent,] i. e. the thing that contains thee. So, in another of our author's plays: “You shall find in him the continent of what part a gentleman would see. Steevens.

Note return to page 466 8&lblank; Seal then, and all is done. &lblank;] Metaphor taken from civil contracts, where, when all is agreed on, the sealing compleats the contract; so he hath determined to die, and nothing remain'd but to give the stroke. The Oxford editor not apprehending this, alters it to &lblank; sleep then, &lblank;] Warburton. I believe the reading is: &lblank; seel then, and all is done. &lblank; To seel hawks, is to close their eyes. The meaning will be: &lblank; since the torch is out, Lie down, and stray no further. Now all labour Marrs what it does.&lblank; Seel then, and all is done. Close thine eyes for ever, and be quiet. Johnson.

Note return to page 467 9&lblank; pleach'd arms, &lblank;] Arms folded in each other. Johnson. A passage very like this occurs in Thomas Kyd's translation of Robert Garnier's Cornelia, published in 1595: “Now shalt thou march (thy hands fast bound behind thee) “Thy head hung down, thy cheeks with tears besprent, “Before the victor; while thy rebel son “With crowned front triumphing follows thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 468 1His corrigible neck, &lblank;] Corrigible for corrected, and afterwards penetrative for penetrating. So Virgil has “penetrabile frigus” for “penetrans frigus,” in his Georgicks. Steevens.

Note return to page 469 2His baseness that ensued?] The poor conquered wretch that followed. Johnson.

Note return to page 470 3When I did make thee free, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he loued and trusted much, and whom he had long before caused to sweare vnto him, that he should kill him when he did commaunde him: and then he willed him to keepe his promise. His man drawing his sworde, lift it vp as though he had ment to haue striken his maister: but turning his head at one side, he thrust his sword into him selfe, and fell downe dead at his maister's foote. Then said Antonius, O noble Eros, I thanke thee for this, and it is valliantly done of thee, to shew me what I should do to my selfe, which thou couldest not doe for me. Therewithall he tooke his sword, and thrust it into his bellie, and so fell downe vpon a litle bed. The wounde he had, killed him not presently, for the blood stinted a litle when he was layed: and when he came somwhat to him selfe againe, he praied them that were about him to dispatch him. But they all fled out of the chamber, and left him crying out and tormenting him selfe: vntill at last there came a secretarie vnto him called Diomedes, who was commaunded to bring him into the tombe or monument where Cleopatra was. When he heard that she was aliue, he verie earnestlie prayed his men to carie his bodie thither, and so he was caried in his men's armes into the entry of the monument.” Steevens.

Note return to page 471 4&lblank; the worship of the whole world &lblank;] The worship, is the dignity, the authority. Johnson.

Note return to page 472 1&lblank; But I will be A bridegroom in my death, &c.] This thought has occurred before in Measure for Measure: I will encounter darkness as a bride, And hug it in my arms. Steevens.

Note return to page 473 2She had dispos'd with Cæsar.] To dispose, in this instance, perhaps signifies to make terms, to settle matters. Steevens.

Note return to page 474 3O sun Burn the great sphere thou mov'st in!—darkling stand The varying shore o' th' world! &lblank;] The varying shore o' th' world! i. e. of the earth, where light and darkness make an incessant variation. But then, if the sun should set on fire the whole sphere, in which he was supposed to move how could the earth stand darkling? On the contrary, it would be in perpetual light. Therefore, if we allow Cleopatra not to be quiet mad, we must believe she said, Turn from th' great sphere &lblank; i. e. forsake it, fly off from it: and then indeed the consequence would be, that the varying shore would become invariably dark. Warburton. She desires the sun to burn his own orb, the vehicle of light, and then the earth will be dark. Johnson.

Note return to page 475 4&lblank; darkling &lblank;] i. e. without light. So in the Two angry Women of Abington, 1599: “&lblank; my mother hath a torch, your wife “Goes darkling up and down.” Steevens.

Note return to page 476 5I here importune death &lblank;] I solicit death to delay; or, I trouble death by keeping him in waiting. Johnson. I here importune death a while, until Of many thousand kisses the poor last I lay upon thy lips.—Come down. Cleo. I dare not, Dear, dear, my lord, your pardon; that I dare not, Lest I be taken. &lblank; What curious hobbling versification do we encounter here in the last line but one? Besides, how inconsistently is the lady made to reply? Antony says, he only holds life, till he can give her one last kiss: and she cries, she dares not: What dares she not do? kiss Antony? But how should she? she was above, lock'd in her monument; and he below, on the outside of it. With a very slight addition, I think, I can cure the whole; and have a warrant from Plutarch for it into the bargain. Now Plutarch says, that “Antony was carried in his men's arms into the entry of the monument: Notwithstanding, Cleopatra would not open the gates, but came to the high windows, and cast out certain chains and ropes, &c.”—So that Antony might very reasonably desire her to come down, and she as reasonably excuse herself for fear of being insnared by Cæsar. Theobald. Mr. Theobald's emendation is received by the succeeding editors; but it seems not necessary that a dialogue so distressful should be nicely regular. I have therefore preserved the original reading in the text, and the emendation below. Johnson.

Note return to page 477 6Be brooch'd with me.] Be brooch'd, i. e. adorn'd. A brooch was an ornament formerly worn in the hat. So in Ben Jonson's Poetaster, “Honour's a good brooch to wear in a man's hat at all times.” Again, in his Staple of News: “The very broch o' the bench, gem of the city.” Again, in the Magnetic Lady: “The brooch to any true state cap in Europe.” The Rev. Mr. Lambe observes in his notes on the ancient metrical History of Floddon Field, that brooches in the North are buckles set with stones, such as those with which shirt-bosoms and handkerchiefs are clasped. Steevens. &lblank; be brooch'd with me. Brooch is properly a bodkin, or some such instrument (originally a spit) and ladies' bodkins being headed with gems, it sometimes stands for an ornamental trinket or jewel in general, in which sense it is perhaps used at present, or as probably in its original one, for pinned up, as we now say pin up the basket; brooch'd with me, i. e. pinned up, compleated with having me to adorn his triumph. Percy.

Note return to page 478 7&lblank; if knife, drugs, serpents, have Edge, sting, or operation.] Here is the same irregular position of the words, that Mr. Warner would avoid or amend in Hamlet: and yet Shakespeare seems to have attended to this matter in the very play before us, act III. sc. ii. Tollet. This thought occurs in Pericles Prince of Tyre: “If fires be hot, knives sharp, or waters deep, “Unty'd I still my virgin knot will keepe.” Steevens.

Note return to page 479 8&lblank; still conclusion, &lblank;] Sedate determination; silent coolness of resolution. Johnson.

Note return to page 480 9Here's sport, indeed! &lblank;] I suppose the meaning of these strange words is, here's trifling, you do not work in earnest. Johnson.

Note return to page 481 1Quicken with kissing &lblank;] That is, Revive by my kiss. Johnson. So in Heywood's Royal King, &c, 1637: “And quickens most where he would most destroy.” Steevens.

Note return to page 482 2Give me some wine, &c.] This circumstance, like almost every other, Shakespeare adopted from Plutarch. Sir Tho. North, in his translation, says,—“Antony made her cease from lamenting, and called for wine, either because he was athirst, or else for that thereby to hasten his death. When he had dronke, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded that she would seeke to save her life, if she could possible, without reproache and dishonor: and that she should chiefly trust Proculeius above any man else about Cæsar.” Steevens.

Note return to page 483 3&lblank; huswife Fortune &lblank;] This despicable line has occurred before. Johnson.

Note return to page 484 4The miserable change, &c.] This speech stands thus in sir Tho. North's translation of Plutarch.—“As for himself, she should not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his fortune at the end of his days; but rather, that she should think him the more fortunate, for the former triumphs and honours he had received, considering that while he lived, he was the noblest and greatest prince of the world, and that now he was overcome, not cowardly, but valiantly, a Roman, by another Roman.”— Steevens.

Note return to page 485 5The soldier's pole &lblank;] He at whom the soldiers pointed, as at a pageant held high for observation. Johnson.

Note return to page 486 6The common copies, Peace, peace, Iras. Cleo. No more but a meer woman, &lblank; Cleopatra is fallen into a swoon; her maids endeavour to recover her by invoking her by her several titles. At length, Charmian says to the other, Peace, peace, Iras; on which Cleopatra comes to herself, and replies to these last words, No, you are mistaken. I am a mere woman like yourself. Thus stands this senseless dialogue. But Shakespeare never wrote it so: we must observe then, that the two women call her by several titles, to see which best pleased her; and this was highly in character: the ancients thought that not only men, but gods too, had some names, which above others they much delighted in, and would soonest answer to; as we may see by the hymns of Orpheus, Homer, and Callimachus. The poet, conforming to this notion, makes the maids say, Sovereign lady, madam, royal Ægypt, empress. And now we come to the place in question: Charmian, when she saw none of these titles had their effect, invokes her by a still more flattering one; Peace, peace, Isis! for so it should be read and pointed: i. e. Peace, we can never move her by these titles: let us give her her favourite name of the goddess Isis. And now Cleopatra's answer becomes pertinent and fine: No more but a mere woman; and commanded By such poor passion as the maid that milks &lblank; i. e. I now see the folly of assuming to myself these flattering titles of divinity. My misfortunes, and my impotence in bearing them, convince me I am a mere woman, and subject to all the passions of the meanest of my species. Here the poet has followed history exactly, and, what is more, his author Plutarch in Antonio; who says that Cleopatra assumed the habit and attributes of that goddess, and gave judgments or rather oracles to her people under the quality of the NEW ISIS. &grK;&grl;&gre;&gro;&grp;&graa;&grt;&grr;&gra; &grm;&greg;&grn; &grg;&grag;&grr; &grk;&gra;&grig; &grt;&groa;&grt;&gre; &grk;&gra;&grig; &grt;&grog;&grn; &grasa;&grl;&grl;&gro;&grn; &grx;+&groa;&grn;&gro;&grn; &gre;&gris;&grst; &grp;&grl;&grha;&grq;&gro;&grst; &gres;&grc;&gri;&gro;&gruc;&grs;&gra;, &grs;&grt;&gro;&grl;&grhg;&grn; &grer;&grt;&grea;&grr;&gra;&grn; &grir;&gre;&grr;&grag;&grn; &grI;&grS;&grI;&grD;&grO;&grST; &grer;&grl;&graa;&grm;&grb;&gra;&grn;&gre;, &grk;&gra;&grig; &grN;&grE;&grA; &grI;&grS;&grI;&grST; &gres;&grx;&grr;&grh;&grm;&grar;&grt;&gri;&grz;&gre;. Warburton. Of this note it may be truly said, that it at least deserves to be right, nor can he, that shall question the justness of the emendation, refuse his esteem to the ingenuity and learning with which it is proposed. Hanmer had proposed another emendation, not injudiciously. He reads thus: Iras. Royal Ægypt! empress! Cleo. Peace, peace, Iras. No more but a mere woman, &c. That is, no more an empress, but a mere woman. It is somewhat unfortunate that the words, mere woman, which so much strengthen the opposition to either empress or Isis, are not in the original edition, which stands thus: No more but in a woman, &c. Mere woman was probably the arbitrary reading of Rowe. I suppose, however, that we may justly change the ancient copy thus: No more, but e'en a woman, which will enough accommodate either of the editors. I am inclined to think that she speaks abruptly, not answering her woman, but discoursing with her own thoughts: No more—but e'en a woman, I have no more of my wonted greatness, but am even a woman, on the level with other women; were I what I once was, &lblank; It were for me To throw my scepter, &c. If this simple explanation be admitted, how much labour has been thrown away. Peace, peace, Iras, is said by Charmian, when she sees the queen recovering, and thinks speech troublesome. Johnson.

Note return to page 487 7&lblank; the meanest chares. &lblank;] i. e. task-work. Hence our term chare-woman. So in Heywood's Tarquin and Lucrece, 1630: “She, like a good wife, is teaching her servants sundry chares.” Again, in Heywood's Brazen Age, 1613: “&lblank; spins, “Cards, and does chare-work.” &lblank; Again, “Augment my task into a treble chare.” Again, in Promos and Cassandra, 1578: “Well I must trudge to do a certain chare.” Steevens.

Note return to page 488 8Enter Cæsar, Agrippa, Dolabella, and Menas.] But Menas and Menecrates, we may remember, were two famous pirates, linked with Sextus Pompeius, and who assisted him to infest the Italian coast. We no where learn, expressly in the play, that Menas ever attached himself to Octavius's party. Notwithstanding the old folios concur in marking the entrance thus, yet in the two places in the scene, where this character is made to speak, they have marked in the margin, Mec. so that, as Dr. Thirlby sagaciously conjectured, we must cashier Menas, and substitute Mecænas in his room. Menas, indeed, deserted to Cæsar no less than twice, and was preferred by him. But then we are to consider, Alexandria was taken, and Antony kill'd himself, anno U. C. 723. Menas made the second revolt over to Augustus, U. C. 717; and the next year was slain at the siege of Belgrade in Pannonia, five years before the death of Antony. Theobald.

Note return to page 489 9He mocks the pauses that he makes.] i. e. he plays wantonly with the intervals of time which he should improve to his own preservation. Or the meaning may be—being thus defeated in all his efforts, and left without resource, tell him that these affected pauses and delays of his in yielding himself up to me, are mere idle mockery. He mocks the pauses, may be a licentious mode of expression for— he makes a mockery of us by these pauses; i. e. he trifles with us. Steevens.

Note return to page 490 1Dol. Cæsar, I shall.] I make no doubt but it should be marked here, that Dolabella goes out. 'Tis reasonable to imagine he should presently depart upon Cæsar's command; so that the speeches, placed to him in the sequel of this scene, must be transferred to Agrippa, or he is introduced as a mute. Besides, that Dolabella should be gone out, appears from this, that when Cæsar asks for him, he recollects that he had sent him on business. Theobald.

Note return to page 491 2&lblank; The round world should have shook Lions into civil streets, &c.] I think here is a line lost, after which it is in vain to go in quest. The sense seems to have been this: The round world should have shook, and this great alteration of the system of things should send lions into streets, and citizens into dens. There is sense still, but it is harsh and violent. Johnson. I believe we should read—The ruin'd world, i. e. the general disruption of elements should have shook, &c. Shakespeare seems to mean that the death of so great a man ought to have produced effects similar to those which might be expected from the dissolution of the universe, when all distinctions shall be lost. To shake any thing out, is a phrase in common use among our ancient writers. So Holinshed, p. 743:—“God's providence shaking men out of their shifts of supposed safetie, &c.” Perhaps, however, Shakespeare might mean nothing more here than merely an earthquake, in which the shaking of the round world was to be so violent as to toss the inhabitants of woods into cities, and the inhabitants of cities into woods. Steevens. &lblank; The round world &lblank;] The defective metre of this line strongly supports Dr. Johnson's conjecture, that something is lost. I believe only two words are wanting. Perhaps the passage originally stood thus: A greater crack. The round world should have shook, Thrown raging lions into civil streets, And citizens to their dens. &lblank; Malone. The sense, I think, is complete and plain, if we consider shook (more properly shaken) as the participle past of a verb active. The metre would be improved if the lines were distributed thus: &lblank; The round world should have shook Lions into civil streets, and citizens Into their dens. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 492 1&lblank; but it is a tidings To wash the eyes of kings.] That is, May the gods rebuke me, if this be not tidings to make kings weep. But, again, for if not. Johnson.

Note return to page 493 2Waged equal with him.] For waged, the modern editions have weighed. Johnson. It is not easy to determine the precise meaning of the word wage. In Othello it occurs again: “To wake and wage a danger profitless.” It may signify to oppose. The sense will then be, his taints and honours were an equal match; i. e. were opposed to each other in just proportions, like the counterparts of a wager. Steevens.

Note return to page 494 3&lblank; But we do lance Diseases in our bodies. &lblank;] The old copy reads: &lblank; But we do launch, Diseases in our bodies. Perhaps rightly—and the meaning may be: “I have followed thee to the death. But why do I lament thy fall? We are all mortal. Our fate is predestin'd at our birth; and when we launch on the sea of life, the principles of decay are interwoven with our constitution.” Malone.

Note return to page 495 4&lblank; should divide Our equalness to this. &lblank;] That is, should have made us, in our equality of fortune, disagree to a pitch like this, that one of us must die. Johnson.

Note return to page 496 5A poor Ægyptian yet; the queen my mistress, &c.] If this punctuation be right, the man means to say, that he is yet an Ægyptian, that is, yet a servant of the queen of Ægypt, though soon to become a subject of Rome. Johnson.

Note return to page 497 6&lblank; her life in Rome Would be eternal in our triumph: &lblank;] Hanmer reads judiciously enough, but without necessity: Would be eternalling our triumph: The sense is, If she dies here, she will be forgotten, but if I send her in triumph to Rome, her memory and my glory will be eternal. Johnson. The following passage in the Scourge of Venus, &c. a poem, 1614, will sufficiently support the old reading: “If some foule-swelling ebon cloud would fall, “For her to hide herself eternal in.” Steevens.

Note return to page 498 7&lblank; fortune's knave,] The servant of fortune. Johnson.

Note return to page 499 8&lblank; and it is great To do that thing, that ends all other deeds; Which shackles accidents, and bolts up change; Which sleeps, and never palates more the dung: The beggar's nurse and Cæsar's. &lblank;] The action of suicide is here said, to shackle accidents; to bolt up change; to be the beggar's nurse, and Cæsar's. So far the description is intelligible. But when it is said, that it sleeps, and never palates more the dung, we find neither sense nor propriety; which is occasioned by the loss of a whole line between the third and fourth, and the corrupt reading of the last word in the fourth. We should read the passage thus: &lblank; and it is great To do that thing, that ends all other deeds; Which shackles accidents, and bolts up change; [Lulls wearied nature to a sound repose] (Which sleeps, and never palates more the dugg:) The beggar's nurse, and Cæsar's. That this line in hooks was the substance of that lost, is evident from its making sense of all the rest: which are to this effect, It is great to do that which frees us from all the accidents of humanity, lulls our over-wearied nature to repose, (which now sleeps, and has no more appetite for worldly enjoyments,) and is equally the nurse of Cæsar and the beggar. Warburton. I cannot perceive the loss of a line, or the need of an emendation. The commentator seems to have entangled his own ideas; his supposition that suicide is called the beggar's nurse and Cæsar's, and his concession that the position is intelligible, shew, I think, a mind not intent upon the business before it. The difficulty of the passage, if any difficulty there be, arises only from this, that the act of suicide, and the state which is the effect of suicide are confounded. Voluntary death, says she, is an act which bolts up change; it produces a state, Which sleeps, and never palates more the dung, The beggar's nurse, and Cæsar's. Which has no longer need of the gross and terene sustenance, in the use of which Cæsar and the beggar are on a level. The speech is abrupt, but perturbation in such a state is surely natural. Johnson. It has been already said in this play, that “&lblank; our dungy earth, alike “Feeds man as beast.” &lblank; and Mr. Tollet observes, “that in Herodotus, book iii. the Æthiopian king, upon hearing a description of the nature of wheat, replied, that he was not at all surprized, if men, who eat nothing but dung, did not attain a longer life.” Shakespeare has the same epithet in the Winter's Tale: “&lblank; the face to sweeten “Of the whole dungy earth.” &lblank; Again, in Timon: “&lblank; the earth's a thief “That feeds and breeds by a composture stolen “From general excrement.” Steevens.

Note return to page 500 9&lblank; that will pray in aid for kindness,] Praying in aid is a law term, used for a petition made in a court of justice for the calling in of help from another that hath an interest in the cause in question. Hanmer.

Note return to page 501 1&lblank; send him The greatness he has got. &lblank;] I allow him to be my conqueror; I own his superiority with complete submission. Johnson.

Note return to page 502 2Char. You see how easily she may be surpriz'd.] Here Charmian, who is so faithful as to die with her mistress, by the stupidity of the editors is made to countenance and give directions for her being surprized by Cæsar's messengers. But this blunder is for want of knowing, or observing, the historical fact. When Cæsar sent Proculeius to the queen, he sent Gallus after him with new instructions: and while one amused Cleopatra with propositions from Cæsar, through the crannies of the monument, the other scaled it by a ladder, entered it at a window backward, and made Cleopatra, and those with her, prisoners. I have reformed the passage therefore, (as, I am persuaded, the author designed it;) from the authority of Plutarch. Theobald. This line in the first edition is given not to Charmian, but to Proculeius; and to him it certainly belongs, though perhaps misplaced. I would put it at the end of his foregoing speech: Where he for grace is kneel'd to. [Aside to Gallus.] You see, how easily she may be surpriz'd. Then while Cleopatra makes a formal answer, Gallus, upon the hint given, seizes her, and Proculeius, interrupting the civility of his answer: &lblank; your plight is pity'd Of him that caus'd it. Cries out: Guard her 'till Cæsar come. Johnson.

Note return to page 503 3&lblank; who are in this Reliev'd, but not betray'd.] As plausible as this reading is, it is corrupt. Had Shakespeare used the word reliev'd, he would have added, and not betray'd. But that he used another word the reply shews: What of death too? which will not agree with reliev'd; but will direct us to the genuine word, which is: Bereav'd, but not betray'd. i. e. bereaved of death, or of the means of destroying yourself, but not betrayed to your destruction. By the particle too, in her reply, she alludes to her being before bereaved of Antony. And thus his speech becomes correct, and her reply pertinent. Warburton. I do not think the emendation necessary, since the sense is not made better by it, and the abruptness in Cleopatra's answer is more forcible in the old reading. Johnson.

Note return to page 504 4&lblank; languish &lblank;] For languish, I think we may read,—anguish. Johnson. Languish is the true reading. So, in Romeo and Juliet, act I. sc. ii: “One desperate grief cure with another's languish.” Steevens.

Note return to page 505 5Worth many babes and beggars!] Why, death, wilt thou not rather seize a queen, than employ thy force upon babes and beggars. Johnson.

Note return to page 506 6If idle talk will once be necessary,] This nonsense should be reformed thus: If idle time will once be necessary. i. e. if repose be necessary to cherish life, I will not sleep. Warburton. I do not see that the nonsense is made sense by the change. Sir T. Hanmer reads: If idle talk will once be accessary; Neither is this better. I know not what to offer better than an easy explanation. That is, I will not eat, and if it will be necessary now for once to waste a moment in idle talk of my purpose, I will not sleep neither. In common conversation we often use will be, with as little relation to futurity. As, Now I am going, it will be fit for me to dine first. Johnson. Once may mean sometimes. Of this use of the word I have already given instances, both in the Merry Wives of Windsor, and K. Hen. VIII. The meaning of Cleopatra seems to be this. If idle talking be sometimes necessary to the prolongation of life, why I will not sleep for fear of talking idly in my sleep. The sense designed, however, may be—If it be necessary to talk of performing impossibilities, why, I'll not sleep neither. Steevens. If idle talk will once be necessary, I'll not sleep neither: &lblank;] I suspect our author wrote: I'll not speak neither. Malone.

Note return to page 507 7My country's high pyramides my gibbet,] The poet seems to have designed we should read—pyramides, Lat. instead of pyramids, and so the folio reads. The verse will otherwise be defective. Thus, in Dr. Faustus, 1604: “Besides the gates and high pyramides “That Julius Cæsar brought from Africa.” Again, in Tamburlaine, 1590: “Like to the shadows of pyramides.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602. b. xii. c. 73: “The theaters, pyramides, the hills of half a mile.” Mr. Tollet observes, “that Sandys in his Travels, as well as Drayton in the 26th song of his Polyolbion, uses pyramides as a quadrisyllable. Steevens.

Note return to page 508 8A sun and moon, which kept their course, and lighted The little o' the earth. Dol. Most sovereign creature! &lblank;] What a blessed limping verse these hemistichs give us! Had none of the editors an ear to find the hitch in its pace? There is but a syllable wanting, and that, I believe verily, was but of a single letter. I restore: The little O o' th' earth. i. e. the little orb or circle. Our poet in other passages chuses to express himself thus. Theobald.

Note return to page 509 9&lblank; and that to friends;] Thus the old copy. The modern editors read, with no less obscurity: &lblank; when that to friends. Steevens.

Note return to page 510 1&lblank; For his bounty, There was no winter in't; an Antony it was, That grew the more by reaping: &lblank;] There was certainly a contrast both in the thought and terms, design'd here, which is lost in an accidental corruption. How could an Antony grow the more by reaping; I'll venture, by a very easy change, to restore an exquisite fine allusion; which carries its reason with it too, why there was no winter in his bounty. &lblank; For his bounty, There was no winter in't; an autumn 'twas, That grew the more by reaping. I ought to take notice, that the ingenious Dr. Thirlby likewise started this very emendation, and had mark'd it in the margin of his book. Theobald. I cannot resist the temptation to quote the following beautiful passage from B. Jonson's New Inn, on the subject of liberality. “He gave me my first breeding, I acknowledge; “Then showr'd his bounties on me, like the hours “That open-handed sit upon the clouds, “And press the liberality of heaven “Down to the laps of thankful men.” Steevens.

Note return to page 511 2As plates &lblank;] Plates mean, I believe, silver money. So, in Marlow's Jew of Malta, 1633: “What's the price of this slave 200 crowns?— “And if he has, he's worth 300 plates.” Again: “Rat'st thou this Moor but at 200 plates?” Steevens.

Note return to page 512 3&lblank; yet to imagine An Antony were nature's piece 'gainst fancy, Condemning shadows quite. This is a fine sentiment; but by the false reading and pointing becomes unintelligible. Though when set right, obscure enough to deserve a comment. Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; yet to imagine An Antony, were nature's prize 'gainst fancy, Condemning shadows quite. The sense of which is this, Nature, in general, has not materials enough to furnish out real forms, for every model that the boundless power of the imagination can sketch out: [Nature wants matter to vie strange forms with fancy.] But though this be true in general, that nature is more poor, narrow, and confined than fancy, yet it must be owned, that when nature presents an Antony to us, she then gets the better of fancy, and makes even the imagination appear poor and narrow: or in our author's phrase, [condemns shadows quite.] The word prize, which I have restored, is very pretty, as figuring a contention between Nature and Imagination about the larger extent of their powers; and Nature gaining the prize by producing Antony. Warburton. In this passage I cannot discover any temptation to critical experiments. The word piece, is a term appropriated to works of art. Here Nature and Fancy produce each their piece, and the piece done by Nature had the preference. Antony was in reality past the size of dreaming; he was more by Nature than Fancy could present in sleep. Johnson. To vie was a term at cards. See a note on the Taming of the Shrew, p. 451. Steevens.

Note return to page 513 4&lblank; shoots] The old copy reads—suites. Steevens.

Note return to page 514 5I cannot project mine own cause so well] Project signifies to invent a cause, not to plead it; which is the sense here required. It is plain that we should read: I cannot procter my own cause so well. The technical term, to plead by an advocate. Warburton. Sir T. Hanmer reads: I cannot parget my own cause &lblank; meaning, I cannot whitewash, varnish, or gloss my cause. I believe the present reading to be right. To project a cause is to represent a cause; to project it well, is to plan or contrive a scheme of defence. Johnson. The old reading may be the true one. Sir John Harington in his Metamorphosis of Ajax, 1596, p. 79, says: “I have chosen Ajax for the project of this discourse.” Yet Hanmer's conjecture may be likewise countenanced; for the word he wishes to bring in, is used in the 4th eclogue of Drayton: “Scorn'd paintings, pargit, and the borrow'd hair.” And several times by Ben Jonson. So, in the Silent Woman: “&lblank; she's above fifty too, and pargets.” Steevens.

Note return to page 515 6&lblank; 'tis exactly valued, Not petty things admitted. &lblank;] Sagacious editors! Cleopatra gives in a list of her wealth, says, 'tis exactly valued, but that petty things are not admitted in this list: and then she appeals to her treasurer, that she has reserved nothing to herself. And when he betrays her, she is reduced to the shift of exclaiming against the ingratitude of servants, and of making apologies for having secreted certain trifles. Who does not see, that we ought to read: Not petty things omitted? For this declaration lays open her falshood; and makes her angry when her treasurer detects her in a direct lie. Theobald. Notwithstanding the wrath of Mr. Theobald, I have restored the old reading. She is angry afterwards, that she is accused of having reserved more than petty things. Dr. Warburton and sir T. Hanmer follow Theobald. Johnson.

Note return to page 516 7&lblank; seel my lips, &lblank;] Sew up my mouth. Johnson. It means, close up my lips as effectually as the eyes of a hawk are closed. To seel hawks was the technical term. Steevens.

Note return to page 517 8O rarely base!] i. e. base in an uncommon degree. Steevens.

Note return to page 518 9O Cæsar, &c.] This speech of Cleopatra is taken from sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch, where it stands as follows. “O Cæsar, is not this great shame and reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the pains to come unto me, and hast done me this honour, poor wretch and caitiff creature, brought into this pitiful and miserable estate, and that mine own servants should come now to accuse me. Though it may be that I have reserved some jewels and trifles meet for women, but not for me (poor soul) to set out myself withal; but meaning to give some pretty presents unto Octavia and Livia, that they making means and intercession for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and mercy upon me, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 519 1Parcel the sum of my disgraces by] To parcel her disgraces, might be expressed in vulgar language, to bundle up her calamities. Johnson.

Note return to page 520 2Through the ashes of my change: &lblank;] Or fortune. The meaning is, Begone, or I shall exert that royal spirit which I had in my prosperity, in spite of the imbecillity of my present weak condition. This taught the Oxford editor to alter it to mischance. Warburton. Or I shall shew the cinders of my spirits Through the ashes of my chance: &lblank;] Thus Chaucer in his Canterbury Tales, late edit. v. 3180: “Yet in our ashen cold is fire yreken.” And thus (as the learned editor of the Cant. Tales has observed) Mr. Gray in his Church-yard Elegy: “Even in our ashes live their wonted fires.” Mr. Gray refers to the following passage in the 169 (171) sonnet of Petrarch, as his original: “Ch'i veggio nel pensier, dolce mio foco, “Fredda una lingua, e due begli occhi chiusi “Rimaner dopo noi pien di faville.” Edit. 1564. p. 271. Steevens.

Note return to page 521 9Be it known, that we the greatest are mis-thought For things that others do; and when we fall, We answer others' merits, in our names Are therefore to be pitied.] This false pointing has rendered the sentiment, which was not very easy at best, altogether unintelligible. The lines should be pointed thus: Be't known, that we, the greatest, are misthought For things that others do. And when we fall We answer. Others' merits, in our names Are therefore to be pitied. i. e. We monarchs, while in power, are accused and blamed for the miscarriages of our ministers; and when any misfortune hath subjected us to the power of our enemies, we are sure to be punished for those faults. As this is the case, it is but reasonable that we should have the merit of our ministers' good actions, as well as bear the blame of their bad. But she softens the word merit into pity. The reason of her making the reflexion was this: her former conduct was liable to much censure from Octavius, which she would hereby artfully insinuate was owing to her evil ministers. And as her present conduct, in concealing her treasures, appeared to be her own act, she being detected by her minister; she begs, that as she now answers for her former minister's miscarriages, so her present minister's merit in this discovery might likewise be placed to her account: which she thinks but reasonable. The Oxford editor is here again at his old work of altering what he did not understand, and so transforms the passage thus: &lblank; and when we fall, We pander other's merits with our names; And therefore to be pitied. Warburton. I do not think that either of the criticks have reached the sense of the author, which may be very commodiously explained thus: We suffer at our highest state of elevation in the thoughts of mankind for that which others do; and when we fall, those that contented themselves only to think ill before, call us to answer in our own names for the merits of others. We are therefore to be pitied. Merits is in this place taken in an ill sense, for actions meriting censure. If any alteration be necessary, I should only propose, Be't known, that we at greatest, &c. Johnson.

Note return to page 522 1Make not your thoughts your prisons; &lblank;] I once wished to read, Make not your thoughts your poison: &lblank; Do not destroy yourself by musing on your misfortune. Yet I would change nothing, as the old reading presents a very proper sense. Be not a prisoner in imagination, when in reality you are free. Johnson.

Note return to page 523 2&lblank; scald rhimers] Sir T. Hanmer reads, &lblank; stall'd rhimers. Scald was a word of contempt, implying poverty, disease, and filth. Johnson.

Note return to page 524 3&lblank; quick comedians] The gay inventive players. Johnson.

Note return to page 525 4&lblank; boy my greatness,] The parts of women were acted on the stage by boys. Hanmer. Nash, in Pierce Pennylesse his Supplication, &c. 1595, says, “Our players are not as the players beyond sea, a sort of squirting bawdy comedians, that have whores and common courtesans to play women's parts, &c.” To obviate this impropriety of men representing women, T. Goff, in his tragedy of the Raging Turk, 1631, has no female character. Steevens.

Note return to page 526 5Their most absurd intents. &lblank;] Why should Cleopatra call Cæsar's designs absurd? She could not think his intent of carrying her in triumph, such, with regard to his own glory: and her finding an expedient to disappoint him, could not bring it under that predicament. I much rather think the poet wrote, Their most assur'd intents &lblank; i. e. the purposes which they make themselves most sure of accomplishing. Theobald. I have preserved the old reading. The design certainly appeared absurd enough to Cleopatra, both as she thought it unreasonable in itself, and as she knew it would fail. Johnson.

Note return to page 527 6&lblank; now the fleeting moon No planet is of mine.] Alluding to the Ægyptian devotion paid to the moon under the name of Isis. Warburton. I realy believe that our poet was not at all acquainted with the devotion that the Ægyptians paid to this planet under the name of Isis; but that Cleopatra having said, I have nothing of woman in me, added, by way of amplification, that she had not even the changes of disposition peculiar to the sex, and which sometimes happen as frequently as those of the moon; or that she was not, like the sea, governed by the moon. So, in Richard III:—“I being govern'd by the watry moon, &c.” Why should she say on this occasion that she no longer made use of the forms of worship peculiar to her country? Fleeting is inconstant. So in Greene's Never too late, 1616: “If thou bee'st daunted on thy marriage day, thou wilt be fleeting hereafter.” Again, in Green's Metamorphosis, 1617:—“to shew the world she was not fleeting.” Steevens.

Note return to page 528 7&lblank; the pretty worm of Nilus &lblank;] Worm is the Teutonick word for serpent; we have the blind-worm and slow-worm still in our language, and the Norwegians cal an enormous monster, seen sometimes in the northern ocean, the sea-worm. Johnson. So, in the Dumb Knight, 1633: “Those coals the Roman Portia did devour, “Are not burnt out, nor have th' Ægyptian worms “Yet lost their stings.” Again, in the Tragedy of Hoffman, 1631: “&lblank; I'll watch forfear Of venomous worms.” Steevens. In the Northern counties, the word worm is still given to the serpent species in general. I have seen a Northumberland ballad, entituled, The laidly Worm of Spindleston Heughs, i. e. The loathsome or foul serpent of Spindleston Craggs; certain rocks so called, near Bamburgh Castle. Shakespeare uses worm again in the same sense. See the Second part of King Henry VI. “The mortal worm might make the sleep eternal. Percy. Again, in the old version of the New Testament, Acts xxviii. “Now when the barbarians sawe the worme hang on his hand, &c.” Tollet.

Note return to page 529 8But he that will believe all that they say, shall never be saved by half that they do:] Shakespeare's clowns are always jokers, and deal in sly satire. It is plain this must be read the contrary way, and all and half change places. Warburton. Probably Shakespeare designed that confusion which the critick would disentangle. Steevens.

Note return to page 530 9will do his kind.] The serpent will act according to his nature. Johnson. So in Heywood's If you know not Me you know Nobody, 1633: &lblank; Good girls, they do their kind.” Again, in the ancient black letter romance of Syr Tryamoure, no date: “He dyd full gentylly his kinde.” Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0973

Note return to page 531 1Yare, yare, &lblank;] i. e. make haste, be nimble, be ready. Many instances of the use of the word have been already given. So in the old bl. romance of Syr Eglmoure of Artoys: “Ryght soone he made him yare.” Again, “To hym she went full yare, “Syr, she sayde, how do you fare?” Again, “They busked and made them yare.” Steevens.

Note return to page 532 2&lblank; Dost fall?] Iras must be supposed to have applied an asp to her arm while her mistress was settling her dress, or I know not why she should fall so soon. Steevens.

Note return to page 533 3He'll make demand of her.] He will enquire of her concerning me, and kiss her for giving him intelligence. Johnson.

Note return to page 534 4&lblank; ass Unpolicy'd!] i. e. an ass without more policy than to leave the means of death within my reach, and thereby deprive his triumph of its noblest decoration. Steevens.

Note return to page 535 5That sucks the nurse asleep?] Before the publication of this piece, The Tragedy of Cleopatra, by Daniel, 1599, had made its apperance; but Dryden is more indebted to it than Shakespeare. Daniel has the following lines: “Better than death death's office thou dischargest,   “That with one gentle touch can free our breath; “And in a pleasing sleep our soul enlargest,   “Making ourselves not privy to our death. &lblank; “Therefore come thou, of wonders chief,   “That open canst with such an easy key “The door of life; come gentle, cunning thief,   “That from ourselves so steal'st ourselves away.” Dryden says on the same occasion: “&lblank; Welcome thou kind deceiver! “Thou best of thieves; who with an easy key “Dost open life, and, unperceiv'd by us, “Even steal us from ourselves: Discharging so “Death's dreadful office better than himself, “Thouching our limbs so gently into slumber, “That death stands by, deceiv'd by his own image, “And thinks himself but sleep.” Steevens.

Note return to page 536 6O Antony! nay, I will take thee too.] As there has been hitherto no break in this verse, nor any marginal direction, thee necessarily must seem to refer to Antony. But Cleopatra is here designed to apply one aspick to her arm, as she had before clapp'd one to her breast. And the last speech of Dolabella in the play is a confirmation of this. The like is on her arm. Theobald.

Note return to page 537 7In this wild world?] Thus the old copy. I suppose she means by this wild world, this world which by the death of Antony is become a desert to her. A wild is a desert. Our author, however, might have written vild (i. e. vile according to ancient spelling) for worthless. Steevens.

Note return to page 538 8&lblank; Your crown's awry;] This is well amended by the editors. The old editions had, &lblank; Your crowns' away. Johnson. So, in Daniel's Tragedy of Cleopatra, 1599: “And senseless, in her sinking down, she wryes “The diadem which on her head she wore; “Which Charmian (poor weak feeble maid) espyes, “And hastes to right it as it was before; “For Eras now was dead.” Steevens.

Note return to page 539 9Descended of so many royal kings.] Almost these very words are found in sir T. North's translation of Plutarch; and in Daniel's play on the same subject. The former book is not uncommon, and therefore it would be impertinent to crowd the page with every circumstance which Shakespeare has borrowed from the same original. Steevens.

Note return to page 540 1&lblank; something blown;] The flesh is somewhat puffed or swoln. Johnson. So, in the ancient metrical romance of Syr Bevys of Hampton, bl. l. no date: “That with venim upon him throwen, “The knight lay then to-blowen.” Again, in the romance of Syr Isenbras, bl. l. no date: “With adders all your bestes ben slaine, “With venyme are they blowe.” Again, in Ben Johnson's Magnetic Lady: “&lblank; What is blown, puft? speak English. &lblank; “Tainted an' please you, some do call it. “She swells and so swells, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 541 THIS play keeps curiosity always busy, and the passions always interested. The continual hurry of the action, the variety of incidents, and the quick succession of one personage to another, call the mind forward without intermission from the first act to the last. But the power of delighting is derived principally from the frequent changes of the scene; for, except the feminine arts, some of which are too low, which distinguish Cleopatra, no character is very strongly discriminated. Upton, who did not easily miss what he desired to find, has discovered that the language of Antony is, with great skill and learning, made pompous and superb, according to his real practice. But I think his diction not distinguishable from that of others: the most tumid speech in the play is that which Cæsar makes to Octavia. The events, of which the principal are described according to history, are produced without any art of connexion or care of disposition. Johnson.

Note return to page 542 1Timon of Athens.] The story of the Misanthrope is told in almost every collection of the time, and particularly in two books, with which Shakespeare was intimately acquainted; the Palace of Pleasure, and the English Plutarch. Indeed from a passage in an old play, called Jack Drum's Entertainment, I conjecture that he had before made his appearance on the stage. Farmer. The passage in Jack Drum's Entertainment or Pasquil and Katherine, 1601, is this: “Come, I'll be as sociable as Timon of Athens.” But the allusion is so slight, that it might as well have been borrowed from Plutarch or the Novel. Mr. Strutt the engraver, to whom our antiquaries are under no inconsiderable obligations, has in his possession a MS. play on this subject. It appears to have been written, or transcribed, about the year 1600. There is a scene in it resembling Shakespeare's banquet given by Timon to his flatterers. Instead of warm water he sets before them stones painted like artichokes, and afterwards beats them out of the room. He then retires to the woods attended by his faithful steward, who (like Kent in K. Lear) has disguised himself to continue his services to his master. Timon, in the last act is followed by his fickle mistress, &c. after he was reported to have discovered a hidden treasure by digging. The piece itself (though it appears to be the work of an academick) is a wretched one. The personæ dramatis are as follows. The actors names. Timon. Laches, his faithful servant. Eutrapelus, a dissolute young man. Gelasimus, a cittie heyre. Pseudocheus, a lying travailer. Demeas, an orator. Philargurus, a covetous churlish ould man. Hermogenes, a fidler. Abyssus, a usurer. Lollio, a cuntrey clowne, Philargurus sonne. Stilpo, a lying philosopher. Speusippus, a lying philosopher. Grunnio, a lean servant of Philargurus. Obba, Tymon's butler. Pœdio, Gelasimus page. Two serjeants. A sailor. Callimela, Philargurus daughter. Blatte, her prattling nurse. SCENE, Athens. Steevens.

Note return to page 543 2In the old copy: Enter, &c. Merchant and Mercer, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 544 3Poet. Good day, sir.] It would be less abrupt, to begin the play thus: Poet. Good day. Pain. Good day, sir: I am glad you're well. Farmer.

Note return to page 545 4But what particular rarity, &c.] Our author, it is observable, has made his poet in this play a knave. But that it might not reflect upon the profession he has made him only a pretender to it, as appears from his having drawn him, all the way, with a false taste and judgment. One infallible mark of which is, a fondness for every thing strange, surprizing, and portentous; and, a disregard for whatever is common, or in nature. Shakespeare therefore has with great delicacy of judgment put his poetaster upon this inquiry. Warburton. The learned commentator's note must shift for itself. I cannot but think that this passage is at present in confusion. The poet asks a question, and stays not for an answer, nor has his question any apparent drift or consequence. I would range the passage thus: Poet. Ay, that's well known. But what particular rarity? what so strange, That manifold record not matches? Pain. See! Poet. Magick of bounty, &c. It may not be improperly observed here, that as there is only one copy of this play, no help can be had from collation, and more liberty must be allowed to conjecture. Johnson.

Note return to page 546 5&lblank; breath'd as it were To an untirable and continuate goodness.] Breathed is inured by constant practice; so trained as not to be wearied. To breathe a horse, is to exercise him for the course. Johnson. &lblank; continuate &lblank;] This word is used by many ancient English writers. Thus, by Chapman in his version of the 4th book of the Odyssey: “Her handmaids join'd in a continuate yell.” Steevens.

Note return to page 547 6He passes.] i. e. he exceeds, goes beyond common bounds. So, in the Merry Wives of Windsor: “Why this passes, master Ford.” Steevens.

Note return to page 548 7&lblank; touch the estimate: &lblank;] Come up to the price. Johnson.

Note return to page 549 8When we for recompence &c.] We must here suppose the poet busy in reading his own work; and that these three lines are the introduction of the poem addressed to Timon, which he afterwards gives the painter an account of. Warburton.

Note return to page 550 9&lblank; which oozes] The folio copy reads,—which uses. The modern editors have given it,—which issues. Johnson. The only ancient copy reads: Our poesie is as a gowne which uses. Steevens.

Note return to page 551 1&lblank; and, like the current flies Each bound it chafes. &lblank;] Thus the folio reads, and rightly. In later editions—chases. Warburton. This speech of the poet is very obscure. He seems to boast the copiousness and facility of his vein, by declaring that verses drop from a poet as gums from odoriferous trees, and that his flame kindles itself without the violence necessary to elicit sparkles from the flint. What follows next? that it, like a current, flies each bound if chafes. This may mean, that it expands itself notwithstanding all obstructions: but the images in the comparison are so ill-sorted, and the effect so obscurely expressed, that I cannot but think something omitted that connected the last sentence with the former. It is well known that the players often shorten speeches to quicken the representation: and it may be suspected, that they sometimes performed their amputations with more haste than judgment. Johnson. Perhaps the sense is, that having touch'd on one subject, it flies off in quest of another. The old copy seems to read: Each bound it chases. &lblank; The letters f and f are not always to be distinguished from each other, especially when the types have been much worn, as in the first folio. If chases be the true reading, it is best explained by the “&lblank; se sequiturque fugitque &lblank;” of the Roman poet. Steevens.

Note return to page 552 2Upon the heels &c.] As soon as my book has been presented to lord Timon. Johnson.

Note return to page 553 3&lblank; presentment, &lblank;] The patrons of Shakespeare's age do not appear to have been all Timons. “I did determine not to have dedicated my play to any body, because forty shillings I care not for, and above, few or none will bestow on these matters.” Preface to a Woman is a Weathercock, by N. Field, 1612. Steevens.

Note return to page 554 4&lblank; this comes off well and excellent.] By this we are to understand what the painters call the goings off of a picture, which requires the nicest execution. Warburton. The note I understand less than the text. The meaning is: The figure rises well from the canvas. C'est bien relevè. Johnson. What is meant by this term of applause I do not exactly know. It occurs again in the Widow, by B. Jonson, Fletcher, and Middleton: “It comes off very fair yet.” Again, in A Trick to catch the old One, 1616: “Put a good tale in his ear, so that it comes off cleanly, and there's a horse and man for us, I warrant thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 555 5&lblank; how this grace Speaks its own standing? &lblank;] This relates to the attitude of the figure; and means that it stands judiciously on its own centre. And not only so, but that it has a graceful standing likewise. Of which the poet in Hamlet, speaking of another picture, says: “A Station like the Herald, Mercury, “New-lighted on a heav'n-kissing hill.” which lines Milton seems to have had in view, where he says of Raphael: “At once on th' eastern cliff of Paradise “He lights, and to his proper shape returns. “&lblank; Like Maia's son he stood.” Warburton. This sentence seems to me obscure, and, however explained, not very forcible. This grace speaks his own standing, is only, The gracefulness of this figure shews how it stands. I am inclined to think something corrupted. It would be more natural and clear thus: &lblank; how this standing Speaks his own graces? &lblank; How this posture displays its own gracefulness. But I will indulge conjecture further, and propose to read: &lblank; how this grace Speaks understanding? what a mental power This eye shoots forth? &lblank; Johnson. The passage, to my apprehension at least, speaks its own meaning, which is, how the graceful attitude of this figure proclaims that it stands firm on its centre, or gives evidence in favour of its own fixure. Grace is introduced as bearing witness to propriety. A similar expression occurs in Cymbeline, act II. sc. iv: “&lblank; never saw I figures “So likely to report themselves.” Steevens.

Note return to page 556 6&lblank; artificial strife] Strife for action or motion. Warburton. Strife is either the contest or act with nature. “Hic ille est Raphael, timuit, quo sospite vinci “Rerum magna parens, & moriente mori.” Or it is the contrast of forms or opposition of colours. Johnson. So, in some lines under one of Faithorne's heads: “Faithorne, with nature at a noble strife, “Hath paid the author a great share of life, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 557 7&lblank; Happy men!] I think we had better read:—Happy man! It is the happiness of Timon, and not of the senators, upon which the Poet means to exclaim. Steevens.

Note return to page 558 8This confluence, this great flood of visitors.] “Mane salutantûm totis vomit ædibus undam.” Johnson.

Note return to page 559 9Halts not particularly, &lblank;] My design does not stop at any single characters. Johnson.

Note return to page 560 1In a wide sea of wax: &lblank;] Anciently they wrote upon waxen tables with an iron stile. Hanmer.

Note return to page 561 2&lblank; no levell'd malice] Why this epithet to malice? which belongs to all actions whatsoever, which have their aim or level. Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; no leven'd malice, which is not only a proper epithet for the acidity of that passion, but answers well to the next words infects, and leaving no tract behind, as any thing fermenting or corrosive does. Warburton. To level is to aim, to point the shot at a mark. Shakespeare's meaning is, my poem is not a satire written with any particular view, or levelled at any single person; I fly like an eagle into the general expanse of life, and leave not, by any private mischief, the trace of my passage. Johnson.

Note return to page 562 3I'll unbolt &lblank;] I'll open, I'll explain. Johnson.

Note return to page 563 4&lblank; glib and slipp'ry creatures, &lblank;] Hanmer, and Warburton after him, read, natures. Slippery is smooth, unresisting. Johnson.

Note return to page 564 5&lblank; glass-fac'd flatt'rer] That shows in his own look, as by reflection, the looks of his patron. Johnson.

Note return to page 565 6&lblank; even he drops down &c.] Either Shakespeare meant to put a falshood into the mouth of his poet, or had not yet thoroughly planned the character of Apemantus; for in the ensuing scenes, his behaviour is as cynical to Timon as to his followers. Steevens.

Note return to page 566 7&lblank; rank'd with all deserts, &lblank;] Cover'd with ranks of all kinds of men. Johnson.

Note return to page 567 8To propagate their states: &lblank;] To propagate, for to make. Warburton. To advance or improve their various conditions of life. Johnson.

Note return to page 568 9&lblank; conceiv'd to scope.] Properly imagined, appositely, to the purpose. Johnson.

Note return to page 569 1In our condition.] Condition, for art. Warburton.

Note return to page 570 2Rain sacrificial whisp'rings in his ear,] The sense is obvious, and means, in general, flattering him. The particular kind of flattery may be collected from the circumstance of its being offered up in whispers: which shews it was the calumniating those whom Timon hated or envied, or whose vices were opposite to his own. This offering up, to the person flattered, the murdered reputation of others, Shakespeare, with the utmost beauty of thought and expression, calls sacrificial whisp'rings, alluding to the victims offered up to idols. Warburton.

Note return to page 571 3&lblank; through him Drink the free air.] That is, catch his breath in affected fondness. Johnson.

Note return to page 572 4&lblank; let him slip down,] The old copy reads: &lblank; let him sit down: The emendation was made by Mr. Rowe. Steevens.

Note return to page 573 5A thousand moral paintings I can shew,] Shakespeare seems to intend in this dialogue to express some competition between the two great arts of imitation. Whatever the poet declares himself to have shewn, the painter thinks he could have shewn better. Johnson.

Note return to page 574 6&lblank; mean eyes &lblank;] i. e. inferior spectators. So, in Wotton's Letter to Bacon, dated March the last, 1613: “Before their majesties, and almost as many other meaner eyes, &c.” Tollet.

Note return to page 575 7Periods his comfort.] To period is, perhaps, a verb of Shakespeare's introduction into the English language. I find it however used by Heywood, after him, in A Maidenhead well Lost, 1634: “How easy could I period all my care.” Again, in the Country Girl, by T. B. 1647: “To period our vain grievings.” Again, in The Acknowledgement, a poem by Barton Holyday: “'Tis some poor comfort that this mortal scope “Will period.” &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 576 8'Tis not enough &c.] This thought is better expressed by Dr. Madden in his Elegy on archbishop Boulter: “&lblank; He thought it mean “Only to help the poor to beg again.” Johnson.

Note return to page 577 9&lblank; your honour!] The common address to a lord in our author's time, was your honour, which was indifferently used with your lordship. See any old letter, or dedication of that age. Steevens.

Note return to page 578 1Therefore he will be, Timon:&lblank;] The thought is closely expressed, and obscure: but this seems the meaning: If the man be honest, my lord, for that reason he will be so in this; and not endeavour at the injustice of gaining my daughter without my consent. Warburton. I rather think an emendation necessary, and read: Therefore well be him, Timon: His honesty rewards him in itself. That is, If he is honest, bene sit illi, I wish him the proper happiness of an honest man, but his honesty gives him no claim to my daughter. The first transcriber probably wrote will be him, which the next, not understanding, changed to, he will be. Johnson. I think Dr. Warburton's explanation is best, because it exacts no change. So, in K. Hen. VIII: “&lblank; May he continue “Long in his highness' favour; and do justice “For truth's sake and his conscience.” Steevens.

Note return to page 579 2&lblank; never may That state, or fortune, fall into my keeping, Which is not ow'd to you!] i. e. may I never have any accession of fortune which you are not the author of. An odd strain of complaisance. We should read: Which is not own'd to you. i. e. which I will not acknowledge you laid the foundation of in this generous act. Warburton. The meaning is, let me never henceforth consider any thing that I possess, but as owed or due to you; held for your service, and at your disposal. Johnson.

Note return to page 580 3&lblank; pencil'd figures are Even such as they give out. &lblank;] Pictures have no hypocrisy; they are what they profess to be. Johnson.

Note return to page 581 4&lblank; unclew me quite.] To unclew, is to unwind a ball of thread. To unclew a man, is to draw out the whole mass of his fortunes. Johnson.

Note return to page 582 5Are prized by their masters: &lblank;] Are rated according to the esteem in which their possessor is held. Johnson.

Note return to page 583 6Enter Apemantus.] See this character of a cynic finely drawn by Lucian, in his Auction of the Philosophers; and how well Shakespeare has copied it. Warburton.

Note return to page 584 7Tim. Good morrow to thee, gentle Apemantus! Apem. 'Till I be gentle, stay for thy good morrow; When thou art Timon's dog, and these knaves honest, &lblank;] The first line of Apemantus's answer is to the purpose; the second absurd and nonsensical; which proceeds from the loss of a speech dropt from between them, that should be thus restored: Tim. Good morrow to thee, gentle Apemantus; Apem. 'Till I be gentle, stay for thy good morrow. [Poet. When will that be?] Apem. When thou art Timon's dog, and these knaves honest. Warburton. I think my punctuation may clear the passage without any greater effort. Johnson.

Note return to page 585 8When thou art Timon's dog, &lblank;] When thou hast gotten a better character, and instead of being Timon, as thou art, shalt be changed to Timon's dog, and become more worthy of kindness and salutation. Johnson. When thou art Timon's dog, &lblank;] This is spoken &grd;&gre;&gri;&grk;&grt;&gri;&grk;&grwc;&grst;, as Mr. Upton says somewhere:&lblank;striking his hand on his breast. “Wot you who named me first the kinge's dogge?” says Aristippus in Damon and Pythias. Farmer.

Note return to page 586 9Not so well as plain-dealing, &lblank;] Alluding to the proverb: “Plain dealing is a jewel, but they that use it die beggars.” Steevens.

Note return to page 587 1That I had no angry wit, to be a lord. &lblank;] This reading is absurd, and unintelligible. But, as I have restored the text, that I had so hungry a wit, to be a lord, it is satirical enough of conscience, viz. I would hate myself, for having no more wit than to covet so insignificant a title. In the same sense, Shakespeare uses lean-witted in his Richard II. “And thou a lunatick, lean-witted, fool.” Warburton. The meaning may be, I should hate myself for patiently enduring to be a lord. This is ill enough expressed. Perhaps some happy change may set it right. I have tried, and can do nothing, yet I cannot heartily concur with Dr. Warburton. Johnson. If I hazard one conjecture, it is with the smallest degree of confidence. By an angry wit Apemantus may mean the poet, who has been provoking him. The sense will then be this: I should hate myself, because I could prevail on no captious wit (like him) to take the title in my stead. The Revisal reads: That I had so wrong'd my wit to be a lord. Steevens.

Note return to page 588 2All of companionship.] This expression does not mean barely that they all belong to one company, but that they are all such as Alcibiades honours with his acquaintance, and sets on a level with himself. Steevens.

Note return to page 589 3&lblank; The strain of man's bred out Into baboon and monkey.] Man is exhausted and degenerated; his strain or lineage is worn down into monkey. Johnson.

Note return to page 590 4Ere we depart, &lblank;] Who depart? Though Alcibiades was to leave Timon, Timon was not to depart. Common sense favours my emendation. Theobald. Theobald proposes do part. Common sense may favour it, but an acquaintance with the language of Shakespeare would not have been quite so propitious to his emendation. Depart and part have the same meaning. “Hath willingly departed with a part.” K. John. i. e. Hath willingly parted with a part of the thing in question. Again, Spenser: “And to depart them, if that so he may.” Steevens.

Note return to page 591 5&lblank; no meed, &lblank;] Meed, which in general signifies reward or recompence, in this place seems to mean desert. So, in Heywood's Silver Age, 1613: “And yet thy body meeds a better grave.” i. e. deserves. Again, in a comedy called Look about you, 1600: “Thou shalt be rich in honour, full of speed; “Thou shalt win foes by fear, and friends by meed.” Steevens.

Note return to page 592 6All use of quittance.] i. e. All the customary returns made in discharge of obligations. Warburton.

Note return to page 593 7If our betters play at that game, we must not dare, To imitate them; Faults that are rich are fair.] These two lines are absurdly given to Timon. They should be read thus: Tim. If our betters play at that game, we must not. Apem. Dare to imitate them. Faults that are rich are fair. This is said satirically and in character. It was a sober reflection in Timon; who by our betters meant the gods, which require to be repaid for benefits received; but it would be impiety in men to expect the same observance for the trifling good they do. Apemantus, agreeably to his character, perverts this sentiment; as if Timon had spoke of earthly grandeur and potentates, who expect largest returns for their favours; and therefore, ironically replies as above. Warburton. I cannot see that these lines are more proper in any other mouth than Timon's, to whose character of generosity and condescension they are very suitable. To suppose that by our betters are meant the gods, is very harsh, because to imitate the gods has been hitherto reckoned the highest pitch of human virtue. The whole is a trite and obvious thought, uttered by Timon with a kind of affected modesty. If I would make any alteration, it should be only to reform the numbers thus: Our betters play that game; we must not dare T' imitate them: faults that are rich are fair. Johnson.

Note return to page 594 8&lblank; I myself would have no power.] If this be the true reading, the sense is, all Athenians are welcome to share my fortune: I would myself have no exclusive right or power in this house. Perhaps we might read, I myself would have no poor. I would have every Athenian consider himself as joint possessor of my fortune. Johnson. I should think, I myself would have no power, referred to the subsequent rather than to the preceding words—I claim no extraordinary power in right of my being master of the house: I wish not by my commands to impose silence on any one: but though I myself do not enjoin you to silence, let my meat stop your mouth. Malone. I understand Timon's meaning to be: I myself would have no power to make thee silent, but I wish thou would'st let my meat make thee silent. Timon, like a polite landlord, disclaims all power over the meanest or most troublesome of his guests. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 595 9I scorn thy meat; 'twould choak me, for I should Ne'er flatter thee &lblank;] A very pretty reason why his meat would choak him, because he should never flatter him. We should read and point this nonsense thus: I scorn thy meat; 'twould choak me 'fore I should e'er flatter thee. i. e. before I should ever flatter thee. Warburton. Of this emendation there is little need. The meaning is, I could not swallow thy meat, for I could not pay for it with flattery; and what was given me with an ill will would stick in my throat. Johnson.

Note return to page 596 1&lblank; so many dip their meat In one man's blood; &lblank;] The allusion is to a pack of hounds trained to pursuit by being gratified with the blood of an animal which they kill, and the wonder is that the animal on which they are feeding cheers them to the chase. Johnson.

Note return to page 597 2&lblank; wind-pipe's dangerous notes:] The notes of the wind-pipe seem to be only the indications which shew where the wind-pipe is. Johnson. Shakespeare is very fond of making use of musical terms, when he is speaking of the human body, and wind-pipe, and notes savour strongly of a quibble. Steevens.

Note return to page 598 3My lord, in heart;] That is, my lord's health with sincerity. An emendation has been proposed thus: My love in heart; &lblank; but it is not necessary. Johnson. So, in the Queen of Corinth, by B. and Fletcher: “I will be never more in heart to you.” Again, in Love's Labour's Lost: &lblank; “By heart, and in heart, boy.” Again, in K. Henry IV. p. I. act IV. sc. i: “&lblank; in heart desiring still “You may behold, &c.” Again, in Love's Labour's Lost, act V. sc. ii: “&lblank; Dost thou not wish in heart, “The chain were longer, and the letter short?” Steevens.

Note return to page 599 4for ever perfect] That is, arrived at the perfection of happiness. Johnson.

Note return to page 600 5How had you been my friends else? why have you that charitable title from thousands,] The Oxford editor alters charitable title to character and title. He did not know that charitable signifies, dear, endearing; nor consequently understood what Milton meant by, “Relations dear, and all the charities “Of father, son, and brother &lblank;” Alms, in English, are called charities, and from thence we may collect that our ancestors knew well in what the virtue of alms-giving consisted; not in the act, but the disposition. Warburton.

Note return to page 601 6&lblank; did not you chiefly belong to my heart?] I think it should be inverted thus: did I not chiefly belong to your hearts. Lucius wishes that Timon would give him and the rest an opportunity of expressing some part of their zeals. Timon answers that, doubtless the gods have provided that I should have help from you; how else are you my friends? why are you stiled my friends, if—what? if I do not love you. Such is the present reading; but the consequence is not very clear: the proper close must be, if you do not love me, and to this my alteration restores it. But, perhaps, the old reading may stand. Johnson. Why have you that charitable title from thousands, did not you chiefly belong to my heart?] I believe Shakespeare wrote, “Why have you not that charitable title from thousands, did you not chiefly belong to my heart?” i. e. Why do not thousands more give you that charitable title of friends, if it were not that my heart hath a peculiar and principal claim to your friendship? Revisal. Why have you, &c.] The meaning is probably this. Why are you distinguished from thousands by that title of endearment, was there not a particular connection and intercourse of tenderness between you and me. Johnson.

Note return to page 602 7I confirm you.] I fix your characters firmly in my own mind. Johnson.

Note return to page 603 8&lblank; they were the most needless creatures living, should we ne'er have use for them: and &lblank;] This passage I have restored from the old copy. Steevens.

Note return to page 604 9O joy, e'en made away ere it can be born!] For this Hanmer writes, O joy, e'en made a joy ere't can be born; and is followed by Dr. Warburton. I am always inclinable to think well of that which is approved by so much learning and sagacity, yet cannot receive this alteration. Tears being the effect both of joy and grief, supplied our author with an opportunity of conceit, which he seldom fails to indulge. Timon, weeping with a kind of tender pleasure, cries out, O joy, e'en made away, destroyed, turned to tears, before it can be born, before it can be fully possessed. Johnson.

Note return to page 605 1Mine eyes, &c.] In the original edition the words stand thus: Mine eyes cannot hold out water, methinks. To forget their faults, I drink to you. Perhaps the true reading is this, Mine eyes cannot hold out; they water. Methinks, to forget their faults, I will drink to you. Or it may be explained without any change. Mine eyes cannot hold out water, that is, cannot keep water from breaking in upon them. Johnson.

Note return to page 606 2&lblank; to make them drink, &lblank;] Hanmer reads, &lblank; to make them drink thee: and is again followed by Dr. Warburton, I think without sufficient reason. The covert sense of Apemantus is, what thou losest, they get. Johnson.

Note return to page 607 3&lblank; like a babe &lblank;] That is a weeping babe. Johnson. I question if Shakespeare meant the propriety of allusion to be carried quite so far. To look for babies in the eyes of another, is no uncommon expression. So, in Love's Mistress, by Heywood, 1636: “Joy'd in his looks, look'd babies in his eyes.” Again, in The Christian turn'd Turk, 1612: “She makes him sing songs to her, looks fortunes in his fists, and babies in his eyes.” Again, in Drayton's Polyolbion, Song the 11th: “Whilst in their chrystal eyes he doth for Cupids look.” Again, in the Loyal Subject, by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; Can you look babies, sister, “In the young gallant's eyes?” Steevens. Does not Lucullus dwell on Timon's metaphor by referring to circumstances preceding the birth, and means joy was conceived in their eyes, and sprung up there, like the motion of a babe in the womb? Tollet.

Note return to page 608 3In former copies: There taste, touch, all pleas'd from thy table rise, They only now &lblank;] The five senses are talked of by Cupid, but three of them only are made out; and those only in a very heavy unintelligible manner. It is plain therefore we should read, Th'ear, taste, touch, smell, pleas'd from thy table rise, These only now, &c. i. e. the five senses, Timon, acknowledge thee their patron; four of them, viz. the hearing, taste, touch, and smell, are all feasted at thy board; and these ladies come with me to entertain your sight in a masque. Massinger, in his Duke of Millaine, copied the passage from Shakespeare; and apparently before it was thus corrupted; where, speaking of a banquet, he says: &lblank; All that may be had To please the eye, the ear, taste, touch or smell, Are carefully provided. &lblank; Warburton.

Note return to page 609 5They dance! They are mad women. Like madness, is the glory of this life; As this pomp shews to a little oil and root.] This is Apemantus's reflection on the masque of ladies: and for its obscurity, would become any Pagan philosopher. The first line is a complete sentence: the second is the beginning of a new reflection; and the third, the conclusion of it by a similitude. Hence it appears, that some lines are dropt out and lost from between the second and third verses. I conjecture the sense of the whole might be this, The glory of human life is like the madness of this mask; it is a false aim at happiness, which is to be obtained only by sobriety and temperance in a private and retired life. But superficial judges will always prefer pomp and glory; because in outward appearance it has so much the advantage: as great as this pompous supper appears to have above my oil and root. This, in my opinion, was the sentiment that connected the second and third lines together: which for the future should be read with asterisks between them. Warburton. When I read this passage, I was at first of the same opinion with this learned man; but, upon longer consideration, I grew less confident, because I think the present reading susceptible of explanation, with no more violence to language than is frequently found in our author. The glory of this life is very near to madness, as may be made appear from this pomp, exhibited in a place where a philosopher is feeding on oil and roots. When we see by example how few are the necessaries of life, we learn what madness there is in so much superfluity. Johnson.

Note return to page 610 6They dance! &lblank;]! I believe They dance to be a marginal note only; and perhaps we should read, These are mad women. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 611 7Of their friends' gift?] That is, given them by their friends. Johnson.

Note return to page 612 8&lblank; mine own device:] The mask appears to have been design'd by Timon to surprise his guests. Johnson.

Note return to page 613 8My lord, &lblank;] This answer seems rather to belong to one of the ladies. It was probably only mark'd L in the copy. Johnson. In the old copy this speech is given to the 1 Lord. I have ventured to change it to the 1 Lady, as the author of the Revisal, and Mr. Edwards, as well as Dr. Johnson, concur in the emendation. There may not, however, be sufficient reason for the change; especially if the preceding line, “I am to thank you for it,” be addressed to the lords by whom this masque appears to have been contrived. Steevens.

Note return to page 614 9&lblank; even at the best.] Perhaps we should read, &lblank; ever at the best. So, act III. sc. vi, Ever at the best. Tyrwhitt. Take us even at the best, I believe, means, you have seen the best we can do. They are supposed to be hired dancers, and therefore there is no impropriety in such a confession. Steevens.

Note return to page 615 1&lblank; he'd be cross'd then, if he could:] The poet does not mean here, that he would be cross'd in humour, but that he would have his hand cross'd with money, if he could. He is playing on the word, and alluding to our old silver penny, used before K. Edward the first's time, which had a cross on the reverse with a crease, that it might be more easily broke into halves and quarters, half-pence and farthings. From this penny, and other pieces, was our common expression derived, I have not a cross about me; i. e. not a piece of money. Theobald.

Note return to page 616 2&lblank; eyes behind;] To see the miseries that are following her. Johnson.

Note return to page 617 3&lblank; for his mind] For nobleness of soul. Johnson.

Note return to page 618 4&lblank; to Advance this jewel; &lblank; To prefer it; to raise it to honour by wearing it. Johnson.

Note return to page 619 9I tell you true. &lblank;] The other modern editions: I'll tell you. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 620 1&lblank; 'tis not enough to give; Methinks, I could deal kingdoms &lblank;] Thus the passage stood in all editions before Hanmer's, who restored my thanks. Johnson. I have displaced the words inserted by sir T. Hanmer. What I have already given, says Timon, is not sufficient on the occasion: Methinks I could deal kingdoms, i. e. I could dispense them on every side with an ungrudging distribution, like that with which I could deal out cards. Steevens.

Note return to page 621 2I' defiled land, &lblank;] This is the old reading, which apparently depends on a very low quibble. Alcibiades is told, that his estate lies in a pitch'd field. Now pitch, as Falstaff says, doth defile. Alcibiades therefore replies, that his estate lies in defiled land. This, as it happened, was not understood, and all the editors published: I defy land, &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 622 3All to you. &lblank;] i. e. all good wishes, or all happiness to you. So, Macbeth: “All to all.” Steevens.

Note return to page 623 4Serving of becks, &lblank;] This nonsense should be read: Serring of becks, &lblank; from the French serrer, to join close together. A metaphor taken from the billing of pigeons. Warburton. The commentator conceives beck to mean the mouth or the head, after the French, bec, whereas it means a salutation made with the head. So Milton: “Nods and becks, and wreathed smiles.” To serve a beck, is to offer a salutation. Johnson. To serve a beck, means, I believe, to pay a courtly obedience to a nod. Thus, in The Death of Robert Earl of Huntington, 1601: “And with a low beck “Prevent a sharp check.” Again, in The Play of the Four P's, 1569: “Then I to every soul again, “Did give a beck them to retain.” In Merry Tricks or Ram-alley, 1611, I find the same word: “I had my winks, my becks, treads on the toe.” Again, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1630: “&lblank; wanton looks, “And privy becks, savouring incontinence.” Again, in Lylly's Woman in the Moon, 1597: “And he that with a beck controuls the heavens.” It happens then that the word beck has no less than four distinct significations. In Drayton's Polyolbion, it is enumerated among the appellations of small streams of Water. In Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra, it has its common meaning—a sign of invitation made by the hand. In Timon, it appears to denote a bow, and in Lylly's play, a nod of dignity or command, as well as in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “Yea Sylla with a beck could break thy neck.” Again, in the interlude of Jacob and Esau, 1568: “For what, O Lord, is so possible to man's judgment “Which thou canst not with a beck perform incontinent?” Steevens. See Surrey's Poems, p. 29: “And with a becke full lowe he bowed at her feete.” Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 624 5I doubt, whether their legs &c.] He plays upon the word leg, as it signifies a limb and a bow or act of obeisance. Johnson.

Note return to page 625 6&lblank; I fear me, thou Wilt give away thyself in paper shortly:] i. e. be ruined by his securities entered into. But this sense is flat, and relishes very little of the salt in Apemantus's other reflections. We should read: &lblank; give away thyself in proper shortly. i. e. in person; thy proper self. This latter is an expression of our author's in the Tempest: “And ev'n with such like valour men hang and drown “Their proper selves.” Warburton. Hanmer reads very plausibly: &lblank; thou Wilt give away thyself in perpetuum. Johnson. I am satisfied with Dr. Warburton's explanation of the text, but cannot concur in his emendation. Steevens.

Note return to page 626 7Thy heaven &lblank;] The pleasure of being flattered. Johnson.

Note return to page 627 8In old editions: Ask nothing, give it him, it foals me straight An able horse. &lblank;] “If I want gold (says the senator) let me steal a beggar's dog, and give it Timon, the dog coins me gold. If I would sell my horse, and had a mind to buy ten better instead of him; why, I need but give my horse to Timon, to gain this point; and it presently fetches me an horse.” But is that gaining the point propos'd? The first folio reads, less corruptly than the modern impressions: &lblank; And able horses. &lblank; Which reading, joined to the reasoning of the passage, gave me the hint for this emendation. Theobald. Instead of ten horses the old copy reads twenty. The passage which Theobald would alter, means only this. If I give my horse to Timon, it immediately foals, and not only produces more, but able horses. The same construction occurs in Much ado about Nothing: “&lblank; and men are only turned into tongue, and trim ones too.” Steevens.

Note return to page 628 9&lblank; No porter at his gate; But rather one that smiles, and still invites] I imagine that a line is lost here, in which the behaviour of a surly porter was described. Johnson. There is no occasion to suppose the loss of a line. Sternness was the characteristic of a porter. There appeared at Killingworth castle, “a porter, tall of parson, big of lim, and stearn of countinauns.” Farmer.

Note return to page 629 1&lblank; no reason Can found his state in safety. &lblank;] The supposed meaning of this must be, No reason, by sounding, fathoming, or trying, his state, can find it safe. But as the words stand, they imply, that no reason can safely sound his state. I read thus: &lblank; no reason Can found his state in safety. &lblank; Reason cannot find his fortune to have any safe or solid foundation. The types of the first printer of this play were so worn and defaced, that f and s are not always to be distinguished. Johnson.

Note return to page 630 2&lblank; be not ceas'd] i. e. stopp'd. So, in Claudius Tiberius Nero, 1607: “Why should Tiberius' liberty be ceased.” Again, in the Valiant Welchman, 1615: “&lblank; pity thy people's wrongs, “And cease the clamours both of old and young.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, b. v. ch. 28: “By war the queen that was, did cease her husband's tragic reign.” Again, in Holinshed, p. 643: “The king desiring them to cease their people.” Steevens.

Note return to page 631 3&lblank; nor then silenc'd, &lblank;] The old copy reads—when. Steevens.

Note return to page 632 4&lblank; a naked gull,] A gull is a bird as remarkable for the poverty of its feathers, as a phœnix is supposed to be for the richness of its plumage. Steevens.

Note return to page 633 5Which flashes &c.] Which, the pronoun relative, relating to things, is frequently used, as in this instance, by Shakespeare, instead of who, the pronoun relative, applied to persons. The use of the former instead of the latter is still preserved in the Lord's prayer. Steevens.

Note return to page 634 6&lblank; take the bonds along with you, And have the dates in. Come.] Certainly, ever since bonds were given, the date was put in when the bond was entered into: and these bonds Timon had already given, and the time limited for their payment was lapsed. The Senator's charge to his servant must be to the tenour as I have amended the text; Take good notice of the dates, for the better computation of the interest due upon them. Theobald. Theobald's emendation may be supported by the following instance in Macbeth: “Have theirs, themselves, and what is theirs, in compt.” Steevens.

Note return to page 635 7&lblank; Never mind Was to be so unwise, to be so kind.] Nothing can be worse, or more obscurely expressed: and all for the sake of a wretched rhime. To make it sense and grammar, it should be supplied thus: &lblank; Never mind Was [made] to be so unwise, [in order] to be so kind. i. e. Nature, in order to make a profuse mind, never before endowed any man with so large a share of folly. Warburton. Of this mode of expression, conversation affords many examples: “I was always to be blamed, whatever happened.” “I am in the lottery, but I was always to draw blanks.” Johnson.

Note return to page 636 8Good even, Varro: &lblank;] It is observable, that this good evening is before dinner; for Timon tells Alcibiades, that they will go forth again as soon as dinner's done, which may prove that by dinner our author meant not the cœna of ancient times, but the mid-day's repast. I do not suppose the passage corrupt: such inadvertencies neither author nor editor can escape. There is another remark to be made. Varro and Isidore sink a few lines afterwards into the servants of Varro and Isidore. Whether servants, in our author's time, took the names of their masters, I know not. Perhaps it is a slip of negligence. Johnson. In the old copy it stands: Enter Caphis, Isidore, and Varro. Steevens. Good even, or, as it is sometimes less accurately written, Good den, was the usual salutation from noon, the moment that Good morrow became improper. This appears plainly from the following passage. Romeo and Juliet, act II. sc. iv: “Nurse. God ye good morrow, gentlemen. “Mercutio. God ye good den, fair gentlewoman. “Nur. Is it good den? “Merc. 'Tis no less I tell you; for the . . . . . hand of the dial is now upon . . . . noon.” So, in Hamlet's greeting to Marcellus. Act I. scene i. Sir T. Hanmer and Dr. Warburton, not being aware, I presume, of this wide sense of Good even, have altered it to Good morning; without any necessity, as from the course of the incidents, precedent and subsequent, the day may well be supposed to be turn'd of noon. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 637 9 That with your other noble parts you'll suit,] i. e. that you will behave on this occasion in a manner consistent with your other noble qualities. Steevens.

Note return to page 638 1&lblank; of broken bonds,] The first folio reads: &lblank; of debt; broken bonds. Steevens.

Note return to page 639 2Enter Apemantus, and a Fool.] I suspect some scene to be lost, in which the entrance of the fool, and the page that follows him, was prepared by some introductory dialogue, in which the audience was informed that they were the fool and page of Phrynia, Timandra, or some other courtesan, upon the knowledge of which depends the greater part of the ensuing jocularity. Johnson.

Note return to page 640 3Poor rogues, and usurers' men! bawds, &c.] This is said so abruptly, that I am inclined to think it misplaced, and would regulate the passage thus: Caph. Where's the fool now? Apem. He last ask'd the question. All. What are we, Apemantus? Apem. Asses. All. Why? Apem. That you ask me what you are, and do not know yourselves. Poor rogues, and usurers' men! bawds between gold and want! Speak, &c. Thus every word will have its proper place. It is likely that the passage transposed was forgot in the copy, and inserted in the margin, perhaps a little beside the proper place, which the transcriber wanting either skill or care to observe, wrote it where it now stands. Johnson.

Note return to page 641 4She's e'en setting on water to scald &c.] The old name for the disease got at Corinth was the brenning, and a sense of scalding is one of its first symptoms. Johnson. The same thought appears in the Old Law, by Massinger: “&lblank; look parboil'd “As if they came from Cupid's scalding house.” Steevens.

Note return to page 642 5'Would we could see you at Corinth.] A cant name for a bawdyhouse, I suppose, from the dissoluteness of that ancient Greek city; of which Alexander ab Alexandro has these words: “Corinthi super mille prostitutæ in templo Veneris assiduæ degere, & inflammata libidine quæstui meretricio operam dare, et velut sacrorum ministræ Deæ famulari solebant.” Milton, in his Apology for Smectymnuus, says: “Or searching for me at the Bordellos, where, it may be, he has lost himself, and raps up, without pity, the sage and rheumatic old prelates, with all her young Corinthian laity, to enquire for such a one. Warburton.

Note return to page 643 6&lblank; my master's page.] In the first passage the Fool speaks of his master, in the second of his mistress. In the old copy it is master in both places. It should rather, perhaps, be mistress in both, as it is in a following and a preceding passage: “All. How does your mistress?” “Fool. My mistress is one, and I am her fool.” Steevens.

Note return to page 644 7&lblank; his artificial one: &lblank;] Meaning the celebrated philosopher's stone, which was in those times much talked of. Sir Thomas Smith was one of those who lost considerable sums in seeking of it. Johnson. Sir Richard Steele was one of the last eminent men who entertained hopes of being successful in this pursuit. His laboratory was at Poplar, a village near London, and is now converted into a garden house. Steevens.

Note return to page 645 8&lblank; made your minister] So the original. The later editions have all: &lblank; made you minister Johnson. The construction is:—And made that unaptness your minister. Malone.

Note return to page 646 9Though you hear now too late, yet now's a time;] i. e. Though it be now too late to retrieve your former fortunes, yet it is not too late to prevent by the assistance of your friends, your future miseries. Had the Oxford editor understood the sense he would not have altered the text to, Though you hear me now, yet now's too late a time. Warburton. I think Hanmer right, and have received his emendation. Johnson.

Note return to page 647 1&lblank; and at length How goes our reckoning?] This steward talks very wildly. The lord indeed might have asked, what a lord seldom knows: How goes our reckoning? But the steward was too well satisfied in that matter. I would read therefore: Hold good our reckoning? The Oxford editor would appropriate this emendation to himself, by altering it to make good. Warburton. It is common enough, and the commentator knows it is common to propose interrogatively, that of which neither the speaker nor the hearer has any doubt. The present reading may therefore stand. Johnson.

Note return to page 648 2O my good lord, the world is but a world;] The folio reads: &lblank; but a word; And this is the right. The meaning is, as the world itself may be comprised in a word, you might give it away in a breath. Warburton.

Note return to page 649 3With riotous feeders; &lblank;] Feeders are servants, whose low debaucheries are practised in the offices of a house. See a note on Antony and Cleopatra, act III. sc. xi: “&lblank; one who looks on feeders.” It appears that what we now call offices, were anciently called houses of office. So, in Chaucer's Clerkes Tale, late edit. v. 8140: “Houses of office stuffed with plentee “Ther mayst thou see of deinteous vittaille.” Steevens.

Note return to page 650 4&lblank; a wasteful cock,] i. e. a cockloft, a garret. And a wasteful cock, signifies a garret lying in waste, neglected, put to no use. Hanmer. Hanmer's explanation is received by Dr. Warburton, yet I think them both apparently mistaken. A wasteful cock is a cock or pipe with a turning stopple running to waste. In this sense, both the terms have their usual meaning; but I know not that cock is ever used for cockloft, or wasteful for lying in waste, or that lying in waste is at all a phrase. Johnson. Whatever be the meaning of the present passage, it is certain, that lying in waste is still a very common phrase. Farmer. A wasteful cock is what we now call a waste pipe; a pipe which is continually running, and thereby prevents the overflow of cisterns and other reservoirs, by carrying off their superfluous water. This circumstance served to keep the idea of Timon's unceasing prodigality in the mind of the steward, while its remoteness from the scenes of luxury within the house, was favourable to meditation. Collins.

Note return to page 651 5No villainous bounty yet hath past my heart; Unwisely, not ignobly, have I given.] Every reader must rejoice in this circumstance of comfort which presents itself to Timon, who, although beggar'd through want of prudence, consoles himself with reflection that his ruin was not brought on by the pursuit of guilty pleasures. Steevens.

Note return to page 652 6And try the arguments &lblank;] Arguments for natures. Warburton. How arguments should stand for natures I do not see. But the licentiousness of our author forces us often upon far fetched expositions. Arguments may mean contents, as the arguments of a book; or for evidences and proofs. Johnson.

Note return to page 653 7&lblank; I knew it the most gen'ral way] General is not speedy, but compendious, the way to try many at a time. Johnson.

Note return to page 654 8Intending] is regarding, turning their notice to other things. Johnson. To intend and to attend had anciently the same meaning. So in the Spanish Curate of Beaumont and Fletcher: “Good sir, intend this business.” Steevens. So, in Wits, Fits, and Fancies, &c. 1595: “Tell this man that I am going to dinner to my lord maior, and that I can not now intend his tittle-tattle.” Again, in Pasquil's Night-Cap, a poem, 1623: “For we have many secret ways to spend, “Which are not fit our husbands should intend.” Malone.

Note return to page 655 9&lblank; and these hard fractions,] An equivocal allusion to fractions in decimal arithmetic. So Flavius had, like Littlewit, in Bartholomew-Fair, a conceit left in his misery. Warburton. This is, I think, no conceit in the head of Flavius, who, by fractions, means broken hints, interrupted sentences, abrupt remarks. Johnson.

Note return to page 656 1&lblank; half-caps, &lblank;] A half-cap is a cap slightly moved, not put off. Johnson.

Note return to page 657 2&lblank; cold-moving nods,] All the editions exhibit these as two distinct adjectives, to the prejudice of the author's meaning; but they must be joined by a hyphen, and make a compound adjective out of a substantive and a particle, and then we have the true sense of the place; cold-moving, cold-provoking; nods so discouraging, that they chilled the very ardor of our petition, and froze us into silence. Theobald [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0980.

Note return to page 658 3Have their ingratitude in them hereditary:] Hereditary, for by natural constitution. But some distempers of natural constitution being called hereditary, he calls their ingratitude so. Warburton.

Note return to page 659 4And nature, as it grows again toward earth, Is fashion'd for the journey, dull and heavy. &lblank;] The same thought occurs in The Wife for a Month of Beaumont and Fletcher: “Beside, the fair soul's old too, it grows covetous, “Which shews all honour is departed from us, “And we are earth again.” Steevens.

Note return to page 660 5'Would I could not: &lblank;] The original edition has, I would, I could not think it, that thought, &c. It has been changed, to mend the numbers, without authority. Johnson.

Note return to page 661 6Free,] is liberal, not parsimonious. Johnson.

Note return to page 662 7&lblank; very respectively welcome, &c.] i. e. respectfully. So in K. John, “Besides, 'tis too respective, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 663 1&lblank; three solidares &lblank;] I believe this coin is from the mint of the poet. Steevens.

Note return to page 664 2And we alive, that liv'd? &lblank;] i. e. And we who were alive then, alive now. As much as to say, in so short a time. Warburton.

Note return to page 665 3Let molten coin be thy damnation,] Perhaps the poet alludes to the punishment inflicted on M. Aquilius by Mithridates. In the Shepherd's Calendar, however, Lazarus declares himself to have seen in hell “a great number of wide cauldrons and kettles, full of boyling lead and oyle, with other hot metals molten, in the which were plunged and dipped the covetous men and women, for to fullfill and replenish them of their insatiate covetise.” Steevens.

Note return to page 666 4It turns in less than two nights? &lblank;] Alluding to the turning or acescence of milk. Johnson.

Note return to page 667 5Unto his honour &lblank;] Thus the old copy. What Flaminius seems to mean is,—This slave (to the honour of his character) has, &c. The modern editors read, unto this hour, which may be right. Steevens.

Note return to page 668 6&lblank; of nurture] The common copies read nature. The emendation is sir T. Hanmer's. Johnson. Of nature is surely the most expressive reading. Flaminius considers that nutriment which Lucullus had for a length of time received at Timon's table, as constituting a great part of his animal system. Steevens.

Note return to page 669 7We know him for no less, &lblank;] That is, we know him by report to be no less than you represent him, though we are strangers to his person. Johnson.

Note return to page 670 8&lblank; to borrow so many talents; &lblank;] Such is the reading of the old copy. The modern editors read arbitrarily, fifty talents. So many is not an uncommon colloquial expression for an indefinite number. The stranger might not know the exact sum. Steevens.

Note return to page 671 9&lblank; yet had he mistook him, and sent to me, &lblank;] We should read, &lblank; mislook'd him, i. e. overlooked, neglected to send to him. Warburton. I rather read, yet had he not mistook him, and sent to me. Johnson. Mr. Edwards proposes to read, yet had he missed him. Lucius has just declared that he had had fewer presents from Timon, than Lucullus had received, who therefore ought to have been the first to assist him. Yet, says he, had Timon mistook him, or overlooked that circumstance, and sent to me, I should not have denied, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 672 1&lblank; with so many talents.] Such again is the reading with which the old copy supplies us. Probably the exact number of the talents wanted was not expressly set down by Shakespeare. If this was the case, the player who represented the character spoke of the first number that was uppermost in his mind; and the printer, who copied from the playhouse books, put down an indefinite for the definite sum, which remained unspecified. The modern editors read again in this instance, fifty talents. Perhaps the servant brought a note with him which he tender'd to Lucullus. Steevens.

Note return to page 673 2If his occasion were not virtuous,] Virtuous, for strong, forcible, pressing. Warburton. The meaning may more naturally be;—If he did not want it for a good use. Johnson. Dr Johnson's explication is certainly right.—We had before: “Some good necessity touches his friend.” Malone.

Note return to page 674 3&lblank; half so faithfully.] Faithfully, for fervently. Therefore, without more ado, the Oxford editor alters the text to fervently. But he might have seen, that Shakespeare used faithfully for fervently, as in the former part of the sentence he had used virtuous for forcible. Warburton.

Note return to page 675 4&lblank; that I should purchase the day before for a little part, and undo a great deal of honour? &lblank;] Though there is a seeming plausible antithesis in the terms, I am very well assured they are corrupt at the bottom. For a little part of what? Honour is the only substantive that follows in the sentence. How much is the antithesis improved by the sense which my emendation gives? “That I should purchase for a little dirt, and undo a great deal of honour!” Theobald. This emendation is received, like all others, by sir T. Hanmer, but neglected by Dr. Warburton. I think Theobald right in suspecting a corruption; nor is his emendation injudicious, though perhaps we may better read, purchase the day before for a little park. Johnson. I am satisfied with the old reading, which is sufficiently in our author's manner. By purchasing what brought me but little honour, I have lost the more honourable opportunity of supplying the wants of my friend. Steevens.

Note return to page 676 5&lblank; flatterer's spirit.] This is Dr. Warburton's emendation. The other editions read, Why this is the world's soul; Of the same piece is every flatterer's sport. Mr. Upton has not unluckily transposed the two final words, thus: Why, this is the world's sport: Of the same piece is ev'ry flatterer's soul. The passage is not so obscure as to provoke so much enquiry. This, says he, is the soul or spirit of the world: every flatterer plays the same game, makes sport with the confidence of his friend. Johnson. I have adopted Upton's transposition rather than Dr. Warburton's alteration. Steevens.

Note return to page 677 6&lblank; in respect of his,] i. e. considering Timon's claim for what he asks. Warburton. &lblank; in respect of his,] That is, in respect of his fortune, what Lucius denies to Timon is in proportion to what Lucius possesses, less than the usual alms given by good men to beggars. Johnson.

Note return to page 678 7I would have put my wealth into donation, And the best half should have return'd to him,] Hanmer reads, I would have put my wealth into partition, And the best half should have attorn'd to him. Dr. Warburton receives attorn'd. The only difficulty is in the word return'd, which, since he had received nothing from him, cannot be used but in a very low and licentious meaning. Johnson.

Note return to page 679 8Had his necessity made use of me, I would have put my fortune into a condition to be alienated, and the best half of what I had gained myself, or received from others, should have found its way to him. Either such licentious exposition must be allowed, or the passage remain in obscurity, as some readers may not chuse to receive Hanmer's emendation. There is, however, such a word as attorn'd. See Holinshed's Reign of K. Richard II. p. 481: “&lblank; they plainly told him they would not atturne to him, nor be under his jurisdiction, &c.” The following lines in Hamlet, act II. sc. ii. persuade me that my explanation of—put my wealth into donation—is very doubtful: “Put your dread pleasures more into command “Than to entreaty.” Again, in Cymbeline, act III. sc. iv: “And mad'st me put into contempt the suits “Of princely fellows, &c.” Perhaps the stranger means to say, I would have treated my wealth as a present originally received from him, and on this occasion have return'd him the half of that whole for which I supposed myself to be indebted to his bounty. Steevens.

Note return to page 680 9They have all been touch'd, &lblank;] That is, tried, alluding to the touchstone. Johnson.

Note return to page 681 1&lblank; his friends like physicians Thriv'd, give him over?] I have restored this old reading, only amending the pointing, which was faulty. Mr. Pope, suspecting the phrase, has substituted three in the room of thriv'd, and so disarmed the poet's satire. Physicians thriv'd is no more than physicians grown rich: Only the adjective passive of this verb, indeed, is not so common in use; and yet it is a familiar expression, to this day, to say, Such a one is well thriven on his trade. Theobald. The original reading is, &lblank; his friends, (like physicians) Thrive, give him over:] which Theobald has misrepresented. Hanmer reads, try'd, plausibly enough. Instead of three proposed by Mr. Pope, I should read thrice. But perhaps the old reading is the true. Johnson. Perhaps we should read—shriv'd. They give him over shriv'd; that is, prepared for immediate death by shrift. Tyrwhitt. Perhaps the following passage in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy is the best comment after all: “&lblank; Physicians thus “With their hands full of money, use to give o'er “Their patients.” The passage will then mean:—“His friends, like physicians, thrive by his bounty and fees, and either relinquish, and forsake him, or give his case up as desperate.” To give over in the Taming of the Shrew has no reference to the irremediable condition of a patient, but simply means to leave, to forsake, to quit: “And therefore let me be thus bold with you “To give you over at this first encounter, “Unless you will accompany me thither.” Steevens.

Note return to page 682 1I had such a courage &lblank;] Such an ardour, such an eager desire. Johnson.

Note return to page 683 2Excellent, &c.] I suppose the former part of this speech to have been originally written in verse, as well as the latter; though the players having printed it as prose (omitting several syllables necessary to the metre) it cannot now be restored without such additions as no editor is at liberty to insert in the text. Steevens.

Note return to page 684 3&lblank; The devil knew not what he did, &lblank;] I cannot but think that the negative not has intruded into this passage, and the reader will think so too, when he reads Dr. Warburton's explanation of the next words. Johnson.

Note return to page 685 4&lblank; will set him clear. &lblank;] Set him clear does not mean acquit him before heaven; for then the devil must be supposed to know what he did: but it signifies puzzle him, outdo him at his own weapons. Warburton. How the devil, or any other being, should be set clear by being puzzled and outdone, the commentator has not explained. When in a crowd we would have an opening made, we say, Stand clear, that is, out of the way of danger. With some affinity to this use, though not without great harshness, to set clear, may be to set aside. But I believe the original corruption is the insertion of the negative, which was obtruded by some transcriber, who supposed crossed to mean thwarted, when it meant, exempted from evil. The use of crossing, by way of protection or purification, was probably not worn out in Shakespeare's time. The sense of set clear is now easy; he has no longer the guilt of tempting man. To cross himself may mean, in a very familiar sense, to clear his score, to get out of debt, to quit his reckoning. He knew not what he did, may mean, he knew not how much good he was doing himself. There is then no need of emendation. Johnson. Perhaps Dr. Warburton's explanation is the true one. Clear is an adverb, or so used; and Dr. Johnson's Dictionary observes that to set means, in Addison, to embarrass, to distress, to perplex.— If then the devil made men politic, he has thwarted his own interest, because the superior cunning of man will at last puzzle him, or be above the reach of his temptations. Tollet.

Note return to page 686 5&lblank; takes virtuous copies to be wicked; like those &c.] This is a reflection on the puritans of that time. These people were then set upon a project of new modelling the ecclesiastical and civil government according to scripture rules and examples; which makes him say, that under zeal for the word of God, they would set whole realms on fire. So Sempronius pretended to that warm affection and generous jealousy of friendship, that is affronted, if any other be applied to before it. At best the similitude is an aukward one: but it fitted the audience, though not the speaker. Warburton.

Note return to page 687 6&lblank; keep his house.] i. e. keep within doors for fear of duns. Johnson.

Note return to page 688 7&lblank; Lucius, &lblank;] Lucius is here again for the servant of Lucius. Johnson.

Note return to page 689 8&lblank; a prodigal's course Is like the sun's; &lblank;] That is, like him in blaze and splendour. “Soles occidere et redire possunt.” Catul. Johnson.

Note return to page 690 9I am weary of this charge, &lblank;] That is, of this commission, of this employment. Johnson.

Note return to page 691 1Else, surely, his had equall'd.] Should it not be, Else, surely, mine had equall'd. Johnson. The meaning, I think is:—The confidence reposed in your master was greater than that reposed in mine, else, surely, the sum demanded from him, i. e. from your master, would have been equal to that demanded from mine: which equality would have been produced by the demand on my master being raised from three thousand crowns to five thousand. A large sum may be equalized to a small one as well by addition to the smaller, as by substraction from the greater.—The words mean the same as if Varro's servant had said:—else surely the two demands had been equal. The passage however may be explained thus—His may refer to mine; as if he had said: Your master's confidence was above my master's; else surely his, i. e. the sum demanded from my master (for that is the last antecedent) had been equal to the sum demanded from yours. Malone.

Note return to page 692 2Enter Servilius.] It may be observed that Shakespeare has unskilfully filled his Greek story with Roman names. Johnson.

Note return to page 693 3Knock me down with 'em: &lblank;] Timon quibbles. They present their written bills; he catches at the word, and alludes to the bills, or battle-axes, which the ancient soldiery carried, and were still used by the watch in Shakespeare's time. See the scene between Dogberry &c. in Much ado about Nothing; and Heywood's Fair Maid of the West, 1615: “&lblank; write them a bill. &lblank; “I'll watch them for that, 'tis no time of night to use our bills.” Again, in Heywood's If you know not Me you know Nobody, 1633, second Part, sir John Gresham says to his creditors: “Friends, you cannot beat me down with your bills.” Again, in Deckar's Guls Hornbook, 1609: “&lblank; they durst not strike down their customers with large bills.” Steevens.

Note return to page 694 4Lucius, Lucullus, &c.] The old copy reads: Lucius, Lucullus, and Sempronius Vllorxa: all. Steevens.

Note return to page 695 5He is a man, &c.] I have printed these lines after the original copy, except that, for an honour, it is there, and honour. All the latter editions deviate unwarrantably from the original, and give the lines thus: He is a man, setting his fault aside, Of virtuous honour, which buys out his fault; Nor did he soil, &c. Johnson.

Note return to page 696 6&lblank; setting his fault aside,] We must read: &lblank; this fault. &lblank; Warburton. The reading of the old copy is,—setting his fate aside, i. e. putting this action of his, which was pre-determined by fate, out of the question. Steevens.

Note return to page 697 7&lblank; and unnoted passion] Unnoted, for common, bounded. Warburton.

Note return to page 698 8He did behave his anger, &lblank;] Behave, for curb, manage. But the Oxford editor equips the old poet with a more modern phrase: He did behave in's anger, &lblank; A paltry clipt jargon of modern sops, for behave himself. Warburton. The original copy reads not behave but behoove. I do not well understand the passage in either reading. Shall we try a daring conjecture? &lblank; with such sober and unnoted passion He did behold his adversary shent, As if he had but prov'd an argument. He looked with such calmness on his slain adversary. I do not suppose that this is right, but put it down for want of better. Johnson. Cuncta prius tentanda. I would rather read: &lblank; and unnoted passion He did behave, ere was his anger spent. Unnoted passion means, I believe, an uncommon command of his passion, such a one as has not hitherto been observed. Behave his anger may, however, be right. In sir W. Davenant's play of the the Just Italian, 1630, behave is used in as singular a manner: “How well my stars behave their influence.” Again: “&lblank; You an Italian, sir, and thus “Behave the knowledge of disgrace!” In both these instances, to behave is to manage. Steevens.

Note return to page 699 9You undergo too strict a paradox,] You undertake a paradox too hard. Johnson.

Note return to page 700 1&lblank; and made his wrongs His outsides; wear them like his raiment carelesly;] It should be read and pointed thus: &lblank; and make his wrongs His outside wear; hang like his raiment, carelessly. Warburton. The present reading is better. Johnson.

Note return to page 701 2&lblank; what make we Abroad? &lblank;] What do we, or what have we to do in the field. Johnson.

Note return to page 702 3The ass, more than the lion; &c.] Here is another arbitrary regulation, the original reads thus: &lblank; what make we Abroad? why then, women are more valiant That stay at home, if bearing carry it: And the ass more captain than the lion, The fellow, loaden with irons, wiser than the judge, If wisdom &c. I think it may be better adjusted thus: &lblank; what make we Abroad? why then the women are more valiant That stay at home; If bearing carry it, then is the ass More captain than the lion, and the felon Loaden with irons wiser, &c. Johnson. As the words—more captain than the lion—are found in the old copy, on what principle can they be changed, however harsh the phrase may sound to our ears?—That it was the author's, appears, I think, not only from the introduction to this speech of Alcibiades:— “My lord, then under favour pardon me “If I speak like a captain:” &lblank; but from Shakespeare's 66th Sonnet, where the word captain is used with at least as much harshness as in the text: “And captive good attending captain ill.” Again, in another of his Sonnets: “Like stones of worth they thinly placed are “Or captain jewels in the carkanet.” Malone.

Note return to page 703 4&lblank; sin's extreamest gust;] Gust, for aggravation. Warburton. Gust is here in its common sense; the utmost degree of appetite for sin. Johnson. I believe gust means rashness. The allusion may be to a sudden gust of wind. Steevens.

Note return to page 704 5&lblank; by mercy, 'tis most just.] By mercy is meant equity. But we must read: &lblank;'tis made just. Warburton. Mercy is not put for equity. If such explanation be allowed, what can be difficult? The meaning is, I call mercy herself to witness, that defensive violence is just. Johnson.

Note return to page 705 6&lblank; with' em; &lblank;] The folio, with him. Johnson.

Note return to page 706 7He's a sworn rioter; he has a sin That often drowns him, and takes valour prisoner.] What is a sworn rioter? We should read: He's a swol'n rioter, &lblank; that is, given to all excesses, as he says of another, in another place, so surfeit-swoln or swell'd. Warburton. A sworn rioter is a man who practises riot, as if he had by an oath made it his duty. Johnson.

Note return to page 707 8&lblank; your reverend ages love Security, &lblank;] He charges them obliquely with being usurers. Johnson.

Note return to page 708 9&lblank; I should prove so base,] Base, for dishonour'd. Warburton.

Note return to page 709 1Do you dare our anger? 'Tis in few words, but spacious in effect;] This reading may pass, but perhaps the author wrote: &lblank; our anger? 'Tis few in words, but spacious in effect. Johnson.

Note return to page 710 2And (not to swell our spirit)] What this nonsense was intended to mean I don't know, but it is plain Shakespeare wrote: And now to swell your spirit: i. e. to provoke you still more. Warburton. Not to swell our spirit, I believe, means, not to put ourselves into any tumour of rage, take our definitive resolution. So, in K. Hen. VIII. act III. sc. i: The hearts of princes kiss obedience, So much they love it; but, to stubborn spirits, They swell and grow as terrible as storms. Steevens.

Note return to page 711 3In former copies: &lblank; And lay for hearts. 'Tis honour with most lands to be at odds; But surely, even in a soldier's sense of honour, there is very little in being at odds with all about him; which shews rather a quarrelsome disposition than a valiant one. Besides, this was not Alcibiades's case. He was only fallen out with the Athenians. A phrase in the foregoing line will direct us to the right reading. I will lay, says he, for hearts; which is a metaphor taken from card-play, and signifies to game deep and boldly. It is plain then the figure was continued in the following line, which should be read thus: 'Tis honour with most hands to be at odds; i. e. to fight upon odds, or at disadvantage; as he must do against the united strength of Athens: and this, by soldiers, is accounted honourable. Shakespeare uses the same metaphor on the same occasion, in Coriolanus: “He lurch'd all swords.” Warburton. I think hands is very properly substituted for lands. In the foregoing line, for, lay for hearts, I would read, play for hearts. Johnson. I do not conceive that to lay for hearts is a metaphor taken from card-play, or that lay should be changed into play. We should now say to lay out for hearts, i. e. the affections of the people; but lay is used singly, as it is here, by Jonson, in The Devil is an Ass, vol. IV. p. 33: “Lay for some pretty principality.” Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 712 4Upon that were my thoughts tiring, &lblank;] A hawk, I think, is said to tire, when she amuses herself with pecking a pheasant's wing, or any thing that puts her in mind of prey. To tire upon a thing, is therefore, to be idly employed upon it. Johnson. So, in Decker's Match me in London, 1631: “&lblank; the vulture tires “Upon the eagle's heart.” Steevens.

Note return to page 713 5&lblank; your diet shall be in all places alike. &lblank;] See a note on the Winter's Tale, act I. sc. i. Steevens.

Note return to page 714 6&lblank; The rest of your fees, &lblank;] We should read—foes. Warburton.

Note return to page 715 7Is your perfection. &lblank;] Perfection for exact or perfect likeness. Warburton. Your perfection, is the highest of your excellence. Johnson.

Note return to page 716 8&lblank; and spangled you with flatteries,] We should certainly read: &lblank; and spangled with your flatteries. Warburton. The present reading is right. Johnson.

Note return to page 717 9&lblank; Live loath'd, and long,] This thought has occurred twice before: “&lblank; let not that part “Of nature my lord paid for, be of power “To expel sickness, but prolong his hour: Again: “Gods keep you old enough &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 718 1&lblank; time's flies,] Flies of a season. Johnson.

Note return to page 719 2&lblank; minute-jacks!] Hanmer thinks it means Jack-a-lantern, which shines and disappears in an instant. What it was I know not; but it was something of quick motion, mentioned in Richard III. Johnson. A minute-jack is what was called formerly a Jack of the clock-house; an image whose office was the same as one of those at St. Dunstan's church in Fleet-street. See Sir John Hawkins's note on a passage in Richard III. vol. VII. Steevens.

Note return to page 720 3&lblank; the infinite malady] Every kind of disease incident to man and beast. Johnson.

Note return to page 721 1&lblank; i' the brothel!] So Hanmer. The old copies read, o' th' brothel. Johnson. The old reading is the true one. The sense is, Go, maid, with security to thy master's bed, for thy mistress is a bawd to thy amours. Steevens.

Note return to page 722 2&lblank; yet confusion &lblank;] Hanmer reads, let confusion; but the meaning may be, though by such confusion all things seem to hasten to dissolution, yet let not dissolution come, but the miseries of confusion continue. Johnson.

Note return to page 723 3Enter Flavius,] Nothing contributes more to the exaltation of Timon's character than the zeal and fidelity of his servants. Nothing but real virtue can be honoured by domesticks; nothing but impartial kindness can gain affection from dependants. Johnson.

Note return to page 724 4&lblank; from his buried fortunes] The old copies have to instead of from. The correction is Hanmer's; but the old reading might stand. Johnson.

Note return to page 725 5O, the fierce wretchedness &lblank;] I believe fierce is here used for hasty, precipitate. Perhaps it is employed in the same sense by Ben Jonson in his Poetaster: “And Lupus, for your fierce credulity, “One fit him with a larger pair of ears.” In another play our author has fierce vanities. In all instances it may mean glaring, conspicuous, violent. So in Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, the Puritan says: “Thy hobby-horse is an idol, a fierce and rank idol.” Again, in King John: “O vanity of sickness! fierce extremes “In their continuance will not feel themselves.” Again, in Love's Labour's Lost: “With all the fierce endeavour of your wit.” Steevens.

Note return to page 726 6&lblank; Strange, unusual blood,] Of this passage, I suppose, every reader would wish for a correction: but the word, harsh as it is, stands fortified by the rhyme, to which, perhaps, it owes its introduction. I know not what to propose. Perhaps, &lblank; strange unusual mood, may, by some, be thought better, and by others worse. Johnson. I should suppose, that the steward meant to apostrophize Timon's ungrateful and unnatural friends, by calling them &lblank; strange unusual brood! who could treat excess of liberality as they would have treated excess of guilt. The following passage, however, is in the 5th book of Gower De-Confessione Amantis, fol. iii. b. “And thus of thilke unkinde blood “Stant the memorie unto this daie.” Gower is speaking of the ingratitude of one Adrian, a lord of Rome. In the Yorkshire Tragedy, 1619, attributed to Shakespeare, blood seems to be used for inclination, propensity: “For 'tis our blood to love what we are forbidden.” Strange, unusual blood, may therefore mean, strange unusual disposition. Steevens.

Note return to page 727 7O blessed breeding sun, &lblank;] The sense, as well as elegance of the expression, requires that we should read, O blessing-breeding sun, &lblank; i. e. Thou that before used to breed blessings, now breed curses and contagion; as afterwards be says, Thou sun that comfort'st, burn. Warburton. I do not see that this emendation much strengthens the sense. Johnson.

Note return to page 728 8&lblank; thy sister's orb] That is, the moon's, this sublunary world. Johnson.

Note return to page 729 9&lblank; Not nature, To whom all sores lay siege, &lblank; He had said the brother could not bear great fortune without despising his brother. He now goes further, and asserts that even human nature cannot bear it, but with contempt of its common nature. The sentence is ambiguous, and, besides that, otherwise obscure. I am persuaded, that our author had Alexander here principally in mind; whose uninterrupted course of successes, as we learn from history, turned his head, and made him fancy himself a God, and contemn his human origin. The poet says, even nature, meaning nature in its greatest perfection: And Alexander is represented by the ancients as the most accomplished person that ever was, both for his qualities of mind and body, a kind of master-piece of nature. He adds, To whom all sores lay siege, &lblank; i. e. Although the imbecility of the human condition might easily have informed him of his error. Here Shakespeare seems to have had an eye to Plutarch, who, in his life of Alexander, tells us that it was that which stagger'd him in his sober moments concerning the belief of his divinity. &GREsa;&grl;&gre;&grg;&gre;&grn; &grd;&greg; &grm;&graa;&grl;&gri;&grs;&grt;&gra; &grs;&gru;&grn;&gri;&gre;&grn;&gra;&gri; &grq;&grn;&grh;&grt;&grog;&grst; &grwsg;&grn; &gres;&grk; &grt;&gro;&gruc; &grk;&gra;&grq;&gre;&grua;&grd;&gre;&gri;&grn;&grcolon; &grk;&gra;&gri; &grs;&gru;&grn;&gro;&gru;&grs;&gria;&gra;&grz;&gre;&gri;&grn;&grcolon; &grwr;&grst; &gras;&grp;&grog; &grm;&gri;&grac;&grst; &gres;&grg;&grg;&gri;&grn;&groa;&grm;&gre;&grn;&gro;&grn; &gras;&grs;&grq;&gre;&grn;&gre;&gria;&gra;&grst; &grt;&grhci; &grf;&grua;&grs;&gre;&gri; &grk;&gra;&grig; &grt;&grog; &grp;&gro;&grn;&gro;&gruc;&grn; &grk;&gra;&grig; &grt;&grog; &grhs;&grd;&groa;&grm;&gre;&grn;&gro;&grn;. Warburton. I have preserved this note rather for the sake of the commentator than of the author. How nature, to whom all sores lay siege, can so emphatically express nature in its greatest perfection, I shall not endeavour to explain. The meaning I take to be this: Brother, when his fortune is enlarged, will scorn brother; for this is the general depravity of human nature, which, besieged as it is by misery, admonished as it is of want and imperfection, when elevated by fortune, will despise beings of nature like its own. Johnson.

Note return to page 730 1Raise me this beggar, and deny't that lord,] Where is the sense and English of deny't that lord? Deny him what? What preceding noun is there to which the pronoun it is to be referr'd? And it would be absurd to think the poet meant, deny to raise that lord. The antithesis must be, let fortune raise this beggar, and let her strip and despoil that lord of all his pomp and ornaments, &c. which sense is compleated by this slight alteration, &lblank; and denude that lord. So lord Rea in his relation of M. Hamilton's plot, written in 1630: “All these Hamiltons had denuded themselves of their fortunes and estates.” And Charles the First, in his message to the parliament, says: “Denude ourselves of all.”—Clar. vol. III. p. 15. octavo edit. Warburton. I believe the former reading to be the true one. Raise me that beggar, and deny a proportionable degree of elevation to that lord. A lord is not so high a title in the state, but that a man originally poor might be raised to one above it. We might read devest that lord. Devest is an English law phrase. Shakespeare uses the word in K. Lear: “Since now we will devest us, both of rule, &c.” The word which Dr. Warburton would introduce, is not, however, uncommon. I find it in the Tragedie of Crœsus, 1604: “As one of all happiness denuded.” Steevens.

Note return to page 731 2It is the pasture lards the beggar's sides,] This, as the editors have ordered it, is an idle repetition at the best; supposing it did, indeed, contain the same sentiment as the foregoing lines. But Shakespeare meant a quite different thing: and having, like a sensible writer, made a smart observation, he illustrates it by a similitude thus: It is the pasture lards the weather's sides, The want that makes him lean. &lblank; And the similitude is extremely beautiful, as conveying this satirical reflection; there is no more difference between man and man in the esteem of superficial and corrupt judgments, than between a fat sheep and a lean one. Warburton. This passage is very obscure, nor do I discover any clear sense, even though we should admit the emendation. Let us inspect the text as I have given it from the original edition. It is the pastour lards the brother's sides, The want that makes him leave. Dr. Warburton found the passage already changed thus: It is the pasture lards the beggar's sides, The want that makes him lean. And upon this reading of no authority, raised another equally uncertain. Alterations are never to be made without necessity. Let us see what sense the genuine reading will afford. Poverty, says the poet, bears contempt hereditary, and wealth native honour. To illustrate this position, having already mentioned the case of a poor and rich brother, he remarks, that this preference is given to wealth by those whom it least becomes; it is the pastour that greases or flatters the rich brother, and will grease him on till want make him leave. The poet then goes on to ask, Who dares to say this man, this pastour, is a flatterer; the crime is universal; through all the world the learned pate, with allusion to the pastour, ducks to the golden fool. If it be objected, as it may justly be, that the mention of a pastour is unsuitable, we must remember the mention of grace and cherubims in this play, and many such anachronisms in many others. I would therefore read thus: It is the pastour lards the brother's sides, 'Tis want that makes him leave. The obscurity is still great. Perhaps a line is lost. I have at least given the original reading. Johnson. Perhaps Shakespeare wrote pasterer, for I meet with such a word in Greene's Farewell to Follie, 1617, “Alexander before he fell into the Persian delicacies, refused those cooks and pasterers that Ada queen of Caria sent to him.” There is likewise a proverb among Ray's collection which seems to afford much the same meaning as this passage in Shakespeare. “Every one basteth the fat hog, while the lean one burneth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 732 3&lblank; for every grize of fortune] Grize for step or degree. Pope.

Note return to page 733 4&lblank; fang mankind! &lblank;] i. e. seize, gripe. This verb is used by Decker in his Match me at London, 1631: “&lblank; bite any catchpole that fangs for you.” Steevens.

Note return to page 734 5&lblank; no idle votarist. &lblank;] No insincere or inconstant supplicant. Gold will not serve me instead of roots. Johnson.

Note return to page 735 6&lblank; you clear heavens!] This may mean either ye cloudless skies, or ye deities exempt from guilt. Shakespeare mentions the clearest gods in K. Lear; and in Acolastus a Comedy, 1529, a stranger is thus addressed. “Good stranger or alyen, clere gest, &c.” Again, in the Rape of Lucrece: “Then Collatine again by Lucrece side, “In his clear bed might have reposed still.” i. e. his uncontaminated bed. Steevens.

Note return to page 736 7&lblank; Why this Will lug your priests and servants from your sides:] Aristophanes, in his Plutus, act V. sc. ii. makes the priest of Jupiter desert his service to live with Plutus. Warburton.

Note return to page 737 8Pluck stout men's pillows from below their heads:] i. e. men who have strength yet remaining to struggle with their distemper. This alludes to an old custom of drawing away the pillow from under the heads of men in their last agonies, to make their departure the easier. But the Oxford editor, supposing stout to signify healthy, alters it to sick, and this he calls emending. Warburton.

Note return to page 738 9&lblank; the hoar leprosy &lblank;] So in P. Holland's translation of Pliny's Nat. Hist. b. xxviii. ch. 12.—“the foul white leprie called elephantiasis.” Steevens.

Note return to page 739 1That makes the wappen'd widow wed again;] Waped or wappen'd signifies both sorrowful and terrified, either for the loss of a good husband, or by the treatment of a bad. But gold, he says, can overcome both her affection and her fears. Warburton. Of wappened I have found no example, nor know any meaning. To awhape is used by Spenser in his Hubberd's Tale, but I think not in either of the senses mentioned. I would read wained, for decayed by time. So our author in Richard the Third: “A beauty-waining and distressed widow.” Johnson. In the comedy of the Roaring Girl, by Middleton and Decker, 1611, I meet with a word very like this, which the reader will easily explain for himself, when he has seen the following passage: “Moll. And there you shall wap with me. “Sir B. Nay, Moll, what's that wap? “Moll. Wappening and niggling is all one, the rogue my man can tell you.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Masque of Gypsies Metamorphosed: “Boarded at Tappington, “Bedded at Wappington.” Again, in Martin Mark-all's Apologie to the Bel-man of London, 1610. “Niggling is company-keeping with a woman: this word is not used now, but wapping, and thereof comes the name wapping-morts for whores.” It must not, however, be concealed, that Chaucer, in the Complaint of Annelida, line 217, uses the word with the sense in which Dr. Warburton explains it: “My sewertye in waped countenance.” Wappened, according to the quotations I have already given, would mean—The widow whose curiosity and passions had been already gratified. So in Hamlet: “The instances that second marriage move, “Are base respects of thrift, but none of love.” And if the word defunct, in Othello, be explained according to its primitive meaning, the same sentiment may be discovered there, There may, however, be some corruption in the text. Steevens.

Note return to page 740 2To the April day again &lblank;] That is, to the wedding day, called by the poet, satirically, April day, or fool's day. Johnson. The April day does not relate to the widow, but to the other diseased female, who is represented as the outcast of an hospital. She it is whom gold embalms and spices to the April day again: i. e. gold restores her to all the freshness and sweetness of youth. Such is the power of gold, that it will “&lblank; make black, white; foul, fair; “Wrong, right; &c.” A quotation or two may perhaps support this interpretation. Sidney's Arcadia, p. 262, edit. 1633: “Do you see how the spring time is full of flowers, decking itself with them, and not aspiring to the fruits of autumn? What lesson is that unto you, but that in the April of your age you should be like April.” Again, in Stephen's Apology for Herodotus, 1607, “He is a young man, and in the April of his age. Peacham's Compleat Gentleman, chap. iii. calls youth “the April of man's life.” Shakespeare's Sonnet entitled Love's Cruelty, has the same thought: “Thou art thy mother's glass, and she in thee “Calls back the lovely April of her prime.” Daniel's 31st sonnet has, “—the April of my years.” Master Fenton “smells April and May.” Tollet.

Note return to page 741 3Do thy right nature. &lblank;] Lie in the earth where nature laid thee. Johnson.

Note return to page 742 4&lblank; Thou'rt quick,] Thou hast life and motion in thee. Johnson.

Note return to page 743 5I will not kiss thee, &lblank;] This alludes to an opinion in former times, generally prevalent, that the venereal infection transmitted to another, left the infecter free. I will not, says Timon, take the rot from thy lips by kissing thee. Johnson. Thus the Humorous Lieutenant says: “He has some wench, or such a toy to kiss over, “Before he go: 'would I had such another, “To draw this foolish pain down.” Steevens.

Note return to page 744 6&lblank; If Thou wilt not promise, &c.] That is, however thou may'st act, since thou art man, hated man, I wish thee evil. Johnson.

Note return to page 745 9Be a whore still! They love thee not that use thee; Give them diseases, leaving with thee their lust: Make use of thy salt hours, &c.] There is here a slight transposition. I would read: &lblank; They love thee not that use thee, Leaving with thee their lust; give them diseases, Make use of thy salt hours, season the slaves For tubs and baths; &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 746 1To the fub-fast, and the diet.] One might make a very long and vain search, yet not be able to meet with this preposterous word fub-fast, which has notwithstanding passed current with all the editors. We should read tub-fast. The author is alluding to the lues venerea, and its effects. At that time the cure of it was performed either by guaiacum, or mercurial unctions: and in both cases the patient was kept up very warm and close; that in the first application the sweat might be promoted; and lest, in the other, he should take cold, which was fatal. “The regimen for the course of guaiacum (says Dr. Freind in his History of Physick, vol. II. p. 380.) was at first strangely circumstantial; and so rigorous, that the patient was put into a dungeon in order to make him sweat; and in that manner, as Fallopius expresses it, the bones, and the very man himself was macerated.” Wiseman says, in England they used a tub for this purpose, as abroad, a cave, or oven, or dungeon. And as for the unction, it was sometimes continued for thirty-seven days (as he observes, p. 375.) and during this time there was necessarily an extraordinary abstinence required. Hence the term of the tub-fast. Warburton. So, in Jasper Maine's City Match, 1639: “&lblank; You had better match a ruin'd bawd, “One ten times cur'd by sweating, and the tub.” Again, in The Family of Love, 1608, a doctor says: “—O for one of the hoops of my Cornelius' tub, I shall burst myself with laughing else.” Again, in Monsieur D'Olive, 1606: “Our embassage is into France, there may be employment for thee: Hast thou a tub?” The diet was likewise a customary term for the regimen prescribed in these cases. So, in Springes to catch Woodcocks, a collection of Epigrams, 1606: “Priscus gave out &c. &lblank; “Priscus had tane the diet all the while.” Again, in another Collection of ancient Epigrams called the Mastive, &c: “She took not diet nor the sweat in season.” So, in Beaumont and Fletcher's Knight of the Burning Pestle: “&lblank; whom I in diet keep, “Send lower down into the cave, “And in a tub that's heated smoaking hot, &c.” Again, in the same play: “&lblank; caught us, and put us in a tub, “Where we this two months sweat, &c. “This bread and water hath our diet been, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 747 2Be as a planetary plague, when Jove Will o'er some high-vic'd city hang his poison In the sick air: &lblank;] This is wonderfully sublime and picturesque. Warburton.

Note return to page 748 3That through the window barne &lblank;] How the words come to be blundered into this strange nonsense, is hard to conceive. But it is plain Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; window-lawn &lblank; i. e. lawn almost as transparent as glass windows. Warburton. The reading is more probably: &lblank; window-bars &lblank; The virgin that shews her bosom through the lattice of her chamber. Johnson. Dr. Johnson's explanation is almost confirmed by the following passage in Cymbeline: “&lblank; or let her beauty “Look through a casement to allure false hearts, “And be false with them.” Shakespeare at the same time might aim a stroke at this indecency in the women of his own time, which is animadverted on by several contemporary dramatists. So, in the ancient interlude of the Repentance of Marie Magdalene, 1567: “Your garments must be worne alway, “That your white pappes may be seene if you may. &lblank; “If young gentlemen may see your white skin, “It will allure them to love, and soon bring them in. “Both damsels and wives use many such feates. “I know them that will lay out their faire teates.” And all this is addressed to Mary Magdalen. Steevens. I believe we should read nearly thus: &lblank; nor those milk-paps, That through the widow's barb bore at men's eyes, Are not within the leaf of pity writ.” The use of the doubled negative is so common in Shakespeare, that it is unnecessary to support it by instances. The barbe, I believe, was a kind of veil. Cressida, in Chaucer, who appears as a widow, is described as wearing a barbe, Troilus and Cressida, b. II. v. 110. in which place Caxton's edition (as I learn from the Glossary) reads wimple, which certainly signifies a veil, and was probably substituted as a synonymous word for barbe, the more antiquated reading of the manuscripts. Unbarbed is used by Shakespeare for uncovered, in Coriolanus, act III. sc. v: “Must I go shew them my unbarbed sconce?” See also Leland's Collectanea, vol. V. p. 317, new edit. where the ladies, mourning at the funeral of Q. Mary, are mentioned as having their barbes above their chinnes. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 749 4&lblank; exhaust their mercy;] For exhaust, sir T. Hanmer, and after him Dr. Warburton, read extort; but exhaust here signifies literally to draw forth. Johnson.

Note return to page 750 5&lblank; bastard, &lblank;] An allusion to the tale of Oedipus. Johnson.

Note return to page 751 6Swear against objects;] Sir Tho. Hanmer reads: &lblank; 'gainst all objects: Perhaps objects is here used provincially for abjects. Farmer.

Note return to page 752 7And to make whore a bawd. &lblank;] The power of gold, indeed, may be supposed great, that can make a whore forsake her trade; but what mighty difficulty was there in making a whore turn bawd? And yet, 'tis plain, here he is describing the mighty power of gold. He had before shewn, how gold can persuade to any villainy; he now shews that it has still a greater force, and can even turn from vice to the practice, or at least, the semblance of virtue. We must therefore read, to restore sense to our author: And to make whole a bawd. i. e. not only make her quit her calling, but thereby restore her to reputation. Warburton. The old edition reads: And to make whores a bawd. That is, enough to make a whore leave whoring, and a bawd leave making whores. Johnson.

Note return to page 753 8The immortal gods that hear you, &lblank;] The same thought is found in Antony and Cleopatra, act I. sc. iii: “Though you with swearing shake the throned gods.” Again, in the Winter's Tale: “Though you would seek to unsphere the stars with oaths.” Steevens.

Note return to page 754 9I'll trust to your conditions: &lblank;] You need not swear to continue whores, I will trust to your inclinations. Johnson.

Note return to page 755 1&lblank; Yet may your pains, six months, Be quite contrary: &lblank;] This is obscure, partly from the ambiguity of the word pains, and partly from the generality of the expression. The meaning is this: he had said before, follow constantly your trade of debauchery: that is (says he) for six months in the year. Let the other six be employed in quite contrary pains and labour, namely, in the severe discipline necessary for the repair of those disorders that your debaucheries occasion, in order to fit you anew to the trade; and thus let the whole year be spent in these different occupations. On this account he goes on, and says, Make false hair, &c. But for, pains six months, the Oxford editor reads pains exterior. What he means I know not. Warburton. The explanation is ingenious, but I think it very remote, and would willingly bring the author and his readers to meet on easier terms. We may read: &lblank; Yet may your pains six months, Be quite contraried. &lblank; Timon is wishing ill to mankind, but is afraid lest the whores should imagine that he wishes well to them; to obviate which he lets them know, that he imprecates upon them influence enough to plague others, and disappointments enough to plague themselves. He wishes that they may do all possible mischief, and yet take pains six months of the year in vain. In this sense there is a connection of this line with the next. Finding your pains contraried, try new expedients, thatch your thin roofs, and paint. To contrary is an old verb. Latymer relates, that when he went to court, he was advised not to contrary the king. Johnson. &lblank; Yet may your pains six months Be quite contrary: &lblank;] I believe this means,—Yet for half the year at least, may you suffer such punishment as is inflicted on harlots in houses of correction. Steevens.

Note return to page 756 2&lblank; thatch your poor thin roofs, &c.] About the year 1595, when the fashion became general in England of wearing a greater quantity of hair than was ever the produce of a single head, it was dangerous for any child to wander, as nothing was more common than for women to entice such as had fine locks into private places, and there to cut them off. I have this information from Stubb's Anatomy of Abuses, which I have often quoted on the article of dress. To this fashion the writers of Shakespeare's age do not appear to have been reconciled. So, in A Mad World my Masters, 1608: “—to wear perriwigs made of another's hair, is not this against kind?” Again, in Drayton's Mooncalf: “And with large sums they stick not to procure “Hair from the dead, yea, and the most unclean: “To help their pride they nothing will disdain.” Again, in Shakespeare's 68th Sonnet: “Before the golden tresses of the dead, “The right of sepulchres, were shorn away, “To live a second life on second head, “Ere beauty's dead fleece made another gay.” Warner, in his Albion's England, 1602, b. ix. c. 47, is likewise very severe on this fashion. Stowe informs us, that “women's periwigs were first brought into England about the time of the massacre of Paris.” Steevens.

Note return to page 757 3&lblank; mens' spurring. &lblank;] Hanmer reads—sparring, properly enough, if there be any ancient example of the word. Johnson. Spurring is certainly right. The disease that enfeebled their shins, would have this effect. Steevens.

Note return to page 758 4Nor sound his quillets shrilly: &lblank;] Quillets are subtilties. So, in Law Tricks &c. 1608: “&lblank; a quillet well applied!” Steevens.

Note return to page 759 5&lblank; hoar the flamen,] Mr. Upton would read hoarse, i. e. make hoarse; for to be hoary claims reverence. Add to this (says he) that hoarse is here most proper, as oppos'd to scolds. It may, however, mean,—Give the flamen the hoary leprosy. So, in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, 1623: “&lblank; shew like leprosy, “The whiter the fouler.” And before, in this play: “Make the hoar leprosy ador'd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 760 6&lblank; that his particular to foresee] In this beautiful passage there is a strange jumble of metaphors. To smell in order to foresee, is using the benefit of the senses in a very absurd way. The sense too, is as bad as the expression: Men do not forsake and betray the public in order to foresee their own particular advantage, but to provide for it. Foreseeing is not the consequence of betraying, but one of the causes of it. Without doubt we should read: Of him, that his particular to foresend, Smells from the general weal. &lblank; i. e. provide for, secure. Foresend has a great force and beauty in this place, as signifying not barely to secure, but to make a previous provision for securing. Warburton. The metaphor is apparently incongruous, but the sense is good. To foresee his particular, is to provide for his private advantage, for which he leaves the right scent of publick good. In hunting, when hares have cross'd one another, it is common for some of the hounds to smell from the general weal, and foresee their own particular. Shakespeare, who seems to have been a skilful sportsman, and has alluded often to falconry, perhaps, alludes, here to hunting. To the commentator's emendation it may be objected, that he used forefend in the wrong meaning. To forefend, is, I think, never to provide for, but to provide against. The verbs compounded with for or fore have commonly either an evil or negative sense. Johnson.

Note return to page 761 7And ditches grave you all!] To grave is to entomb. The word is now obsolete, though sometimes used by Shakespeare and his contemporary authors. So, in lord Surrey's Translation of the fourth book of Virgil's Æneid: “Cinders (think'st thou) mind this? or graved ghostes?” To ungrave was likewise to turn out of a grave. Thus, in Marston's Sophonisba: “&lblank; and me, now dead, “Deny a grave; hurl us among the rocks “To stanch beasts hunger: therefore, thus ungrav'd, “I seek slow rest.” Steevens.

Note return to page 762 1Whose womb unmeasurable, and infinite breast] This image is taken from the ancient statues of Diana Ephesia Multimammia, called &grp;&gra;&grn;&gra;&gria;&gro;&grl;&gro;&grst; &grf;&grua;&grs;&gri;&grst; &grp;&graa;&grn;&grt;&grw;&grn; &grM;&grha;&grt;&grh;&grr;; and is a very good comment on those extraordinary figures. See Montfaucon, l'Antiquité expliquée, l. iii. c. 15. Hesiod, alluding to the same representations, calls the earth, &grG;&grA;&grI;&grap; &grE;&grU;&grR;&grU;&grS;&grT;&grE;&grR;&grN;&grO;&grST;. Warburton. Whose infinite breast means no more than whose boundless surface. Shakespeare probably knew nothing of the statue to which the commentator alludes. Steevens.

Note return to page 763 2&lblank; eyeless venom'd worm;] The serpent, which we, from the smallness of his eyes, call the blind worm, and the Latins, cæcilia. Johnson.

Note return to page 764 3&lblank; below crisp heaven,] We should read cript, i. e. vaulted, from the Latin crypta, a vault. Warburton. Mr. Upton declares for crisp, curled, bent, hollow. Johnson. Perhaps Shakespeare means curl'd, from the appearance of the clouds. In the Tempest, Ariel talks of riding On the curl'd clouds. Chaucer in his House of Fame, says, “Her here that was oundie and crips.” i. e. wavy and curled. Again, in the Philosopher's Satires, by Robert Anton. “Her face as beauteous as the crisped morn.” Steevens.

Note return to page 765 4Ensear thy fertile and conceptious womb.] So in K. Lear: “Dry up in her the organs of encrease.” Steevens.

Note return to page 766 5Let it no more bring out ungrateful man!] This is an absurd reading. Shakespeare wrote, &lblank; bring out to ungrateful man! i. e. fruits for his sustenance and support; but let it rather teem with monsters to his destruction. Nor is it to be pretended, that this alludes to the fable: for he is speaking of what the earth now brings forth; which thought he repeats afterwards: Dry up thy harrow'd veins, and plow-torn leas, &c. Warburton. It is plain that bring out is bring forth, with which the following lines correspond so plainly, that the commentator might be suspected of writing his note without reading the whole passage. Johnson.

Note return to page 767 6&lblank; the marbled mansion &lblank;] So Milton, B. iii. l. 564: “Through the pure marble air &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 768 7Dry up thy marrows, veins, and plow-torn leas;] The integrity of the metaphor absolutely requires that we should read, Dry up thy harrow'd veins, and plow-torn leas. Mr. Theobald owns that this gives a new beauty to the verse, yet, as unctuous morsels follows, marrows might have gone before, and mean the fat of the land. That is, because there is a metaphor afterwards that suits it, it may be admitted, though it violates the metaphor in the place it is used in. But this unhappy critic never considered that men ought to earn this fat before they eat it. From this emendation the Oxford editor has sprung another, and reads, Dry up thy meadows, vineyards &lblank; Warburton. I cannot concur to censure Theobald as a critic very unhappy. He was weak, but he was cautious: finding but little power in his mind, he rarely ventured far under its conduct. This timidity hindered him from daring conjectures, and sometimes hindered him happily. This passage, among many others, may pass without change. The genuine reading is not marrows, veins, but marrows, vines: the sense is this; O nature! cease to produce men, ensear thy womb; but if thou wilt continue to produce them, at least cease to pamper them; dry up thy marrows, on which they fatten with unctuous morsels, thy vines, which give them liquorish draughts, and thy plow-torn leas. Here are effects corresponding with causes, liquorish draughts with vines, and unctuous morsels with marrows, and the old reading literally preserved. Johnson.

Note return to page 769 8&lblank; the cunning of a carper.] For the philosophy of a Cynic, of which sect Apemantus was; and therefore he concludes: &lblank; Do not assume my likeness. Warburton. Cunning here seems to signify counterfeit appearance. Johnson. The cunning of a carper, is the insidious art of a critic. Shame not these woods, says Apemantus, by coming here to find fault. Maurice Kyffin in the preface to his translation of Terence's Andria, 1588, says; “Of the curious carper I look not to be favoured.” Again Ursula speaking of the sarcasms of Beatrice, observes, “Why sure, such carping is not commendable.” There is no apparent reason why Apemantus (according to Dr. Warburton's explanation) should ridicule his own sect. Steevens.

Note return to page 770 9&lblank; moist trees,] Hanmer reads very elegantly, &lblank; moss'd trees. Johnson. Shakespeare uses the same epithet in As you like it, Act IV. “Under an oak, whose boughs were moss'd with age.” Steevens.

Note return to page 771 1&lblank; outliv'd the eagle, &lblank;] Aquilæ Senectus is a proverb. I learn from Turbervile's book of falconry 1575, that the great age of this bird has been ascertained from the circumstance of its always building its eyrie, or nest, in the same place. Steevens.

Note return to page 772 2Answer mere nature, &lblank;] So in K. Lear, Act II. “And with presented nakedness outface “The winds, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 773 3Tim. Always a villain's office or a fool's. Dost please thyself in't? Apem. Ay. Tim. What! a knave too?] Mr. Warburton proposes a correction here, which, though is opposes the reading of all the printed copies, has great justness and propriety in it. He would read: What! and know't too? The reasoning of the text, as it stands in the books is, in some sort, concluding backward; or rather making a knave's and a villain's office different; which, surely, is absurd. The correction quite removes the absurdity, and gives this sensible rebuke. “What! Do'st thou please thyself in vexing me, and at the same time know it to be the office of a villain or fool?” Theobald. Such was Dr. Warburton's first conjecture, but afterwards he adopted Sir T. Hanmer's conjecture: What a knave thou! but there is no need of alteration. Timon had just called Apemantus fool, in consequence of what he had known of him by former acquaintance; but when Apemantus tells him, that he comes to vex him, Timon determines that to vex is either the office of a villain or a fool; that to vex by design is villainy, to vex without design is folly. He then properly asks Apemantus whether he takes delight in vexing, and when he answers, yes, Timon replies, What! and knave too? I before only knew thee to be a fool, but I now find thee likewise a knave. This seems to be so clear as not to stand in need of a comment. Johnson.

Note return to page 774 4&lblank; is crown'd before:] Arrives sooner at high wish; that is, at the completion of its wishes. Johnson.

Note return to page 775 5Worse than the worst, content.] This line, defective both in sense and metre, might be thus supplied: “Worse than the worst contented is most happy.” “I have repeated this conjecture, in the words in which it was sent to be inserted in the last edition, merely as it serves to introduce the following explanation of the passage, being now convinced myself that no alteration should be attempted.” Tyrwhitt. Best states contentless have a wretched being, a being worse than that of the worst states that are content. This one would think too plain to have been mistaken. Johnson.

Note return to page 776 6&lblank; by his breath, &lblank;] It means, I believe, by his counsel, by his direction. Johnson. &lblank; by his breath,—I believe, is meant his sentence. To breathe is as licentiously used by Shakespeare in the following instance from Hamlet: “Having ever seen, in the prenominate crimes, “The youth you breathe of, guilty, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 777 7&lblank; but bred a dog.] Alluding to the word Cynic, of which sect Apemantus was. Warburton.

Note return to page 778 8Hadst thou, like us, &lblank;] There is in this speech a sullen haughtiness, and malignant dignity, suitable at once to the lord and the man-hater. The impatience with which he bears to have his luxury reproached by one that never had luxury within his reach, is natural and graceful. There is in a letter, written by the earl of Essex, just before his execution, to another nobleman, a passage somewhat resembling this, with which, I believe every reader will be pleased, though it is so serious and solemn that it can scarcely be inserted without irreverence. “God grant your lordship may quickly feel the comfort I now enjoy in my unfeigned conversion, but that you may never feel the torments I have suffered for my long delaying it. I had none but deceivers to call upon me, to whom I said, if my ambition could have entered into their narrow breasts, they would not have been so humble; or if my delights had been once tasted by them, they would not have been so precise. But your lordship hath one to call upon you, that knoweth what it is you now enjoy; and what the greatest fruit and end is of all contentment that this world can afford. Think, therefore, dear earl, that I have staked and buoyed all the ways of pleasure unto you, and left them as sea-marks for you to keep the channel of religious virtue. For shut your eyes never so long, they must be open at the last, and then you must say with me there is no peace to the ungodly.” Johnson.

Note return to page 779 9&lblank; first swath &lblank;] From infancy. Swath is the dress of a newborn child. Johnson. So in Heywood's Golden Age, 1625: “No more their cradles shall be made their tombs, “Nor their soft swaths become their winding sheets.” Steevens.

Note return to page 780 1The sweet degrees &lblank;] Thus the folio. The modern editors have, without authority, read Through, &c. but this neglect of the preposition was common to many other writers of the age of Shakespeare. Steevens.

Note return to page 781 2&lblank; precepts of respect, &lblank;] Of obedience to laws. Johnson. Respect, I believe, means the qu'en dira't on? the regard of Athens, that strongest restraint on licentiousness: the icy precepts, i. e. that cool hot blood. Steevens.

Note return to page 782 3&lblank; But myself,] The connection here requires some attention. But is here used to denote opposition; but what immediately precedes is not opposed to that which follows. The adversative particle refers to the two first lines. Thou art a slave, whom fortune's tender arm With favour never claspt; but bred a dog. &lblank; But myself, Who had the world as my confectionary, &c. The intermediate lines are to be considered as a parenthesis of passion. Johnson.

Note return to page 783 4&lblank; with one winter's brush, &c.] So in Massinger's Maid of Honour: “&lblank; O summer friendship, “Whose flatt'ring leaves that shadow'd us in our “Prosperity, with the least gust drop off “In the autumn of adversity.” Steevens.

Note return to page 784 5&lblank; that poor rag,] If we read poor rogue, it will correspond rather better to what follows. Johnson. In Richard III. Margaret calls Gloster rag of honour; and in the same play, the overweening rags of France are mentioned. The old reading, I believe, should stand. Steevens.

Note return to page 785 6Thou hadst been knave and flatterer.] Dryden has quoted two verses of Virgil to shew how well he could have written satires. Shakespeare has here given a specimen of the same power by a line bitter beyond all bitterness, in which Timon tells Apemantus, that he had not virtue enough for the vices which he condemns. Dr. Warburton explains worst by lowest, which somewhat weakens the sense, and yet leaves it sufficiently vigorous. I have heard Mr. Burke commend the subtilty of discrimination with which Shakespeare distinguishes the present character of Timon from that of Apemantus, whom to vulgar eyes he would now resemble. Johnson. Knave is here to be understood of a man who endeavours to recommend himself by a hypocritical appearance of attention, and superfluity of fawning officiousness; such a one as is called in King Lear, a finical superserviceable rogue.—If he had had virtue enough to attain the profitable vices, he would have been profitably vicious. Steevens.

Note return to page 786 7&lblank; take away thyself.] This thought seems to have been adopted from Plutarch's life of Antony. It stands thus in Sir Tho. North's translation. “Apemantus said unto the other; O, here is a trimme banket Timon. Timon aunswered againe, yea, said he, so thou wert not here.” Steevens.

Note return to page 787 8&lblank; for too much curiosity;] i. e. for too much sinical delicacy. The Oxford editor alters it to courtesy. Warburton. Dr. Warburton has explained the word justly. So in Jervas Markham's English Arcadia 1606. “&lblank; for all those eye-charming graces, of which with such curiosity she had boasted.” So in Hobby's translation of Castiglione's Cortegiano, 1556, “A waiting gentlewoman should flee affection or curiosity.” Curiosity is here inserted as a synonyme to affection which means affectation. Curiosity likewise seems to have meant capriciousness. So in Greene's Mamillia, 1593. “Pharicles hath shewn me some curtesy, and I have not altogether requited him with curiosity: he hath made some shew of love, and I have not wholly seemed to mislike.” Steevens.

Note return to page 788 9Ay, though it look like thee.] Timon here supposes that an objection against hatred, which through the whole tenor of the conversation appears an argument for it. One would have expected him to have answered. Yes, for it looks like thee. The old edition, which always gives the pronoun instead of the affirmative particle, has it, I, though it look like thee. Perhaps we should read, I thought it look'd like thee. Johnson.

Note return to page 789 1the unicorn, &c.] The account given of the unicorn is this: that he and the lion being enemies by nature, as soon as the lion sees the unicorn he betakes himself to a tree: the unicorn in his fury, and with all the swiftness of his course, running at him, sticks his horn fast in the tree, and then the lion falls upon him and kills him. Gesner Hist. Animal. Hanmer. See a note on Julius Cæsar, Act II. Sc. i. Steevens.

Note return to page 790 2thou wert german to the lion,] This seems to be an allusion to Turkish policy: “Bears, like the Turk, no brother near the throne.”—Pope. Steevens.

Note return to page 791 3&lblank; were remotion;] i. e. removal from place to place. So in King Lear: “'Tis the remotion of the duke and her.” Steevens.

Note return to page 792 4Thou art the cap, &c.] i. e. the property, the bubble. Warburton. I rather think, the top, the principal. The remaining dialogue has more malignity than wit. Johnson.

Note return to page 793 5A plague on thee! Apem. Thou art too bad to curse.] In the former editions, this whole verse was placed to Apemantus: by which, absurdly, he was made to curse Timon, and immediately to subjoin that he was too bad to curse. Theobald.

Note return to page 794 6'Twixt natural son and sire! &lblank;] &grD;&gri;&grag; &grt;&gro;&gruc;&grt;&gro;&grn; &gro;&grusc;&grk; &gras;&grd;&gre;&grl;&grf;&groa;&gri; &grD;&gri;&grag; &grt;&gro;&gruc;&grt;&gro;&grn; &gro;&grus; &grt;&gro;&grx;&grhc;&gre;&grst;. Anac. Johnson.

Note return to page 795 7Whose blush doth thaw the consecrated snow That lies on Dian's lap! &lblank;] The imagery is here exquisitely beautiful and sublime. Warburton. Dr. Warburton might have said—Here is a very elegant turn given to a thought more coarsely expressed in King Lear: “&lblank; yon simpering dame, “Whose face between her forks presages snow.” Steevens.

Note return to page 796 8&lblank; O thou touch of hearts!] Touch, for touchstone. Steevens.

Note return to page 797 1More things like men? &lblank;] This line, in the old edition, is given to Apemantus, but it apparently belongs to Timon. Hanmer has transposed the foregoing dialogue according to his own mind, not unskilfully, but with unwarrantable licence. Johnson.

Note return to page 798 2Enter Thieves.] The old copy reads,—Enter the Banditti. Steevens.

Note return to page 799 3&lblank; you want much of meat.] Thus both the player and poetical editor have given us this passage; quite sand-blind, as honest Launcelot says, to our author's meaning. If these poor thieves wanted meat, what greater want could they be cursed with, as they could not live on grass, and berries, and water? but I dare warrant the poet wrote, &lblank; you much want of meet. i. e. Much of what you ought to be; much of the qualities befitting you as human creatures. Theobald. Such is Mr. Theobald's emendation, in which he is followed by Dr. Warburton. Sir T. Hanmer reads, &lblank; you want much of men. They have been all busy without necessity. Observe the series of the conversation. The thieves tell him, that they are men that much do want. Here is an ambiguity between much want and want of much. Timon takes it on the wrong side, and tells them that their greatest want is, that, like other men, they want much of meat; then telling them where meat may be had, he asks, Want? why want? Johnson. Perhaps we should read,—your greatest want is that you want much of me—rejecting the two last letters of the word. The sense will then be—your greatest want is that you expect supplies of me from whom you can reasonably expect nothing. Your necessities are indeed desperate, when you apply for relief to one in my situation. Steevens.

Note return to page 800 4&lblank; the earth hath roots, &c.] Vile olus, et duris hærentia mora rubetis   Pugnantis stomachi composuere famem: Flumine vicino stultus sitit. I do not suppose these to be imitations, but only to be similar thoughts on similar occasions. Johnson.

Note return to page 801 5&lblank; Yet thanks I must you con,] To con thanks is a very common expression among our old dramatic writers. So in the Story of King Darius, 1565, an interlude: “Yea and well said, I con you no thanke.” Again, in Pierce Penniless his Supplication to the Devil, by Nash, 1595: “It is well done to practise thy wit; but I believe our lord will con thee little thanks for it.” Steevens.

Note return to page 802 6In limited professions.—Limited, for legal. Warburton.

Note return to page 803 7&lblank; take wealth and life together.] Hanmer. The first copy has, &lblank; take wealth and lives together. The later editors gave it, &lblank; take wealth and live together. Johnson. Perhaps we should read. &lblank; he slays More than you rob, takes wealth and lives together. Steevens.

Note return to page 804 8The sea's a thief, whose liquid surge resolves The moon into salt tears. &lblank; The sea melting the moon into tears, is, I believe, a secret in philosophy, which no body but Shakespeare's deep editors ever dreamed of. There is another opinion, which, 'tis more reasonable to believe that our author may allude to, viz. that the saltness of the sea is caused by several ranges, or mounds of rock-salt under water, with which resolving liquid the sea was impregnated. This I think a sufficient authority for changing moon into mounds. Warburton. I am not willing to receive mounds, which would not be understood but by him that suggested it. The moon is supposed to be humid, and perhaps a source of humidity, but cannot be resolved by the surges of the sea. Yet I think moon is the true reading. Here is a circulation of thievery described: The sun, moon, and sea all rob, and are robbed. Johnson. Mounds is too far-fetch'd. He says simply, that the sun, the moon, and the sea, rob one another by turns, but the earth robs them all: the seas, i. e. liquid surge, by supplying the moon with moisture, robs her in turn of the soft tears of dew which the poets always fetch from this planet. Soft for salt is an easy change. In this sense Milton speaks of her moist continent, Par. Lost, b. v. l. 422. And, in Hamlet, Horatio says: “&lblank; the moist star “Upon whose influence Neptune's empire stands. Steevens. The moon is the governess of the floods, “but cannot be resolved by the surges of the sea.” This seems incontestable, and therefore an alteration of the text appears to be necessary. I propose to read: &lblank; whose liquid surge resolves The main into salt tears; &lblank; i. e. resolves the main land or the continent into sea. In Bacon, and also in Shakespeare's King Lear, act. III. sc. I, main occurs in this signification, and the earth is mentioned in the preceding line, as here it is in the same verse: “Bids the wind blow the earth into the sea, “Or swell the curled waters 'bove the main.” The thought is like that in Ovid's Metamorphosis, lib. xv: “&lblank; resolutaque tellus “In liquidas rorescit aquas:” which Sandys thus translates: “Resolved earth to water rarifies.” Earth melting to sea is not an uncommon idea in our poets. So in Ben Jonson, edit. 1756, vol. v. p. 381: “Melt earth to sea, sea flow to air.” So, in Shakespeare's King Henry IV. part II. act III. sc. i. “The continent melt itself into the sea.” I might add that in Chaucer, mone, which is very near to the traces of the old reading, seems to mean the globe of the earth, or a map of it, from the French, monde, the world; but I think main is the true reading here, and might easily be mistaken for moon by a hasty transcriber, or a careless printer, who might have in their thoughts the moon, which is mentioned in a preceding line. Tollet. I cannot say for a certainty whether Albumazar or this play was first written, as Timon made its earliest appearance in the folio, 1623. Between Albumazar and the Alchemist there has been likewise a contest for the right of eldership. The original of Albumazar was an Italian comedy called Lo Astrologo, written by Battista Porta, the famous physiognomist of Naples, and printed at Venice in 1606. The translator is said to have been a Mr. Tomkins, a Fellow of Trinity College. The Alchymist was brought on in 1610, which is four years before Albumazar was performed for the entertainment of King James; and Ben Jonson in his title-page boldly claims the merit of having introduced a new subject and new characters on the stage: &lblank; petere inde coronam Unde prius nulli velarint tempora musæ. The play of Albumazar was not entered on the books of the Stationers' Company till April 28, 1615. In Albumazar, however, such examples of thievery likewise occur: The world's a theatre of theft: Great rivers Rob smaller brooks; and them the ocean. And in this world of ours, this miscrocosm, Guts from the stomach steal; and what they spare The meseraicks filch, and lay't i' the liver; Where (lest it should be found) turn'd to red nectar, 'Tis by a thousand thievish veins convey'd, And hid in flesh, nerves, bones, muscles, and sinews, In tendons, skin, and hair; so that the property Thus alter'd, the theft can never be discover'd. Now all these pilf'ries, couch'd, and compos'd in order, Frame thee and me: Man's a quick mass of thievery. Steevens. Puttenham, in his Arte of English Poesie, 1589, quotes some one of a “reasonable good facilitie in translation, who finding certaine of Anacreon's odes very well translated by Ronsard the French poet-comes our minion, and translates the same out of French into English:” and his strictures upon him evince the publication. Now this identical ode is to be met with in Ronsard! and as his works are in few hands, I will take the liberty of transcribing it. “La terre les eaux va boivant, L'arbre la boit par sa racine, La mer salee boit le vent, Et le soleil boit la marine. Le soleil est beu de la lune, Tout boit soit en haut ou en bas: Suivant ceste reigle commune, Pourquoy donc ne boirons-nous pas?” Edit. fol. p. 507. Farmer.

Note return to page 805 1&lblank; by a composture &lblank;] i. e. composition, compost. Steevens.

Note return to page 806 2'Tis in the malice of mankind, that he thus advises us; not to have us thrive in our mystery.] i. e. 'Tis the common malice of mankind that makes one give such advice to another, as may prove to his detriment. One would think this easy enough. But the Oxford editor reads, 'Tis in his malice to mankind, that he thus advises us, not to have us thrive in our mystery. Which is making compleat nonsense of the whole reflection: For if Timon gave this advice out of his malice to his species, he was in earnest, and so far from having any design that they should not thrive in their mystery, that his utmost wish was that they might. Warburton. Hanmer's emendation, though not necessary, is very probable, and very unjustly charged with nonsense. The reason of his advice, says the thief, is malice to mankind, not any kindness to us, or desire to have us thrive in our mystery. Johnson.

Note return to page 807 3Let us first see peace in Athens, &c.] This and the concluding little speech have in all the editions been placed to one speaker: But, it is evident, the latter words ought to be put in the mouth of the second thief, who is repenting, and leaving off his trade. Warburton.

Note return to page 808 4What change of honour desperate want has made!] We should read, What an alteration of humour &lblank; Warburton. The original copy has, What an alteration of honour has desperate want made! The present reading is certainly better, but it has no authority. To change honour to humour is not necessary. An alteration of honour, is an alteration of an honourable state to a state of disgrace. Johnson. I have replaced the old reading. Steevens.

Note return to page 809 5How rarely does it meet &lblank;] Rarely for fitly; not for seldom. Warburton.

Note return to page 810 6When man was wish'd &lblank;] We should read will'd. He forgets his Pagan system here again. Warburton.

Note return to page 811 7Grant, I may ever love, and rather woo Those that would mischief me, than those that do!] But why so? Was there ever such an ass, I mean, as the transcriber? Shakespeare wrote it: Grant, I may ever love, and rather too, Those that would mischief me, than those that woo! The steward, affected with his master's misfortune and meditating on the cause of it, says, What an excellent precept is that of loving our enemies; grant that I might love them to chuse, rather than flatterers. All here is sensible, and to the purpose, and makes the whole coherent. But when once the transcribers had blundered too to woo in the first line, they were obliged, in their own defence, in the second line, to alter woo to do. Warburton. In defiance of this criticism, I have ventured to replace the former reading, as more suitable to the general spirit of these scenes, and as free from the absurdities charged upon it. It is plain, that in this whole speech friends and enemies are taken only for those who profess friendship and profess enmity; for the friend is supposed not to be more kind, but more dangerous than the enemy. In the emendation, those that would mischief are placed in opposition to those that woo, but in the speaker's intention those that woo are those that mischief most. The sense is, Let me rather woo or caress those that would mischief, that profess to mean me mischief, than those that really do me mischief under false professions of kindness. The Spaniards, I think, have this proverb; Defend me from my friends, and from my enemies I will defend myself. This proverb is a sufficient comment on the passage. Johnson.

Note return to page 812 8Knave is here in the compound sense of a servant and a rascal. Johnson.

Note return to page 813 9&lblank; Pity's sleeping:] I do not know that any correction is necessary, but I think we might read: &lblank; eyes do never give, But thorough lust and laughter, pity sleeping: Eyes never flow (to give is to dissolve as saline bodies in moist weather) but by lust or laughter, undisturbed by emotions of pity. Johnson.

Note return to page 814 1It almost turns my dangerous nature wild.] i. e. It almost turns my dangerous nature to a dangerous nature; for, by dangerous nature is meant wildness. Shakespeare wrote, It almost turns my dangerous nature mild. i. e. It almost reconciles me again to mankind. For fear of that, he puts in a caution immediately after, that he makes an exception but for one man. To which the Oxford editor says, recte. Warburton. This emendation is specious, but even this may be controverted. To turn wild is to distract. An appearance so unexpected, says Timon, almost turns my savageness to distraction. Accordingly he examines with nicety lest his phrenzy should deceive him: Let me behold thy face. Surely this man Was born of woman. And to this suspected disorder of mind he alludes: Perpetual-sober, gods! &lblank; Ye powers whose intellects are out of the reach of perturbation. Johnson.

Note return to page 815 1If not a usuring &lblank;] If not seems to have slipt in here, by an error of the press, from the preceding line. Both the sense and metre would be better without it. Tyrwhitt. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0993

Note return to page 816 2&lblank; from men;] Away from human habitations. Johnson.

Note return to page 817 3Debts wither them.] Debts wither them to nothing.—Folio. Johnson. I have replaced the reading of the folio. Steevens.

Note return to page 818 4Enter Poet and Painter.] The Poet and the Painter were within view when Apemantus parted from Timon, and might then have seen Timon, since Apemantus, standing by him could see them: But the scenes of the thieves and steward have passed before their arrival, and yet passed, as the drama is now conducted, within their view. It might be suspected that some scenes are transposed, for all these difficulties would be removed by introducing the Poet and Painter first, and the thieves in this place. Yet I am afraid the scenes must keep their present order; for the Painter alludes to the thieves when he says, he likewise enriched poor straggling soldiers with great quantity. This impropriety is now heightened by placing the thieves in one act, and the Poet and Painter in another: but it must be remembered, that in the original edition this play is not divided into separate acts, so that the present distribution is arbitrary, and may be changed if any convenience can be gained, or impropriety obviated by alteration. Johnson.

Note return to page 819 5&lblank; the deed is &lblank;] In the old edition: &lblank; the deed of saying is quite out of use. Johnson. The old copy has been, I apprehend unnecessarily, departed from. The deed of saying, though a harsh expression, is perfectly intelligible, and much in Shakespeare's manner.—The doing of that which we have said we would do, the accomplishment and performance of our promise, is, except among the lower classes of mankind, quite out of use. So, in Hamlet: “As he, in his peculiar act and force, “May give his saying deed.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0994 I have restored the old reading. Steevens.

Note return to page 820 6&lblank; It must be a personating of himself: &lblank;] Personating, for representing simply. For the subject of this projected satire was Timon's case, not his person. Warburton.

Note return to page 821 7When the day serves, before black-corner'd night,] We should read: &lblank; black cornette night. A cornette is a woman's head-dress for the night. So, in another place he calls her black-brow'd night. Warburton. Black-corner'd night is probably corrupt, but black cornette can hardly be right, for it should be black-cornetted night. I cannot propose any thing, but must leave the place in its present state. Johnson. An anonymous correspondent sent me this observation: “As the shadow of the earth's body, which is round, must be necessarily conical over the hemisphere which is opposite to the sun, should we not read black-coned? See Paradise Lost, book IV.” To this observation I might add a sentence from Philemon Holland's translation of Pliny's Natural History, b. ii: “Neither is the night any thing else but the shade of the earth. Now the figure of this shadow resembleth a pyramis pointed forward, or a top turned upside down.” I believe, nevertheless, that Shakespeare, by this expression, meant only, Night which is as obscure as a dark corner. In Measure for Measure, Lucio calls the Duke, “a duke of dark corners.” Steevens.

Note return to page 822 8Let it go naked, men may see't the better:] The humour of this reply is incomparable. It insinuates not only the highest contempt of the flatterer in particular, but this useful lesson in general, that the images of things are clearest seen through a simplicity of phrase; of which, in the words of the precept, and in those which occasion'd it, he has given us examples. Warburton.

Note return to page 823 9&lblank; a counterfeit] It has been already observed, that a portrait was so called in our author's time. “&lblank; What find I here? “Fair Portia's counterfeit!” Merchant of Venice. Steevens.

Note return to page 824 1&lblank; a made-up villain.] That is a villain that adopts qualities and characters not properly belonging to him; a hypocrite. Johnson.

Note return to page 825 2&lblank; in a draught,] That is, in the jakes. Johnson.

Note return to page 826 3&lblank; But two in company &lblank;] This is an imperfect sentence, and is to be supplied thus, But two in company spoils all. Warb. This passage is obscure. I think the meaning is this: but two in company, that is, stand apart, let only two be together; for even when each stands single there are two, he himself and a villain. Johnson. But, in the North, signifies, without. See a note on Antony and Cleopatra, act IV. This passage may likewise receive some illustration from another in the Two Gentlemen of Verona. “My master is a kind of knave; but that's all one, if he be but one knave. The sense is, each man is a double villain, i. e. a villain with more than a single share of guilt. See Dr. Farmer's note on the third act of the Two Gentlemen of Verona, &c. Again, in Promos and Cassandra, 1578. “Go, and a knave with thee.” Again, in The Storye of King Darius, 1565, an interlude: “&lblank; if you needs will go away, “Take two knaves with you by my faye.” There is a thought not unlike this in The Scornful Lady of Beaumont and Fletcher.—“Take to your chamber when you please, there goes a black one with you, lady.” Steevens.

Note return to page 827 4&lblank; a cauterizing] The old copy reads, cantherizing; the poet might have written, cancerizing. Steevens.

Note return to page 828 5And now &lblank;] So Hanmer. The old editions have, Which now &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 829 6Of its own fall. &lblank;] The Oxford editor alters fall to fault, not knowing that Shakespeare uses fall to signify dishonour, not destruction. So in Hamlet, What a falling off was there! Warburton. The truth is, that neither fall means disgrace, nor is fault a necessary emendation. Falling off in the quotation is not disgrace but defection. The Athenians had sense, that is, felt the danger of their own fall, by the arms of Alcibiades. Johnson.

Note return to page 830 7&lblank; restraining aid to Timon;] I think it should be refraining aid, that is, with-holding aid that should have been given to Timon. Johnson.

Note return to page 831 8&lblank; sorrowed render,] Thus the old copy. Render is confession. So in Cymbeline, act IV. sc. iv. “&lblank; may drive us to a render “Where we have liv'd.” The modern editors read tender. Steevens.

Note return to page 832 9Than their offence can weigh down by the dram;] This which was in the former editions can scarcely be right, and yet I know not whether my reading will be thought to rectify it. I take the meaning to be, We will give thee a recompence that our offences cannot outweigh, heaps of wealth down by the dram, or delivered according to the exactest measure. A little disorder may perhaps have happened in transcribing, which may be reformed by reading: &lblank; Ay, ev'n such beaps And sums of love and wealth, down by the dram, As shall to thee &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 833 1Allow'd with absolute power, &lblank;] This is neither English nor sense. We should read, Hallow'd with absolute power, &lblank; i. e. Thy person shall be held sacred. For absolute power being an attribute of the Gods, the ancients thought that he who had it, in society was become sacred, and his person inviolable: On which account the Romans called the tribunitial power of the emperors, sacrosancta potestas. Warburton. Allowed is licensed, privileged, uncontrolled. So of a buffoon, in Love's Labour lost, it is said, that he is allowed, that is, at liberty to say what he will, a privileged scoffer. Johnson.

Note return to page 834 2There's not a whittle in th' unruly camp.] A whittle is still in the midland counties the common name for a pocket clasp knife, such as children use. Chaucer speaks of a “Sheffield thwittell.” Steevens.

Note return to page 835 3&lblank; My long sickness] The disease of life begins to promise me a period. Johnson.

Note return to page 836 4I have a tree, &c.] Perhaps Shakespeare was indebted to Chaucer's Wife of Bath's prologue, for this thought. He might however have found it in Painter's Palace of Pleasure, Tom. I. Nov. 28. Steevens.

Note return to page 837 5&lblank; in the sequence of degree,] Methodically, from highest to lowest. Johnson.

Note return to page 838 6&lblank; embossed froth] When a deer was run hard and foamed at the mouth, he was said to be emboss'd. See a note on the first scene of the Taming of the Shrew. The thought is from Painter's Palace of Pleasure, Tom. I. Nov. 28. Steevens.

Note return to page 839 7In our dear peril.] So the folios, and rightly. The Oxford editor alters dear to dread, not knowing that dear, in the language of that time, signified dread, and is so used by Shakespeare in numberless places. Warburton. Dear may in this instance signify immediate. It is an enforcing epithet with not always a distinct meaning. To enumerate the seemingly various senses in which it may be supposed to have been used by our author, would at once fatigue the reader and myself. Steevens.

Note return to page 840 *&lblank; a courier, &lblank;] The players read—a currier. Steevens.

Note return to page 841 8&lblank; one mine ancient friend;] Mr. Upton would read, &lblank; once mine ancient friend. Steevens.

Note return to page 842 9Some beast read this; here does not live a man.] Some beast read what? The soldier had yet only seen the rude pile of earth heap'd up for Timon's grave, and not the inscription upon it. We should read, Some beast rear'd this; &lblank; The soldier seeking, by order, for Timon, sees such an irregular mole, as he concludes must have been the workmanship of some beast inhabiting the woods; and such a cavity as must either have been so over-arched, or happened by the casual falling in of the ground. Warburton. Notwithstanding this remark, I believe the old reading to be the right. The soldier had only seen the rude heap of earth. He had evidently seen something that told him Timon was dead; and what could tell that but his tomb? The tomb he sees, and the inscription upon it, which not being able to read, and finding none to read it for him, he exclaims peevishly, some beast read this, for it must be read, and in this place it cannot be read by man. There is something elaborately unskilful in the contrivance of sending a soldier, who cannot read, to take the epitaph in wax, only that it may close the play by being read with more solemnity in the last scene. Johnson.

Note return to page 843 1&lblank; traverst arms &lblank;] Arms across. Johnson.

Note return to page 844 2&lblank; the time is flush.] A bird is flush when his feathers are grown, and he can leave the nest. Flush is mature. Johnson.

Note return to page 845 3When crouching marrow, in the bearer strong, Cries of itself, No more: &lblank;] The marrow was supposed to be the original of strength. The image is from a camel kneeling to take up his load, who rises immediately when he finds he has as much laid on as he can bear. Warburton.

Note return to page 846 4Above their quantity.] Their refers to rages. Warburton.

Note return to page 847 5&lblank; So did we woo Transformed Timon to our city's love, By humble message, and by promis'd means;] Promis'd means must import the recruiting his sunk fortunes; but this is not all. The senate had wooed him with humble message, and promise of general reparation. This seems included in the slight change which I have made &lblank; &lblank; and by promis'd mends. Theobald. Dr. Warburton agrees with Mr. Theobald, but the old reading may well stand. Johnson.

Note return to page 848 6Shame, that they wanted cunning in excess, Hath broke their hearts. &lblank;] i. e. in other terms,—Shame, that they were not the cunningest men alive, hath been the cause of their death. For cunning in excess must mean this or nothing. O brave editors! They had heard it said, that too much wit in some cases might be dangerous, and why not an absolute want of it? But had they the skill or courage to remove one perplexing comma, the easy and genuine sense would immediately arise. “Shame in excess (i. e. extremity of shame) that they wanted cunning (i. e. that they were not wise enough not to banish you) hath broke their hearts.” Theobald. I have no wish to disturb the manes of Theobald, yet think some emendation may be offered that will make the construction less harsh, and the sentence more serious. I read: Shame that they wanted, coming in excess, Hath broke their hearts. Shame which they had so long wanted, at last coming in its utmost excess. Johnson.

Note return to page 849 7&lblank; not square &lblank;] Not regular, not equitable. Johnson.

Note return to page 850 8&lblank; uncharged ports:] That is, unguarded gates. Johnson.

Note return to page 851 9&lblank; not a man Shall pass his quarter, &lblank;] Not a soldier shall quit his station, or be let loose upon you; and, if any commits violence, he shall answer it regularly to the law. Johnson.

Note return to page 852 1&lblank; caitiffs left!] This epitaph is found in sir Tho. North's translation of Plutarch, with the difference of one word only, viz. wretches instead of caitiffs. Steevens.

Note return to page 853 2&lblank; our brain's flow, &lblank;] Hanmer and Dr. Warburton read, &lblank; brine's flow, &lblank; Our brain's flow is our tears; but we may read our brine's flow, our salt tears. Either will serve. Johnson. &lblank; our brain's flow is right. So in sir Giles Goosecap, 1606: “I shed not the tears of my brain.” Again, in the Miracles of Moses, by Drayton: “But he from rocks that fountains can command, “Cannot yet stay the fountains of his brain.” Steevens.

Note return to page 854 3&lblank; yet rich conceit Taught thee to make vast Neptune weep for aye On thy low grave, on faults forgiven. Dead Is noble Timon, of whose memory Hereafter more. &lblank;] All the editors, in their learning and sagacity, have suffered an unaccountable absurdity to pass them in this passage. Why was Neptune to weep on Timon's faults forgiven? Or, indeed, what faults had Timon committed, except against his own fortune and happy situation in life? But the corruption of the text lies only in the bad pointing, which I have disengaged and restored to the true meaning. Alcibiades's whole speech, as the editors might have observed, is in breaks, betwixt his reflections on Timon's death and his addresses to the Athenian senators: and as soon as he has commented on the place of Timon's grave, he bids the senate set forward; tells 'em, he has forgiven their faults; and promises to use them with mercy. Theobald.

Note return to page 855 4&lblank; On:—Faults forgiven. &lblank;] I suspect that we ought to read: On thy low grave.—One fault's forgiven. Dead Is noble Timon, &c. One fault (viz. the ingratitude of the Athenians to Timon) is forgiven, i. e. exempted from punishment by the death of the injured person. Tyrwhitt. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0995

Note return to page 856 5&lblank; leach.] i. e. physician. Steevens.

Note return to page 857 THE play of Timon is a domestic tragedy, and therefore strongly fastens on the attention of the reader. In the plan there is not much art, but the incidents are natural, and the characters various and exact. The catastrophe affords a very powerful warning against that ostentatious liberality, which scatters bounty, but confers no benefits, and buys flattery, but not friendship. In this tragedy, are many passages perplexed, obscure, and probably corrupt, which I have endeavoured to rectify, or explain, with due diligence; but having only one copy, cannot promise myself that my endeavours shall be much applauded. Johnson. This play was altered by Shadwell, and brought upon the stage in 1678. In the modest title-page he calls it Timon of Athens, or the Man-hater, as it is acted at the Duke's Theatre, made into a play. Steevens.

Note return to page 858 1Titus Andronicus.] It is observable, that this play is printed in the quarto of 1611, with exactness equal to that of the other books of those times. The first edition was probably corrected by the author, so that here is very little room for conjecture or emendation; and accordingly none of the editors have much molested this piece with officious criticism. Johnson. There is an authority for ascribing this play to Shakespeare, which I think a very strong one, though not made use of, as I remember, by any of his commentators. It is given to him, among other plays, which are undoubtedly his, in a little book, called Palladis Tamia, or the Second Part of Wit's Commonwealth, written by Francis Meres, Maister of arts, and printed at London in 1598. The other tragedies, enumerated as his in that book, are King John, Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, Richard the third, and Romeo and Juliet. The comedies are, the Midsummer Night's Dream, the Gentlemen of Verona, the Errors, the Love's Labour's Lost, the Love's Labour Won, and the Merchant of Venice. I have given this list, as it serves so far to ascertain the date of these plays; and also, as it contains a notice of a comedy of Shakespeare, the Love's Labour Won, not included in any collection of his works; nor, as far as I know, attributed to him by any other authority. If there should be a play in being, with that title, though without Shakespeare's name, I should be glad to see it; and I think the editor would be sure of the publick thanks, even if it should prove no better than the Love's Labour's Lost. Tyrwhitt. The work of criticism on the plays of this author, is, I believe, generally found to extend or contract itself in proportion to the value of the piece under consideration; and we shall always do little where we desire but little should be done. I know not that this piece stands in need of much emendation; though it might be treated as condemned criminals are in some countries,—any experiments might be justifiably made on it. The author, whoever he was, might have borrowed the story, the names, the characters, &c. from an old ballad, which is entered in the Books of the Stationers' Company immediately after the play on the same subject. “John Danter] Feb. 6. 1593. A book entitled A Noble Roman Historie of Titus Andronicus.” “Enter'd unto him also the ballad thereof.” Entered again April 19. 1602, by Tho. Pavyer. The reader will find it in Dr. Percy's Reliques of ancient English Poetry, vol. I. Dr. Percy adds that “there is reason to conclude that this play was rather improved by Shakespeare with a few fine touches of his pen, than originally writ by him; for not to mention that the style is less figurative than his others generally are, this tragedy is mentioned with discredit in the induction to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair in 1614, as one that had then been exhibited “five and twenty or thirty years:” which, if we take the lowest number, throws it back to the year 1589, at which time Shakespeare was but 25: an earlier date than can be found for any other of his pieces, and if it does not clear him entirely of it, shews at least it was a first attempt.” Though we are obliged to Dr. Percy for his attempt to clear our great dramatic writer from the imputation of having produced this sanguinary performance, yet I cannot admit that the circumstance of its being discreditably mentioned by Ben Jonson, ought to have any weight; for Ben has not very sparingly censured the Tempest, and other pieces which are undoubtedly among the most finished works of Shakespeare. The whole of Ben's Prologue to Every Man in his Humour, is a malicious sneer on him. Sir W. Painter in his Palace of Pleasure, tom. II. speaks of the story of Titus as well known, and particularly mentions the cruelty of Tamora: and in A Knack to know a Knave, 1594, is the following allusion to it: “&lblank; as welcome shall you be “To me, my daughter, and my son in law, “As Titus was unto the Roman senators, “When he had made a conquest on the Goths.” Whatever were the motives of Heming and Condell for admitting this tragedy among those of Shakespeare, all it has gained by their favour is, to be delivered down to posterity with repeated remarks of contempt,—a Thersites babbling among heroes, and introduced only to be derided. See the notes at the conclusion of this volume. Steevens.

Note return to page 859 3Hail, Rome, victorious in thy mourning weeds!] I suspect that the poet wrote: &lblank; in my mourning weeds! i. e. Titus would say; Thou, Rome, art victorious, though I am a mourner for those sons which I have lost in obtaining that victory. Warburton. Thy is as well as my. We may suppose the Romans in a grateful ceremony, meeting the dead sons of Andronicus with mourning habits. Johnson. Or that they were in mourning for their emperor who was just dead. Steevens.

Note return to page 860 4Thou great defender of this Capitol,] Jupiter, to whom the Capitol was sacred. Johnson.

Note return to page 861 5Nor we disturb'd by prodigies on earth.] It was supposed by the ancients, that the ghosts of unburied people appeared to their friends and relations, to solicit the rites of funeral. Steevens.

Note return to page 862 6Wilt thou draw near the nature of the gods? Draw near them then in being merciful:] “Homines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt, quam salutem hominibus dando.” Cicero pro Ligario. From this passage Mr. Whalley infers the learning of Shakespeare. Steevens.

Note return to page 863 7Patient yourself, &c.] This verb is used by other dramatic writers. So, in Arden of Feversham, 1592: “Patient yourself, we cannot help it now.” Again, in K. Edward I. 1599: “Patient your highness, 'tis but mother's love.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, b. xii. ch. 75: “Her, weeping ripe, he laughing, bids to patient her awhile.” Steevens.

Note return to page 864 8The self-same gods, that arm'd the queen of Troy With opportunity of sharp revenge Upon the Thracian tyrant in his tent, &c.] I read, against the authority of all the copies: &lblank; in her tent. i. e. in the tent where she and the other Trojan captive women were kept: for thither Hecuba by a wile had decoyed Polymnestor, in order to perpetrate her revenge. This we may learn from Euripides's Hecuba; the only author, that I can at present remember, from whom our writer must have gleaned this circumstance. Theobald. Mr. Theobald should first have proved to us that our author understood Greek, or else that this play of Euripides had been translated. In the mean time, because neither of these particulars are verified, we may as well suppose he took it from the old story-book of the Trojan War, or the old translation of Ovid. See Metam. xiii. The writer of the play, whoever he was, might have been misled by the passage in Ovid: “—vadit ad artificem,” and therefore took it for granted that she found him in his tent. Steevens.

Note return to page 865 9And fame's eternal date, for virtue's praise!] This absurd wish is made sense of, by changing and into in. Warburton. To live in fame's date is, if an allowable, yet a harsh expression. To outlive an eternal date, is, though not philosophical, yet poetical sense. He wishes that her life may be longer than his, and her praise longer than fame. Johnson.

Note return to page 866 1&lblank; don this robe, &c.] i. e. do on this robe, put it on. So, in Hamlet: “Then up he rose, and don'd his clothes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 867 1Titus, thou shalt obtain and ask the empery.] Here is rather too much of the &grura;&grs;&grt;&gre;&grr;&gro;&grn; &grp;&grr;&groa;&grt;&gre;&grr;&gro;&grn;. &grasa;. Steevens.

Note return to page 868 2Lav. Not I, my lord; &lblank;] It was pity to part a couple who seem to have corresponded in disposition so exactly as Saturninus and Lavinia. Saturninus, who has just promised to espouse her, already wishes he were to choose again; and she who was engaged to Bassianus (whom she afterwards marries) expresses no reluctance when her father gives her to Saturninus. Her subsequent raillery to Tamora is of so coarse a nature, that if her tongue had been all she was condemned to lose, perhaps the author, (whoever he was) would have escaped censure on the score of poetic justice. Steevens.

Note return to page 869 3&lblank; changing-piece,] Spoken of Lavinia. Piece was then, as it is now, used personally as a word of contempt. Johnson. So in Britannia's Pastorals by Brown, 1613. “&lblank; her husband, weaken'd piece, “Must have his cullis mix'd with ambergrease; “Pheasant and partridge into jelly turn'd, “Grated with gold.” Steevens.

Note return to page 870 4To ruffle in the common-wealth of Rome.] A ruffler was a kind of cheating bully; and is so called in a statute made for the punishment of vagabonds in the 27th year of K. Henry VIII. See Greene's Groundwork of Coney-catching, 1592. Hence, I suppose, this sense of the verb, to ruffle. Rufflers are likewise enumerated among other vagabonds, by Holinshed, vol. I. p. 183. Steevens.

Note return to page 871 5The Greeks, upon advice, did bury Ajax, That slew himself; and wise Laertes' son Did graciously plead for his funerals.] This passage alone would sufficiently convince me, that the play before us was the work of one who was conversant with the Greek tragedies in their original language. We have here a plain allusion to the Ajax of Sophocles, of which no translation was extant in the time of Shakespeare. In that piece, Agamemnon consents at last to allow Ajax the rites of sepulture, and Ulysses is the pleader, whose arguments prevail in favour of his remains. Steevens.

Note return to page 872 1No man shed tears, &c.] This is evidently a translation of the distich of Ennius: Nemo me lacrumeis decoret: nec funera fletu Facsit. quur? volito vivu' per ora virûm. Steevens.

Note return to page 873 2In the quarto, the direction is, Manet Aaron, and he is before made to enter with Tamora, though he says nothing. This scene ought to continue the first act. Johnson.

Note return to page 874 3Upon her wit &lblank;] We should read, Upon her will &lblank; Warburton. I think wit, for which she is eminent in the drama, is right. Johnson.

Note return to page 875 4&lblank; a dancing rapier by your side,] So in All's Well that Ends Well, act II. sc. i. &lblank; no sword worn But one to dance with. Steevens.

Note return to page 876 5Not I, till I have sheath'd, &c.] This speech, which has been all along given to Demetrius, as the next to Chiron, were both given to the wrong speaker; for it was Demetrius that had thrown out the reproachful speeches on the other. Warburton.

Note return to page 877 6&lblank; a thousand deaths would I propose,] Whether Chiron means he would contrive a thousand deaths for others, or imagine as many cruel ones for himself, I am unable to determine. Steevens.

Note return to page 878 7&lblank; more water glideth by the mill, &c.] A Scots proverb. “Mickie water goes by the miller when he sleeps.” Steevens.

Note return to page 879 8&lblank; to steal a shive.] A shive is a slice. So in the Tale of Argentile and Curan in Warner's Albion's England, 1602: “A sheeve of bread as browne as nut.” Demetrius is again indebted to a Scots proverb: “It is safe taking a shive of a cut loaf.” Steevens.

Note return to page 880 9&lblank; struck a doe,] Mr. Holt is willing to infer from this passage that Titus Andronicus was not only the work of Shakespeare, but one of his earliest performances, because the stratagems of his former profession seem to have been yet fresh in his mind. I had made the same observation in K. Henry VI. before I had seen his; but when we consider how many phrases are borrowed from the sports of the field, which were more followed in our author's time, than any other amusement; I do not think there is much in either his remark or my own.—Let me add, that we have here Demetrius, the son of a queen, demanding of his brother prince if he has not often been reduced to practise the common artifices of a deer-stealer:—an absurdity right worthy of the rest of the piece. Steevens.

Note return to page 881 1To square for this. &lblank;] To square is to quarrel. So in the Midsummer-Night's Dream: &lblank; they never meet, But they do square. &lblank; Again, in Drant's translation of Horace's Art of Poetry, 1567: “Let them not sing twixt act and act, “What squareth from the rest.” But to square, which in the last instance signifies to differ, is now used only in the very opposite sense, and means to agree. Steevens.

Note return to page 882 2A speedier course than lingering languishment] The old copy reads: &lblank; this lingering, &c. which may mean, this coy languishing dame, this piece of reluctant softness. Steevens.

Note return to page 883 3&lblank; by kind &lblank;] That is, by nature, which is the old signification of kind. Johnson.

Note return to page 884 4&lblank; file our engines with advice,] i. e. remove all impediments from our designs by advice. The allusion is to the operation of the file, which, by conferring smoothness, facilitates the motion of the wheels which compose an engine or piece of machinery. Steevens.

Note return to page 885 5Per Styga, &c.] These scraps of Latin are, I believe, taken, though not exactly, from some of Seneca's tragedies. Steevens.

Note return to page 886 6The division of this play into acts, which was first made by the editors in 1623, is improper. There is here an interval of action, and here the second act ought to have begun. Johnson.

Note return to page 887 7&lblank; the morn is bright and grey,] i. e. bright and yet not red, which was a sign of storms and rain, but gray, which foretold fair weather. Yet the Oxford editor alters gray to gay. Warburton. Surely the Oxford editor is in the right; unless we reason like the Witches in Macbeth, and say, “Fair is foul, and foul is fair.” Steevens.

Note return to page 888 8&lblank; for their unrest,] Unrest, for disquiet, is a word frequently used by the old writers. So in The Spanish Tragedy, 1605, “Thus therefore will I rest me, in unrest.” Thus in Eliosto Libidinoso, an ancient novel, by John Hinde, 1606: “For the case of whose unrest. “Thus his furie was exprest.” Again, in An excellent pastoral Dittie, by Shep. Tonie; published in England's Helicon, 1614: “With lute in hand did paint out her unrest.” Steevens.

Note return to page 889 9That have their alms, &c.] This is obscure. It seems to mean only, that they who are to come at this gold of the empress are to suffer by it. Johnson.

Note return to page 890 1My lovely Aaron, wherefore look'st thou sad?] In the course of the following notes several examples of the savage genius of Ravencrost, who altered this play in the reign of K. Charles II. are set down for the entertainment of the reader. The following is a specimen of his descriptive talents. Instead of the line with which this speech of Tamora begins, she is made to say: The emperor, with wine and luxury o'ercome, Is fallen asleep—in's pendant couch he's laid That hangs in yonder grotto rock'd by winds, Which rais'd by art do give it gentle motion: And troops of slaves stand round with fans perfum'd, Made of the feathers pluck'd from Indian birds, And cool him into golden flumbers &lblank; This time I chose to come to thee, my Moor. My lovely Aaron, wherefore, &c. &lblank; An emperor who has had too large a dose of love and wine, and in consequence of satiety in both, falls asleep on a bed which partakes of the nature of a sailor's hammock and of a child's cradle, is a curiosity which only Ravenscroft could have ventured to describe on the stage. I hope I may be excused for transplanting a few of his flowers into the barren desart of our comments on this tragedy. Steevens.

Note return to page 891 2&lblank; a chequer'd shadow &lblank;] Milton has the same expression: “&lblank; many a maid “Dancing in the chequer'd shade.” Steevens.

Note return to page 892 3&lblank; though Venus govern your desires, Saturn is dominator over mine.] The meaning of this passage may be illustrated by the astronomical description of Saturn, which Venus gives in Greene's Planetomachia, 1585. “The star of Saturn is especially cooling, and somewhat drie, &c.” Again, in the Sea Voyage, by B. and Fletcher. “&lblank; for your aspect “You're much inclin'd to melancholy, and that “Tells me the sullen Saturn had predominance “At your nativity, a malignant planet! “And if not qualified by a sweet conjunction “Of a soft ruddy wench, born under Venus, “It may prove fatal.” Collins.

Note return to page 893 4Should drive upon thy new transformed limbs,] The author of the Revisal suspects that the poet wrote: Should thrive upon thy new transformed limbs, as the former is an expresson that suggests no image to the fancy. But drive, I think, may stand, with this meaning: the hounds should pass with impetuous haste, &c. So in Hamlet: Pyrrbus at Priam drives, &c. i. e. flie with impetuosity at him. Steevens.

Note return to page 894 5&lblank; swarth Cimmerian] Swarth is black. The Moor is called Cimmerian, from the affinity of blackness to darkness. Johnson.

Note return to page 895 6&lblank; noted long.] He had yet been married but one night. Johnson.

Note return to page 896 7Here never shines the sun, &c.] Mr. Rowe seems to have thought on this passage in his Jane Shore: “This is the house where the sun never dawns, “The bird of night sits screaming o'er its roof, “Grim spectres sweep along the horrid gloom, “And nought is heard but wailings and lamentings.” Steevens.

Note return to page 897 8Should straight fall mad, or else die suddenly.] This is said in fabulous physiology, of those that hear the groan of the mandrake torn up. Johnson. The same thought and almost the same expressions occur in Romeo and Juliet. Steevens.

Note return to page 898 9And with that painted hope she braves your mightiness;] Lavinia stands upon her chastity and nuptial vow: and upon the merit of these braves the queen. But why are these called a painted hope? We should read, And with this painted cope &lblank; i. e. with this gay covering. It is well expressed. Her reasons were of a religious nature; and are therefore called a painted cope, which is a splendid ecclesiastic vestment: It might be called painted, likewise, as insinuating that her virtue was only pretended. Warburton. Painted hope is only specious hope, or ground of confidence more plausible than solid. Johnson.

Note return to page 899 1A precious ring, &lblank;] There is supposed to be a gem called a carbuncle, which emits not reflected but native light. Mr. Boyle believes the reality of its existence. Johnson. So, in the Gesta Romanorum, history the sixth: “He farther beheld and saw a carbuncle in the hall that lighted all the house.” Again, in Lydgate's Description of king Priam's Palace, l. 2: “And for most chese all dirkeness to confound, “A carbuncle was set as kyng of stones all, “To recomforte and gladden all the hall. “And it to enlumine in the black night “With the freshnes of his ruddy light.” Again, in the Muse's Elysium, by Drayton: “Is that admired, mighty stone, “The carbuncle that's named; “Which from it such a flaming light “And radiancy ejecteth, “That in the very darkest night “The eye to it directeth.” Chaucer, in the Romaunt of the Rose, attributes the same properties to the carbuncle: “Soche light ysprang out of the stone.” Steevens.

Note return to page 900 9If I do dream, 'would all my wealth would wake me!] If this be a dream, I would give all my possessions to be delivered from it by waking. Johnson.

Note return to page 901 3&lblank; two ancient urns,] Oxford editor.—Vulg. two ancient ruins. Johnson.

Note return to page 902 4&lblank; in thy father's sight?] We should read spight. Warburton.

Note return to page 903 5&lblank; I'll chop off my hands too,] Perhaps we should read: &lblank; or chop off, &c. It is not easy to discover how Titus, when he had chopp'd off one of his hands, would have been able to have chopp'd off the other. Steevens.

Note return to page 904 6It was my deer; &lblank;] The play upon deer and dear has been used by Waller, who calls a lady's girdle, “The pale that held my lovely deer.” Johnson.

Note return to page 905 7Writing destruction on the enemies' castle?] Thus all the editions. But Mr. Theobald, after ridiculing the sagacity of the former editors at the expence of a great deal of aukward mirth, corrects it to casque; and this, he says, he'll stand by: And the Oxford editor, taking his security, will stand by it too. But what a slippery ground is critical confidence! Nothing could bid fairer for a right conjecture; yet 'tis all imaginary. A close helmet, which covered the whole head, was called a castle, and, I suppose, for that very reason. Don Quixote's barber, at least as good a critic as these editors, says, (in Shelton's translation, 1612,) “I know what is a helmet, and what a morrion, and what a close castle, and other things touching warfare.” Lib. iv. cap. 18. And the original, celada de encaxe, has something of the same signification. Shakespeare uses the word again in Troilus and Cressida: “&lblank; and Diomede “Stand fast, and wear a castle on thy head.” Warburton. “Dr. Warburton's proof (says the author of the Revisal) rests wholly on two mistakes, one of a printer, the other of his own. In Shelton's Don Quixote the word close castle is an error of the press for a close casque, which is the exact interpretation of the Spanish original, celada de encaxe; this Dr. Warburton must have seen, if he had understood Spanish as well as he pretends to do. For the primitive caxa, from whence the word, encaxe, is derived, signifies a box, or coffer; but never a castle. His other proof is taken from this passage in Troilus and Cressida: “&lblank; and Diomede “Stand fast, and wear a castle on thy head.” wherein Troilus doth not advise Diomede to wear a helmet on his head, for that would be poor indeed, as he always wore one in battle; but to guard his head with the most impenetrable armour, to shut it up even in a castle, if it were possible, or else his sword should reach it.” After all this reasoning, however, it appears that a castle did actually signify a close helmet. So, in Holinshed, vol. II. p. 815: “&lblank; Then suddenlie with great noise of trumpets entered sir Thomas Knevet in a castell of cole blacke, and over the castell was written, The dolorous castell, and so he and the earle of Essex, &c. ran their courses with the king &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 906 8And do not break into these two extremes.] We should read, instead of this nonsense: &lblank; woe-extremes. i. e. extremes caused by excessive sorrow. But Mr. Theobald, on his own authority, alters it to deep, without notice given. Warburton. It is deep in the old quarto of 1611, and the folio. i. e. in all the old copies which have been hitherto seen. Johnson.

Note return to page 907 1Lavinia, thou shalt be employ'd in these things;] Thus the folio, 1623. The quarto 1611 thus: And Lavinia thou shalt be employ'd in these arms. Steevens.

Note return to page 908 2This scene, which does not contribute any thing to the action, yet seems to have the same author with the rest, is omitted in the quarto of 1611, but found in the folio of 1623. Johnson.

Note return to page 909 3And cannot passionate, &c.] This obsolete verb is likewise found in Spenser: “Great pleasure mix'd with pitiful regard, “That godly king and queen did passionate.” Steevens.

Note return to page 910 4&lblank; mesh'd upon her cheeks.] A very coarse allusion to brewing. Steevens.

Note return to page 911 5&lblank; by still practice &lblank;] By constant or continual practice. Johnson.

Note return to page 912 6&lblank; a father and mother?] Mother perhaps should be omitted, as the following line speaks only in the singular number, and Titus most probably confines his thoughts to the sufferings of a father. Steevens.

Note return to page 913 7And buz lamenting doings in the air.] Lamenting doings is a very idle expression, and conveys no idea. I read &lblank; dolings &lblank; The alteration which I have made, though it is but the addition of a single letter, is a great increase to the sense; and though, indeed, there is somewhat of a tautology in the epithet and substantive annexed to it, yet that's no new thing with our author. Theobald. There is no need of change. Sad doings for any unfortunate event, is a common though not an elegant expression. Steevens.

Note return to page 914 8&lblank; Tully's oratory.] Thus the moderns. The old copies read—Tully's oratour; meaning perhaps, Tully De oratore. Steevens.

Note return to page 915 9&lblank; how she quotes the leaves.] To quote is to observe. See a note on Hamlet, act II. sc. 2. Steevens.

Note return to page 916 1Magne Regnator Deum &c. is the exclamation of Hippolitus when Phædra discovers the secret of her incestuous passion in Seneca's tragedy. Steevens.

Note return to page 917 2And swear with me, as with the woeful feere,] The old copies do not only assist us to find the true reading by conjecture. I will give an instance, from the first folio, of a reading (incontestibly the true one) which has escaped the laborious researches of the many most diligent critics, who have favoured the world with editions of Shakespeare. In Titus Andronicus, Act iv. Scene i. Marcus says, My lord, kneel down with me; Lavinia kneel; And kneel, sweet boy, the Roman Hector's hope; And swear with me, as, with the woeful peer, And father of that chaste dishonour'd dame, Lord Junius Brutus sware for Lucrece' rape&lblank; What meaning has hitherto been annexed to the word peer, in this passage, I know not. The reading of the first folio is feere, which signifies a companion, and here metaphorically a husband. The proceeding of Brutus, which is alluded to, is described at length in our author's Rape of Lucrece, as putting an end to the lamentations of Collatinus and Lucretius, the husband and father of Lucretia. So, in Sir Eglamour of Artoys, sig. A 4, “Christabell, your daughter free “When shall she have fere?” i. e. a husband. Sir Tho. More's Lamentation on the Death of Q. Elizabeth, Wife of Hen. VII: “Was I not a king's fere in marriage?” And again: “Farewell my daughter Katherine, late the fere “To prince Arthur.” Tyrwhitt. The word feere or pheere very frequently occurs among the old dramatic writers and others. So, in Ben Jonson's Silent Woman, Morose says: “&lblank; her that I mean to chuse for my bed-pheere.” Again, in The noble Kinsmen, by Beaumont and Fletcher: “&lblank; play-pheeres.” And in Spenser, F. ii. B. 5: “&lblank; some fair frannion, fit for such a pheere.” Again, in the tragedy of Soliman and Perseda: “When didst thou with thy sampler in the sun “Sit sewing with thy feres.” Again in Hycke Scorner: “What Frewyll, mine own fere?” Steevens.

Note return to page 918 3Revenge the heavens &lblank;] We should read: Revenge thee, heavens! &lblank; Warburton. It should be: Revenge, ye heavens! &lblank; Ye was by the transcriber taken for ye, the. Johnson. believe the old reading is right, and signifies—may the heavens revenge &c. Steevens. I believe we should read Revenge then heavens. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 919 4Gramercy, &lblank;] i. e. grand merci; great thanks. Steevens.

Note return to page 920 5Villain, I have done thy mother.] To do is here used obscenely. So, in Taylor the water poet's character of a Prostitute: “She's facile fieri (quickly wonne) “Or, const'ring truly, easy to be done.” Collins.

Note return to page 921 6I'll broach the tadpole &lblank;] A broach is a spit. I'll spit the tadpole. Johnson. So, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1630: “I'll broach thee on my steel.” Again, in Greene's Pleasant Discovery of the Cosenage of Colliers, 1592: “&lblank; with that she caught a spit in her hand, and swore if he offered to stirre she should therewith broach him.” Collins.

Note return to page 922 7In that it seems to bear another hue:] We may better read: In that it scorns to bear another hue. Johnson. Scorns is the reading of the first folio, and should undoubtedly be inserted in the text. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 923 8 &lblank; another leer:] Leer is complexion, or hue. So, in As you like it: “&lblank; a Rosalind of a better leer than you.” See Mr. Tollet's note on act IV. sc. i. In the notes on the Canterbury Tales of Chaucer, late edit. vol. IV. p. 320. Lere is supposed to mean skin. So, in Isumbras, MS. Cott. Cal. 11. fol. 129: “His lady is white as wales bone, “Here lere brygte to se upon,   “So faire as blosme on tre.” Steevens.

Note return to page 924 9Two may keep counsel when the third's away:] This proverb is introduced likewise in Romeo and Juliet, act II. Steevens.

Note return to page 925 1Go pack with him, &lblank;] Pack here seems to have the meaning of make a bargain. Or it may mean, as in the phrase of modern gamesters, to act collusively. And mighty dukes pack knaves for half a crown. Pope. To pack is to contrive insidiously. So, in K. Lear: “&lblank; snuffs and packings of the dukes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 926 2Yet wrung with wrongs, &lblank;] To wring a horse is to press or strain his back. Johnson.

Note return to page 927 3To Saturn, and to Cœlus, &lblank;] The quarto and folio read: &lblank; to Caius. Mr. Rowe first substituted Cœlus in its room. Steevens.

Note return to page 928 4&lblank; shoot all your shafts into the court:] In the ancient ballad of Titus Andronicus's Complaint, is the following passage: “Then past reliefe I upp and downe did goe, “And with my tears wrote in the dust my woe: “I shot my arrowes towards heaven hie, “And for revenge to hell did often crye.” On this Dr. Percy has the following observation: “If the ballad was written before the play, I should suppose this to be only a metaphorical expression, taken from the Psalms: “They shoot out their arrows, even bitter words, Ps. 64. 3.” Reliques of ancient English Poetry, vol. I. p. 228. third edit. Steevens.

Note return to page 929 5&lblank; I am a mile beyond the moon;] The folios 1623 and 1632, read: &lblank; I aym a mile beyond the moon. To “cast beyond the moon,” is an expression used in Hinde's Eliosto Libidinoso 1606. Again, in Mother Bombie, 1594: “Risio hath gone beyond himself in casting beyond the moon.” Again, in A Woman kill'd with Kindness, 1617: “&lblank; I talk of things impossible, “And cast beyond the moon.” Steevens.

Note return to page 930 6&lblank; the tribunal plebs, &lblank;] I suppose the Clown means to say, Plebeian tribune, i. e. tribune of the people; for none could fill this office but such as were descended from Plebeian ancestors. Steevens.

Note return to page 931 1&lblank; his wreaks,] i. e. his revenges. Steevens.

Note return to page 932 2Enter Nuntius Æmilius.] Thus the old books have described this character. In the author's manuscript, I presume, it was writ, Enter Nuntius; and they observing, that he is immediately called Æmilius, thought proper to give him his whole title, and so clapped in Enter Nuntius Æmilius.—Mr. Pope has very critically followed them; and ought, methinks, to have give his new-adopted citizen Nuntius a place in the Dramatis Personæ. Theobald.

Note return to page 933 3&lblank; honey-stalks to sheep;] Honey-stalks are clover-flowers, which contain a sweet juice. It is common for cattle to overcharge themselves with clover, and die. Johnson.

Note return to page 934 4&lblank; successfully, &lblank;] The old copies read:—successantly. Steevens.

Note return to page 935 5To gaze upon a ruinous monastery.] Shakespeare has so perpetually offended against chronology in all his plays, that no very conclusive argument can be deduced from the particular absurdity of these anachronisms, relative to the authenticity of Titus Andronicus. And yet the ruined monastery, the popish tricks, &c. that Aaron talks of, and especially the French salutation from the mouth of Titus, are altogether so very much out of place, that I cannot persuade myself even our hasty poet could have been guilty of their insertion, or would have permitted them to remain, had he corrected the performance for another. Steevens.

Note return to page 936 6Aar. Get me a ladder. Lucius, save the child.] All the printed editions have given this whole verse to Aaron. But why should the Moor here ask for a ladder, who earnestly wanted to have his child saved? Theobald. Get me a ladder, may mean, hang me. Steevens.

Note return to page 937 9&lblank; his bauble &lblank;] See a note on All's Well that ends Well, act IV. sc. 5. Steevens.

Note return to page 938 1That codding spirit &lblank;] i. e. that love of bed-sports. Cod is a word still used in Yorkshire for a pillow. See Lloyd's catalogue of local words at the end of Ray's Proverbs. Collins.

Note return to page 939 2As true a dog as ever fought at head. &lblank;] An allusion to bulldogs, whose generosity and courage are always shown by meeting the bull in front, and seizing his nose. Johnson. So in a collection of Epigrams by J. D. and C. M. printed at Middleburgh, no date: “&lblank; amongst the dogs and beares he goes; “Where, while he skipping cries—To head, to head, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 940 3Bring down the devil; &lblank;] It appears, from these words, that the audience were entertained with part of the apparatus of an execution, and that Aaron was mounted on a ladder, as ready to be turned off. Steevens.

Note return to page 941 4&lblank; Hypersion's &lblank;] The folio reads Epton's; the quarto Epeon's; and so Ravenscroft. Steevens.

Note return to page 942 5So thou destroy Rapine and Murder there.] I do not know of any instance that can be brought to prove that rape and rapine were ever used as synonymous terms. The word rapine has always been employed for a less fatal kind of plunder, and means the violent act of deprivation of any good, the honour here alluded to being always excepted. I have indeed since discovered that Gower, De Confessione Amantis, lib. V. fol. 116. b. uses ravine in the same sense: “For if thou be of suche covine, “To get of love by ravyne “Thy lust, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 943 6And of the paste a coffin &lblank;] A coffin is the term of art for the cavity of a raised pye. Johnson.

Note return to page 944 7&lblank; break the parle;] That is, begin the parley. We yet say, he breaks his mind. Johnson.

Note return to page 945 8Eating the flesh that she herself hath bred.] The additions made by Ravenscroft to this scene, are so much of a piece with it, that I cannot resist the temptation of shewing the reader how he continues the speech before us: “Thus cramm'd, thou'rt bravely fatten'd up for hell, “And thus to Pluto I do serve thee up:” [Stabs the emperess. And then—“A curtain drawn discovers the heads and hands of Demetrius and Chiron hanging up against the wall; their bodies in chairs in bloody linen.” Steevens.

Note return to page 946 9Goth.] This speech and the next, in the quarto 1611, are given to a Roman lord. In the folio they both belong to the Goth. I know not why they are separated. I believe the whole belongs to Marcus; who, when Lucius has gone through such a part of the narrative as concerns his own exile, claims his turn to speak again, and recommend Lucius to the empire. Steevens.

Note return to page 947 1Thanks, gentle Romans; &lblank;] It should seem from the beginning of this speech of Lucius, that the first and last lines of the preceding one ought to be given to the concourse of Romans who are supposed to be present. Steevens.

Note return to page 948 2&lblank; to see him fasten'd in the earth.] That justice and cookery may go hand in hand to the conclusion of this play, in Ravenscroft's alteration of it, Aaron is at once rack'd and roasted on the stage. Steevens.

Note return to page 949 THIS is one of those plays which I have always thought, with the better judges, ought not to be acknowledged in the list of Shakespeare's genuine pieces. And, perhaps, I may give a proof to strengthen this opinion, that may put the matter out of question. Ben Jonson, in the introduction to his Bartholomew-Fair, which made its first appearance in the year 1614, couples Jeronymo and Andronicus together in reputation, and speaks of them as plays then of twenty-five or thirty years standing. Consequently Andronicus must have been on the stage before Shakespeare left Warwickshire, to come and reside in London: and I never heard it so much as intimated, that he had turned his genius to stage-writing before he associated with the players, and became one of their body. However, that he afterwards introduced it a-new on the stage, with the addition of his own masterly touches, is incontestible, and thence, I presume, grew his title to it. The diction in general, where he has not taken the pains to raise it, is even beneath that of the Three Parts of Henry VI. The story we are to suppose merely fictitious. Andronicus is a sur-name of pure Greek derivation. Tamora is neither mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus, nor any body else that I can find. Nor had Rome, in the time of her emperors, any wars with the Goths that I know of: not till after the translation of the empire, I mean to Byzantium. And yet the scene of our play is laid at Rome, and Saturninus is elected to the empire at the capitol. Theobald. All the editors and critics agree with Mr. Theobald in supposing this play spurious. I see no reason for differing from them; for the colour of the stile is wholly different from that of the other plays, and there is an attempt at regular versification, and artificial closes, not always inelegant, yet seldom pleasing. The barbarity of the spectacles, and the general massacre, which are here exhibited, can scarcely be conceived tolerable to any audience; yet we are told by Jonson, that they were not only borne, but praised. That Shakespeare wrote any part, though Theobald declares it incontestible, I see no reason for believing. The testimony produced at the beginning of this play, by which it is ascribed to Shakespeare, is by no means equal to the argument against its authenticity, arising from the total difference of conduct, language, and sentiments, by which it stands apart from all the rest. Meres had probably no other evidence than that of a title page, which, though in our time it be sufficient, was then of no great authority; for all the plays which were rejected by the first collectors of Shakespeare's works, and admitted in later editions, and again rejected by the critical editors, had Shakespeare's name on the title, as we must suppose, by the fraudulence of the printers, who, while there were yet no gazettes, nor advertisements, nor any means of circulating literary intelligence, could usurp at pleasure any celebrated name. Nor had Shakespeare any interest in detecting the imposture, as none of his fame or profit was produced by the press. The chronology of this play does not prove it not to be Shakespeare's. If it had been written twenty-five years, in 1614, it might have been written when Shakespeare was twenty-five years old. When he left Warwickshire I know not, but at the age of twenty-five it was rather too late to fly for deer-stealing. Ravenscrost, who in the reign of Charles II. revised this play, and restored it to the stage, tells us, in his preface, from a theatrical tradition, I suppose, which in his time might be of sufficient authority, that this play was touched in different parts by Shakespeare, but written by some other poet. I do not find Shakespeare's touches very discernible. Johnson. There is every reason to believe, that Shakespeare was not the author of this play. I have already said enough upon the subject. Mr. Upton declares peremptorily, that it ought to be flung out of the lift of our author's works: yet Mr. Warner, with all his laudable zeal for the memory of his school-fellow, when it may seem to serve his purpose, disables his friend's judgment! Indeed, a new argument has been produced; it must have been written by Shakespeare, because at that time other people wrote in the same manner! It is scarcely worth observing, that the original publisher‡ [Subnote: ‡The original owner of the copy was John Danter, who likewise printed the first edition of Romeo and Juliet in 1597, and is introduced as a character in the Return from Parnassus, &c. 1606. Steevens.] had nothing to do with any of the rest of Shakespeare's works. Dr. Johnson observes the copy to be as correct, as other books of the time; and probably revised by the author himself; but surely Shakespeare would not have taken the greatest care about infinitely the worst of his performances! Nothing more can be said, except that it is printed by Heminge and Condell in the first folio: but not to insist, that it had been contrary to their interest to have rejected any play, usually call'd Shakespeare's, though they might know it to be spurious; it does not appear, that their knowledge is at all to be depended upon; for it is certain, that in the first copies, they had intirely omitted the play of Troilus and Cressida. It has been said, that this play was first printed for G. Elves, 1594. I have seen in an old catalogue of tales, &c. the history of Titus Andronicus. Farmer. I have already given the reader a specimen of the changes made in this play by Ravenscrost, who revived it with success in the year 1687; and may add, that when the empress stabs her child, he has supplied the Moor with the following lines: “She has out-done me, ev'n in mine own art, “Out-done me in murder—kill'd her own child &lblank; “Give it me—I'll eat it.” It rarely happens that a dramatic piece is alter'd with the same spirit that it was written; but Titus Andronicus has undoubtedly fallen into the hands of one whose feelings were congenial with those of its original author. In the course of the notes on this performance, I have pointed out a passage or two which, in my opinion, sufficiently prove it to have been the work of one who was acquainted both with Greek and Roman literature. It is likewise deficient in such internal marks as distinguish the tragedies of Shakespeare from those of other writers; I mean, that it presents no struggles to introduce the vein of humour so constantly interwoven with the business of his serious dramas. It can neither boast of his striking excellencies, nor his acknowledged defects; for it offers not a single interesting situation, a natural character, or a string of quibbles, from the first scene to the last. That Shakespeare should have written without commanding our attention, moving our passions, or sporting with words, appears to me as improbable, as that he should have studiously avoided dissyllable and trissyllable terminations in this play, and in no other. Let it likewise be remembered that this piece was not published with the name of Shakespeare, 'till after his death. The quarto in 1611 is anonymous. Could the use of particular terms employed in no other of his pieces, be admitted as an argument that he was not its author, more than one of these might be found; among which is palliament for robe, a Latinism which I have not met with elsewhere in any English writer, whether ancient or modern; though it must have originated from the mint of a scholar. I may add that Titus Andronicus will be found on examination to contain a greater number of classical allusions &c. than are scattered over all the rest of the performances on which the seal of Shakespeare is undubitably fixed. —Not to write any more about and about this suspected thing, let me observe that the glitter of a few passages in it has perhaps misled the judgment of those who ought to have known that both sentiment and description are more easily produced than the interesting fabrick of a tragedy. Without these advantages, many plays have succeeded; and many have failed, in which they have been dealt about with the most lavish profusion. It does not follow, that he who can carve a frieze with minuteness, elegance, and ease, has a conception equal to the the extent, propriety, and grandeur of a temple. Steevens. It must prove a circumstance of consummate mortification to the living criticks on Shakespeare, as well as a disgrace on the memory of those who have ceased to comment and collate, when it shall appear from the sentiments of one of their own fraternity (who cannot well be suspected of asinine tastelessness, or Gothic prepossessions) that we have been all mistaken as to the merits and the author of this play. It is scarce necessary to observe that the person exempted from these suspicions is Mr. Capell, who delivers his opinion concerning Titus Andronicus in the following words: “To the editor's eye [i. e. his own] Shakespeare stands confess'd: the third act in particular may be read with admiration even by the most delicate; who, if they are not without feelings, may chance to find themselves touch'd by it with such passions as tragedy should excite, that is—terror and pity.”—It were injustice not to remark that the grand and pathetic circumstances in this third act, which we are told cannot fail to excite such vehement emotions, are as follows.—Titus lies down in the dirt.— Aaron chops off his hand.—Saturninus sends him the heads of his two sons and his own hand again, for a present.—His heroic brother Marcus kills a fly. Mr. Capell may likewise claim the honour of having produced the new argument which Dr. Farmer mentions in a preceding note. Malone.

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