Note return to page 1 1Life and Death of King Richard III.] This tragedy, though it is called the Life and Death of this prince, comprizes, at most, but the last eight years of his time; for it opens with George duke of Clarence being clapped up in the Tower, which happened in the beginning of the year 1477; and closes with the death of Richard at Bosworthfield, which battle was fought on the 22d of August, in the year 1485. Theobald. It appears that several dramas on the present subject had been written before Shakespeare attempted it. See the notes at the conclusion of this play, which was first enter'd at Stationers' Hall by Andrew Wise, Oct. 20, 1597, under the title of The Tragedie of King Richard the Third, with the Death of the Duke of Clarence. Before this, viz. Aug. 15th, 1586, was entered, A Tragical report of King Richard the Third, a Ballad. It may be necessary to remark that the words, song, ballad, book, enterlude and play, were often synonymously used. Steevens.

Note return to page 2 2&lblank; this sun of York;] Alluding to the cognizance of Edward IV. which was a sun, in memory of the three suns, which are said to have appeared at the battle which he gained over the Lancastrians at Mortimer's Cross. So, in Drayton's Miseries of Queen Margaret: “Three suns were seen that instant to appear, “Which soon again shut themselves up in one, “Ready to buckle as the armies were, “Which this brave duke took to himself alone &c. Again, in the 22d Song of the Polyolbion: “And thankful to high heaven which of his cause had care, “Three suns for his device still in his ensign bare.“ Again, in the Wrighte's Play in the Chester Collection. M. S. Harl. 1013, the same prodigy is introduced as attending on a more solemn event: “That day was seene veramente “Three sonnes in the firmament, “And wonderly together went “And torned into one.” Steevens.

Note return to page 3 3&lblank; merry meetings,] So, in The tragical Life and Death of King Richard the Third, which is one of the metrical monologues in a collection entitled, The Mirrour of Magistrates. The first edition of it appeared in 1587 [Subnote: for, 1587, read, 1575.] , but the lines quoted on the present as well as future occasions throughout this play, are not found in any copy before that of 1610, so that the author was more probably indebted to Shakespeare than Shakespeare to him:   &lblank; the battles fought in fields before Were turn'd to meetings of sweet amitie;   The war-god's thundring cannons dreadful rore, And rattling drum-sounds' warlike harmonie, To sweet-tun'd noise of pleasing minstrelsie.   God Mars laid by his launce, and tooke his lute, And turn'd his rugged frownes to smiling lookes;   Instead of crimson fields, war's fatal fruit, He bath'd his limbes in Cypris warbling brooks, And set his thoughts upon her wanton lookes. Steevens.

Note return to page 4 4&lblank; barbed steeds,] I. Haywarde, in his Life and Raigne of Henry IV. 1599, says,—The duke of Hereford came to the barriers, mounted upon a white courser, barbed with blew and green velvet, &c. So, in Jarvis Markham's English Arcadia, 1607: “&lblank; armed in a black armour, curiously damask'd with interwinding wreaths of cypress and ewe, his barbe upon his horse, all of black abrosetta, cut in broken hoopes upon curled cypress.” Again, in the 2d Part of K. Edward IV. by Heywood, 1626: “With barbed horse, and valiant armed foot.” Barbed, however, may be no more than a corruption of barded. Equus bardatus, in the Latin of the middle ages, was a horse adorned with military trappings. I have met with the word barded many times in our ancient chronicles and romances. An instance or two may suffice. “They mounted him surely upon a good and mighty courser, well barded, &c.” Hist. of Helyas Knight of the Swanne, bl. 1. no date. Again, in Hall's Chronicle, King Henry VIII. p. 45: “&lblank; appereilled in ryche armure, on a barded courser &c.” Again, in the Miracles of Moses, by Drayton: “There floats the bard steed with his rider drown'd, “Whose foot in his caparison is cast.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, B. VIII. chap. 38: “For whether that he trots, or turns, or bounds his barded steed.” Again, in Barrett's Alvearie, or Quadruple Dictionary, 1580: “Bardes or trappers of horses. Phaleræ, Lat.” Again, Holinshed speaking of the preparations for the battle of Agincourt: “&lblank; to the intent that if the barded horses ran fiercely upon them, &c” Again, p. 802, he says, that bards and trappers had the same meaning. It is observed, in the Turkish Spy, that the German cuirassiers, though armed and barbed, man and horse, were not able to stand against the French cavalry. Steevens.

Note return to page 5 5He capers &lblank;] War capers. This is poetical, though a little harsh; if it be York that capers, the antecedent is at such a distance, that it is almost forgotten. Johnson.

Note return to page 6 6Cheated of feature by dissembling nature,] By dissembling is not meant hypocritical nature, that pretends one thing and does another: but nature that puts together things of a dissimilar kind, as a brave soul and a deformed body. Warburton. Dissembling is here put very licentiously for fraudful, deceitful. Johnson.9Q0852

Note return to page 7 7And descant on mine own deformity:] Descant is a term in music, signifying in general that kind of harmony wherein one part is broken and formed into a kind of paraphrase on the other. The propriety and elegance of the above figure, without such an idea of the nature of descant, could not be discerned. Sir J. Hawkins.

Note return to page 8 8And therefore, since I cannot prove a lover,] Shakespeare very diligently inculcates, that the wickedness of Richard proceeded from his deformity, from the envy that rose at the comparison of his own person with others, and which incited him to disturb the pleasures that he could not partake. Johnson.

Note return to page 9 9And hate the idle pleasures &lblank;] Perhaps we might read: And bate the idle pleasures &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 10 1&lblank; inductions dangerous,] Preparations for mischief. The induction is preparatory to the action of the play. Johnson. Marston has put this line, with little variation, into the mouth of Fame: “Plots ha' you laid? inductions dangerous?” Steevens.

Note return to page 11 2&lblank; Edward be as true and just,] i. e. as open-hearted and free from deceit. Warburton. The meaning is only this; if Edward keeps his word. Johnson.

Note return to page 12 3And, for my name of George begins with G, &c.] So, in Nicols's Tragical Life and Death of Richard III: “By that blind riddle of the letter G, “George lost his life; it took effect in me.” Steevens.

Note return to page 13 4&lblank; toys &lblank;] Fancies, freaks of imagination. Johnson.

Note return to page 14 5Humbly complaining &c.] I think these two lines might be better given to Clarence. Johnson.

Note return to page 15 6The jealous o'er-worn widow, and herself,] That is, the queen and Shore. Johnson.

Note return to page 16 7Well struck in years;] This odd expression in our language was preceded by one as uncouth though of a similar kind. “Well shot in years he seem'd &c.] Spenser's F. Queen, B. V. c. vi: The meaning of neither is very obvious; but as Mr. Warton has observed in his Essay on the Faery Queen, by an imperceptible progression from one kindred sense to another, words at length obtain a meaning entirely foreign to their original etymology. Steevens.

Note return to page 17 8&lblank; the queen's abjects &lblank;] That is, not the queen's subjects, whom she might protect, but her abjects, whom she drives away. Johnson.

Note return to page 18 9Were it to call king Edward's widow—sister,] This is a very covert and subtle manner of insinuating treason. The natural expression would have been, were it to call king Edward's wife, sister. I will solicit for you, though it should be at the expence of so much degradation and constraint, as to own the low-born wise of King Edward for a sister. But by slipping, as it were casually, widow, into the place of wife, he tempts Clarence with an oblique proposal to kill the king. Johnson. King Edward's widow is, I believe, only an expression of contempt, meaning the widow Grey, whom Edward had chosen for his queen. Gloster has already called her, the jealous o'erworn widow. Steevens.

Note return to page 19 1I must perforce.] Alluding to the proverb, “Patience perforce is a medicine for a mad dog.” Steevens.

Note return to page 20 2&lblank; should be mew'd,] A mew was the place of confinement where a hawk was kept till he had moulted. So, in Albumazar: “Stand forth, transform'd Antonio, fully mew'd “From brown soar feathers of dull yeomanry, “To the glorious bloom of gentry.” Steevens.

Note return to page 21 3Now, by saint Paul, &lblank;] The folio reads: Now, by saint John, &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 22 4&lblank; obsequiously lament] Obsequious, in this instance, means funereal. So, in Hamlet, act I. sc. ii: “To do obsequious sorrow.” Steevens.

Note return to page 23 5&lblank; key-cold] A key, on account of the coldness of the metal of which it is composed, was anciently employed to stop any slight bleeding. The epithet is common to many old writers; among the rest, it is used by Decker in his Satiromastix: “&lblank; It is best you hide your head, for fear your wise brains take key-cold.” Again, in the Country Girl, by. T. B. 1647: “The key-cold figure of a man.” Steevens.

Note return to page 24 5Ill make a corse of him that disobeys.] So, in Hamlet: “I'll make a ghost of him that lets me.” Johnson.

Note return to page 25 6&lblank; pattern of thy butcheries:] Pattern is instance, or example. Johnson. Holinshed says: “The dead corps on the Ascension even was conveied with billes and glaives pompouslie (if you will call that a funerall pompe) from the Tower to the church of saint Paule, and there laid on a beire or coffen bare-faced; the same in the presence of the beholders did bleed; where it rested the space of one whole daie. From thense he was carried to the Black-friers, and bled there likewise; &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 26 7&lblank; see, dead Henry's wounds, Open their congeal'd mouths, and bleed afresh! &lblank;] It is a tradition very generally received, that the murdered body bleeds on the touch of the murderer. This was so much believed by sir Kenelm Digby that he was endeavoured to explain the reason. Johnson. So, in Arden of Feversham, 1592: “The more I sound his name, the more he bleeds: “This blood condemns me, and in gushing forth “Speaks as it falls, and asks me why I did it.” Again, in the Widow's Tears, by Chapman, 1612: “The captain will assay an old conclusion often approved; that at the murderer's sight the blood revives again and boils afresh; and every wound has a condemning voice to cry out guilty against the murderer.” Again, in the 46th Idea of Drayton: “If the vile actors of the heinous deed, “Near the dead body happily be brought, “Oft t'hath been prov'd the breathless corps will bleed.” Mr. Tollet observes that this opinion seems to be derived from the ancient Swedes, or Northern nations from whom we descend; for they practised this method of trial in dubious cases, as appears from Pitt's Atlas, in Sweden, p. 20. Steevens.

Note return to page 27 8Vouchsafe, diffus'd infection of a man,] I believe, diffus'd in this place signifies irregular, uncouth; such is its meaning in other passages of Shakespeare. Johnson. Diffus'd infection of a man may mean, thou that art as dangerous as a pestilence, that infects the air by its diffusion. Diffus'd may, however, mean irregular. So, in The Merry Wives, &c. “&lblank; rush at once “With some diffused song.” Again, in Green's Farewell to Follie, 1617: “I have seen an English gentleman so defused in his sutes; his doublet being for the weare of Castile, his hose for Venice, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 28 9That laid their guilt &lblank;] The crime of my brothers. He has just charged the murder of lady Anne's husband upon Edward. Johnson.

Note return to page 29 1O, he was gentle, mild, and virtuous. Glo. The fitter for the king of heaven, &c.] So, in Pericles Prince of Tyre, 1609: “I'll do't: but yet she is a goodly creature. “Dion. The fitter then the gods should have her.” Steevens.

Note return to page 30 2&lblank; a slower method; &lblank;] As quick was used for sprightly, so slower was put for serious. In the next scene lord Grey desires the queen to &lblank; cheer his grace with quick and merry words. Steevens.

Note return to page 31 3Thou wast the cause, and most accurs'd effect;] Effect, for executioner. He asks, was not the causer as ill as the executioner? She answers, Thou wast both. But, for causer, using the word cause, this led her to the word effect, for execution, or executioner. But the Oxford editor, troubling himself with nothing of this, will make a fine oratorical period of it: Thou wast the cause. And most accurs'd th' effect! Warburton. I cannot but be rather of sir T. Hanmer's opinion than Dr. Warburton's, because effect is used immediately in its common sense, in answer to this line. Johnson. I believe the old reading is the true one. So, in the Yorkshire Tragedy, 1608: “&lblank; thou art the cause, “Effect, quality, property; thou, thou.” Steevens.

Note return to page 32 4&lblank; they kill me with a living death.] In imitation of this passage, and, I suppose, of a thousand more, Pope writes: “&lblank; a living death I bear, “Says Dapperwit, and sunk beside his chair.” Johnson.

Note return to page 33 5These eyes, which never &c.] The twelve following beautiful lines added after the first editions. Pope. They were added with many more. Johnson.

Note return to page 34 6But 'twas thy beauty &lblank;] Shakespeare countenances the observation, that no woman can ever be offended with the mention of her beauty. Johnson.

Note return to page 35 7&lblank; Crosby-place:] A house near Bishopsgate-street, belonging to the duke of Gloster. Johnson. Crosby-Place is now Crosby-square in Bishopsgate-street; part of the house is yet remaining, and is a meeting place for a presbyterian congregation. Sir J. Hawkins.

Note return to page 36 8Imagine, I have said farewel already.] Cibber, who altered Rich. III. for the stage, was so thoroughly convinced of the ridiculousness and improbability of this scene, that he thought himself obliged to make Tressel say: When future chronicles shall speak of this, They will be thought romance, not history. Steevens.

Note return to page 37 9Fram'd in the prodigality of nature,] i. e. when nature was in a prodigal or lavish mood. Warburton.

Note return to page 38 1&lblank; and, no doubt, right royal, &lblank;] Of the degree of royalty belonging to Henry the sixth there could be no doubt, nor could Richard have mentioned it with any such hesitation; he could not indeed very properly allow him royalty. I believe we should read: &lblank; and, no doubt, right loyal. That is, true to her bed. He enumerates the reasons for which she should love him. He was young, wise, and valiant; these were apparent and indisputable excellencies. He then mentions another not less likely to endear him to his wife, but which he had less opportunity of knowing with certainty, and, no doubt right loyal. Johnson. Richard is not speaking of king Henry, but of Edward his son, whom he means to represent as full of all the noble properties of a king. No doubt, right royal, may, however, be ironically spoken, alluding to the incontinence of Margaret, his mother. Steevens.

Note return to page 39 2It is determin'd, not concluded yet:] Determin'd signifies the final conclusion of the will: concluded, what cannot be altered by reason of some act, consequent on the final judgment. Warburton.

Note return to page 40 3Here come the lords of Buckingham and Derby.] This is a blunder of inadvertence, which has run through the whole chain of impressions. It could not well be original in Shakespeare, who was most minutely intimate with his history, and the intermarriages of the nobility. The person here called Derby, was Thomas lord Stanley, lord steward of king Edward the fourth's household. But this Thomas lord Stanley was not created earl of Derby till after the accession of Henry the seventh; and accordingly, afterwards, in the fourth and fifth acts of this play, before the battle of Bosworth-field, he is every where called lord Stanley. This sufficiently justifies the change I have made in his title. Theobald.

Note return to page 41 4Ay, madam: he desires to make atonement] Thus all the old editions that I have seen; but Mr. Pope altered it thus: “Madam, we did; he seeks to make atonement;” and has been followed by succeeding editors. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0854

Note return to page 42 5&lblank; to warn them] i. e. to summon. So, in Julius Cæsar: “They mean to warn us at Philippi here.” Steevens.

Note return to page 43 6Of your ill-will, &c.] This line is restored from the first edition. Pope.

Note return to page 44 7Tell him, and spare not; look, what I have said] This verse have restored from the old quarto's. Theobald.

Note return to page 45 8&lblank; my pains &lblank;] My labours; my toils. Johnson.

Note return to page 46 9Out, devil! &lblank;] Read, No. Warburton. There is no need of change; but if there were, the commentator does not change enough. He should read: &lblank; I remember them too well; that is, his pains. Johnson. Mr. Lambe observes in his notes on the ancient metrical history of the Battle of Floddon Field, that out is an interjection of abhorrence or contempt, most frequent in the mouths of the common people of the north. It occurs again in act IV: “&lblank; out on ye, owls!” Steevens.

Note return to page 47 1&lblank; royalize,] i. e. to make royal. So, in Claudius Tiberius Nero, 1607: “Who means to-morrow for to royalize “The triumphs &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 48 2&lblank; Was not your husband, In Margaret's battle, &lblank;] It is said in Henry VI, that he died in quarrel of the house of York. Johnson.

Note return to page 49 3Hear me, you wrangling pirates, &c.] This scene of Margaret's imprecations is fine and artful. She prepares the audience, like another Cassandra, for the following tragic revolutions. Warburton.

Note return to page 50 4&lblank; which you have pill'd from me:] To pill is to pillage. So, in the Martyr'd Soldier, by Shirley, 1638: “He has not pill'd the rich, nor slay'd the poor.” Steevens.9Q0856

Note return to page 51 5Ah, gentle villain, &lblank;] We should read: &lblank; ungentle villain, &lblank; Warburton. The meaning of gentle is not, as the commentator imagines, tender or courteous, but high-born. An opposition is meant between that and villain, which means at once a wicked and a low-born wretch. So before: Since ev'ry Jack is made a gentleman, There's many a gentle person made a Jack. Johnson.

Note return to page 52 6Q. Mar. So just is God, &c.] This line should be given to Edward IVth's queen. Warburton. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0858

Note return to page 53 7&lblank; by surfeit die your king!] Alluding to his luxurious life. Johnson.

Note return to page 54 8&lblank; elvish-mark'd] The common people in Scotland (as I learn from Kelly's Proverbs) have still an aversion to those who have any natural defect or redundancy, as thinking them mark'd out for mischief. Steevens.

Note return to page 55 9&lblank; rooting hog!] The expression is fine, alluding (in memory of her young son) to the ravage which hogs make, with the finest flowers, in gardens; and intimating that Elizabeth was so expect no other treatment for her sons. Warburton. She calls him hog, as an appellation more contemptuous than boar, as he is elsewhere termed from his ensigns armorial. There is no such heap of allusion as the commentator imagines. Johnson. In the Mirror for Magistrates (a book already quoted) is the following Complaint of Collingbourne, who was cruelly executed for making a rime.   For where I meant the king by name of hog, I only alluded to his badge the bore:   To Lovel's name I added more,—our dog; Because most dogs have borne that name of yore. These metaphors I us'd with other more,   As cat and rat, the half-names of the rest,   To hide the sense that they so wrongly wrest. That Lovel was once the common name of a dog, may be likewise known from a passage in The Historie of Jacob and Esau, an interlude, 1568: “Then come on at once, take my quiver and my bowe; “Fette lovell my hounde, and my horne to blowe.” The rhime for which Collingbourne suffered, was: “A cat, a rat, and Lovel the dog, “Rule all England under a hog.” Steevens.

Note return to page 56 1The slave of nature, &lblank;] The expression is strong and noble, and alludes to the ancient custom of masters branding their profligate slaves: by which it is insinuated that his misshapen person was the mark that nature had set upon him to stigmatize his ill conditions. Shakespeare expresses the same thought in The Comedy of Errors: “He is deformed, crooked, &c. “Stigmatical in making, &lblank; But as the speaker rises in her resentment, she expresses this contemptuous thought much more openly, and condemns him to a still worse state of slavery: “Sin, death, and hell, have set their marks on him.” Only, in the first line, her mention of his moral condition insinuates her reflections on his deformity: and, in the last, her mention of his deformity insinuates her reflections on his moral condition: And thus he has taught her to scold in all the elegance of figure. Warburton.

Note return to page 57 2Thou rag of honour, &c.] We should certainly read: Thou wrack of honour &lblank; i. e. the ruin and destruction of honour; which, I suppose, was first writ rack, and then further corrupted to rag. Warburton. Rag is, in my opinion, right, and intimates that much of his honour is torn away. Patch is, in the same manner, a contemptuous appellation. Johnson. This word of contempt is used again in Timon: “If thou wilt curse, thy father, that poor rag, “Must be the subject.” Again, in this play: “These over-weening rags of France.” Steevens.

Note return to page 58 3&lblank; flourish of my fortune!] This expression is likewise used by Massinger in the Great Duke of Florence: “&lblank; I allow these “As flourishings of fortune.” Steevens.

Note return to page 59 4&lblank; bottled spider,] A spider is called bottled, because, like other insects, he has a middle slender and a belly protuberant. Richard's form and venom, make her liken him to a spider. Johnson.

Note return to page 60 5Peace, master marquis; you are malapert; &c.] Shakespeare may either allude to the late creation of the marquis of Dorset, or to the institution of the title of marquis here in England, as a special dignity, which was no older than Richard II. Robert Vere, earl of Oxford, was the first, who, as a distinct dignity, received the title of marquis, 1st December, anno nono Richardi secundi. See Ashmole's History of the Order of the Garter, p. 456. Gray. Peace, master marquis, you are malapert;] As near a hundred years had elapsed between the time when the title of marquis was first instituted in England, and the creation of this Thomas Grey marquis of Dorset, I think Shakespeare can hardly allude to the institution of the dignity itself; much less could he call it a fire-new stamp of honour scarce current. Robert Vere, the first created marquis received this new title, A. D. 1386. Thomas Grey was created marquis of Dorset, A. D. 1476. Percy.

Note return to page 61 6Your aiery buildeth in our aiery's nest:—] An aiery is a hawk's or an eagle's nest. So, in Green's Card of Fancy, 1608: “It is a subtle bird that breeds among the aiery of hawks.” Again, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1630: “His high-built aiery shall be drown'd in blood.” Again, in Massinger's Maid of Honour: “One aiery, with proportion, ne'er discloses “The eagle and the wren.” Steevens.

Note return to page 62 7Live each of you the subjects to his hate, And he to yours, and all of you to God's!] It is evident from the conduct of Shakespeare, that the house of Tudor retained all their Lancastrian prejudices, even in the reign of queen Elizabeth. In this play of Richard the Third, he seems to reduce [Subnote: instead of, reduce, read, deduce,] the woes of the house of York from the curses which queen Margaret had vented against them; and he could not give that weight to her curses, without supposing a right in her to utter them. Walpole.

Note return to page 63 8&lblank; I wonder she's at liberty.] Thus the quarto. The folio reads: &lblank; I muse, why she's at liberty. Steevens.

Note return to page 64 9He is frank'd up to fatting for his pains; &lblank;] A frank is an old English word for a hog-sly. 'Tis possible he uses this metaphor to Clarence, in allusion to the crest of the family of York, which was a boar. Whereto relate those famous old verses on Richard III: The cat, the rat, and Lovel the dog, Rule all England under a hog. He uses the same metaphor in the last scene of act IV. Pope. A frank was not a common hog-flye, but the pen in which those hogs were confined of whom brawn was to be made. Steevens.9Q0862

Note return to page 65 1&lblank; done scathe to us.] Scathe is harm, mischief. So, in Soliman and Perseda: “Whom now that paltry island keeps from scath.” Again: “Millions of men opprest with ruin and scath.” Steevens.

Note return to page 66 2Your eyes drop mill-stones, when fools' eyes drop tears;] This, I believe, is a proverbial expression. It is used again in the tragedy of Cæsar and Pompey, 1607: “Men's eyes must mill-stones drop, when fools shed tears.” Steevens.

Note return to page 67 3&lblank; faithful man,] Not an infidel. Johnson.

Note return to page 68 4Inestimable stones, unvalued jewels,] Unvalu'd is here used for invaluable. So, in Lovelace's Posthumous Poems, 1659: “&lblank; the unvalew'd robe she wore “Made infinite lay lovers to adore.” Again: “And what substantial riches I possess, “I must to these unvalew'd dreams confess.” Malone.

Note return to page 69 5That woo'd the slimy bottom &lblank;] By seeming to gaze upon it; or, as we now say, to ogle it. Johnson.

Note return to page 70 6&lblank; grim ferryman.] The folio reads—sour ferryman. Steevens.

Note return to page 71 7&lblank; fleeting, perjur'd Clarence,] Fleeting is the same as changing sides. Johnson. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “&lblank; now the fleeting moon No planet is of mine. Clarence broke his oath with the earl of Warwick, and joined the army of his brother king Edward IV. Steevens.

Note return to page 72 8&lblank; a legion of foul fiends Environ'd me, &c.] Milton seems to have thought on this passage where he is describing the midnight sufferings of Our Saviour, in the 4th book of Paradise Regain'd: “&lblank; nor yet stay'd the terror there, “Infernal ghosts, and hellish furies, round “Environ'd thee, some howl'd, some yell'd, some shriek'd &lblank;” Steevens.

Note return to page 73 9O God! if my deep prayers &c.] The four following lines have been added since the first edition. Pope.

Note return to page 74 1Sorrow breaks seasons, &c.] In the common editions, the keeper is made to hold the dialogue with Clarence till this line. And here Brakenbury enters, pronouncing these words; which seem to me a reflection naturally resulting from the foregoing conversation, and therefore continued to be spoken by the same person, as it is accordingly in the first edition. Pope.

Note return to page 75 2Princes have but their titles for their glories, An outward honour, for an inward toil;] The first line may be understood in this sense, The glories of princes are nothing more than empty titles: but it would more impress the purpose of the speaker, and correspond better with the following lines, if it were read: Princes have but their titles for their troubles. Johnson.

Note return to page 76 3&lblank; for unfelt imaginations, They often feel a world of restless cares:] They often suffer real miseries for imaginary and unreal gratifications. Johnson.

Note return to page 77 4Take the devil in thy mind, and believe him not: he would insinuate with thee, &c.] One villain says, Conscience is at his elbows, persuading him not to kill the duke. The other says, take the devil into thy nearer acquaintance, into thy mind, who will be a match for thy conscience, and believe it not, &c. It is plain then, that him in both places in the text should be it, namely, conscience. Warburton. Shakespeare so frequently uses both these pronouns indiscriminately, that no correction is necessary. Steevens.

Note return to page 78 5Spoke like a tall fellow,] The meaning of tall, in old English, is stout, daring, fearless, and strong. Johnson.

Note return to page 79 6&lblank; the costard] i. e. the head, a name adopted from an apple shap'd like a man's head. So, in Arden of Feversham, 1592: “One and two rounds at his costard.” Hence likewise the term costar-monger. Steevens.

Note return to page 80 7&lblank; we'll reason &lblank;] We'll talk. Johnson.

Note return to page 81 8Are you call'd forth from out a world of men,] I think it may be better read: Are ye cull'd forth &lblank; Johnson. The folio reads: Are you drawn forth among a world of men. I adhere to the reading now in the text. So, in Nobody and Somebody, 1598: “Art thou call'd forth amongst a thousand men “To minister this soveraign antidote?” Steevens.

Note return to page 82 9What lawful quest &lblank;] Quest is inquest or jury. Johnson.

Note return to page 83 1&lblank; as you hope to have redemption,] The folio reads—as you hope for any goodness. The quarto likewise adds: By Christ's dear blood shed for our grievous sins. Steevens.

Note return to page 84 1&lblank; springing Plantagenet,] Blooming Plantagenet; a prince in the spring of life. Johnson. When gallant, springing,] This should be printed as one word, I think;—gallant-springing. Shakespeare is fond of these compound epithets, in which the first adjective is to be considered as an adverb. So, in this play he uses childish-foolish, senseless-obstinate and mortal-staring. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 85 2&lblank; novice, &lblank;] Youth; one yet new to the world. Johnson.

Note return to page 86 3&lblank; be will weep. 1 Murd. Ay, millstones. So, in Massinger's City Madam: “&lblank; He, good gentleman, “Will weep when he hears how we are used. &lblank; “Yes, millstones. Steevens.”

Note return to page 87 4&lblank; and save your souls, &c.] The six following lines are not in the old edition. Pope. They are not necessary, but so forced in, that something seems omitted to which these lines are the answer. Johnson.

Note return to page 88 5&lblank; what beggar pities not?] I cannot but suspect that the lines, which Mr. Pope observed not to be in the old edition, are now misplaced, and should be inserted here, somewhat after this manner: Clar. A begging prince what beggar pities not? Vil. A begging prince! Clar. Which of you, if you were a prince's son, &c. Upon this provocation, the villain naturally strikes him. Johnson. Mr. Pope's note is not accurately stated. I believe this passage should be regulated thus. Clar. Relent and save your souls. 1 Vil. Relent! 'tis cowardly and womanish. Clar. Not to relent is beastly, savage, devilish. Which of you if you were a prince's son Being pent &lblank; If two such &lblank; Would not intreat for life? My friend, I spy &lblank; O, if thine eye &lblank; Come then on my side, and intreat for me, As you would beg, were you in my distress. A begging prince what beggar pities not? Tyrwhitt. A begging prince what beggar pities not?] To this in the quarto, the murderer replies: I, thus and thus: if this will not serve, I'll chop thee in the malmesey but in the next roome. and then stabs him. Steevens.

Note return to page 89 6I do not know &c.] Milton in his &grE;&grI;&grK;&grO;&grN;&grO;&grK;&grL;&grA;&grS;&grT;&grH;&grST;, has this observation. “The poets, and some English have been in this point so mindful of decorum, as to put never more pious words in the mouth of any person, than of a tyrant. I shall not instance an abstruse author, wherein the king might be less conversant, but one whom we well know was the closet-companion of these his solitudes, William Shakespeare; who introduced the person of Richard the Third, speaking in as high a strain of piety and mortification as is uttered in any passage in this book, and sometimes to the same sense and purpose with some words in this place; I intended, saith he, not only to oblige my friends, but my enemies. The like faith Richard, act II. sc.i: I do not know that Englishman alive With whom my soul is any jot at odds, More than the infant that is born to-night; I thank my God for my humility. Other stuff of this sort may be read throughout the tragedy, wherein the poet used not much license in departing from the truth of history, which delivers him a deep dissembler, not of his affections only, but of religion.” Steevens.

Note return to page 90 7&lblank; some tardy cripple &c.] This is an allusion to a proverbial expression which Drayton has versified in the second canto of the Baron's Wars: “Ill news hath wings, and with the wind doth go; “Comfort's a cripple, and comes ever slow.” Steevens.

Note return to page 91 8The forfeit &lblank;] He means the remission of the forfeit. Johnson.

Note return to page 92 9Have I a tongue to doom my brother's death?] This lamentation is very tender and pathetick. The recollection of the good qualities of the dead is very natural, and no less naturally does the king endeavour to communicate the crime to others. Johnson.

Note return to page 93 1&lblank; his images:] The children by whom he was represented. Johnson.

Note return to page 94 2&lblank; being govern'd by the watry moon,] That I may live hereafter under the influence of the moon, which governs the tides, and by the help of that influence drown the world. The introduction of the moon is not very natural. Johnson.

Note return to page 95 3Forthwith from Ludlow the young prince be fetch'd] Edward the young prince, in his father's life time, and at his demise, kept his houshold at Ludlow, as prince of Wales; under the governance of Antony Woodville, earl of Rivers, his uncle by the mother's side. The intention of his being sent thither was to see justice done in the Marches; and, by the authority of his presence, to restrain the Welshmen, who were wild, dissolute, and ill-disposed from their accustomed murders and outrages. Vid. Hall, Holinshed, &c. Theobald.

Note return to page 96 4&lblank; your censures &lblank;] To censure formerly meant to deliver an opinion. So, in Heywood's Golden Age, 1611: “&lblank; yet if I censure freely, “I needs must think that face and personate “Was ne'er deriv'd from baseness.” Again, in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “Cinna affirms the senate's censure just, “And faith, let Marius lead the legions forth.” Again, in Orlando Furioso, 1594: “Set each man forth his passions how he can, “And let her censure make the happiest man.” Steevens.

Note return to page 97 5I'll sort occasion, As index to the story &lblank;] i.e. preparatory—by way of prelude. So, in Hamlet: “That storms so loud and thunders in the index.” See the note on that passage. Malone.

Note return to page 98 6Woe to that land that's govern'd by a child!] “Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” Ecclesiastes, ch. x. Steevens.

Note return to page 99 7Which in his nonage, &lblank;] The word which has no antecedent, nor can the sense or connection be easily restored by any change. I believe a line to be lost, in which some mention was made of the land or the people. Johnson. The quarto reads, that. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0868

Note return to page 100 8Before the days of change, &c.] This is from Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. III. p. 721. “Before such great things, men's hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgive them; as the sea without wind swelleth of himself some time before a tempest.” Tollet.

Note return to page 101 9&lblank; the wretched'st thing, &lblank;] Wretched is here used in a sense yet retained in familiar language, for paltry, pitiful, being below expectation. Johnson.

Note return to page 102 1&lblank; been remember'd,] To be remembered is in Shakespeare, to have one's memory quick, to have one's thoughts about one. Johnson.

Note return to page 103 2A parlous boy.] Parlous is keen, shrewd. So, in Law Tricks, &c. 1608: “A parlous youth, sharp and satirical.” Steevens.

Note return to page 104 3Enter a Messenger. The quarto reads—Enter Dorset. Steevens.

Note return to page 105 4For what offence?] This question is given to the archbishop in former copies, but the messenger plainly speaks to the queen or dutchess. Johnson.

Note return to page 106 6&lblank; awless &lblank;] Not producing awe, not reverenced. To just upon is to encroach. Johnson.

Note return to page 107 7Or let me die, to look on earth no more.] This is the reading of all the copies, from the first edition put out by the players, downwards. But I have restored the reading of the old quarto in 1597, which is copied by all the other authentic quartos, by which the thought is finely and properly improved. Or let me die, to look on death no more. Theobald. This quarto printed in 1597 I have never seen, neither was it in Theobald's collection of the old copies, which the late Mr. Tonson possessed entire. Steevens.

Note return to page 108 8&lblank; to your chamber.] London was anciently called Camer [Correction: 1Kb]

Note return to page 109 for camer regia, read, camera regia.

Note return to page 110 9&lblank; jumpeth with the heart:] So, in Soliman and Perseda: “Wert thou my friend, thy mind would jump with mine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 111 1&lblank; in good time,] A la bonne heure. Fr. Steevens.

Note return to page 112 2Too ceremonious, and traditional:] Ceremonious for superstitious; traditional for adherent to old customs. Warburton.

Note return to page 113 3Weigh it but with the grossness of this age,] But the more gross, that is, the more superstitious the age was, the stronger would be the imputation of violated sanctuary. The question, we see by what follows, is whether sanctuary could be claimed by an infant. The speaker resolves it in the negative, because it could be claimed by those only whose actions necessitated them to fly thither; or by those who had an understanding to demand it; neither of which could be an infant's case: It is plain then, the first line, which introduces this reasoning, should be read thus: Weigh it but with the greenness of his age, i. e. the young duke of York's, whom his mother had fled with to sanctuary. The corrupted reading of the old quarto is something nearer the true: &lblank; the greatness of his age. Warburton. This emendation is received by Hanmer, and is very plausible; yet the common reading may stand: Weigh it but with the grossness of this age, You break not sanctuary, &lblank; That is, compare the act of seizing him with the gross and licentious practices of these times, it will not be considered as a violation of sanctuary, for you may give such reasons as men are now used to admit. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0870

Note return to page 114 4Oft have I heard of sanctuary men; &c.] These arguments against the privilege of sanctuary are taken from sir Tho. More's Life of K. Edward the Fifth, published by Stowe: “&lblank; And verily, I have often heard of sanctuary men, but I never heard earst of sanctuary children, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 115 5As 'twere retail'd to all posterity,] And so it is: and, by that means, like most other retailed things, became adulterated. We should read: &lblank; intail'd to all posterity; which is finely and sensibly expressed, as if truth was the natural inheritance of our children; which it is impiety to deprive them of. Warburton. Retailed may signify diffused, dispersed. Johnson.

Note return to page 116 6So wise, &c.] Is cadit ante senem, qui sapit ante diem, a proverbial line. Nov. 21, 1576, was enter'd on the books of the Stationers' Company, “Carminum proverbialium totius humanæ vitæ, loci communes.” From this collection, perhaps, the pentameter, which I have quoted from memory, is derived. Steevens.

Note return to page 117 7Thus, like the formal vice, Iniquity, I moralize two meanings in one word.] By vice, the author means not a quality, but a person. There was hardly an old play, till the period of the Reformation, which had not in it a devil, and a droll character, a jester; (who was to play upon the devil;) and this buffoon went by the name of a Vice. This buffoon was at first accoutred with a long jerkin, a cap with a pair of ass's ears, and a wooden dagger, with which (like another arlequin) he was to make sport in belabouring the devil. This was the constant entertainment in the times of popery, whilst spirits, and witchcraft, and exorcising held their own. When the Reformation took place, the stage shook off some grossities, and encreased in refinements. The master-devil then was soon dismissed from the scene; and this buffoon was changed into a subordinate fiend, whose business was to range on earth, and seduce poor mortals into that personated vicious quality, which he occasionally supported; as, iniquity in general, hypocrisy, usury, vanity, prodigality, gluttony, &c. Now, as the fiend (or vice,) who personated Iniquity (or Hypocrisy, for instance) could never hope to play his game to the purpose but by hiding his cloven foot, and assuming a semblance quite different from his real character; he must certainly put on a formal demeanour, moralize and prevaricate in his words, and pretend a meaning directly opposite to his genuine and primitive intention. If this does not explain the passage in question, 'tis all that I can at present suggest upon it. Theobald. Thus, like the formal vice, Iniquity, I moralize two meanings in one word.] That the buffoon, or jester of the old English farces, was called the vice, is certain: and that, in their moral representations, it was common to bring in the deadly sins, is as true. Of these we have yet several remains. But that the vice used to assume the personage of those sins, is a fancy of Mr. Theobald's, who knew nothing of the matter. The truth is, the vice was always a fool or jester: And, (as the woman, in the Merchant of Venice, calls the clown, alluding to this character,) a merry devil. Whereas these mortal sins were so many sad serious ones. But what misled our editor was the name, Iniquity, given to this vice: But it was only on account of his unhappy tricks and rogueries. That it was given to him, and for the reason I mention, appears from the following passage of Jonson's Staple of News, second intermeane: “M. How like you the vice? i' the play? “T. Here is never a fiend to carry him away. Besides he has never a wooden dagger. “M. That was the old way, gossip, when Iniquity came in, like Hocas Pocas, in a jugler's jerkin, with false skirts, like the knave of clubs.” And, in The Devil's an Ass, we see this old vice, Iniquity, described more at large. From all this, it may be gathered, that the text, where Richard compares himself to the formal vice, Iniquity, must be corrupt: And the interpolation of some foolish player. The vice, or iniquity being not a formal but a merry, buffoon character. Besides, Shakespeare could never make an exact speaker refer to this character, because the subject he is upon is tradition and antiquity, which have no relation to it; and because it appears from the turn of the passage, that he is apologizing for his equivocation by a reputable practice. To keep the reader no longer in suspence, my conjecture is, that Shakespeare wrote and pointed the lines in this manner: Thus like the formal-wise Antiquity, I moralize: Two meanings in one word. Alluding to the mythologic learning of the antients, of whom they are all here speaking. So that Richard's ironical apology is to this effect, You men of morals who so much extol your all-wise antiquity, in am I inferior to it? which was but an equivocator as I am. And it is remarkable, that the Greeks themselves called their remote antiquity, &grD;&gri;&grx;&groa;&grm;&gru;&grq;&gro;&grst; or the equivocator. So far as to the general sense; as to that which arises particularly out of the corrected expression, I shall only observe, that formal-wise is a compound epithet, an extreme fine one, and admirably fitted to the character of the speaker, who thought all wisdom but formality. It must therefore be read for the future with a hyphen. My other observation is with regard to the pointing; the common reading: I moralize two meanings &lblank; is nonsense: but reformed in this manner, very sensible: Thus like the formal-wise Antiquity I moralize: Two meanings in one word. i. e. I moralize as the antients did. And how was that? the having two meanings to one word. A ridicule on the morality of the antients, which he insinuates was no better than equivocating. Warburton. This alteration Mr. Upton very justly censures. Dr. Warburton, has, in my opinion, done nothing but correct the punctuation, if indeed any alteration be really necessary. See the dissertation on the old vice at the end of this play. To this long collection of notes may be added a question, to what equivocation Richard refers? The position immediately preceding, that fame lives long without characters, that is, without the help of letters, seems to have no ambiguity. He must allude to the former line: So young so wise, they say, did ne'er live long, in which he conceals under a proverb, his design of hastening the prince's death. Johnson. From the following stage direction, in an old dramatic piece, entituled, Histriomastix, or the Player whipt, 1610, it appears, that the Vice and Iniquity were sometimes distinct personages: “Enter a roaring devil, with the Vice on his back, Iniquity in one hand, and Juventus in the other.” The devil likewise makes the distinction in his first speech: “Ho, ho, ho! these babes mine are all, “The Vice, Iniquitie, and child prodigal.” The following part of this note was obligingly communicated by the rev. Mr. Bowle, of Idmestone near Salisbury. I know no writer who gives so complete an account of this obsolete character, as archbishop Harsnet, in his Declaration of Popish Impostures, p. 114, Lond. 1603: “It was a pretty part (he tells us) in the old church playes, when the nimble Vice would skip up nimbly like a jackanapes into the devil's necke, and ride the devil a course, and belabour him with his wooden dagger, till he made him roare, whereat the people would laugh to see the devil so vice-haunted.” Steevens.

Note return to page 118 8&lblank; lightly &lblank;] Commonly, in ordinary course. Johnson. So, in the old proverb: “There's lightning lightly before thunder.” See Ray's Proverbs, p. 130. edit. 3d. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0872

Note return to page 119 9&lblank; dread lord; &lblank;] The original of this epithet applied to kings has been much disputed. In some of our old statutes, the king is called Rex metuendissimus. Johnson.

Note return to page 120 1Too late he died, &lblank;] i. e. too lately, the loss is too fresh in our memory. But the Oxford editor makes him say: Too soon he died &lblank; Warburton.

Note return to page 121 2And, being but a toy, which is no gift to give.] This is the reading of the quartos; the first folio reads: And, being but a toy, which is no grief to give. This reading, made a little more metrical, has been followed, I think erroneously, by all the editors. Johnson. The quarto 1612 reads: &lblank; no grief &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 122 3I weigh it lightly, &c.] i. e. I should still esteem it but a trifling, gift, were it heavier. But the Oxford editor reads: I'd weigh it lightly, &lblank; i. e. I could manage it, tho' it were heavier. Warburton. Dr. Warburton is right. So, in Love's Labour's Lost, act V. sc. ii: “You weigh me not,—O that's you care not for me.” Steevens.9Q0873

Note return to page 123 3Because that I am little like an ape,] The reproach seems to consist in this: at country shews it was common to set the monkey on the back of some other animal, as a bear. The duke therefore, in calling himself ape, calls his uncle bear. Johnson. To this custom there seems to be an allusion in Ben Jonson's Masque of Gypsies: “A gypsy in his shape, “More calls the beholder, “Than the fellow with the ape, “Or the ape on his shoulder.” Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0874

Note return to page 124 4&lblank; divided councils,] That is, a private consultation, separate from the known and publick council. So, in the next scene, Hastings says: Bid him not fear the separated councils. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0875

Note return to page 125 5&lblank; will do:] The folio reads—will determine. Steevens.

Note return to page 126 6Scene II. Every material circumstance in the following scene is taken from the Chronicles, except that it is a knight with whom Hastings converses, instead of Buckingham. Steevens.

Note return to page 127 7&lblank; the boar had rased off his helm.] This term rased or rashed is always given to describe the violence inflicted by a boar. So, in K. Lear, 4to edit: “In his anointed flesh rash boarish fangs.” Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, B. VII. ch. 36: “&lblank; ha cur, avaunt, the bore so rase thy hide!” By the boar, throughout this scene, is meant Gloster, who was called the boar, or the hog, from his having a boar for his cognizance, and one of the supporters of his coat of arms. Steevens.

Note return to page 128 8&lblank; wanting instance:] That is, wanting some example or act of malevolence, by which they may be justified: or which, perhaps, is nearer to the true meaning, wanting any immediate ground or reason. Johnson. The folio reads-without instance. Steevens.

Note return to page 129 9&lblank; the holy rood,] i. e. the cross. So, in the old mystery of Candlemas-Day, 1512: “Whan hir swete sone shall on a rood deye.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. VI. c. v: “And nigh thereto a little chapell stoode “Which being all with yvy overspred, “Deck'd all the roofe, and shadowing the roode, “Seem'd like a grove fair branched overhed.” Steevens.

Note return to page 130 1&lblank; have with you. &lblank;] A familiar phrase in parting, as much as, take something along with you, or I have something to say to you. Johnson.

Note return to page 131 2They, for their truth, &lblank;] That is, with respect to their honesty. Johnson.

Note return to page 132 3&lblank; hold it, &lblank;] That is, continue it. Johnson.

Note return to page 133 4&lblank; exercise;] Performance of divine service. Johnson.

Note return to page 134 5&lblank; shriving work in hand.] Shriving work is confession. Johnson.

Note return to page 135 6Come, bring forth the prisoners.] This speech is wanting in the folio. Steevens.

Note return to page 136 7Had you not come upon your cue &lblank;] This expression is borrowed from the theatre. The cue, queue, or tail of a speech, consists of the last words, which are the token for an entrance or answer. To come on the cue, therefore, is to come at the proper time. Johnson.

Note return to page 137 8&lblank; I saw good strawberries] The reason why the bishop was dispatched on this errand, is not clearer in Holinshed, from whom Shakespeare adopted the circumstance, than in this scene, where it is introduced. Nothing seems to have happened which might not have been transacted with equal security in the presence of the reverend cultivator of these strawberries, whose complaisance is likewise recorded by the author of the Latin play on the same subject, in the Museum: Eliensis antistes venis? senem quies, Juvenem labor decet: ferunt hortum tuum Decora fraga plurimum producere. Episcopus Eliensis. Nil tibi claudetur hortus quod meus Producit; esset lautius vellem mihi Quo sim tibi gratus. This circumstance of asking for the strawberries, however, may have been mentioned by the historians merely to shew the unusual affability and good humour which the dissembling Gloster affected at the very time when he had determined on the death of Hastings. Steevens.

Note return to page 138 9&lblank; likelihood &lblank;] Semblance; appearance. Johnson. So, in another of our author's plays: &lblank;poor likelihoods, and modern seemings. Steevens.

Note return to page 139 1Lovel, and Catesby, look, that it be done;] In former copies: Lovel, and Ratcliff, look, that it be done. The scene is here in the Tower; and lord Hastings was cut off on that very day, when Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan suffered at Pomfret. How then could Ratcliff be both in Yorkshire and the Tower? In the scene preceding this, we find him conducting those gentlemen to the block. In the old quarto, we find it, Exeunt: Manet Catesby with Hastings. And in the next scene, before the Tower walls, we find Lovel and Catesby come back from the execution, bringing the head of Hastings. Theobald. Mr. Theobald should have added, that, in the old quarto, no names are mentioned in Richard's speech. He only says—“some see it done.” Nor, in that edition, does Lovel appear in the next scene; but only Catesby, bringing the head of Hastings. The confusion seems to have arisen, when it was thought necessary, that Catesby should be employed to fetch the mayor, who, in the quarto, is made to come without having been sent for. As some other person was then wanted to bring the head of Hastings, the poet, or the players, appointed Lovel and Ratcliff to that office, without reflecting that the latter was engaged in another service on the same day at Pomfret. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 140 2Three times to-day my foot-cloth horse did stumble, &c.] So, in the Legend of Lord Hastings, by M. D. My palfrey, in the plainest paved street, Thrice bow'd his bones, thrice kneeled on the floor, Thrice shunn'd (as Balaam's ass) the dreaded tower. To stumble was anciently esteem'd a bad omen. So, in the Honest Lawyer. “And just at the threshold Master Bromley stumbled. Signs! signs!” The housings of a horse, and sometimes a horse himself, were anciently denominated a foot-cloth. So, in Ben Jonson's play called The Case is Altered: “I'll go on my foot-cloth, I'll turn gentleman.” Again, in A fair Quarrel, by Middleton, 1617: “&lblank; thou shalt have a physician, “The best that gold can fetch upon his foot-cloth.” Again, in Ram-Alley, or Merry Tricks, 1610: “&lblank; nor shall I need to try “Whether my well-greas'd tumbling foot-cloth nag “Be able to out-run a well-breath'd catchpole.” Steevens.

Note return to page 141 3Who builds, &c.] So, Horace: Nescius auræ fallacis. Johnson.

Note return to page 142 4&lblank; in rusty armour, &c.] Thus Holinshed: “&lblank; himselfe with the duke of Buckingham, stood harnessed in old ill-faring briganders, such as no man should weene that they would vouchsafe to have put upon their backes, except that some sudden necessitie had constreined them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 143 5&lblank; the earth a christian;] Here the quarto adds: Look you, my lord mayor. This hemistich I have inserted in the following speech of Buckingham, to which I believe it originally belonged; as without it we meet with an imperfect verse. Well, well, he was the covert'st shelter'd traitor That ever lived. Would you imagine, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 144 6&lblank; put to death a citizen,] This person was one Walker, a substantial citizen and grocer at the Crown in Cheapside. Gray.

Note return to page 145 7&lblank; his ranging eye,] Thus the modern editors. The folio reads—raging—the quartos—lustful. Steevens.

Note return to page 146 8This Pinker or Penker was provincial of the Augustine friars. See Speed. Steevens.

Note return to page 147 9&lblank; read o'er in Paul's.] The substance of this speech is from Stowe's Chronicle, p. 450. “Now was this proclamation made within two houres after that he was beheaded, and it was so curiously indited, and so faire written in parchment, in so well a set hand, and therewith of itself so long a processe, that every child might well perceive that it was prepared before, for all the time between his death and the proclaiming could scant have sufficed unto the bare writing alone, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 148 1&lblank; seen in thought.] That is, seen in silence, without notice or detection. Johnson.

Note return to page 149 2&lblank; intend some fear;] Perhaps, pretend; though intend will stand in the sense of giving attention. Johnson. One of the ancient senses of to intend was certainly to pretend. So, in sc. v. of this act: Tremble and start at wagging of a straw, Intending deep suspicion. Steevens.

Note return to page 150 3As I can say, nay to thee,] I think it must be read: &lblank; if you plead as well for them As I must say, nay to them for myself. Johnson. Perhaps the change is not necessary. Buckingham is to plead for the citizens; and if (says Richard) you speak for them as plausibly as I in my own person, or for my own purposes, shall seem to deny your suit, there is no doubt but we shall bring all to a happy issue.. Steevens.

Note return to page 151 4&lblank; to engross &lblank;] To fatten; to pamper. Johnson.

Note return to page 152 5&lblank; two bishops.] It should seem from a former passage that these two clergymen, here called bishops, were Dr. Shaw, and Friar Penker already mentioned. Go, Lovel, with all speed to Doctor Shaw: Go thou to Friar Penker; bid them both Meet me within this hour at Baynard's castle. Steevens.

Note return to page 153 6And almost shoulder'd in the swallowing gulf Of dark forgetfulness &lblank;] What it is to be shoulder'd in a gulph, Hanmer is the only editor who seems not to have known: for the rest let it pass without observation. He reads: Almost shoulder'd into th' swallowing gulph. I believe we should read: And almost smoulder'd in the swallowing gulph, That is, almost smother'd, covered and lost. Johnson. I suppose the old reading to be the true one. So, in the Barons' Wars, by Drayton, canto I: “Stoutly t' affront and shoulder in debate.” Steevens. Shoulder'd is, I believe, the true reading.—Not, thrust in by the shoulders, but, immersed up to the shoulders. So, in Othello: “Steep me in poverty to the very lips.” Malone.

Note return to page 154 7Which to recure,] To recure is to recover. This word is frequently used by Spenser; and both as a verb and a substantive in Lylly's Endymion, 1591. Steevens.

Note return to page 155 8And much I need to help you, &lblank;] And I want much of the ability requisite to give you help, if help were needed. Johnson.

Note return to page 156 9&lblank; effeminate remorse.] i. e. pity. So, in the Miseries of enforced Marriage, 1600: “Be all his days, like winter, comfortless; “Restless his nights, his wants remorseless.” i. e. unpitied. Steevens.

Note return to page 157 1Farewel, good cousin; farewel, gentle friends.] To this act should perhaps, be added the next scene, so will the coronation pass between the acts; and there will not only be a proper interval of action but the conclusion will be more forcible. Johnson.

Note return to page 158 2Who meets us here?—my niece Plantagenet, Led in the hand of her kind aunt of Gloster?] Here is a manifest intimation, that the dutchess of Gloster leads in somebody in her hand; but there is no direction marked in any of the copies, from which we can learn who it is. I have ventured to guess it must be Clarence's young daughter. The old dutchess of York calls her niece, i. e. grand-daughter; as grand-children are frequently called nephews. Theobald.

Note return to page 159 3&lblank; I may not leave it so.] That is, I may not so resign my office, which you offer to take on you at your peril. Johnson.

Note return to page 160 4Were red-hot steel, to sear me to the brain!] She seems to allude to the ancient mode of punishing a regicide, viz. by placing a crown of iron heated red-hot, upon his head. In the Tragedy of Hoffman, 1631, this punishment is introduced: “Fix on thy master's head my burning crown.” Again: “And wear his crown made hot with flaming fire. “Bring forth the burning crown there.” Again: “&lblank; was adjudg'd “To have his head sear'd with a burning crown.” In some of the monkish accounts of a place of future torment, a burning crown is appropriated to those who deprived any lawful monarch of his kingdom. Steevens.

Note return to page 161 5But with his timorous dreams &lblank;] 'Tis recorded by Polydore Virgil, that Richard was frequently disturbed by terrible dreams: this is therefore no fiction. Johnson.

Note return to page 162 6&lblank; of teen.] Teen is sorrow. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “And yet to my teen be it spoken, &c. Again, in the Return from Parnassus, 1606: “Flies have their spleen, each silly ant his teens.” Steevens.

Note return to page 163 7Rude ragged nurse! old sullen play-fellow] To call the Tower nurse and playfellow is very harsh: perhaps part of this speech is addressed to the Tower, and part to the lieutenant. Johnson.

Note return to page 164 8So foolish sorrow bids your stones farewel.] Hither the third act should be extended, and here it very properly ends with a pause of action. Johnson.

Note return to page 165 9Ah, Buckingham, now do I play the touch,] The technical term is requisite here. The poet wrote: &lblank; now do I 'ply the touch, i. e. apply the touchstone: for that is meant by what he calls touch. So, again, in Timon of Athens, speaking of gold, he says: &lblank; O, thou touch of hearts! i. e. thou trial, touchstone. Warburton. To play the touch is to represent the touchstone. No emendation is necessary. So, in the 16th Song of Drayton's Polyolbion: “With alabaster, tuch, and porphyry adorn'd.” Again, in the epistle of Mary the French Queen to Charles Brandon, by Drayton: “Before mine eye, like touch, thy shape did prove.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. I. c. iii: “Though true as touch, though daughter of a king.” Steevens.

Note return to page 166 1&lblank; see, he gnaws his lip.] Several of our ancient historians observe, that this was an accustomed action of Richard, whether he was pensive or angry. Steevens.

Note return to page 167 2And unrespective boys; &lblank;] Unrespective is inattentive, taking no notice, inconsiderate. So, in Daniel's Cleopatra, 1599: “When dissolute impiety possess'd “The unrespective minds of prince and people.” Steevens.

Note return to page 168 3&lblank; close exploit &lblank;] is secret act. Johnson.

Note return to page 169 4&lblank; witty] in this place signifies judicious or cunning. A wit was not at this time employed to signify a man of fancy, but was used for wisdom or judgment. So, in Daniel's Cleopatra, 1599: “Although unwise to live, had wit to die.” Again: “And at her feet do witty serpents move.” One of Ben Jonson's Masques. Steevens.

Note return to page 170 5&lblank; But I am in So far in blood, that sin will pluck on sin.] The same reflections occur in Macbeth: “&lblank; I am in blood “Step'd in so far, that should I wade no more, “Returning were as tedious, &c. Again: “Things had begun make strong themselves by ill.” Steevens.

Note return to page 171 6Is thy name—Tyrrel?] It seems, that a late editor (who boasts much of his fidelity in “marking the places of action, both general and particular, and supplying seenical directions”) throughout this scene, has left king Richard on his throne; whereas he might have learnt from the following passage in sir John Harrington's Metamorphosis of Ajax, 1596, that the monarch appeared, during the present interview with Tyrrel, on an elevation of much less dignify. “The best part (says sir John) of our chronicles, in all men's opinions is that of Richard the third, written as I have heard by Moorton, but as most suppose, by that worthy and incorrupt magistrate sir Thomas More, sometime lord chancellor of England, where it is said, how the king was devising with Teril to have his nephews privily murdred; and it is added, he was then sitting on a draught; a fit carpet for such a counsel.” See likewise Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 735. Steevens.

Note return to page 172 7A king! perhaps &lblank;] From hence to the words, Thou troublest me, I am not in the vein—have been left out ever since the first editions, but I like them well enough to replace them. Pope. The allusions to the plays of Henry VI. are no weak proofs of the authenticity of these disputed pieces. Johnson.

Note return to page 173 8Because, that, like a Jack, &c.] This passage, though thou I do not believe it corrupted, I do not understand. Johnson. Because that, like a Jack, &c.] An image, like those at St. Dunstan's church in Fleet-street, and at the market-houses at several towns in this kingdom, was usually called a Jack of the clockhouse. See Cowley's Discourse on the Government of Oliver Cromwell. Richard resembles Buckingham to one of those automatons, and bids him not suspend the stroke on the clock-bell, but strike, that the hour may be past, and himself be at liberty to pursue his meditations. Sir J. Hawkins. So, in The Fleire, a comedy, 1610:—“their tongues are, like a Jack o' the clock, still in labour.” Again, in The Coxcomb, by Beaumont and Fletcher: “&lblank; Is this your Jack o' the clock-house? “Will you strike, sir?” Again, in a pamphlet by Deckar, called the Guls Hornbook, 1609:“&lblank; but howsoever, if Powles Jacks be once up with their elbowes, and quarrelling to strike eleven, as soon as ever the clock has parted them, and ended the fray with his hammer, let not the duke's gallery conteyne you any longer.” Perhaps these figures were called Jacks, because the engines of that name which turn the spit were anciently ornamented with such a puppet. In the Gentleman Usher, a comedy by Chapman, 1606, they are alluding to a roasting Jack, and a man says:   “&lblank; as in that quaint engine you have seen “A little man in shreds stand at the winder, “And seem to put all things in act about him, “Lifting and pulling with a mighty stir, “Yet adds no force to it, nor nothing does.” In Lantern and Candle-light, or the Bellman's Second Night-walk, &c. by Deckar, is a passage “of a new and cunning drawing of money from gentlemen,” which may tend to a somewhat different explanation. “There is another fraternitie of wandring pilgrims, who merrily call themselves Jackes of the Clock-house. The jacke of a clock-house goes upon screws, and his office is to do nothing but strike: so does this noise (for they walke up and down like fidlers) travaile with motions, and whatever their motions get them, is called striking.” Steevens.

Note return to page 174 9&lblank; fearful commenting Is leaden servitor &lblank;] Timorous thought and cautious disquisition are the dull attendants on delay. Johnson.

Note return to page 175 1&lblank; begins to mellow, &c.] The same thought occurs in Marston's Antonio and Mellida, 1602: “&lblank; now is his fate grown mellow, “Instant to fall into the rotten jaws “Of chap-fall'n death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 176 2&lblank; dire induction &lblank;] Induction is preface, introduction, first part. It is so used by Sackville in our author's time. Johnson.

Note return to page 177 3&lblank; say, that right for right] It's plain Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; wrong for wrong but the players thought a little rhime was better than all reason. Warburton. It is so unlikely that words so plain and so proper, as wrong for wrong would have been either ignorantly or officiously changed, that I believe right for right is the true though not the best reading. This is one of these conceits which our author may be suspected of loving better than propriety. Right for right is justice answering to the claims of justice. So, in this play: &lblank; That forehead Where should be branded, if that right were right. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 178 4&lblank; signiory;] for seniority. Johnson. So, in Stowe's Chronicle, edit. 1615, p. 149: “&lblank; the son of Edmund, the son of Edward the seignior, the son of Allured, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 179 5That reigns &c.] This and the preceding line have been omitted by all the modern editors, Rowe excepted. Steevens.

Note return to page 180 6And makes her pue-fellow &lblank;] Pue-fellow seems to be companion. We have now a new phrase, nearly equivalent, by which we say of persons in the same difficulties, that they are in the same box. Johnson. Pue-fellow is a word yet in use. Sir J. Hawkins. In find the word in Northward Hoe, a comedy, by Decker and Webster, 1607: “He would make him pue-fellow with a lord's steward at least.” Again, in a comedy, by Decker, called, If this be not a good Play the Devil is in it: “Lose not a minute, pue-fellow, &c.” Again, in Decker's Satiromastix: “Come, pue-fellow.” Again, in Westward-Hoe, by Decker and Webster, 1606: “&lblank; being both my scholars, and your honest pue-fellows.” Steevens.

Note return to page 181 7Young York he is but boot &lblank;] Boot is that which is thrown in to mend a purchase. Johnson.

Note return to page 182 8The adulterate Hastings, &lblank;] I believe Shakespeare wrote: The adulterer Hastings, &lblank; Warburton. Adulterate is right. We say metals are adulterate; and adulterate sometimes means the same as adulterer. In either sense, on this occasion, the epithet will suit. Hastings was adulterate, as Margaret had try'd his friendship and found it faithless; he was an adulterer, as he cohabited with Jane Shore during the life of her husband. So, the Ghost in Hamlet, speaking of the King, says: “&lblank; that incestuous, that adulterate beast.” Steevens.

Note return to page 183 9The flatt'ring index of a direful pageant,] Without doubt Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; direful page. Warburton. Surely there is no need of change. Pageants are dumb shews, and the poet meant to allude to one of these, the index of which promised a happier conclusion. The pageants then displayed on public occasions were generally preceded by a brief account of the order in which the characters were to walk. These indexes were distributed among the spectators, that they might understand the meaning of such allegorical stuff as was usually exhibited. The index of every book was anciently placed before the beginning of it. Steevens.

Note return to page 184 1&lblank; a garish flag, To be the aim of every dangerous shot;] Alluding to the dangerous situation of those persons to whose care the standards of armies were entrusted. Steevens.

Note return to page 185 2&lblank; wheel'd about,] Thus the quartos. The folio—whirl'd about. Steevens.

Note return to page 186 3Windy attorneys to their client woes,] In former editions this line was read thus: Windy attorneys to your client's woes. The emendation is sir Thomas Hanmer's. Johnson.

Note return to page 187 4Airy succeeders of intestine joys,] I cannot understand this reading. I have adopted another from the quarto in 1597: Airy succeeders of intestate joys: i. e. words, tun'd to complaints, succeed joys that are dead; and unbequeath'd to them, to whom they should properly descend. Theobald.

Note return to page 188 5&lblank; a touch of your condition,] A spice or particle of your temper or disposition. Johnson. So, in Chapman's translation of the 24th Iliad: “&lblank; his cold blood embrac'd a fiery touch “Of anger, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 189 6That ever grac'd me &lblank;] To grace seems here to mean the same as to bless, to make happy. So, gracious is kind, and graces are favours. Johnson.

Note return to page 190 7&lblank; Humphry Houre, &lblank;] This may probably be an allusion to some affair of gallantry of which the dutchess had been suspected. I cannot find the name in Holinshed. Surely the poet's fondness for a quibble has not induced him at once to personify and christen that hour of the day which summon'd his mother to breakfast. So, in The Wit of a Woman, 1592: “Gentlemen, time makes us brief: our old mistress, Houre is at hand.” The common cant phrase of dining with duke Humphrey, I have never yet heard satisfactorily explained. It appears, however, from a satirical pamphlet called the Guls Horn-booke, 1609, written by T. Deckar, that in the ancient church of St. Paul, one of the ailes was called Duke Humphrey's Walk; in which those who had no means of procuring a dinner, affected to loiter. Deckar concludes his fourth chapter thus: “By this, I imagine you have walked your bellyful, and therupon being weary, or (which is rather, I beleeve) being most gentleman-like, hungry, it is fit that as I brought you unto the duke, so (because he followes the fashion of great men in keeping no house, and that therefore you must go seeke your dinner) suffer me to take you by the hand and leade you into an ordinary.” The title of this chapter is, “How a gallant should behave himselfe in Powles Walkes.” Hall, in the 7th Satire, B. III. seems to confirm this interpretation: “'Tis Ruffio: Trow'st thou where he din'd to-day? “In sooth I saw him sit with duke Humfray: “Manie good welcoms, and much gratis cheere, “Keepes he for everie stragling cavaliere; “An open house haunted with greate resort, “Long service mixt with musicall disport, &c.” Hall's Satires, Edit. 1602, p. 60. See likewise Foure Letters and certain Sonnets, by Gabriel Harvey, 1592: “&lblank; to seeke his dinner in Poules with duke Humphrey: to licke dishes, to be a beggar.” Again, in the Return of the Knight of the Post, &c. by Nash, 1606: “&lblank; in the end comming into Poules, to behold the old duke and his guests, &c.” Again, in A wonderful, strange, and miraculous Prognostication, for this Year, &c. 1591, by Nash: “&lblank; sundry fellowes in their silkes shall be appointed to keepe duke Humfrye company in Poules, because they know not where to get their dinners abroad.” If it be objected that duke Humphrey was buried at St. Albans, let it likewise be remember'd that cenotaphs were not uncommon. Steevens.

Note return to page 191 8Shame serves thy life, &lblank;] To serve is to accompany, servants being near the persons of their masters. Johnson.

Note return to page 192 9Stay, madam, &lblank;] On this dialogue 'tis not necessary to bestow much criticism: part of it is ridiculous, and the whole improbable. Johnson.

Note return to page 193 1&lblank; she is of royal blood.] The folio reads—she is a royal princess. Steevens.

Note return to page 194 2Lo, at their births &lblank;] Perhaps we should read—No, at their births— Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 195 3Till it was whetted on thy stone-hard heart,] This conceit seems to have been a great favourite of Shakespeare. We meet with it more than once. In K. Henry IV. 2d Part: “Thou hid'st a thousand daggers in thy thoughts, “Which thou hast whetted on thy stony heart, “To stab, &c.” Again, in the Merchant of Venice: “Not on thy soal, but on thy soul, harsh Jew, “Thou mak'st thy knife keen &lblank;” Steevens.

Note return to page 196 4The high imperial type &lblank;] Type is exhibition, shew, display. Johnson.

Note return to page 197 5Canst thou demise &lblank;] The sense of the word demise is evident, but I do not remember it any where so used: perhaps it should be devise, which the lawyers use for to transfer, or make over. Johnson. The common meaning of the verb to demise is to grant, from demittere, to devolve a right from one to another. Steevens.

Note return to page 198 6&lblank; as sometime Margaret] Here is another reference to the plays of Henry VI. Johnson.

Note return to page 199 7Nay then, indeed, she cannot chuse but hate thee,] The sense seems to require that we should read: &lblank; but love thee, ironically. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 200 8&lblank; bloody spoil.] Spoil is waste, havock. Johnson.

Note return to page 201 9&lblank; bid like sorrow.] Bid is in the past tense from bide. Johnson.

Note return to page 202 1Advantaging their love with int'rest, Oftentimes double gain of happiness.] My easy emendation will convince every reader love and lone are made out of one another only by a letter turned upside down. Oftentimes is a stupid concretion of three words. My emendation gives this apt and easy sense. The tears that you have lent to your afflictions, shall be turn'd into gems; and requite you by way of interest, with happiness twenty times as great as your sorrows have been. Theobald. Theobald found this concretion, as he calls it, rather loosely formed in the folio, where it stands thus,—Of ten-times. Steevens.

Note return to page 203 2&lblank; which the king's King forbids.] Alluding to the prohibition in the Levitical law. See Leviticus xviii. 14. Gray.

Note return to page 204 3But how long shall that title, ever, last?] Young has borrow'd this thought in his Universal Passion: “But say—my mistress and my friend, “Which day next week the eternity shall end?” Steevens.

Note return to page 205 4&lblank; am her subject low.] Thus the folio. The quartos read: &lblank; her subject love. Steevens.

Note return to page 206 5Harp not &c.] In the regulation of these short speeches I have followed the first and second quartos. Steevens.

Note return to page 207 6&lblank; with heaven.] The quarto reads—by him. The folio —with him. Steevens.

Note return to page 208 7&lblank; by him,] Thus all the old copies. The modern ones read: &lblank; with heaven. I have restored the old reading, because him (the oblique case of be) was anciently used for it, in a neutral sense. Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0882

Note return to page 209 8Which now two tender, &c.] Mr. Roderick observes, that the word two is without any force, and would read: Which now too tender, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 210 9&lblank; in that nest of spicery,] Alluding to the phœnix. Steevens.

Note return to page 211 1Some light-foot friend post to the duke &lblank;] Richard's precipitation and confusion is in this scene very happily represented by inconsistent orders, and sudden variations of opinion. Johnson.

Note return to page 212 2&lblank; white-liver'd runagate,] This epithet, descriptive of cowardice, is not peculiar to Shakespeare. Stephen Gosson in his School of Abuse, 1579, speaking of the Helots, says: “Leave those precepts to the white-livered Hylotes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 213 3&lblank; more competitors] That is, more opponents. Johnson.

Note return to page 214 4Sir Christopher, tell Richmond this from me: &lblank;] The person, who is called sir Christopher here, and who has been stiled so in the Dramatis Personæ of all the impressions, I find by the chronicles to have been Christopher Urswick, a bachelor in divinity; and chaplain to the countess of Richmond, who had intermarried with the lord Stanley. This priest, the history tells us, frequently went backwards and forwards, unsuspected, on messages betwixt the countess of Richmond, and her husband, and the young earl of Richmond, whilst he was preparing to make his descent on England. Theobald. Dr. Johnson has observed, that Sir was anciently a title assumed by graduates. This the late Mr. Guthrie disputes; and says, it a title sold by the pope's legates, &c. that his holiness might be on the same footing with the king. Steevens. In the Scornfull Lady of Fletcher, Welford says to Sir Roger, the curate, “I acknowledge you to be your art's master.”—“I am but a bachelor of art, sir,” replies Sir Roger. Mr. Guthrie would have done well to have informed us, how Sir Roger could possibly have bought his title of the pope's nuncio; when, as Abigail tells us, he had only “twenty nobles de claro, besides his pigges in posse.” Farmer. Perhaps, after all, this title was originally derived from sire, father. Chaucer, and all our ancient poets, bestow it on the clergy. Steevens.

Note return to page 215 5Will not king Richard let me speak with him?] The reason why the duke of Buckingham solicited an interview with the king, is explained in K. Henry VIII. act I: &lblank; I would have play'd The part my father meant to act upon The usurper Richard; who, being at Salisbury, Made suit to come in his presence; which, if granted, As he made semblance of his duty, would Have put his knife into him. Steevens.

Note return to page 216 6Is the determined respite of my wrongs.] This is nonsense, we should read: &lblank; respect of my wrongs, i. e. requital. Warburton. Hanmer had rightly explained it, the time to which the punishment of his wrongs was respited. Wrongs in this line means wrongs done, or injurious practices. Johnson.

Note return to page 217 7&lblank; blame the due of blame.] This scene should, in my opinion, be added to the foregoing act, so the fourth act will have a more full and striking conclusion, and the fifth act will comprise the business of the important day, which put an end to the competition of York and Lancaster. Some of the quarto editions are not divided into acts, and it is probable, that this and many other plays were left by the author in one unbroken continuity, and afterwards distributed by chance, or what seems to have been a guide very little better, by the judgment or caprice of the first editors. Johnson.

Note return to page 218 8&lblank; embowell'd bosoms, &lblank;] Exenterated; ripped up: alluding, perhaps, to the Promethean vulture; or, more probably, to the sentence pronounced in the English courts against traitors, by which they are condemned to be hanged, drawn, that is, embowelled, and quartered. Johnson. Drawn, in the sentence pronounced upon traitors only, signifies to be drawn by the heels or on a hurdle from the prison to the place of execution. So, Dr. Johnson has properly expounded it in Measure for Measure, act II. So, Holinshed in the year 1569, and Stowe's Chronicle, edit. 1614, p. p. 162, 171, 418, 763, 766. Sometimes our historians use a colloquial inaccuracy of expression in writing, hanged, drawn, and quarter'd; but they often express it—drawn, hanged, and quartered; and sometimes they add—bowelled, or his bowels taken out, which would be tautology, if the same thing was implied in the word drawn. Tollet. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0883

Note return to page 219 9sound direction: &lblank;] True judgment; tried military skill. Johnson.

Note return to page 220 1Give me some ink and paper &lblank;] I have placed these lines here as they stand in the first editions: the rest place them three speeches before, after the words Sir William Brandon, you shall bear my standard; interrupting what there follows; The earl of Pembroke, &c. I think them more naturally introduced here, when he is retiring to his tent; and considering what he has to do that night. Pope. I have followed the folio, which, of this play, is by far the most correct copy. I do not find myself much influenced by Mr. Pope's remark. Steevens.

Note return to page 221 2&lblank; Give me a watch: &lblank;] A watch has many significations, but I should believe that it means in this place not a centinel, which would be regularly placed at the king's tent; nor an instrument to measure time, which was not used in that age; but a watch-light, a candle to burn by him; the light that afterwards burnt blue; yet a few lines after, he says: Bid my guard watch, which leaves it doubtful whether watch is not here a sentinel. Johnson. A watch, i. e. guard, would certainly be placed about a royal tent, without any request of the king concerning it. I believe, therefore, that particular kind of candle is here meant, which was anciently called a watch, because, being marked out into sections, each of which was a certain portion of time in burning, it supplied the place of the more modern instrument by which we measure the hours. I have seen these candles represented with great nicety in some of the pictures of Albert Durer. Barret, in his Alvearie, 1580, mentions watching lamps or candles. So, in Love in a Maze, 1632: “&lblank; slept always with a watching candle.” Again, in The Noble Soldier, 1634: “Beauty was turn'd into a watching-candle that went out stinking.” Again: in the Return from Parnassus, 1606: “Sit now immur'd within their private cells, “And drink a long lank watching candle's smoke.” Again, in Albumazar, 1610: “Sit up all night like a watching candle.” Steevens. Lord Bacon mentions a species of light called an all-night, which is a wick set in the middle of a large cake of wax. Johnson.

Note return to page 222 3Saddle white Surrey for the field tomorrow.] So, in Holinshed, p. 754: “&lblank; he was mounted on a great white courser, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 223 4Look, that my staves be sound, &lblank;] Staves are the wood of the lances. Johnson. As it was usual to carry more lances than one into the field, the lightness of them was an object of consequence. Hall informs us, that at the justs in honour of the marriage of Mary, the younger sister of king Henry VIII. with the king of France, that a “a gentleman called Anthony Bownarme came into the feld all armed, and on his body brought in sight x speres, that is to wyt, iii speres set in every styroppe forward, and under every thigh ii speres upwarde, and under his left arme was one spere backward, and the 10th in his hand, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 224 5Much about cock-shut time, &lblank;] Ben Jonson uses the same expression in one of his entertainments: “For you would not yesternight, “Kiss him in the cock-shut light.” Again, in the Widow, by B. Jonson, Fletcher, and Middleton, 1652: “Come away then: a fine cockshut evening.” Again: “In the twilight, cockshut light.” Arden of Feversham, 1592. In the Treatyse of Fyshynge with the Angle, by dame Julyana Bernes, 1496, among the directions to make a fishing rod is the following: “Take thenne and frette him faste with a cockeshote corde, &c.” but I cannot interpret the word. Steevens. Cockshut time,] i. e. twilight. In Mr. Whalley's note upon Ben Jonson, Vol. V. p. 204. “Cockshut is said to be a net to catch woodcocks; and as the time of taking them in this manner is in the twilight, either after sun-set or before its rising, cockshut light may very properly express the evening or the morning twilight.” The particular form of such a net, and the manner of using it, is delineated and described in Dictionarium Rusticum, 2 vols. 8vo. 3d edit. 1726, under the word cock-roads. It is the custom of the woodcock to lie close all day, and towards evening he takes wing, which act of flight might anciently be termed his shoot or shot. So, the ballast of a ship is said to shoot, when it runs from one side to the other. This etymology gives us, perhaps, the original signification of the word, without any recourse for it to the name of a net, which might receive its denomination from the time of the day, or from the occasion on which it was used; for I believe there was a net which was called a cock-shot. Holinshed's Description of Britain, p. 110, calls a stone which naturally has a hole in it, “an apt cocke-shot for the devil to run through;” which, I apprehend, alludes to the resemblance of the hole in the stone to the meshes of a net. Tollet. Mr. Tollet's opinion may be supported by the following passage in a little metrical performance, called, No Whippinge nor Tripinge: but a kinde friendly Snippinge, 1601: “A silly honest creature may do well “To watch a cocke shoote, or a limed bush.” Steevens.

Note return to page 225 6I have not that alacrity of spirit, &c.] So, in Holinshed, p. 775: “&lblank; not using the alacritie of mirth and mind and countenance as he was accustomed to doo before he came toward the battell.” Steevens.

Note return to page 226 7&lblank; by attorney &lblank;] By deputation. Johnson.

Note return to page 227 8&lblank; mortal staring war.] Thus the old copies. I suppose, by staring war is meant—war that looks big. Steevens.

Note return to page 228 9I, as I may, &lblank; With best advantage will deceive the time,] I will take the best opportunity to elude the dangers of this conjuncture. Johnson.

Note return to page 229 1&lblank; The leisure, and the fearful time Cuts off the ceremonious vows of love,] We have still a phrase equivalent to this, however harsh it may seem, I would do this, if leisure would permit, where leisure, as in this passage, stands for want of leisure. So, again: &lblank; More than I have said The leisure and enforcement of the time Forbids to dwell upon. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 230 2&lblank; peize me down to-morrow,] Thus the old copies. The modern editions read—poize. To peize, i. e. to weigh down, from peser, French. I meet with the word in the old play of The Raigne of King Edward the third, 1596: “And peize there deeds with heavy weight of lead.” Again, in All for Money, 1574: “Then if you counterpeaze me learning with money.” Steevens.

Note return to page 231 3Enter the Ghost, &c.] This circumstance is likewise found in the old book first called the Mirror for Magistrates, which was afterwards published under the title of the Falles of unfortunate Princes.   “As in my tent on slumbring bed I lie,   “Horrid aspects appear'd unto mine eye: “I thought that all those murder'd ghosts, whom I   “By death had sent to their untimely grave, “With baleful noise about my tent did crye,   And of the heavens, with sad complaint, did crave   That they on guilty wretch might vengeance have.” His terror on waking is likewise very forcibly described. Again, Drayton in the 22d Song of his Polyolbion: “Where to the guilty king, the black forerunning night, “Appear the dreadful ghosts of Henry and his son, “Of his own brother George, and his two nephews, done “Most cruelly to death; and of his wife, and friend “Lord Hastings, with pale hands prepar'd as they would rend “Him piece-meal; at which oft he roareth in his sleep.” It is not unpleasant to trace the progress of a poetical idea. Some of our oldest historians had informed us that king Richard was much disturb'd in his dreams. The author of a metrical legend, who follows next in succession, proceeds to tell us the quality of these ominous visions. A poet who takes up the story, goes further, and acquaints us with the names of those who are supposed to have appeared in them; and last of all comes the dramatic writer, who brings the phantoms, speaking in their particular characters, on the stage. Steevens.

Note return to page 232 4Harry, that prophesy'd thou shouldst be king,] This prophecy, to which this allusion is made, was uttered in one of the parts of Henry the sixth. Johnson.

Note return to page 233 5Let us be laid within thy bosom, Richard,] This is a poor feeble reading. I have restored from the elder quarto, published in 1597, which Mr. Pope does not pretend to have seen: Let us be lead within thy bosom, Richard. This corresponds with what is said in the line immediately following: And weigh thee down to ruin, shame, and death! Theobald.

Note return to page 234 6I dy'd for hope, &lblank;] i. e. I died for wishing well to you. But Mr. Theobald, with great sagacity, conjectured holpe or aid; which gave the line this fine sense, I died for giving thee aid before I could give thee aid. Warburton. Hanmer reads: I died forsook, &lblank; and supports his conjecture thus. This, as appears from history, was the case of the duke of Buckingham: that being stopp'd with his army upon the banks of Severn by great deluges of rain, he was deserted by his soldiers, who, being in great distress, half famished for want of victuals, and destitute of pay, disbanded themselves and fled. Hanmer's emendation is very plausible; but may not the meaning of the expression be, I died for only having hoped to give you that assistance, which I never had it in my power to afford you in reality? It may, however, be observed, that fore, or for, when joined to a verb, had anciently a negative signification. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; He shall live a man forbid.” As to bid was to pray, so to forbid had the meaning directly opposite, i. e. to curse. In Antony and Cleopatra, to forespeak is to speak against. In Hamlet, and the Midsummer Night's Dream, to fordo is the very reverse of to do. Holpen or holp is the old participle passive of help, and is used in Macbeth: “His great love, sharp as his spur, hath holp him “To his home before us.” Instead of for hope, we may therefore read, forholpe, which would mean unaided, abandon'd, deserted, unhelp'd, which was the real misfortune of the duke of Buckingham. The word holp has occurred likewise in this play: “Let him thank me that holp to send him thither.” Again, in Coriolanus: “Have holp to make this rescue.” Steevens.

Note return to page 235 7Give me another horse, &lblank;] There is in this, as in many of our author's speeches of passion, something very trifling, and something very striking. Richard's debate, whether he should quarrel with himself, is too long continued, but the subsequent exaggeration of his crimes is truly tragical. Johnson.

Note return to page 236 8O coward conscience. &lblank;] This is extremely fine. The speaker had entirely got the better of his conscience, and banished it from all his waking thoughts. But it takes advantage of his sleep, and frights him in his dreams. With greater elegance therefore he is made to call it coward conscience, which dares not encounter him while he is himself awake, and his faculties entire; but takes advantage of reason being off its guard, and the powers of the soul dissolved in sleep. But the players, amongst their other innumerable absurdities in the representation of this tragedy, make Richard say, instead of O coward conscience, O tyrant conscience! whereby not only a great beauty is lost, but a great blunder committed. For Richard had entirely got the better of his conscience; which could, on no account, therefore, be said to play the tyrant with him. Warburton.

Note return to page 237 9The lights burn blue.] So, in Lylly's Galathea, 1592: “I thought there was some spirit in it because it burnt so blue; for my mother would often tell me when the candle burnt blue, there was some ill spirit in the house.” It was anciently supposed that fire was a preservative against evil spirits; “because,” (says Nash, in Pierce Penniless's Supplication to the Devil, 1595) “when any spirit appeareth, the lights by little and little goe out as it were of their own accord, and the takers are by degrees extinguished.” The takers are the spirits who blast or take. So, in K. Lear: “&lblank; strike her young bones, “Ye taking airs, with lameness!” Steevens.

Note return to page 238 1I love myself.] The old copies read—Alack, I love, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 239 2Methought, the souls &c.] These lines stand with so little propriety at the end of this speech, that I cannot but suspect them to be misplaced. Where then shall they be inserted? Perhaps after these words: Fool, do not flatter. Johnson.

Note return to page 240 3One that made means &lblank;] To make means was, in Shakespeare's time, always used in an unfavourable sense, and signified —to come at any thing by indirect practices. Steevens.

Note return to page 241 4&lblank; by the foil Of England's chair, &lblank;] It is plain that foil cannot here mean that of which the obscurity recommends the brightness of the diamond. It must mean the leaf (feuille) or thin plate of metal in which the stone is set. Johnson. Nothing has been, or is still more common, than to put a bright-coloured foil under a cloudy or low-prized stone. The same allusion is common to many writers. So, in a Song published in England's Helicon, 1614: “False stones by foiles have many one abus'd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 242 5&lblank; the ransom of my bold attempt] The fine paid by me in atonement for my rashness shall be my dead corpse. Johnson.

Note return to page 243 6God, and saint George! &lblank;] Saint George was the common cry of the English soldiers when they charged the enemy. The author of the old Arte of Warre, printed in the latter end of queen Elizabeth's reign, formally enjoins the use of this cry among his military laws, p. 84. “Item, that all souldiers entring into battaile, assault, skirmish, or other faction of armes, shall have for their common cry and word, Saint George, forward, or upon them, saint George, whereby the souldiour is much comforted, and the enemy dismaied by calling to minde the ancient valour of England, which with that name has so often been victorious; and therefore he, who upon any sinister zeale, shall maliciously omit so fortunate a name, shall be severely punished for his obstinate erroneous heart, and perverse mind.” Hence too the humour of the following lines in Marston's nervous but neglected satires, entitled the Scourge of Villainie, printed in 1599. III. Lib. Sat. viii: “A pox upon't that Bacchis' name should be “The watch-word given to the soldierie. “Goe troupe to field, mount thy obscured fame, “Cry out Saint George, invoke thy mistresse' name; “Thy Mistress and Saint George, &c.” In Beaumont and Fletcher's Knight of the Burning Pestle, that admirable and early ridicule of romance-writing, where the champion Ralph is going to attack the Barber, or the huge giant Barbaroso, the burlesque is heightened, when, with much solemnity, and as if a real heroic encounter had been going forward, he cries out, “Saint George! set on before, march squire and page.” Act III. sc. i. vol. vi. p. 405. And afterwards, when the engagement begins, Ralph says, “St. George for me:” and Barbaroso, “Garagantua for me.” Warton.

Note return to page 244 7This, and St. George to boot! &lblank;] That is, this is the order of our battle, which promises success; and over and above this, is the protection of our patron saint. Johnson. To boot is (as I conceive) to help, and not over and above. Hawkins.

Note return to page 245 8Dickon thy master] Diccon is the ancient abbreviation of Richard. In Gammer Gurton's Needle, 1575, Diccon is the name of the Bedlam. In the words—bought and sold, I believe, there is somewhat proverbial. So, in the Comedy of Errors: “It would make a man as mad as a buck, to be so bought and sold.” Steevens.

Note return to page 246 9Let not our babbling dreams, &c.] I suspect these six lines to be an interpolation; but if Shakespeare was really guilty of them in his first draught, he probably intended to leave them out when he substituted the much more proper harangue that follows. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 247 1A sort of vagabonds, &lblank;] A sort, that is, a company, a collection. Johnson. So, in the Mirror for Magistrates: “And, for his company, a sort there be “Of rascal French and British runawaies, &c.” Again, in Preston's Cambyses: “There is a sorte for feare the king doo praise.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. V. c. iv: “But like a sort of sheep dispersed farre.” Steevens.

Note return to page 248 2They would restrain the one, distain the other.] The one means the lands; the other, their wives. It is plain then we should read: They would distrain. &lblank; i. e. seize upon. Warburton.

Note return to page 249 3And who doth lead them but a paltry fellow, Long kept in Britaine at our mother's cost?] This is spoken by Richard, of Henry earl of Richmond: but they were far from having any common mother, but England: and the earl of Richmond was not subsisted abroad at the nation's public charge. During the greatest part of his residence abroad, he was watched and restrained almost like a captive; and subsisted by supplies conveyed from the countess of Richmond, his mother. It seems probable, therefore, that we must read: Long kept in Bretagne at his mother's cost. Theobald. Our mother's cost?] Mr. Theobald perceives to be wrong: he reads therefore, and all the editors after him: Long kept in Bretagne at his mother's cost. But give me leave to transcribe a few more lines from Holinshed, and you will find at once, that Shakespeare had been there before me. “Ye see further, how a companie of traitors, theeves, outlaws and runnagates be aiders and partakers of his feat and enterprise. —And to begin with the erle of Richmond captaine of this rebellion, he is a Welch milksop—brought up by my moother's meanes and mine, like a captive in a close cage in the court of Francis duke of Britaine.” p.759. Holinshed copies this verbatim from his brother chronicler Hall, edit. 1548. fol. 54. but his printer has given us by accident the word moother instead of brother; as it is in the original, and ought to be in Shakespeare. Farmer.

Note return to page 250 4A milksop, &c.] So, in the Mirror of Magistrates already quoted: First with our foe-mens captaine to begin, A weake Welch milksop, one that I do know “Was ne'er before, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 251 5Amaze the welkin with your broken staves!] That is, fright the skies with the shivers of your lances. Johnson. So, in Soliman and Perseda: “Now by the marble face of the welkin.” The same idea is more tamely expressed in W. Smith's Palsgrave, 1613: “Spears flew in splinters half the way to heaven.” Steevens.

Note return to page 252 6Advance our standards, &c.] So again, in the Mirror for Magistrates:   “Advance then captaines, forward to the fight, “Draw forth your swords, each man address his sheeld;   “Hence faint conceites, die thoughts of coward flight, “To heaven you hearts, to fight your valours yeeld: “Behold our foes do brave us in the field.   “Upon them, friends; the cause is yours and mine;   “Saint George and conquest on our helmes doth shine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 253 7Daring an opposite to every danger;] Perhaps the poet wrote: Daring and opposite to every danger. Tyrwhitt. Perhaps the following passage in Chapman's version of the eighth book of Homer's Odyssey may countenance the old reading: &lblank; a most dreadful fight “Daring against him.” Steevens. The old reading is probably right. An opposite is frequently used by Shakespeare and the contemporary writers, for an adversary. So, in Twelfth Night: “&lblank; your opposite hath in him what youth, strength, skill, and wrath, can furnish man withal.” Again: “&lblank; and his opposite the youth, bears in his visage no presage of cruelty.” So, in The Fawn, by Marston, 1605: “A most protested opposite to the match.” Again, in Blurt, Mr. Constable, by Middleton, 1602: “To strengthen us against all opposites.” The sense then should seem to be, that king Richard enacts wonders, daring the adversary he meets with to every danger attending single combat. Malone.

Note return to page 254 8In the Battle of Alcazar, 1598, the Moor calls out in the same manner: “A horse, a horse, villain a horse! “That I may take the river strait, and fly!   “&lblank; Here is a horse, my lord, “As swiftly pac'd as Pegasus. This passage in Shakespeare appears to have been imitated by several of the old writers, if not stolen. So, Heywood, in the Second Part of his Iron Age, 1632: “&lblank; a horse, a horse! “Ten kingdoms for a horse to enter Troy!” Steevens. Marston seems to have imitated this line in his Satires, 1599: “A man, a man, a kingdom for a man!” Malone.

Note return to page 255 9Five have I slain to day instead of him: &lblank;] Shakespeare had employ'd this incident with historical propriety in the first Part of K. Henry IV. Steevens.

Note return to page 256 1A horse! a horse! &c. &lblank;] Some inquiry hath been made for the first performers of the capital characters of Shakespeare. We learn, that Burbage, the alter Roscius of Camden, was the original Richard, from a passage in the poems of bishop Corbet; who introduces his host at Bosworth describing the battle: “But when he would have said king Richard died, “And call'd a horse, a horse, he Burbage cried.” Farmer.

Note return to page 257 2&lblank; and make use of it.] Some old books read: &lblank; make much of it: and therefore Mr. Theobald reads so too: but very foolishly. Without doubt Shakespeare himself thus corrected it to &lblank; make use of it. Which signifies, don't abuse it like the tyrant you have destroyed: whereas the other reading: &lblank; make much of it, signifies be fond of it; a very ridiculous moral for the conclusion of the play. Warburton. Dr. Warburton's reading may receive support from a passage in K. Kenry VIII. where Wolsey is giving advice to Cromwell: “Neglect him not; make use now, and provide “For thine own future safety.” Steevens.

Note return to page 258 3&lblank; as we have ta'en the sacrament:] So, in Holinshed, p. 745: “The earle himselfe first tooke a corporall oth on his honor, promising that incontinent after he shuld be possessed of the crowne and dignitie of the realme of England, he would be conjoined in matrimonie with the ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 259 4All this divided York and Lancaster, Divided, in their dire division. &lblank;] I think the passage will be somewhat improved by a slight alteration: All that divided York and Lancaster, Divided in their dire division, O now let Richmond and Elizabeth, The true succeeders of each royal house, By God's fair ordinance conjoin together. Let them unite all that York and Lancaster divided. Johnson.

Note return to page 260 5This is one of the most celebrated of our authour's performances; yet I know not whether it has not happened to him as to others, to be praised most, when praise is not most deserved. That this play has scenes noble in themselves, and very well contrived to strike in the exhibition, cannot be denied. But some parts are trifling, others shocking, and some improbable. Johnson.

Note return to page 261 10907001P. 3. THE Life and Death of King Richard the Third.] The oldest known edition of this tragedy is printed for Andrew Wise, 1597: but Harrington, in his Apologie of Poetrie, written 1590, and prefixed to the translation of Ariosto, says, that a tragedy of Richard the Third, had been acted at Cambridge. His words are, “For tragedies, to omit other famous tragedies, that which was played at St. John's in Cambridge, of Richard the Third, would move, I think, Phalaris the tyrant, and terrifie all tyrannous minded men, &c.” He most probably means Shakespeare's; and if so, we may argue, that there is some more antient edition of this play than what I have mentioned; at least this shews how early Shakespeare's play appeared; or if some other Richard the Third is here alluded to by Harrington, that a play on this subject preceded our author's. Warton. It appears from the following passage in the preface to Nashe's Have with you to Saffron Walden, or Gabriel Harvey's Hunt is up, 1596, that a Latin tragedy of K. Rich. III. had been acted at Trinity college, Cambridge: “&lblank; or his fellow codshead, that in the Latine tragedie of King Richard, cried—Ad urbs, ad urbs, ad urbs, when his whole part was no more than—Urbs, urbs, ad arma, ad arma.” Steevens. The play on this subject mentioned by sir John Harrington in his Apologie for Poetrie, 1591, and sometimes mistaken for Shakespeare's, was a Latin one, written by Dr. Legge; and acted at St. John's in our university, some years before 1588, the date of the copy in the Museum. This appears from a better MS. in our library at Emmanuel, with the names of the original performers. A childish imitation of Dr. Legge's play was written by one Lacy, 1583; which had not been worth mentioning, were they not confounded by Mr. Capell. Farmer. Heywood, in his Actor's Vindication, mentions the play of K. Rich. III. “acted in St. John's Cambridge, so essentially, that had the tyrant Phalaris beheld his bloody proceedings, it had mollified his heart, and made him relent at sight of his inhuman massacres.” And in the bookes of the Stationers' Company, June 19, 1594, Thomas Creede made the following entry. “An enterlude, intitled the tragedie of Richard the Third, wherein is shown the deathe of Edward the Fourthe, with the smotheringe of the twoo princes in the Tower, with the lamentable ende of Shore's wife, and the contention of the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke.” This could not have been the work of Shakespeare, unless he afterwards dismissed the death of Jane Shore, as an unnecessary incident, when he revised the play. Perhaps, however, it might be some translation of Lacey's play, at the end of the first act of which is, “The showe of the procession. I. Tipstaffe. 2. Shore's wife in her petticote, having a taper burning in her hande. 3. The Verger. 4. Queristers. 5. Singing-men. 6. Prebendary. 7. Bishoppe of London. 8. Citizens.” There is likewise a Latin song sung on this occasion in MS. Harl. 2412. Steevens. The Latin play of Richard III. (MS. Harl. n. 6926.) has the author's name—Henry Lacey, and is dated—1586. The passage, which I would mention, is upon the appearance of Richard to Buckingham and the others who came to offer him the crown: Sed nunc duobus cinctus ecce episcopis Apparet in summâ domo princeps pius. &lblank; It is difficult, I think, to account for such a co-incidence, in a circumstance of mere invention, without supposing that one of the poets must have profited by the other's performance. Tyrwhitt. This circumstance is not an invention of either poet, but taken from Hall's Chronicle: “At the last he came out of his chambre, and yet not doune to theim, but in a galary ouer theim, with a bishop on euery hande of hym, where thei beneth might se hym and speke to hym, as thoughe he woulde not yet come nere them til he wist what they meante, &c.” Farmer.

Note return to page 262 10907002I shall here subjoin two Dissertations, one by Dr. Warburton, and one by Mr. Upton, upon the Vice. ACT III. SCENE I. THUS like the formal vice, Iniquity, &c.] As this corrupt reading in the common books hath occasioned our saying something of the barbarities of theatrical representations amongst us before the time of Shakespeare, it may not be improper, for a better apprehension of this whole matter, to give the reader some general account of the rise and progress of the modern stage. The first form in which the drama appeared in the west of Europe, after the destruction of learned Greece and Rome, and that a calm of dulness had finished upon letters what the rage of barbarism had begun, was that of the Mysteries. These were the fashionable and favourite diversions of all ranks of people both in France, Spain, and England. In which last place, as we learn by Stow, they were in use about the time of Richard the second and Henry the fourth. As to Italy, by what I can find, the first rudiments of their stage, with regard to the matter, were prophane subjects, and, with regard to the form, a corruption of the ancient mimes and attelanes: by which means they got sooner into the right road than their neighbours; having had regular plays amongst them wrote as early as the fifteenth century. As to these mysteries, they were, as their name speaks them, a representation of some scripture-story, to the life: as may be seen from the following passage in an old French history, intitled, La Chronique de Metz composé par le curé de St. Euchaire; which will give the reader no bad idea of the surprising absurdity of these strange representations: “L'an 1437 le 3 Juillet (says the honest Chronicler) fut fait le Jeu de la Passion de N. S. en la plaine de Veximiel. Et fut Dieu un sire appellé Seigneur Nicolle Dom Neufchastel, lequel etoit Curé de St Victour de Metz, lequel fut presque mort en la Croix, s'il ne fût eté secourus; & convient qu'un autre Prêtre fut mis en la Croix pour parfaire le Personnage du Crucifiment pour ce jour; & le lendemain le dit Curé de St. Victour parfit la Resurrection, et fit trés hautement son personage; & dura le dit Jeu—Et autre Prêtre qui s' appelloit Mre. Jean de Nicey, qui estoit Chapelain de Metrange, fut Judas: lequel fut presque mort en pendant, car le cuer li faillit, et fut bien hâtivement dependu & porté en Voye. Et etoit la bouche d'Enfer tres-bien faite; car elle ouvroit & clooit, quand les Diables y vouloient entrer et isser; & avoit deux gross Culs d'Acier, &c.” Alluding to this kind of representations archbishop Harsnet, in his Declaration of Popish Impostures, p. 71. says, “The little children were never so afraid of Hell-mouth in the old plays, painted with great gang teeth, staring eyes, and foul bottle nose.” Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, gives a fuller description of them in these words, “The Guary Miracle, in English a Miracle Play, is a kind of interlude compiled in Cornish out of some scripture history. For representing it, they raise an earthen amphitheatre in some open field, having the diameter of an inclosed playne, some 40 or 50 foot. The country people flock from all sides many miles off, to hear and see it. For they have therein devils and devices, to delight as well the eye as the ear. The players conne not their parts without book, but are prompted by one called the ordinary, who followeth at their back with the book in his hand, &c. &c.” There was always a droll or buffoon in these mysteries, to make the people mirth with his sufferings or absurdities: and they could think of no better a personage to sustain this part than the devil himself. Even in the mystery of the Passion mentioned above, it was contrived to make him ridiculous. Which circumstance is hinted at by Shakespeare (who has frequent allusions to these things) in the Taming of the Shrew, where one of the players asks for a little vinegar (as a property) to make the devil roar. For after the spunge with the gall and vinegar had been employed in the representation, they used to clap it to the nose of the devil; which making him roar, as if it had been holy-water, afforded infinite diversion to the people. So that vinegar in the old farces, was always afterwards in use to torment their devil. We have divers old English proverbs, in which the devil is represented as acting or suffering ridiculously and absurdly, which all arose from the part he bore in these mysteries, as in that, for instance, of—Great cry and little wool, as the devil said when he sheered his hogs. For the sheep-shearing of Nabal being represented in the mystery of David and Abigail, and the devil always attending Nabal, was made to imitate it by shearing a hog. This kind of absurdity, as it is the properest to create laughter, was the subject of the ridiculous in the ancient mimes, as we learn from these words of saint Austin: Ne faciamus ut mimi solent, et optemus à libero aquam, à lymphis vinum † [Subnote: †Civ. D. l. iv.]. These mysteries, we see, were given in France at first, as well as in England sub dio, and only in the provinces. Afterwards we find them got into Paris, and a company established in the Hôtel de Bourgogne to represent them. But good letters and religion beginning to make their way in the latter end of the reign of Francis the first, the stupidity and prophaneness of the mysteries made the courtiers and clergy join their interest for their suppression. Accordingly, in the year 1541, the procureur-general, in the name of the king, presented a request against the company to the parliament. The three principal branches of his charge against them were, that the representation of the Old Testament stories inclined the people to Judaism; that the New Testament stories encouraged libertinism and infidelity; and that both of them lessened the charities to the poor: It seems that this prosecution succeeded; for, in 1548, the parliament of Paris confirmed the company in the possession of the Hôtel de Bourgogne, but interdicted the representation of the mysteries. But in Spain, we find by Cervantes, that they continued much longer; and held their own, even after good comedy came in amongst them: as appears from the excellent critique of the canon, in the fourth book, where he shows how the old extravagant romances might be made the foundation of a regular epic (which, he says, tambien pucde escrivirse en prosa como en verso† [Subnote: †B. iv. c. 20.];) as the mystery-plays might be improved into artful comedy. His word are Pues que si venimos à las comedias divinas, que de milagros falsos fingen en ellas, que de cosas apocrifas, y mal entendidas, attribueyendo a un santo los milagros de otro‡ [Subnote: ‡Ib. 21.]; which made them so fond of miracles that they introduced them into las comedias humanas, he calls them. To return: Upon this prohibition, the French poets turned themselves from religious to moral farces. And in this we soon followed them: the public taste not suffering any greater alteration at first, though the Italians at this time afforded many just compositions for better models. These farces they called moralities. Pierre Gringore, one of their old poets, printed one of these moralities, intitled La Moralité de l' Homme Obstiné. The persons of the drama are l' Homme Obstiné—Pugnition Divine—Simonie—Hypocrisie—and Demerites-Communes. The Homme Obstiné is the atheist, and comes in blaspheming, and determined to persist in his impieties. Then Pugnition Divine appears, sitting on a throne in the air, and menacing the atheist with punishment. After this scene, Simonie, Hypocrisie, and Demerites-Communes appear and play their parts. In conclusion, Pugnition Divine returns, preaches to them, upbraids them with their crimes, and, in short, draws them all to repentance, all but the Homme Obstiné, who persists in his impiety, and is destroyed for an example. To this sad serious subject they added, though in a separate representation, a merry kind of farce called Sottié, in which there was un Paysan [the clown] under the name of Sot-Commun [or Fool.] But we, who borrowed all these delicacies from the French, blended the Moralité and Sottié together: So that the Paysan or Sot-Commun, the Clown or Fool, got a place in our serious moralities: Whose business we may understand in the frequent allusions our Shakespeare makes to them: as in that fine speech in the beginning of the third act of Measure for Measure, where we have this obscure passage: &lblank; merely thon art Death's Fool, “For him thou labour'st by thy flight to shun, “And yet runn'st tow'rd him still.” For, in these moralities, the Fool of the piece, in order to shew the inevitable approaches of Death, (another of the Dramatis Personæ) is made to employ all his stratagems to avoid him; which, as the matter is ordered, bring the Fool, at every turn, into the very jaws of his enemy: So that a representation of these scenes would afford a great deal of good mirth and morals mixed together. The very same thing is again alluded to in these lines of Love's Labour's Lost So Portent-like I would o'er-rule his state, “That he should be my Fool, and I his Fate.” Act IV. sc. ii. But the French, as we say, keeping these two sorts of farces distinct, they became, in time, the parents of tragedy and comedy; while we, by jumbling them together, begot in an evil hour, that mungrel species, unknown to nature and antiquity, called tragi-comedy. Warburton. TO this, when Mr. Upton's Dissertation is subjoined, there will, perhaps, be no need of any other account of the Vice. LIKE the old Vice.] The allusion here is to the Vice, a droll character in our old plays, accoutred with a long coat, a cap with a pair of ass's ears, and a dagger of lath. Shakespeare alludes to his buffoon appearance in Twelfth Night, act IV: “In a trice, like to the old Vice; “Who with dagger of lath, in his rage and his wrath, “Cries, ah, ha! to the Devil. In the second part of K. Henry IV. act III. Falstaff compares Shallow to a Vice's dagger of lath. In Hamlet, act III. Hamlet calls his uncle: A vice of kings: i. e. a ridiculous representation of majesty. These passages the editors have very rightly expounded. I will now mention some others, which seem to have escaped their notice, the allusions being not quite so obvious. The Iniquity was often the Vice in our old moralities; and is introduced in B. Jonson's play called The Devil's an Ass: and likewise mentioned in his Epigr. cxv: “Being no vitious person, but the Vice “About the town. “Acts old Iniquity, and in the fit “Of miming, gets th' opinion of a wit.” But a passage cited from his play will make the following observations more plain. Act I. Pug asks the Devil “to lend him a Vice: “Satan. What Vice? “What kind would thou have it of? “Pug. Why, any Fraud, “Or Covetousness, or lady Vanity, “Or old Iniquity: I'll call him hither. Thus the passage should be ordered: Pug. Why any: Fraud, “Or Covetousness, or lady Vanity, “Or old Iniquity.” “Satan. I'll call him hither. “Enter Iniquity the Vice. “Ini. What is he calls upon me, and would seem to lack a Vice? “Ere his words be half spoken, I am with him in a trice.” And in his Staple of News, act II: “Mirth. How like you the Vice i' th' play? “Expectation. Which is he? “Mirth. Three or four; old Covetousness, the sordid Penny-boy, the Money-bawd, who is a flesh-bawd too, they say. “Tattle. But here is never a Fiend to carry him away. Besides, he has never a wooden dagger! I'd not give a rush for a Vice, that has not a wooden dagger to snap at every body he meets. “Mirth. That was the old way, gossip, when Iniquity came in, like hokos pokos, in a jugler's jerkin, &c.” He alludes to the Vice in the Alchymist, act I. sc. 3. “Sub. And, on your stall, a puppet, with a Vice.” Some places of Shakespeare will from hence appear more easy: as in the first part of Henry IV. act ii. where Hal. humourously characterizing Falstaff, calls him, That reverend Vice, that grey Iniquity, that father Ruffian, that Vanity in years, in allusion to this buffoon character. In K. Richard III. act iii. Thus like the formal Vice, Iniquity, I moralize two meanings in one word. Iniquity is the formal Vice. Some correct the passage, Thus, like formal-wise antiquity I moralize: Two meanings in one word. Which correction is out of all rule of criticism. In Hamlet, act I. there is an allusion, still more distant, to the Vice; which will not be obvious at first, and therefore is to be introduced with a short explanation. This buffoon character was used to make fun with the Devil; and he had several trite expressions, as, I'll be with you in a trice: Ah, ha, boy, are you there? &c. And this was great entertainment to the audience, to see their old enemy so belabour'd in effigy. In K. Henry V. act iv. a boy characterizing Pistol, says, Bardolph and Nim had ten times more valour, than this roaring Devil i'the old play; every one may pare his nails with a wooden dagger. Now Hamlet, having been instructed by his father's ghost, is resolved to break the subject of the discourse to none but Horatio; and to all others his intention is to appear as a sort of madman; when therefore the oath of secrecy is given to the centinels, and the Ghost unseen calls out swear; Hamlet speaks to it as the Vice does to the Devil. Ah, ha, boy, sayst thou so? Art thou there, Truepenny? Hamlet had a mind that the centinels should imagine this was a shape that the devil had put on; and in act III. he is somewhat of this opinion himself, The spirit that I have seen My be the devil. The manner of speech therefore to the Devil was what all the audience were well acquainted with; and it takes off in some measure from the horror of the scene. Perhaps too the poet was willing to inculcate, that good humour is the best weapon to deal with the devil. Truepenny, either by way of irony, or literally from the Greek, &grt;&grr;&grua;&grp;&gra;&grn;&gro;&grn;, veterator. Which word the Scholiast on Aristophanes' Clouds, ver. 447. explains, &grt;&grr;&grua;&grm;&grh;, &gror; &grp;&gre;&grr;&gri;&grt;&gre;&grt;&grr;&gri;&grm;&grm;&grea;&grn;&gro;&grst; &gres;&grn; &grt;&gro;&gric;&grst; &grp;&grr;&graa;&grg;&grm;&gra;&grs;&gri;&grn;, &grorg;&grn; &grhs;&grm;&gre;&gria;&grst; &grT;&grR;&grU;&grP;&grA;&grN;&grO;&grN; &grk;&gra;&grl;&gro;&gruc;&grm;&gre;&grn;. Several have tried to find a derivation of the Vice: if I should not hit on the right, I should only err with others. The Vice is either a quality personalized as &grB;&grI;&grH; and &grK;&grA;&grR;&grT;&grO;&grST; in Hesiod and Æschylus. Sin and Death in Milton; and indeed Vice itself is a person, B. xi. 517: “And took his image whom they serv'd, a brutish Vice.” his image, i. e. a brutish Vice's image: the Vice, Gluttony; not without some allusion to the Vice of the plays: but rather, I think, 'tis an abbreviation of vice-devil, as vice-roy, vice-doges, &c. and therefore properly called the Vice. He makes very free with his master, like most other vice-roys, or prime ministers. So that he is the Devil's Vice, and prime minister; and 'tis this that makes him so sawcy. Upton. Mr. Upton's learning only supplies him with absurdities. His derivation of vice is too ridiculous to be answered. I have nothing to add to the observations of these learned critics, but that some traces of this antiquated exhibition are still retained in the rustic puppet-plays, in which I have seen the Devil very lustily belaboured by Punch, whom I hold to be the legitimate successor of the old Vice. Johnson.

Note return to page 263 1Sir William Sands was created lord Sands about this time, but is here introduced among the persons of the drama, as a distinct character. Sir William has not a single speech assigned to him; and to make the blunder the greater, is brought on after lord Sands has already made his appearance. Steevens. There is no enumeration of the persons in the old edition. Johnson.

Note return to page 264 5We are unacquainted with any dramatic piece on the subject of Henry VIII. that preceded this of Shakespeare; and yet on the books of the Stationers' Company appears the following entry. “Nathaniel Butter] (who was one of our author's printers) Feb. 12, 1604. That he get good allowance for the enterlude of K. Henry VIII. before he begin to print it; and with the wardens hand to yt, he is to have the same for his copy.” Dr. Farmer in a note on the epilogue to this play, observes from Stow, that Robert Greene had written somewhat on the same story. Steevens.

Note return to page 265 2&lblank; or to see a fellow In a long motley coat, &lblank;] Alluding to the fools and buffoons, introduced for the generality in the plays a little before our author's time: and of whom he has left us a small taste in his own. Theobald. So, Nash, in his Epistle Dedicatory to Have with you to Saffron Walden, or Gabriel Harvey's Hunt is Up, 1596: “&lblank; fooles ye know alwaies for the most part (especiallie if they bee naturall fooles) are suted in long coats.” Steevens.

Note return to page 266 3&lblank; such a show As fool and fight is, &lblank;] This is not the only passage in which Shakespeare has discovered his conviction of the impropriety of battles represented on the stage. He knew that five or six men with swords, gave a very unsatisfactory idea of an army, and therefore, without much care to excuse his former practice, he allows that a theatrical fight would destroy all opinion of truth, and leave him never an understanding friend. Magnis ingeniis et multa nihilominus habituris simplex convenit erroris confessio. Yet I know not whether the coronation shewn in this play may not be liable to all that can be objected against a battle. Johnson.

Note return to page 267 4&lblank; the opinion that we bring To make that only true we now intend,)] These lines I do not understand, and suspect them of corruption. I believe we may better read thus: &lblank; th' opinion, that we bring Or make; that only truth we now intend. Johnson. To intend in our author, has sometimes the same meaning as to pretend. So, in the preceding play— “Intend, some deep suspicion.” Steevens. If any alteration were necessary, I should be for only changing the order of the words and reading— That only true to make we now intend: i. e. that now we intend to exhibit only what is true. This passage, and others of this Prologue, in which great stress is laid upon the truth of the ensuing representation, would lead one to suspect, that this play of Henry the VIIIth, is the very play mentioned by Sir H. Wotton, [in his letter of 2 July, 1613, Reliq. Wotton, p. 425.] under the description of a “a new play, [acted by the king's players at the Bank's Side] called, All is True, representing, some principal pieces of the reign of Henry the VIIIth.” The extraordinary circumstances of pomp and majesty, with which, sir Henry says, that play was set forth, and the particular incident of certain cannons shot off at the king's entry to a masque at the cardinal Wolsey's house, (by which the theatre was set on fire and burnt to the ground,) are strictly applicable to the play before us. Mr. Chamberlaine, in Winwood's Memorials, Vol III. p. 469, mentions, “the burning of the Globe, or playhouse, on the Bankside, on St. Peter's-day [1613], which, (says he) fell out by a peale of chambers, that I know not on what occasion were to be used in the play.” B. Jonson, in his Execration upon Vulcan, says, they were two poor chambers. [See the stage-direction in this play, a little before the king's entrance. Drum and trumpet, chambers discharged.] The continuator of Stowe's Chronicle, relating the same accident, p. 1003, says expressly, that it happened at the play of Henry the VIIIth. In a MS. letter of Tho. Lorkin to sir Tho. Puckering, dated London, this last of June, 1613, the same fact is thus related. “No longer since than yesterday, while Bourbage his companie were acting at the Globe the play of Hen. VIII. and there shooting of certayne chambers in way of triumph, the fire catch'd &c.” MS. Harl. 7002. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 268 5&lblank; Think, ye see The very persons of our noble story,] Why the rhyme should have been interrupted here, when it was so easily to be supplied, I cannot conceive. It can only be accounted for from the negligence of the press, or the transcribers; and therefore I have made no scruple to replace it thus: &lblank; Think before ye. Theobald. This is specious, but the laxity of the versification in this prologue, and in the following epilogue, makes it not necessary. Johnson. The author of the Revisal would read: &lblank; of our history. Steevens.

Note return to page 269 6&lblank; a fresh admirer] An admirer untired; an admirer still feeling the impression as if it were hourly renewed. Johnson.

Note return to page 270 7Till this time pomp was single; but now marry'd To one above itself. &lblank;] The thought is odd and whimsical; and obscure enough to need an explanation—Till this time (says the speaker) Pomp led a single life, as not finding a husband able to support her according to her dignity; but she has now got one in Henry VIII. who could support her even above her condition of finery. Warburton. Dr. Warburton has here discovered more beauty than the author intended, who only meant to say in a noisy periphrase, that pomp was encreased on this occasion to more than twice as much as it had ever been before. Pomp is no more married to the English than to the French king, for to neither is any preference given by the speaker. Pomp is only married to pomp, but the new pomp is greater than the old. Johnson.

Note return to page 271 8&lblank; Each following day Became the next day's master, &c.] Dies diem docet. Every day learned something from the preceding, till the concluding day collected all the splendor of all the former shews. Johnson.

Note return to page 272 9All clinquant, &lblank;] All glittering, all shining. Clarendon uses this word in his description of the Spanish Juego de Toros. Johnson. It is likewise used in a Memorable Masque, &c. performed before king James at Whitehall in 1613, at the marriage of the Palsgrave and princess Elizabeth: “&lblank; his buskins clinquant as his other attire.” Steevens.

Note return to page 273 1&lblank; him in eye, Still him in praise; &lblank;] So, Dryden: “&lblank; Two chiefs “So match'd as each seem'd worthiest when alone.” Johnson.

Note return to page 274 2Durst wag his tongue in censure.] Censure for determination, of which had the noblest appearance. Warburton.

Note return to page 275 3That Bevis was believ'd.] The old romantic legend of Bevis of Southampton. This Bevis (or Beavois) a Saxon, was for his prowess created by William the Conqueror earl of Southampton: of whom Camden in his Britannia. Theobald.

Note return to page 276 4&lblank; the tract of every thing &c.] The course of these triumphs and pleasures, however well related, must lose in the description part of that spirit and energy which were expressed in the real action. Johnson.

Note return to page 277 5&lblank; All was royal; &c.] This speech was given in all the editions to Buckingham; but improperly. For he wanted information, having kept his chamber during the solemnity. I have therefore given it to Norfolk. Warburton. I would point thus: &lblank; all was royal To the disposing of it; i. e. even to the disposing of it. Musgrave.

Note return to page 278 6&lblank; the office did Distinctly his full function.] The commission for regulating this festivity was well executed, and gave exactly to every particular person and action the proper place. Johnson.

Note return to page 279 7&lblank; element] No initiation, no previous practices. Elements are the first principles of things, or rudiments of knowledge. The word is here applied, not without a catachresis, to a person. Johnson.

Note return to page 280 8&lblank; fierce vanities? &lblank;] Fierce is here, I think, used like the French fier for proud, unless we suppose an allusion to the mimical ferocity of the combatants in the tilt. Johnson. It is certainly used as the French word fier. So, in Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, the puritan says, the hobby horse “is a fierce and rank idol.” Steevens.

Note return to page 281 9That such a keech &lblank;] Ketch, from the Italian caicchio, signifying a tub, barrel, or hogshead, Skinner. Pope. The word in the folio is keech, which not being understood, is changed into ketch. A keech is a solid lump or mass. A cake of wax or tallow formed in a mould is called yet in some places a keech. Johnson. There may, perhaps, be a singular propriety in this term of contempt. Wolsey was the son of a butcher, and in the second part of King Henry IV. a butcher's wife is called—Goody Keech. Steevens.

Note return to page 282 1Out of his self-drawing web; &lblank;] Thus it stands in the first edition. The later editors, by injudicious correction, have printed: Out of his self-drawn web. Johnson.

Note return to page 283 2A gift that heaven gives for him, which buys A place next to the king.] It is evident a word or two in the sentence is misplaced, and that we should read: A gift that heaven gives; which buys for him A place next to the king. Warburton. It is full as likely that Shakespeare wrote: &lblank; gives to him, &lblank; which will save any greater alteration. Johnson. I am too dull to perceive the necessity of any change. What he is unable to give himself, heaven gives or deposits for him, and that gift, or deposit, buys a place, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 284 3&lblank; the file] That is, the list. Johnson.

Note return to page 285 4&lblank; council out,] Council not then sitting. Johnson. The expression rather means, “all mention of the board of council being left out of his letter.” Steevens.

Note return to page 286 5Must fetch in him he papers.] He papers, a verb; his own letter, by his own single authority, and without the concurrence of the council, must fetch in him whom he papers down.—I don't understand it, unless this be the meaning. Pope. Wolsey published a list of the several persons whom he had appointed to attend on the king at this interview. See Hall's Chronicle, Rymer's Fœdera, tom. 13, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 287 6Have broke their backs with laying manors on them For this great journey.] In the ancient Interlude of Nature, bl. l. no date, but apparently printed in the reign of king Henry VIII. there seems to have been a similar stroke aimed at this expensive expedition: “Pryde. I am unhappy, I se it well, “For thexpence of myne apparell “Towardys this vyage &lblank; “What in horses and other aray “Hath compelled me for to lay “All my land to mortgage.” Steevens.

Note return to page 288 7&lblank; What did this vanity But &lblank;] What effect had this pompous shew but the production of a wretched conclusion. Johnson.

Note return to page 289 8Every man, After the hideous storm that follow'd, &c.] His author, Hall, says, “Monday, 18th day of June, there blew such storms of wind and weather, that marvel was to hear; for which hideous tempest some said it was a very prognostification of trouble and hatred to come between princes.” In Henry VIII. p. 80. Warburton.

Note return to page 290 9The ambassador is silenc'd?] Silenc'd for recall'd. This being proper to be said of an orator; and an ambassador or public minister being called an orator, he applies silenc'd to ambassador. Warburton. I understand it rather of the French ambassador residing in England, who, by being refused an audience, may be said to be silenc'd. Johnson.

Note return to page 291 1A proper title of a peace; &lblank;] A fine name of a peace. Ironically. Johnson.

Note return to page 292 2&lblank; comes that rock,] To make the rock come is not very just. Johnson.

Note return to page 293 3&lblank; butcher's cur &lblank;] Wolsey is said to have been the son of a butcher. Johnson. Dr. Gray observes, that when the death of the duke of Buckingham was reported to the emperor Charles V. he said, “The first buck of England was worried to death by a butcher's dog.” Skelton, whose satire is of the grossest kind, in Why come you not to Court, has the same reflection on the meanness of cardinal Wolsey's birth: “For drede of the boucher's dog, “Wold wirry them like an hog.” Steevens.

Note return to page 294 4&lblank; A beggar's book Out-worth's a noble's blood.] That is, the literary qualifications of a bookish beggar are more prized than the high descent of hereditary greatness. This is a contemptuous exclamation very naturally put into the mouth of one of the antient, unletter'd, martial nobility. Johnson.

Note return to page 295 5He bores me with some trick: &lblank;] He stabs or wounds me by some artifice or fiction. Johnson. So, in the Life and Death of the Lord Cromwell, 1613: “One that hath gull'd you, that hath bor'd you, sir.” Steevens.

Note return to page 296 6&lblank; Anger is like A full hot horse; &lblank;] So, Massinger, in the Unnatural Combat: Let passion work, and, like a hot-rein'd horse, 'Twill quickly tire itself. Steevens.

Note return to page 297 7&lblank; from a mouth of honour &lblank;] I will crush this baseborn fellow, by the due influence of my rank, or say that all distinction of persons is at an end. Johnson.

Note return to page 298 8Heat not a furnace &c.] Might not Shakespeare allude to Dan. iii. 22? “Therefore because the king's commandment was urgent, and the furnace exceeding hot, the flame of fire slew those men that took up Shadrach, Meshac, and Abednego.” Steevens.

Note return to page 299 9&lblank; sincere motions,) &lblank;] Honest indignation; warmth of integrity. Perhaps name not, should be blame not. Whom from the flow of gall I blame not. Johnson.

Note return to page 300 1&lblank; his mind and place Infecting one another, &lblank;] This is very satirical. His mind he represents as highly corrupt; and yet he supposes the contagion of the place of first minister as adding an infection to it. Warburton.

Note return to page 301 2&lblank; suggests the king our master] suggests, for excites. Warburton.

Note return to page 302 3&lblank; our court cardinal.] The old copy reads: &lblank; count cardinal, which may be right. Steevens.

Note return to page 303 4I am sorry To see you ta'en from liberty, to look on The business present: &lblank;] I am sorry that I am obliged to be present and an eye-witness of your loss of liberty. Johnson.

Note return to page 304 5John de la Court,] The name of this monk of the Chartreux was John de la Car, alias de la Court. See Holinshed, p. 863. Steevens.

Note return to page 305 6One Gilbert Peck, his counsellor.] So, the old copies have it, but I, from the authorities of Hall and Holinshed, chang'd it to chancellor. And our poet himself, in the beginning of the second act, vouches for this correction: At which; appear'd against him his surveyor, Sir Gilbert Peck his chancellor. Theobald. Holinshed calls this person, “Gilbert Perke priest, the duke's chancellor.” Steevens.

Note return to page 306 7Michael Hopkins.] So all the old copies had it; and so Mr. Rowe and Mr. Pope from them. But here again, by the help of the chronicles, I have given the true reading. Theobald.

Note return to page 307 8&lblank; my life is spann'd already:] To span is to gripe, or inclose in the hand; to span is also to measure by the palm and fingers. The meaning, therefore, may either be, that hold is taken of my life, my life is in the gripe of my enemies; or, that my time is measured, the length of my life is now determined. Johnson.

Note return to page 308 9I am the shadow of poor Buckingham; Whose figure even this instant cloud puts on, By dark'ning my clear sun. &lblank;] These lines have passed all the editors. Does the reader understand them? By me they are inexplicable, and must be left, I fear, to some happier sagacity. If the usage of our author's time could allow figure to be taken, as now, for dignity or importance, we might read: Whose figure even this instant cloud puts out. But I cannot please myself with any conjecture. Another explanation may be given, somewhat harsh, but the best that occurs to me: I am the shadow of poor Buckingham, Whose figure even this instant cloud puts on, whose port and dignity is assumed by this cardinal, that overclouds and oppresses me, and who gains my place By dark'ning my clear sun. Johnson. Perhaps Shakespeare has expressed the same idea more clearly in the Two Gentlemen of Verona, Antony and Cleopatra, and King John: “Oh, how this spring of love resembeleth “Th' uncertain glory of an April day, “Which now shews all the beauty of the sun, “And, by and by, a cloud takes all away.” Antony remarking on the various appearances assumed by the flying vapours, adds: “&lblank; now thy captain is “Even such a body: here I am Antony, “But cannot hold this visible shape, my knave.” Or yet more appositely in King John: “&lblank; being but the shadow of your son “Becomes a sun, and makes your son a shadow.” Such another thought appears in the famous Hist. of Tho. Stukely, 1605: “He is the substance of my shadowed love.” There is likewise a passage similar to the conclusion of this, in the Bloody Brother of Beaumont and Fletcher: “&lblank; is drawn so high, that, like an ominous comet, “He darkens all your light.” Steevens. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0887

Note return to page 309 1&lblank; and the best heart of it,] The expression is monstrous. The heart is supposed the seat of life: but, as if he had many lives, and to each of them a heart, he says, his best heart. A way of speaking that would have become a cat rather than a king. Warburton. This expression is not more monstrous than many others. Heart is not here taken for the great organ of circulation and life, but, in a common and popular sense, for the most valuable or precious part. Our author, in Hamlet, mentions the heart of heart. Exhausted and effete ground is said by the farmer to be out of heart. The hard and inner part of the oak is called heart of oak. Johnson.

Note return to page 310 2&lblank; stood i' the level Of a full-charg'd confederacy; &lblank;] To stand in the level of a gun is to stand in a line with its mouth, so as to be hit by the shot. Johnson.

Note return to page 311 3The many to them 'longing, &lblank;] The many is the meiny, the train, the people. Dryden is, perhaps, the last that used this word: “The kings before their many rode.” Johnson. I believe the many is only the multitude. Thus, Coriolanus, speaking of the rabble, calls them: “&lblank; the mutable rank-scented many.” Steevens.

Note return to page 312 4And lack of other means, &lblank;] Means does not signify methods of livelihood, for that was said immediately before: Unfit for other life, &lblank; but it signifies, necessaries—compelled, says the speaker, for want of bread and other necessaries. But the poet using for the thing [want of bread] the effect of it, [hunger] the passage is become doubly obscure; first, by using a term in a licentious sense, and then by putting it to a vicious construction. The not apprehending that this is one of the distinguishing peculiarities in Shakespeare's stile, has been the occasion of so much ridiculous correction of him. Warburton. I have inserted this note rather because it seems to have been the writer's favourite, than because it is of much value. It explains what no reader has found difficult, and, I think, explains it wrong. Johnson.

Note return to page 313 5And Danger serves among them.] Could one easily believe, that a writer, who had, but immediately before, sunk so low in his expression, should here rise again to a height so truly sublime? where, by the noblest stretch of fancy, Danger is personalized as serving in the rebel army, and shaking the established government. Warburton. Chaucer, Gower, Skelton, and Spenser, have personified Danger. The first, in his Romaunt of the Rose; the second, in his fifth book De Confessione Amantis; the third in his Bouge of Court: “With that, anone out start dangere.” and the fourth, in the 10th Canto of the fourth book of his Faery Queen, and again in the fifth book and the ninth Canto. Steevens.

Note return to page 314 6&lblank; front but in that file] I am but primus inter pares. I am but first in the row of counsellors. Johnson.

Note return to page 315 7&lblank; tractable obedience &c.] i. e. those who are tractable and obedient must give way to others who are angry. Musgrave.

Note return to page 316 8There is no primer business.] In the old edition: There is no primer baseness. The queen is here complaining of the suffering of the commons; which, she suspects, arose from the abuse of power in some great men. But she is very reserved in speaking her thoughts concerning the quality of it. We may be assured then, that she did not, in conclusion, call it the highest baseness; but rather made use of a word that could not offend the cardinal, and yet would incline the king to give it a speedy hearing. I read therefore: There is no primer business. i. e. no matter of state that more earnestly presses a dispatch. Warburton.

Note return to page 317 9We must not stint] To stint is to stop, to retard. Many instances of this sense of the word are given in a note on the first act of Romeo and Juliet. Steevens.

Note return to page 318 1To cope &lblank;] To engage with; to encounter. The word is still used in some counties. Johnson.

Note return to page 319 2By sick &c.] The old edition reads: By sick interpreters, (once weak ones) is Not ours, &lblank; I do not know that the old reading ought to be restored, but it may be noted. Johnson. The modern editors read—or weak ones; but once is not unfrequently used for sometime, or at one time or other, among our ancient writers. So, in the 13th Idea of Drayton: “This diamond shall once consume to dust.” Again, in the Merry Wives of Windsor:—“I pray thee once tonight give my sweet Nan this ring.” Steevens.

Note return to page 320 4&lblank; what worst, as oft, Hitting a grosser quality, &lblank;] The worst actions of great men are commended by the vulgar, as more accommodated to the grossness of their notions. Johnson.

Note return to page 321 5From every tree, lop, bark, and part o' the timber;] Lop is a substantive, and signifies the branches. Warburton.

Note return to page 322 6That through our intercession, &c.] So, in Holinshed, p. 892: “The cardinall, to deliver himself from the evill will of the commons, purchased by procuring and advancing of this demand, affirmed, and caused it to be bruted abrode that through his intercession the king had pardoned and released all things.” Steevens.

Note return to page 323 7The gentleman is learn'd, &c.] It appears from “The Prologue of the translatour,” that the Knyght of the Swanne, a French romance, was translated at the request of this unfortunate nobleman. Copland the printer, adds, “this present history compyled, named Helyas the Knight of the Swanne, of whom linially is descended my said lord.” The duke was executed on Friday the 17th of May, 1521. The book has no date. Steevens.

Note return to page 324 8&lblank; out of himself. &lblank;] Beyond the treasures of his own mind. Johnson.

Note return to page 325 9&lblank; noble benefits &lblank; Not well dispos'd, &lblank;] Great gifts of nature and education, not joined with good dispositions. Johnson.

Note return to page 326 1&lblank; This man, so compleat, Who was enroll'd 'mongst wonders, and when we, Almost with list'ning ravish'd, could not find His hour of speech, a minute; he, my lady, &c.] This sentence is broken and confused, though, with the allowances always to be made to our authour, it may be understood. Yet it may be proper to examine the old edition, which gives it thus: &lblank; and when we, Almost with ravish'd list'ning &lblank; I know not whether we may not read: &lblank; this man Who was enroll'd with wonder and whom we Almost were ravish'd listening, could not find His hour of speech a minute. To listen a man, for, to hearken to him, is commonly used by our authour. So, by Milton: “I listen'd them a while.” I do not rate my conjecture at much; but as the common reading is without authority, something may be tried. Perhaps the passage is best as it was originally published. Johnson.

Note return to page 327 2&lblank; is become as black As if besmear'd in hell.] So, in Othello: “&lblank; Her name, that was as fresh “As Dian's visage, is now begrim'd and black “As mine own face.” Steevens.

Note return to page 328 3This dangerous conception in this point.] Note this particular part of this dangerous design. Johnson.

Note return to page 329 4By a vain prophecy of Nicholas Hopkins.] In former editions: By a vain prophecy of Nicholas Henton. We heard before, from Brandon, of one Nicholas Hopkins; and now his name is changed into Henton; so that Brandon and the surveyor seem to be in two stories. There is, however, but one and the same person meant, Hopkins; as I have restored it in the text, for perspicuity's sake: yet will it not be any difficulty to account for the other name, when we come to consider, that he was a monk of the convent, call'd Henton, near Bristol. So both Hall and Holinshed acquaint us. And he might, according to the custom of these times, be called Nicholas of Henton, from the place; as Hopkins from his family. Theobald. This mistake, as it was undoubtedly made by Shakespeare, is worth a note. It would be doing too great an honour to the players to suppose them capable of being the authors of it. Steevens.

Note return to page 330 5&lblank; under the commission's seal He solemnly had sworn, &lblank;] So, all the editions down from the very beginning. But what commission's seal? That is a question, I dare say, none of our diligent editors ever asked themselves. The text must be restored, as I have corrected it; and honest Holinshed, from whom our author took the substance of this passage, may be called in as a testimony.—“The duke in talk told the monk, that he had done very well to bind his chaplain, John de la Court, under the seal of confession, to keep secret such matter.” Vid. Life of Hen. VIII. p. 863. Theobald.

Note return to page 331 6For the love] The old copy reads—To the love. Steevens.

Note return to page 332 5&lblank; so rank? &lblank;] Rank weeds, are weeds that are grown up to great height and strength. What, says the king, was he advanced to this pitch? Johnson.

Note return to page 333 6&lblank; Being my sworn servant, &c.] Sir William Blomer (Holinshed calls him Bulmer) was reprimanded by the king in the star-chamber, for that, being his sworn servant, he had left the king's service for the duke of Buckingham's. Edwards's MSS. Steevens.

Note return to page 334 7Is it possible, the spells of France should juggle Men into such strange mysteries?] These mysteries were the fantastic court-fashions. He says they were occasioned by the spells of France. Now it was the opinion of the common people, that conjurers, jugglers, &c. with spells and charms could force men to commit idle fantastic actions; and change even their shapes to something ridiculous and grotesque. To this superstition the poet alludes, who, therefore, we must think, wrote the second line thus: Men into such strange mockeries. A word well expressive of the whimsical fashions here complained of. Sir Thomas More, speaking of this very matter, at the same time, says: “Ut more simiæ laboret fingere “Et æmulari Gallicas ineptias.” But the Oxford editor, without regard to the metaphor, but in order to improve on the emendation, reads mimick'ries; not considering neither that whatsoever any thing is changed or juggled into by spells, must have a passive signification, as mockeries, [i. e. visible figures] not an active, as mimick'ries. Warburton. I do not deny this note to be plausible, but am in doubt whether it be right. I believe the explanation of the word mysteries will spare us the trouble of trying experiments of emendation. Mysteries were allegorical shews, which the mummers of those times exhibited in odd and fantastic habits. Mysteries are used, by an easy figure, for those that exhibited mysteries; and the sense is only, that the travelled Englishmen were metamorphosed, by foreign fashions, into such an uncouth appearance, that they looked like mummers in a mystery. Johnson.

Note return to page 335 8A fit or two o' the face; &lblank;] A fit of the face seems to be what we now term a grimace, an artificial cast of the countenance. Johnson. Fletcher has more plainly expressed the same thought in The Elder Brother: “&lblank; learnt new tongues &lblank; “To vary his face as seamen do their compass. Steevens.

Note return to page 336 9And springhalt reign'd among 'em.] The stringhalt, or springhalt, (as the old copy reads) is a disease incident to horses, which gives them a convulsive motion in their paces. So, in Muleasses the Turk, 1610: “&lblank; by reason of a general spring-halt and debility in their hams.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Bartholomew-Fair: “Poor soul, she has had a stringhalt.” Steevens.

Note return to page 337 1&lblank; leave those remnants Of fool and feather,] This does not allude to the feathers anciently worn in the hats and caps of our countrymen, (a circumstance to which no ridicule could justly belong) but to an effeminate fashion recorded in Greene's Farewell to Folly, 1617; from whence it appears that even young gentlemen carried fans of feathers in their hands: “&lblank; we strive to be counted womanish, by keeping of beauty, by curling the hair, by wearing plumes of feathers in our hands, which in wars, our ancestors wore on their heads.” Again, in his Quip for an upstart Courtier, 1620: “Then our young courtiers strove to exceed one another in vertue not in bravery; they rode not with fannes to ward their faces from the wind, &c.” Again, in Lingua, &c. 1607. Phantastes, who is a male character, is equipped with a fan. Steevens.

Note return to page 338 2&lblank; blister'd breeches,] Thus the old copy. i. e. breeches puff'd, swell'd out like blisters. The modern editors read—bolster'd breeches, which has the same meaning. Steevens.

Note return to page 339 3&lblank; noble bevy &lblank;] Milton has copied this word: “A bevy of fair dames.” Johnson.

Note return to page 340 4As, first, good company, good wine, &c.] As this passage has been all along pointed, sir Harry Guilford is made to include all these under the first article; and then gives us the drop as to what should follow. The poet, I am persuaded, wrote: As first-good company, good wine, good welcome, &c. i. e. he would have you as merry as these three things can make you, the best company in the land, of the best rank, good wine, &c. Theobald. Sir T. Hanmer has mended it more elegantly, but with greater violence: As first, good company, then good wine, &c. Johnson.

Note return to page 341 5&lblank; if I make my play.] i. e. if I make my party. Steevens.

Note return to page 342 6&lblank; Chambers discharg'd.] A chamber is a gun which stands erect on its breech. Such are used only on occasions of rejoicing, and are so contrived as to carry great charges, and thereby to make a noise more than proportioned to their bulk. They are called chambers because they are mere chambers to lodge powder; a chamber being the technical term for that cavity in a piece of ordnance which contains the combustibles. Some of them are still fired in the Park, and at the places opposite to the parliament-house, when the king goes thither. Camden enumerates them among other guns, as follows:—“cannons, demi-cannons, chambers, arquebuse, musquet.” Again, in A New Trick to cheat the Devil, 1636: “&lblank; I still think o' the Tower ordinance, “Or of the peal of chambers, that's still fir'd “When my lord-mayor takes his barge.” Steevens.

Note return to page 343 7Enter the king, and others, as maskers.] For an account of this masque see Holinshed, Vol. II. p. 921. Steevens.

Note return to page 344 8&lblank; take it.] That is, take the chief place. Johnson.

Note return to page 345 9You have found him, cardinal:] Holinshed says the cardinal mistook, and pitched upon sir Edward Neville; upon which the king laughed, and pulled off both his own mask and sir Edward's. Edward's MSS. Steevens.

Note return to page 346 1&lblank; unhappily.] That is, unluckily, mischievously Johnson. So, in A merye Jest of a Man called Howleglas, bl. l. no date: “&lblank; in such manner colde he cloke and hyde his unhappinesse and falsnesse.” Steevens.

Note return to page 347 2I were unmannerly to take you out, And not to kiss you.] A kiss was anciently the established fee of a lady's partner. So, in A Dialogue between Custom and Veritie, concerning the Use and Abuse of Dauncing and Minstrelsie, bl. l. no date. “Imprinted at London, at the long shop adjoining unto saint Mildreds church in the Pultrie, by John Allde.” “But some reply, what foole would daunce,   “If that when daunce is doon, “He may not have at ladyes lips   “That which in daunce he woon?” Steevens.

Note return to page 348 3&lblank; he sweat extremely;] This circumstance is taken from Holinshed. “After he was found guilty, the duke was brought to the bar, sore chafing, and sweat marvelously.” Steevens.

Note return to page 349 4Sir William.] The old copy reads, Sir Walter. Steevens.

Note return to page 350 5&lblank; You few, that lov'd me, &c.] These lines are remarkably tender and pathetic. Johnson.

Note return to page 351 6&lblank; no black envy Shall make my grave. &lblank;] The sense of this is, that envy should not procure or advance his death. But this is not what he would say; he believed the cardinal's envy did procure his death. He is speaking not of another's envy but his own. And his thought is, that he would not be remembered for an implacable unforgiving temper. We should read therefore: &lblank; no black envy Shall mark my grave. &lblank; alluding to the old custom of marking good or ill, by a white or black stone. Warburton. Dr. Warburton has with good judgment observed the error, but has not, I think, very happily corrected it. I do not see how the envy of those that are buried can mark the grave. In reading the lines I cannot but suspect that two words, as it may naturally happen, have changed places: There cannot be those numberless offences 'Gainst me, I can't take peace with: no black envy Shall make my grave. &lblank; I would read thus: There cannot be those numberless offences 'Gainst me, I can't make peace with, no black envy Shall take my grave. &lblank; To take, in this place, is to blast, to strike with malignant influence. So, in Lear: “&lblank; Strike her young limbs, “Ye taking airs, with lameness. Again, in Hamlet: “&lblank; No spirit dares walk abroad, “No planet takes. &lblank;” Johnson. I believe Shakespeare, by this expression, meant no more than to make the duke say, No action expressive of malice shall conclude my life. Envy by our author is used for malice and hatred in other places, and, perhaps, in this. Again, in the ancient metrical romance of Syr Bevis of Hampton, bl. l. no date: “Traytoure, he sayd with great envy, “Turne thee now I thee defye.” Again: “They drewe theyr swordes hastely “And smot together with great envy.” And Barrett, in his Alvearie, or Quadruple Dictionary, 1580, thus interprets it. Steevens.

Note return to page 352 7&lblank; poor Edward Bohun:] The duke of Buckingham's name was Stafford, Shakespeare was led into the mistake by Holinshed. Steevens. This is not an expression thrown out at random, or by mistake, but one strongly marked with historical propriety. The name of the duke of Buckingham most generally known, was Stafford; but the Hist. of Remarkable Trials, 8vo. 1715, p. 170, says: “it seems he affected that surname [of Bohun] before that of Stafford, he being descended from the Bohuns, earls of Hereford.” His reason for this might be, because he was lord high constable of England by inheritance of tenure from the Bohuns; and as the poet has taken particular notice of his great office, does it not seem probable that he had fully considered of the duke's foundation for assuming the name of Bohun? In truth, the duke's name was Bagot; for a gentleman of that very ancient family married the heiress of the barony of Stafford, and their son relinquishing his paternal surname, assumed that of his mother, which continued in his posterity. Tollet.

Note return to page 353 8&lblank; I now seal it, &c.] I now seal my truth, my loyalty, with blood, which blood shall one day make them groan. Johnson.

Note return to page 354 9And when you would say something that is sad &c.] So, in K. Richard II: “Tell thou the lamentable tale of me, “And send the hearers weeping to their beds. Steevens.

Note return to page 355 1Strong faith &lblank;] is great fidelity. Johnson.

Note return to page 356 2The French king's sister.] i. e. the duchess of Alençon. Steevens.

Note return to page 357 3From princes into pages: &lblank;] This may allude to the retinue of the cardinal, who had several of the nobility among his menial servants. Johnson.

Note return to page 358 4Into what pitch he please.] Here is a strange dissonance in the metaphor, which is taken from unbak'd dough. I read: Into what pinch he please. i. e. into what shape he please. Warburton. I do not think this emendation necessary, let the allusion be to what it will. The mass must be fashioned into pitch or height, as well as into particular form. The meaning is, that the cardinal can, as he pleases, make high or low. Johnson. The allusion seems to be to the 21st verse of the 9th chapter of the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans: “Hath not the potter power over the clay of the same lump, to make one vessel unto honour, and another unto dishonour?” Collins.

Note return to page 359 5A door opens, &c.] The stage direction in the old copy is a singular one. Exit Lord Chamberlain, and the King draws the curtain, and sits reading pensively. Steevens.

Note return to page 360 6&lblank; have great care I be not found a talker.] I take the meaning to be, Let care be taken that my promise be performed, that my professions of welcome be not found empty talk. Johnson.

Note return to page 361 7&lblank; so sick though, &lblank;] That is, so sick as he is proud. Johnson.

Note return to page 362 8Kept him a foreign man still: &lblank;] Kept him out of the king's presence, employed in foreign embassies. Johnson.

Note return to page 363 9To give her the avaunt! &lblank;] To send her away contemptuously; to pronounce against her a sentence of ejection. Johnson.

Note return to page 364 1Yet, if that quarrel, Fortune, &lblank;] She calls Fortune a quarrel or arrow, from her striking so deep and suddenly. Quarrel was a large arrow so called. Thus Fairfax: “&lblank; Twang'd the string, out flew the quarrel long. Warburton. Such is Dr. Warburton's interpretation. Sir Thomas Hanmer reads: That quarreller Fortune. I think the poet may be easily supposed to use quarrel for quarreller, as murder for murderer, the act for the agent. Johnson. Dr. Johnson may be right. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “&lblank; but that your royalty “Holds idleness your subject, I should take you For Idleness itself.” Like Martial's—“Non vitiosus homo es, Zoile, sed Vitium.” We might, however, read— Yet if that quarrel fortune to divorce It from the bearer.” &lblank; i. e. if any quarrel happen or chance to divorce it from the bearer. To fortune is a verb used by Shakespeare: “&lblank; I'll tell you as we pass along, “That you will wonder what hath fortuned?” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. I. c. ii: “It fortuned (high heaven did so ordaine) &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 365 2&lblank; stranger now again.] Again an alien; not only no longer queen, but no longer an Englishwoman. Johnson. It rather means, she is alienated from the king's affection, is a stranger to his bed; for she still retained the rights of an Englishwoman, and was princess dowager of Wales. So, in the second scene of the third act: “&lblank; Katharine no more “Shall be call'd queen; but princess dowager, “And widow to prince Arthur.” Tollet.

Note return to page 366 3&lblank; our best having.] That is, our best possession. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; Promises “Of noble having and of royal hope. In Spanish, hazienda. Johnson.

Note return to page 367 4&lblank; cheveril &lblank;] is kid-skin, soft-leather. Johnson. So, in Histriomastix, 1610: “The cheveril conscience of corrupted law.” Steevens.

Note return to page 368 5&lblank; Pluck off a little;] What must she pluck off? I think we may better read: &lblank; Pluck up a little. Pluck up! is an idiomatical expression for take courage. Johnson. The old lady first questions Anne Bullen about being a queen, which she declares her aversion to; she then proposes the title of a dutchess, and asks her if she thinks herself equal to the task of sustaining it; but as she still declines the offer of greatness; Pluck off a little, says she, i. e. let us descend still lower, and more upon a level with your own quality; and then adds: I would not be a young count in your way, which is still an inferior degree of honour to any yet spoken of. Steevens.

Note return to page 369 6You'd venture an emballing: &lblank;] You would venture to be distinguished by the ball, the ensign of royalty. Johnson. Dr. Johnson's explanation cannot be right, because a queen-consort, such as Anne Bullen was, is not distinguished by the ball, the ensign of royalty, nor has the poet expressed that she was so distinguished. Tollet.

Note return to page 370 7More than my all, is nothing: &lblank;] No figure can free this expression from nonsense. In spite of the exactness of measure, we should read: More than my all, which is nothing. i. e. which all is nothing. Warburton. It is not nonsense, but only a hyperbole. Not only my all is nothing, but if my all were more than it is, it were still nothing. Johnson.

Note return to page 371 8I shall not fail &c.] I shall not omit to strengthen by my commendation, the opinion which the king has formed. Johnson.

Note return to page 372 9&lblank; I have perus'd her well;] From the many artful strokes of address the poet has thrown in upon queen Elizabeth and her mother, it should seem, that this play was written and performed in his royal mistress's time: if so, some lines were added by him in the last scene, after the accession of her successor, king James. Theobald.

Note return to page 373 1&lblank; a gem To lighten all this isle? &lblank;] Perhaps alluding to the carbuncle, a gem supposed to have intrinsic light, and to shine in the dark; any other gem may reflect light, but cannot give it. Johnson. So, in Titus Andronicus: “A precious ring that lightens all the hole.” Steevens.

Note return to page 374 2&lblank; is it bitter? forty pence no.] Mr. Roderick, in his appendix to Mr. Edwards's book, proposes to read: &lblank; for two-pence. The old reading may, however, stand. Forty pence was in those days the proverbial expression of a small wager, or a small sum. Money was then reckoned by pounds, marks, and nobles. Forty pence is half a noble, or the sixth part of a pound. Forty pence, or three and four pence, still remains in many offices the legal and established fee. So, in K. Rich. II. act V. sc. v: “The cheapest of us is ten groats too dear.” Again, in All's Well that Ends Well, act II. the clown says, As fit as ten groats for the hand of an attorney. Again, in The Wild Goose Chase of Beaumont and Fletcher: “&lblank; Now could I spend my forty pence, “With all my heart.” Again, in Green's Groundwork of Coneycatching: “&lblank; wagers laying &c. forty pence gaged against a match of wrestling.” Again, in Histriomastix, or the Player Whipt, 1610. This sum is the fee of some players: “Give them forty pence, and let them go.” Again, in The longer thou Livest, the more Fool thou art, 1570: “I dare wage with any man forty pence.” Again, in the old Enterlude of the Repentance of Mary Magdalene, 1567: “To se her fashion I would bestow my forty pence.” Again, in the Storye of King Darius, 1565, an interlude: “Nay, that I will not for fourty pence.” Steevens.

Note return to page 375 3For all the mud in Egypt:] The fertility of Egypt is derived from the mud and slime of the Nile. Steevens.

Note return to page 376 4sennet,] I know not the meaning of this word, which is in all the editions, except that of Hanmer, who, not understanding it, has left it out. Johnson. Dr. Burney (whose General History of Music has been so highly and deservedly applauded) undertook to trace the etymology, and discover the certain meaning of this term, but without success. The following conjecture of his, should not, however, be witheld from the public. Senné or sennie de l'Allemand sen qui signifie assemblee. Dict. de vieux Langage: “Senne assemblee a son de cloche.” Menage. Perhaps, therefore, says he, sennet may mean a flourish for the purpose of assembling chiefs, or apprizing the people of their approach. I have likewise been informed, (as is elsewhere noted) that seneste is the name of an antiquated French tune. See Julius Cæsar, act I. sc ii. Steevens. In the second part of Marston's Antonio: “Cornets sound a cynet.” Farmer.

Note return to page 377 5pillars;] Pillars were some of the ensigns of dignity carried before cardinals. Sir Thomas More, when he was speaker to the commons, advised them to admit Wolsey into the house with his maces and his pillars. More's Life of Sir T. More. Johnson. Skelton, in his Satire against cardinal Wolsey, has these lines:   “With worldly pompe incredible, “Before him rydeth two prestes stronge; “And they bear two crosses right longe,   “Gapynge in every man's face: “After them folowe two laye men secular, “And eache of theym holdyn a pillar,   “In their hondes steade of a mace.” Steevens. &lblank; two great silver pillars.] At the end of Fiddes's Life of Cardinal Wolsey, is a curious letter of Mr. Anstis's on the subject of the two silver pillars usually borne before Cardinal Wolsey. This remarkable piece of pageantry did not escape the notice of Shakespeare. Percy. Wolsey had two great crosses of silver, the one of his archbishoprick, the other of his legacy, borne before whithersoever he went or rode, by two of the tallest priests that he could get within the realm. This is from Vol. III. p. 920 of Holinshed, and it seems from p. 837, that one of the pillars was a token of a cardinal, and perhaps he bore the other pillar as an archbishop. Tollet.

Note return to page 378 6Sir, I desire you do me right and justice; &c.] This speech of the queen, and the king's reply, are taken from Holinshed with the most trifling variations. Steevens.

Note return to page 379 7&lblank; nay, gave not notice] In former editions: &lblank; nay, gave notice, which, though the author's common liberties of speech might justify, yet I cannot but think that not was dropped before notice, having the same letters, and have therefore followed sir Thomas Hanmer's correction. Johnson.

Note return to page 380 8I am about to weep; &c.] Shakespeare has given almost a similar sentiment to Hermione in the Winter's Tale, on an almost similar occasion: “I am not prone to weeping, as our sex “Commonly are &c.—but I have “That honourable grief lodg'd here, which burns “Worse than tears drown; &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 381 9&lblank; and make my challenge, You shall not be my judge:] Challenge is here a verbum juris, a law term. The criminal, when he refuses a juryman, says, I challenge him. I think there is a slight errour which destroys the connection, and would read: Induc'd by potent circumstances, that You are mine enemy, I make my challenge. &lblank; You shall not be my judge. Johnson.

Note return to page 382 1&lblank; gainsay] i. e. deny. So, in lord Surrey's translation of the fourth book of the Æneid: “I hold thee not, nor yet gainsay thy words.” Steevens.

Note return to page 383 2You sign your place and calling, &lblank;] Sign, for answer. Warburton. I think, to sign, must here be to show, to denote. By your outward meekness and humility, you show that you are of an holy order, but, &c. Johnson.

Note return to page 384 3&lblank; now are mounted, Where powers are your retainers; and your words, Domesticks to you, serve your will, &lblank;] You have now got power at your beck, following in your retinue: and words therefore are degraded to the servile state of performing any office which you shall give them. In humbler and more common terms; Having now got power, you do not regard your word. Johnson. I believe we should read: “Where powers are your retainers, and your wards, “Domesticks to you, &c.” The Queen rises naturally in her description. She paints the powers of government depending upon Wolsey under three images; as his retainers, his wards, his domestic servants. Tyrwhitt. So, in Storer's Life and Death of Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal, a poem, 1599: “I must have notice where their wards must dwell; “I car'd not for the gentry, for I had “Yong nobles of the land, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 385 4&lblank; could speak thee out)] If thy several qualities had tongues to speak thy praise. Johnson.

Note return to page 386 &lblank; although not there At once, and fully satisfied) &lblank;] What he aims at is this; where I am robbed and bound, there must I be unloosed, though the injurers be not there to make me satisfaction; as much as to say, I owe so much to my own innocence, as to clear up my character, though I do not expect my wrongers will do me justice. It seems then that Shakespeare wrote: Aton'd, and fully satisfied. &lblank; Warburton. I do not see what is gained by this alteration. The sense, which is encumbered with words in either reading, is no more than this. I must be loosed, though when so loosed, I shall not be satisfied fully and at once; that is, I shall not be immediately satisfied. Johnson.

Note return to page 387 6&lblank; on my honour, I speak my good lord cardinal to this point,] The king, having first addressed to Wolsey, breaks off; and declares upon his honour to the whole court, that he speaks the cardinal's sentiments upon the point in question; and clears him from any attempt, or wish, to stir that business. Theobald.

Note return to page 388 7Scruple, and prick, &lblank;] Prick of conscience was the term in confession. Johnson. The expression is from Holinshed, where the king says: “The special cause that moved me unto this matter was a certaine scrupulositie that pricked my conscience &c.” See Holinshed, p. 907. Steevens.

Note return to page 389 8&lblank; This respite shook The bosom of my conscience, &lblank;] Though this reading be sense, yet, I verily believe, the poet wrote: The bottom of my conscience, &lblank; Shakespeare, in all his historical plays, was a most diligent observer of Holinshed's Chronicle. Now Holinshed, in the speech which he has given to king Henry upon this subject; makes him deliver himself thus: “Which words, once conceived within the secret bottom of my conscience, ingendred such a scrupulous doubt, that my conscience was incontinently accombred, vexed, and disquieted.” Vid. Life of Henry VIII. p. 907. Theobald.

Note return to page 390 9&lblank; hulling in The wild sea &lblank;] That is, floating without guidance; toss'd here and there. Johnson. The phrase belongs to navigation. A ship is said to hull, when she is dismasted, and only her hull, or hulk, is left at the direction and mercy of the waves. So, in the Alarum for London, 1602: “And they lye hulling up and down the stream.” Steevens.

Note return to page 391 1I then mov'd you,] I have rescued the text from Holinshed.— “I moved it in confession to you, my lord of Lincoln, then ghostly father. And forasmuch as then you yourself were in some doubt, you moved me to ask the counsel of all these my lords. Whereupon I moved you, my lord of Canterbury, first to have your licence, in as much as you were metropolitan, to put this matter in question; and so I did of all you, my lords.” Holinshed's Life of Henry VIII. p. 908. Theobald.

Note return to page 392 2That's paragon'd i' th' world.] Hanmer reads, I think, better: &lblank; The primest creature That's paragon o' th' world. Johnson. So, in the Two Gentlemen of Verona: No: but she is an earthly paragon. Again, in another of our author's plays: &lblank; an angel! or, if not, An earthly paragon. To paragon, however, is a verb used by Shakespeare both in Antony and Cleopatra, and Othello: If thou with Cæsar paragon again My man of men &lblank; a maid That paragons description and wild fame. Steevens.

Note return to page 393 3They rise to depart.] Here the modern editors add: The king speaks to Cranmer.] This marginal direction is not found in the old folio, and was wrongly introduced by some subsequent editor. Cranmer was now absent from court on an embassy, as appears from the last scene of this act, where Cromwell informs Wolsey, that he is return'd and install'd archbishop of Canterbury: My learn'd and well-beloved servant, Cranmer, Pr'ythee, return! &lblank; is no more than an apostrophe to the absent bishop of that name. Ridley.

Note return to page 394 4Wait in the presence.] i. e. in the presence-chamber. Steevens.

Note return to page 395 5They should be good men; their affairs are righteous:] Affairs for professions; and then the sense is clear and pertinent. The proposition is they are priests. The illation, therefore they are good men; for being understood: but if affairs be interpreted in its common signification, the sentence is absurd. Warburton. The sentence has no great difficulty: Affairs means not their present errand, but the business of their calling. Johnson.

Note return to page 396 6&lblank; All hoods make not monks.] Cucullus not facit monachum. Steevens.

Note return to page 397 7Envy and base opinion set against 'em,] I would be glad that my conduct were in some publick trial confronted with mine enemies, that envy and corrupt judgment might try their utmost power against me. Johnson.

Note return to page 398 8Seek me out,] I believe that a word has dropt out here, and that we should read—if your business seek me, speak out, and that way I am wise in. i. e. in the way th3at I can understand. Tyrwhitt. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0894

Note return to page 399 9&lblank; and that way I am wife in,] That is, if you come to examine the title by which I am the king's wife; or, if you come to know how I have behaved as a wife. The meaning, whatever it be, is so coarsely and unskilfully expressed, that the latter editors have liked nonsense better, and contrarily to the ancient and only copy, have published: And that way I am wife in. Johnson.

Note return to page 400 1O, good my lord, no Latin.] So, Holinshed p. 908: “Then began the cardinall to speake to her in Latine. Naie good my lord (quoth she) speake to me in English.” Steevens.

Note return to page 401 2For her sake that I have been, &c.] For the sake of that royalty that I have heretofore possessed. Malone.

Note return to page 402 3(Though he be grown so desperate to be honest)] Do you think that any Englishman dare advise me; or, if any man should venture to advise with honesty, that he could live? Johnson.

Note return to page 403 4&lblank; weigh out my afflictions,] This phrase is obscure. To weigh out, is, in modern language, to deliver by weight; but this sense cannot be here admitted. To weigh is likewise to deliberate upon, to consider with due attention. This may, perhaps, be meant. Or the phrase, to weigh out, may signify to counterbalance, to counteract with equal force. Johnson. To weigh out is the same as to outweigh. In Macbeth, Shakespeare has overcome for come over. Steevens.

Note return to page 404 6The more shame for ye; &lblank;] If I mistake you, it is by your fault, not mine; for I thought you good. The distress of Katharine might have kept her from the quibble to which she is irresistibly tempted by the word cardinal. Johnson.

Note return to page 405 7&lblank; superstitious to him?] That is, served him with superstitious attention; done more than was required. Johnson.

Note return to page 406 8Ye have angels' faces, &lblank;] She may perhaps allude to the old jingle of Angli and Angeli. Johnson. I find this jingle in the Arrangement of Paris, 1584. The goddesses refer the dispute about the golden apple to the decision of Diana, who setting aside their respective claims, awards it to queen Elizabeth; and adds: “Her people are ycleped angeli, “Or if I miss a letter, is the most.” In this pastoral, as it is called, the queen herself may be almost said to have been a performer, for at the conclusion of it, Diana gives the golden apple into her hands, and the Fates deposit their insignia at her feet. It was presented before her majesty by the children of her chapel. It appears from the following passage in The Spanish Masquerado, by Greene, 1585, that this quibble was originally the quibble of a saint.”—England, a little island, where, as saint Augustin saith, there be people with angels faces, so the inhabitants have the courage and hearts of lyons.” Steevens.

Note return to page 407 9And force them &lblank;] Force is enforce, urge. Johnson.

Note return to page 408 1&lblank; or at least Strangely neglected? &lblank;] The plain sense requires us to read: Stood not neglected? &lblank; Warburton. Dr. Warburton's alteration makes a more correct sentence, but in our authour's licentious English, the passage, as it stands, means the same as, which of the peers has not gone by him contemned or neglected? Johnson.

Note return to page 409 2&lblank; when did he regard The stamp of nobleness in any person, Out of himself?] The expression is bad, and the thought false. For it supposes Wolsey to be noble, which was not so: we should read and point: &lblank; when did he regard The stamp of nobleness in any person; Out of't himself? i. e. when did he regard nobleness of blood in another; having none of his own to value himself upon? Warburton. I do not think this correction proper. The meaning of the present reading is easy. When did he, however careful to carry his own dignity to the utmost height, regard any dignity of another? Johnson.

Note return to page 410 3&lblank; contrary proceedings] Private practices opposite to his public procedure. Johnson.

Note return to page 411 4And hedges, his own way. &lblank;] It is not said, that the king perceives how he obstructs his own way; but how obliquely he pursues it: we should read therefore: &lblank; edges his own way. &lblank; Warburton. To hedge, is to creep along by the hedge: not to take the direct and open path, but to steal covertly through circumvolutions. Johnson.

Note return to page 412 5Trace the conjunction!] To trace, is to follow. Johnson. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; all unfortunate souls “That trace him in his line.” Steevens.

Note return to page 413 6In it be memoriz'd.] To memorize is to make memorable. The word has been already used in Macbeth, act I. fc. ii: Steevens.

Note return to page 414 7He is return'd in his opinions; which Have satisfy'd the king for his divorce, Together with all famous colleges, Almost in Christendom: &lblank;] Thus the old copy. The meaning is this: Cranmer, says Suffolk, is returned in his opinions, i. e. with the same sentiments, which he entertained before he went abroad, which (sentiments) have satisfied the king, together with all the famous colleges referred to on the occasion.—Or, perhaps, the passage (as Mr. Tyrwhitt observes) may mean—He is return'd in effect, having sent his opinions, i. e. the opinions of divines, &c. collected by him. Mr. Rowe altered these lines as follows, and all succeeding editors have silently adopted his unnecessary change: He is return'd with his opinions, which Have satisfy'd the king for his divorce, Gather'd from all the famous colleges Almost in Christendom. &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 415 8Enter the King, reading a schedule;] That the cardinal gave the king an inventory of his own private wealth, by mistake, and thereby ruined himself, is a known variation from the truth of history. Shakespeare, however, has not injudiciously represented the fall of that great man, as owing to an incident which he had once improved to the destruction of another. See Holinshed, Vol. II. p. 796 and 797. “Thomas Ruthall, bishop of Durham, was, after the death of king Henry VII. one of the privy council to Henry VIII. to whom the king gave in charge to write a book of the whole estate of the kingdom, &c. Afterwards, the king commanded cardinal Wolsey to go to this bishop, and to bring the book away with him.—This bishop having written two books (the one to answer the king's command, and the other intreating of his own private affairs) did bind them both after one sort in vellum, &c. Now, when the cardinal came to demand the book due to the king, the bishop unadvisedly commanded his servant to bring him the book bound in white vellum, lying in his study, in such a place. The servant accordingly brought forth one of the books so bound, being the book intreating of the state of the bishop, &c. The cardinal having the book, went from the bishop, and after, (in his study by himself) understanding the contents thereof, he greatly rejoiced, having now occasion (which he long sought for) offered unto him, to bring the bishop into the king's disgrace. “Wherefore he went forthwith to the king, delivered the book into his hands, and briefly informed him of the contents thereof; putting further into the king's head, that if at any time he were destitute of a mass of money, he should not need to seek further therefore than to the coffers of the bishop. Of all which when the bishop had intelligence, &c. he was stricken with such grief of the same, that he shortly, through extreme sorrow, ended his life at London, in the year of Christ 1523. After which, the cardinal, who had long before gaped after his bishoprick, in singular hope to attain thereunto, had now his wish in effect, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 416 1&lblank; then, stops again,] Sallust describing the disturbed state of Cataline's mind, takes notice of the same circumstance. “&lblank; citus modo, modo tardus incessus.” Steevens.

Note return to page 417 1Beyond all man's endeavours &lblank;] Endeavours for deserts. But the Oxford editor not knowing the sense in which the word is here used, alters it to ambition. Warburton. To put ambition in the place of endeavours is certainly wrong; and to explain endeavours by deserts is not right. The sense, and that not very difficult, is, my purposes went beyond all human endeavour. I purposed for your honour more than it falls within the compass of man's nature to attempt. Johnson.

Note return to page 418 2Yet, fil'd with my abilities: &lblank;] My endeavours, though less than my desires, have fil'd, that is, have gone an equal pace with my abilities. Johnson. So, in a preceding scene: &lblank; front but in that file Where others tell steps with me. Steevens.

Note return to page 419 3&lblank; o' the contrary The foulness is the punishment.] So Hanmer. The rest read: &lblank; i' the contrary. Johnson.

Note return to page 420 4&lblank; notwithstanding that your bond of duty,] Besides the general bond of duty, by which you are obliged to be a loyal and obedient subject, you owe a particular devotion of yourself to me, as your particular benefactor. Johnson.

Note return to page 421 5To Esher house,] The old copy reads—Asher. It was anciently so called, as appears from Holinshed: “&lblank; and everie man took their horses and rode strait to Asher.” Holinshed, p. 909. Vol. II. Warner.

Note return to page 422 6Till I find more than will or words to do it, (I mean your malice) know, &lblank; I dare—deny it.] They bid him render up his seal. He answers, where's your commission? They say, we bear the king's will from his mouth. He replies, till I find, &c. i. e. all the will or words I yet discover proceed from your malice; and till I find more than that, I shall not comply with your demand. One would think this plain enough; yet the Oxford editor, in the rage of emendation, alters the line thus: Whilst I find more than his will or words to do it, I mean your malice, &c. which bears this noble sense, worthy a wise lord chancellor: Whilst I find your malice joined to the king's will and pleasure, I shall not obey that will and pleasure. Warburton. Wolsey had said: &lblank; words cannot carry Authority so mighty. To which they reply: Who dare cross 'em? &c. Wolsey, answering them, continues his own speech, Till I find more than will or words (I mean more than your malicious will and words) to do it; that is, to carry authority so mighty; I will deny to return what the king has given me. Johnson.

Note return to page 423 7And dare us with his cap, like larks.] It is well known that the hat of a cardinal is scarlet; and the method of daring larks was by small mirrors fastened on scarlet cloth, which engaged the attention of these birds while the fowler drew his net over them. Steevens.

Note return to page 424 8Worse than the sacring bell, &lblank;] The little bell, which is rung to give notice of the Host approaching when it is carried in procession, as also in other offices of the Romish church, is called the sacring or consecration bell; from the French word, sacrer. Theobald. So, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1614: “Love is perhaps the sacring bell, “That rings all in to heaven or hell.” Again, the abbess in the Merry Devil of Edmonton, 1626, says: “&lblank; you shall ring the sacring bell, “Keep your hours, and toll your knell.” Again, in Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, 1584: “He heard a little sacring bell ring to the elevation of a tomorrow mass.” Again, in Drayton's Epistle from King John to Matilda: “Who would not rise to ring the morning knell, “When thy sweet lips might be the sacring bell?” The now obsolete verb to sacre, is used by P. Holland in his translation of Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. X. ch. vi. Steevens.

Note return to page 425 9&lblank; to the mere undoing &lblank;] Mere is absolute. So, in the Honest Man's Fortune, by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; I am as happy “In my friend's good, as if 'twere merely mine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 426 1of a præmunire,] It is almost unnecessary to observe that premunire is a barbarous word used instead of præmonere. Steevens.

Note return to page 427 2Castles, and whatsoever, &lblank; I have ventured to substitute chattels here, as the author's genuine word, because the judgment in a writ of Premunire is, that the defendant shall be out of the king's protection; and his lands and tenements, goods and chattels forfeited to the king; and that his body shall remain in prison at the king's pleasure. This very description of the Premunire is set out by Holinshed in his Life of King Henry VIII. p. 909. Theobald.

Note return to page 428 3&lblank; nips his root,] As spring frosts are not injurious to the roots of fruit-trees, I should imagine the poet wrote shoot, i. e. that tender shoot on which are the young leaves and blossoms. The comparison, as well as expression of nips, is juster too in this reading. He has the same thought in Love's Labour's Lost: “Biron is like an envious sneaping frost “That bites the first-born infants of the spring.” So, Milton in Sampson Agonistes: “Abortive as the first-born bloom of spring, “Nip'd with the lagging rear of winter's frost.” which seems to be taken from the place in question. Warburton. Here is a long note. But at last we may as well continue the ancient reading. Vernal frosts indeed do not kill the root, but then to nip the shoots does not kill the tree or make it fall. The metaphor will not in either reading correspond exactly with nature. Johnson. I adhere to the old reading, which is countenanced by the following passage in A. W's Commendation of Gascoigne and his Poesies: “And frosts so nip the rootes of vertuous meaning minds.” See Gascoigne's Works, 1587. Steevens.

Note return to page 429 4&lblank; and our ruin,] The old copy reads: &lblank; their ruin. Steevens.

Note return to page 430 5And when he falls, he falls like Lucifer,] In the Life and Death of Thomas Wolsey, &c. a poem, by Tho. Storer, student of Christ-church, in Oxford, 1599, the cardinal expresses himself in a manner somewhat similar: “If once we fall, we fall Colossus-like, “We fall at once like pillars of the sunne, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 431 6&lblank; a tomb of orphans' tears wept on them!] The chancellor is the general guardian of orphans. A tomb of tears is very harsh. Johnson.

Note return to page 432 7&lblank; cherish those hearts that hate thee;] Though this be good divinity, and an admirable precept for our conduct in private life; it was never calculated or designed for the magistrate or public minister. Nor could this be the direction of a man experienced in affairs, to his pupil. It would make a good christian but a very ill and very unjust statesman. And we have nothing so infamous in tradition, as the supposed advice given to one of our kings, to cherish his enemies, and be in no pain for his friends. I am of opinion the poet wrote: &lblank; cherish those hearts that wait thee; i. e. thy dependants. For the contrary practice had contributed to Wolsey's ruin. He was not careful enough in making dependants by his bounty, while intent in amassing wealth to himself. The following line seems to confirm this correction: Corruption wins not more than honesty. i. e. You will never find men won over to your temporary occasions by bribery, so useful to you as friends made by a just and generous munificence. Warburton. I am unwilling wantonly to contradict so ingenious a remark, but that the reader may not be misled, and believe the emendation proposed to be absolutely necessary, he should remember that this is not a time for Wolsey to speak only as a statesman, but as a christian. Shakespeare would have debased the character, just when he was employing his strongest efforts to raise it, had he drawn it otherwise. Nothing makes the hour of disgrace more irksome, than the reflection, that we have been deaf to offers of reconciliation, and perpetuated that enmity which we might have converted into friendship. Steevens.

Note return to page 433 8Had I but serv'd my God, &c.] This sentence was really uttered by Wolsey. Johnson. When Samrah, the deputy governor of Basorah, was deposed by Moawiyah the sixth caliph, he is reported to have express'd himself in the same manner:—“If I had served God so well as I have served him, he would never have condemned me to all eternity.” Steevens.

Note return to page 434 9&lblank; once again.] Alluding to their former meeting in the second act. Johnson.

Note return to page 435 1&lblank; this day &lblank;] Hanmer reads: &lblank; these days, &lblank; but Shakespeare meant such a day as this, a coronation day. And such is the English idiom, which our authour commonly prefers to grammatical nicety. Johnson.

Note return to page 436 2&lblank; like rams] That is, like battering-rams. Johnson.

Note return to page 437 3SCENE II.] This scene is above any other part of Shakespeare's tragedies, and perhaps above any scene of any other poet, tender and pathetick, without gods, or furies, or poisons, or precipices, without the help of romantick circumstances, without improbable sallies of poetical lamentation, and without any throes of tumultuous misery. Johnson.

Note return to page 438 4&lblank; he stepp'd before me, happily, For my example.] Happily seems to mean on this occasion—peradventure, haply. I have been more than once of this opinion, when I have met with the same word thus spelt in other passages. Steevens.

Note return to page 439 5&lblank; with easy roads, &lblank;] i. e. by short stages. Steevens.

Note return to page 440 6Of an unbounded stomach, &lblank;] i. e. of unbounded pride, or haughtiness. So, Holinshed, speaking of king Richard III: “Such a great audacitie and such a stomach reigned in his bodie.” Steevens.

Note return to page 441 7&lblank; one, that by suggestion Ty'd all the kingdom:] i. e. by giving the king pernicious counsel, he ty'd or enslaved the kingdom. He uses the word here with great propriety, and seeming knowledge of the Latin tongue. For the late Roman writers, and their glossers, agree to give this sense to it: Suggestio est cum magistratus quilibet principi salubre consilium suggerit. So that nothing could be severer than this reflection, that that wholesome counsel, which it is the minister's duty to give his prince, was so empoisoned by him, as to produce slavery to his country. Yet all this fine sense vanishes instantaneously before the touch of the Oxford editor, by his happy thought of changing ty'd into tyth'd. Warburton. The word suggestion, says the critick, is here used with great propriety, and seeming knowledge of the Latin tongue: and he proceeds to settle the sense of it from the late Roman writers and their glossers. But Shakespeare's knowledge was from Holinshed, whom he follows verbatim: “This cardinal was of a great stomach, for he compted himself equal with princes, and by craftie suggestion got into his hands innumerable treasure: he forced little on simonie, and was not pitifull, and stood affectionate in his own opinion: in open presence he would lie and seie untruth, and was double both in speech and meaning: he would promise much and perform little: he was vicious of his bodie, and gave the clergie euil example.” Edit. 1587, p. 922. Perhaps after this quotation, you may not think, that sir Thomas Hanmer, who reads tyth'd—instead of ty'd all the kingdom, deserves quite so much of Dr. Warburton's severity.—Indisputably the passage, like every other in the speech, is intended to express the meaning of the parallel one in the chronicle; it cannot therefore be credited, that any man, when the original was produced, should still chuse to defend a cant acceptation, and inform us, perhaps, seriously, that in gaming language, from I know not what practice, to tye is to equal! A sense of the word, as far as I have yet found, unknown to our old writers; and, if known, would not surely have been used in this place by our author. But let us turn from conjecture to Shakespeare's authorities. Hall, from whom the above description is copied by Holinshed, is very explicit in the demands of the cardinal: who having insolently told the lord-mayor and aldermen, “For sothe I thinke, that halfe your substance were too little,” assures them by way of comfort at the end of his harangue, that upon an average, the tythe should be sufficient; “Sers, speake not to breake that thyng that is concluded, for some shall not paie, the tenth parte, and some more.”—And again; “Thei saied, the cardinall by visitacions, makyng of abbottes, probates of testamentes, graunting of faculties, licences, and other pollyngs in his courtes legantines, had made his threasore egall with the kynges.” Edit. 1548, p. 138, and 143. Farmer. In Storer's Life and Death of Tho. Wolsey, a poem, 1599, the cardinal says:— “I car'd not for the gentrie, for I had “Tithe-gentlemen, yong nobles of the land, &c.” Steevens. Ty'd all the kingdom:] i. e. He was a man of an unbounded stomach, or pride, ranking himself with princes, and by suggestion to the king and the pope, he ty'd, i. e. limited, circumscribed, and set bounds to the liberties and properties of all persons in the kingdom. That he did so, appears from various passages in the play. Act II. sc. ii. “free us from his slavery,” “or this imperious man will work us all from princes into pages; all men's honours, &c. Act III. sc. ii. “You wrought to be a legate, by which power you maim'd the jurisdiction of all bishops.” See also Act I. sc. i. and Act III. sc. ii. This construction of the passage may be supported from D'Ewes's Journal of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments, p. 644. “Far be it from me that the state and prerogative of the prince should be tied by me, or by the act of any other subject.” Dr. Farmer has displayed such eminent knowledge of Shakespeare, that it is with the utmost diffidence I dissent from the alteration which he would establish here. He would read tyth'd, and refers to the authorities of Hall and Holinshed about a tax of the tenth, or tythe, of each man's substance, which is not taken notice of in the play. Let it be remarked that it is queen Katharine speaks here, who, in Act I. sc. ii. told the king it was a demand of the sixth part of each subject's substance, that caused the rebellion. Would she afterwards say that he, i. e. Wolsey, had tythed all the kingdom, when she knew he had almost double-tythed it? Still Dr. Farmer insists that “the passage, like every other in the speech, is intended to express the meaning of the parallel one in the Chronicle.” i. e. The cardinal “by craftie suggestion got into his hands innumerable treasure.” This passage does not relate to a public tax of the tenths, but to the cardinal's own private acquisitions. If in this sense I admitted the alteration, tyth'd, I would suppose that, as the queen is descanting on the cardinal's own acquirements, she borrows her term from the principal emolument or payment due to priests; and means to intimate that the cardinal was not content with the tythes legally accruing to him from his own various pluralities, but that he extorted something equivalent to them throughout all the kingdom. So Buckingham says, Act I. sc. i. “No man's pye is freed from his ambitious finger.” So, again, Surrey says, Act III. sc. ult. “Yes, that goodness of gleaning all the land's wealth into one, into your own hands, cardinal, by extortion:” and ibidem. “You have sent innumerable substance (by what means got, I leave to your own conscience) to the mere undoing of all the kingdom.” This extortion is so frequently spoken of, that perhaps our author purposely avoided a repetition of it in the passage under consideration, and therefore gave a different sentiment declarative of the consequence of his unbounded pride, that must humble all others. Tollet.

Note return to page 442 8&lblank; as he is now, nothing.] So, in Massinger's Great Duke of Florence: “&lblank; Great men “Till they have gain'd their ends, are giants in “Their promises; but those obtain'd, weak pygmies “In their performance.” Steevens.

Note return to page 443 9Of his own body he was ill,] A criminal connection with women was anciently called the vice of the body. So, in Holinshed, p. 1258: “he laboured by all meanes to cleare mistresse Sanders of committing evill of her bodie with him. Steevens.

Note return to page 444 1&lblank; their virtues “We write in water. &lblank;] Beaumont and Fletcher have the same thought in their Philaster: “&lblank; all your better deeds “Shall be in water writ, but this in marble.” Steevens. This reflection bears a great resemblance to a passage in sir Tho. More's Hist. of Richard III. whence Shakespeare undoubtedly formed his play on that subject. Speaking of the ungrateful turns which Jane Shore experienced from those whom she had served in her prosperity; More adds, “Men use, if they have an evil turne, to write it in marble, and whoso doth us a good turne, we write it in duste.” More's Works, bl. l. 1557, p. 59. Percy.

Note return to page 445 2&lblank; he did it;] The old copy reads: &lblank; that did it. Steevens.

Note return to page 446 3&lblank; solemnly tripping one after another,] This whimsical stage-direction is exactly taken from the old copy. Steevens.

Note return to page 447 4This to my lord the king.] So, Holinshed, p. 939: “&lblank; perceiving hir selfe to wax verie weak and feeble, and to feele death approaching at hand, caused one of hir gentlewomen to write a letter to the king commending to him hir daughter and his, beseeching him to stand good father unto hir; and further desired him to have some consideration of hir gentlewomen that had served hir, and to see them bestowed in marriage. Further that it would please him to appoint that hir servants might have their due wages, and a yeares wages beside.” Steevens.

Note return to page 448 5Not for delights; &lblank;] Gardiner himself is not much delighted. The delight at which he hints, seems to be the king's diversion, which keeps him in attendance. Johnson.

Note return to page 449 6&lblank; at primero] Primero and primavista, two games at cards, H. I. Primera Primavista. La Primiere, G. Prime, f. Prime veue. Primum, et primum visum, that is, first, and first seen: because he that can shew such an order of cards first, wins the game. Minshieu's Guide into Tongues, col. 575. Gray. So, in Woman's a Weathercock, 1612. “Come will your lordship make one at primero?” Again, in the Preface to The Rival Friends, 1632: “&lblank; when it may be, some of our butterfly judgments expected a set at maw or primavista from them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 450 7Some touch of your late business: &lblank;] Some hint of the business that keeps you awake so late. Johnson.

Note return to page 451 8&lblank; mine own way; &lblank;] Mine own opinion in religion. Johnson.

Note return to page 452 9Stands in the gap and trade of more preferments,] We should read tread, i. e. road. Warburton. Trade is the practised method, the general course. Johnson. Trade has been already used by Shakespeare with this meaning in K. Richard II: “Some way of common trade.” Steevens.

Note return to page 453 1&lblank; I have Incens'd the lords o' the council, that he is, &c. A most arch heretick, &lblank;] This passage, according to Shakespeare's licentious grammar, may mean—I have incens'd the lords of the council, for that he is, i.e. because. Steevens.

Note return to page 454 2&lblank; broken with the king; &lblank;] They have broken silence; told their minds to the king. Johnson.

Note return to page 455 3He be convented.] Convented is summoned, convened. Steevens.

Note return to page 456 4Enter Sir Anthony Denny.] The substance of this and the two following scenes is taken from Fox's Acts and Monuments of the Christian Martyrs, &c. 1563. “When night came, the king sent sir Anthonie Denie about midnight to Lambeth to the archbishop, willing him forthwith to resort unto him at the court. The message done, the archbishop speedily addressed himselfe to the court, and comming into the galerie where the king walked and taried for him, his highnesse said, Ah, my lorde of Canterbury, I can tell you newes. For divers weighty considerations it is determined by me and the counsaile, that you to-morrowe at nine of the clocke shall be committed to the Tower, for that you and your chaplaines (as information is given us) have taught and preached, and thereby sown within the realme such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feared the whole realme being infected with them, no small contention and commotions will rise thereby amongst my subjects, as of late daies the like was in divers parts of Germanie, and therefore the counsell have requested me for the triall of the matter, to suffer them to commit you to the Tower, or else no man dare come forth, as witnesse in these matters, you being a counsellor. When the king had said his mind, the archbishop kneeled down, and said, I am content if it please your grace with al my hart, to go thither at your highness commandement; and I most humbly thank your majesty that I may come to my triall, for there be that have many waies slandered me, and now this way I hope to trie myselfe not worthy of such reporte. The king perceiving the mans uprightnesse, joyned with such simplicitie, said; Oh Lorde, what maner a man be you? What simplicitie is in you? I had thought that you would rather have sued to us to have taken the paines to have heard you and your accusers together for your triall, without any such indurance. Do not you know what state you be in with the whole world, and how many great enemies you have? Do you not consider what an easie thing it is to procure three or foure false knaves to witnesse against you? Thinke you to have better lucke that waie than your master Christ had? I see by it you will run headlong to your undoing, if I would suffer you. Your enemies shall not so prevaile against you; for I have otherwise devised with my selfe to keep you out of their handes. Yet notwithstanding tomorrow when the counsaile shall sit, and send for you, resort unto them, and if in charging you with this matter, they do commit you to the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them, a counsailer, that you may have your accusers brought before them without any further indurance, and use for your selfe as good persuasions that way as you may devise; and if no intreatie or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto them this my ring (which then the king delivered unto the archbishop) and saie unto them, if there be no remedie my lords, but that I must needes go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you, and appeale to the kinges owne person by this token unto you all, for (saide the king then unto the archbishop) so soone as they shall see this my ryng, they knowe it so well, that they shall understande that I have reserved the whole cause into mine owne handes and determination, and that I have discharged them thereof. The archbishop perceiving the kinges benignity so much to him wards, had much ado to forbeare teares. Well, said the king, go your waies, my lord, and do as I have bidden you. My lord, humbling himselfe with thankes, tooke his leave of the kinges highnesse for that night. On the morrow, about nine of the clocke before noone, the counsaile sent a gentleman usher for the archbishop, who, when hee came to the counsaile chamber doore, could not be let in, but of purpose (as it seemed) was compelled there to waite among the pages, lackies, and serving men all alone. D. Buts the king's physition resorting that way, and espying how my lord of Canterbury was handled, went to the king's highnesse, and said; My lord of Canterbury, if it please your grace, is well promoted; for nowe he is become a lackey or a serving man, for yonder hee standeth this halfe hower at the counsaile chamber doore amongste them. It is not so, (quoth the king) I trowe, nor the counsaile hath not so little discretion as to use the metropolitane of the realme in that sort, specially being one of their own number. But let them alone (said the king) and we shall heare more soone. Anone the archbishop was called into the counsaile chamber, to whom was alleadged as before is rehearsed. The archbishop aunswered in like sort, as the king had advised him; and in the end when he perceived that no maner of persuasion or intreatie could serve, he delivered them the king's ring, revoking his cause into the kings hands. The whole counsaile being thereat somewhat amazed, the earle of Bedford with a loud voice confirming his words with a solemn othe, said; When you first began the matter, my lordes, I told you what would come of it. Do you thinke that the king would suffer this man's finger to ake? Much more (I warrant you) will hee defend his life against brabling varlets. You doe but cumber yourselves to hear tales and fables against him. And incontinently upon the receipt of the kings token, they all rose, and carried to the king his ring, surrendring that matter as the order and use was, into his own hands. When they were all come to the kings presence, his highness, with a severe countenance, said unto them; ah, my lordes, I thought I had had wiser men of my counsaile than now I find you. What discretion was this in you thus to make the primate of the realme, and one of you in office, to wait at the counsaile chamber doore amongst serving men? You might have considered that he was a counsailer as wel as you, and you had no such commission of me so to handle him. I was content that you should trie him as a counsellor, and not as a meane subject. But now I well perceive that things be done against him maliciouslie, and if some of you might have had your mindes, you would have tried him to the uttermost. But I doe you all to wit, and protest, that if a prince may bee beholding unto his subject (and so solemnelie laying his hand upon his brest) said, by the faith I owe to God I take this man here my lord of Canterburie, to bee of all other a most faithfull subject unto us, and one to whome we are much beholding, giving him great commendations otherwise. And, with that, one or two of the chiefest of the counsaile, making their excuse, declared, that in requesting his induraunce, it was rather ment for his triall and his purgation against the common fame and slander of the worlde, then for any malice conceived against him. Well, well, my lords, (quoth the king) take him, and well use him, as hee is worthy to bee, and make no more adoe. And with that, every man caught him by the hand, and made faire weather of altogethers, which might easilie be done with that man.” Steevens.

Note return to page 457 5&lblank; You a brother of us,] You being one of the council, it is necessary to imprison you, that the witnesses against you may not be deterred. Johnson.

Note return to page 458 6Than I myself, poor man.] Poor man probably belongs to the king's reply. Johnson.

Note return to page 459 7The good I stand on &lblank;] Though good may be taken for advantage or superiority, or any thing which may help or support, yet it would, I think, be more natural to say: The ground I stand on &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 460 8Ween you of better luck,] To ween is to think, to imagine. Though now obsolete, the word was common to all our ancient writers. Steevens.

Note return to page 461 9&lblank; bless her! &lblank;] It is doubtful whether her is referred to the queen or the girl. Johnson.

Note return to page 462 1Lovel, &lblank;] Lovel has been just sent out of the presence, and no notice is given of his return: I have placed it here at the instant when the king calls for him. Steevens.

Note return to page 463 1Chan. Speak to the business, &lblank;] This lord chancellor, though a character, has hitherto had no place in the Dramatis Personæ. In the last scene of the fourth act, we heard that sir Thomas More was appointed lord chancellor: but it is not he, whom the poet here introduces. Wolsey, by command, delivered up the seals on the 18th of November, 1529; on the 25th of the same month, they were delivered to sir Thomas More, who surrendered them on the 16th of May, 1532. Now the conclusion of this scene taking notice of queen Elizabeth's birth, (which brings it down to the year 1534) sir Thomas Audlie must necessarily be our poet's chancellor; who succeeded sir Thomas More, and held the seals many years. Theobald.

Note return to page 464 2&lblank; we are all men In our own natures frail, and capable Of frailty, &lblank;] If all men were actually frail, they were more than capable of frailty; to understand this therefore, as only said of the natural weakness of humanity, it is absurdly expressed; but this was not our authour's sense: By in our own natures frail, he alludes to the doctrine of original sin: so that the sentiment is this, We are sinners by imputation, and liable to become actually so. Warburton. This sentence, I think, needed no commentary. The meaning, and the plain meaning, is, we are men frail by nature, and therefore liable to acts of frailty, to deviations from the right. I wish every commentator, before he suffers his confidence to kindle, would repeat: &lblank; we are all men In our own natures frail, and capable Of frailty; few are angels. Johnson. There are no such words as those which either commentator has been ambitious to explain. The first and only ancient copy reads: &lblank; and capable Of our flesh, few are angels: &lblank; If this passage means any thing, it may mean, few are perfect, while they remain in their mortal capacity. Shakespeare uses the word capable as perversely in K. Lear: &lblank; and of my land, Loyal and natural boy, I'll work the mean To make thee capable. Steevens.

Note return to page 465 3The upper Germany, &c.] Alluding to the heresy of Thomas Muntzer, which sprung up in Saxony in the years 1521 and 1522. Gray.

Note return to page 466 4&lblank; your painted gloss &c.] Those that understand you, under this painted gloss, this fair outside, discover your empty talk and your false reasoning. Johnson.

Note return to page 467 5&lblank; 'tis a cruelty To load a falling man.] This sentiment had occurred before. The lord chamberlain checking the earl of Surrey for his reproaches to Wolsey, says: &lblank; O my lord, Press not a falling man too far. Steevens.

Note return to page 468 6&lblank; you'd spare your spoons:] It appears by this and another passage in the next scene, that the gossips gave spoons. Johnson. It was the custom, long before the time of Shakespeare, for the sponsors at christenings, to offer gilt spoons as a present to the child. These spoons were called apostle spoons, because the figures of the apostles were carved on the tops of the handles. Such as were at once opulent and generous, gave the whole twelve; those who were either more moderately rich or liberal, escaped at the expence of the four evangelists; or even sometimes contented themselves with presenting one spoon only, which exhibited the figure of any saint, in honour of whom the child received its name. Ben Jonson, in his Bartholomew Fair, mentions spoons of this kind:—“and all this for the hope of a couple of apostle spoons, and a cup to eat caudle in.” So, in Middleton's comedy of A chaste Maid in Cheapside, 1620: “What has he given her?—what is it, gossip? “A faire high standing-cup, and two great “'Postle spoons, one of them gilt. &lblank; “Sure that was Judas with the red beard.” Again: “E'en the same gossip 'twas that gave the spoons.” Again, in sir W. D'avenant's comedy of The Wits, 1636: “&lblank; my pendants, carcanets, and rings, “My christ'ning caudle-cup, and spoons, “Are dissolv'd into that lump.” Again, in the Maid in the Mill, by B. and Fletcher: “Didst ask her name? &lblank; “Yes, and who gave it her; “And what they promis'd more, besides a spoon, “And what apostles picture.” Again, in the Noble Gentleman, by the same authors: “I'll be a gossip, Bewford, “I have an odd apostle spoon.” Steevens.

Note return to page 469 7Paris-garden?] The bear-garden of that time. Johnson. So, in Sir W. Davenant's News from Plimouth: “&lblank; do you take this mansion for Pict-hatch? “You would be suitors: yes, to a she-deer, “And keep your marriages in Paris-garden.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Execration on Vulcan: “And cried, it was a threatning to the bears, “And that accursed ground the Paris-garden.” The Globe theatre, in which Shakespeare was a performer, stood on the southern side of the river Thames, and was contiguous to this noted place of tumult and disorder. St. Mary Overy's church is not far from London Bridge, and almost opposite to Fishmongers' Hall. Winchester House was over-against Cole Harbour. Paris-garden was in a line with Bridewell, and the Globe playhouse faced Blackfryars, Fleetditch, or St. Paul's. It was a hexagonal building of stone or brick. Its roof was of rushes, with a flag on the top. See a South View of London, (as it appeared in 1599) published by T. Wood, in Bishop's Court, in Chancery-Lane, in 1771. Steevens.

Note return to page 470 8&lblank; these are but switches to 'em.] To what, or whom? We should point it thus, these are but switches.—To 'em, i.e. have at you, as we now say. He says this as he turns upon the mob. Warburton. The present pointing seems to be right. Johnson.

Note return to page 471 9Pray, sir, be patient;] Part of this scene in the old copy is printed as verse, and part as prose. Perhaps the whole, with the occasional addition and omission of a few harmless syllables, might be reduced into a loose kind of metre; but as I know not what advantage would be gained by making the experiment, I have left the whole as I found it. Steevens.

Note return to page 472 1On May-day morning;] It was anciently the custom for all ranks of people to go out a Maying on the first of May. It is on record that king Henry VIII. and queen Katharine partook of this diversion. Steevens.

Note return to page 473 2&lblank; sir Guy, nor Colbrand,] Of Guy of Warwick every one has heard. Colbrand was the Danish giant, whom Guy subdued at Winchester. Their combat is very elaborately described by Drayton in his Polyolbion. Johnson.

Note return to page 474 3Morefields to muster in?] The train-bands of the city were exercised in Morefields. Johnson.

Note return to page 475 4&lblank; some strange Indian] To what circumstance this refers, perhaps, cannot now be exactly known. A similar one occurs in Ram-Alley, or Merry Tricks, 1611: “You shall see the strange nature of an outlandish beast “Lately brought from the land of Cataia.” Again, in The Two Noble Kinsmen, by Beaumont, Fletcher, and Shakespeare: “The Bavian with long tail and eke long tool.” Collins. Fig. I. in the print of Morris-dancers, at the end of King Henry IV. has a bib which extends below the doublet; and its length might be calculated for the concealment of the phallic obscenity mentioned by Beaumont and Fletcher, of which perhaps the Bavian fool exhibited an occasional view for the diversion of our indelicate ancestors. Tollet.

Note return to page 476 5&lblank; he should be a brasier by his face;] A brasier signifies a man that manufacturers brass, and a reservoir for charcoal occasionally heated to convey warmth. Both these senses are here understood. Johnson.

Note return to page 477 6&lblank; the meteor] The fire-drake, the brasier. Johnson. &lblank; Fire-drake. A fire-drake is both a serpent, anciently called a brenning-drake, or dipsas, and a name formerly given to a Will o' th' Wisp, or ignis fatuus. So, in Albertus Wallenstein, 1640: “Your wild irregular lust, which like those firedrakes “Misguiding nighted travellers, will lead you “Forth from the fair path, &c.” Again, in Drayton's Nymphidia: “By the hissing of the snake, “The rustling of the fire-drake.” Again, in Cæsar and Pompey, a tragedy, by Chapman, 1631: “So have I seene a fire-drake glide along “Before a dying man, to point his grave, “And in it stick and hide.” A fire-drake was likewise an artificial firework. So, in Your Five Gallants, by Middleton: “&lblank; but like fire-drakes, “Mounted a little, gave a crack, and fell.” Steevens.

Note return to page 478 7&lblank; the hope of the strand,] Hanmer reads, the forlorn hope. Johnson.

Note return to page 479 8&lblank; that thunder at a playhouse, and fight for bitten apples.] The prices of seats for the vulgar in our ancient theatres were so very low, that we cannot wonder if they were filled with the tumultuous company described by Shakespeare in this scene. So, in the Gul's Hornbook, by Deckar, 1609: “Your groundling and gallery commoner buys his sport by the penny.” In Wit without Money, by B. and Fletcher, is the following mention of them: “&lblank; break in at plays like prentices, for three a groat, and crack nuts with the scholars in penny rooms again.” Again, in the Black Book, 1604: Sixpenny rooms in playhouses are spoken of. Again, in the Bellman's Night-Walks, by Decker, 1616: “Pay thy twopence to a player in this gallery, thou may'st sit by a harlot.” Again, in the Prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's Mad Lover: “How many twopences you've stow'd to-day!” The prices of the boxes indeed were greater. Again, in the Gul's Hornbook, by Deckar, 1609: “—At a new playe you take up the twelvepenny room next the stage, because the lords and you may seeme to be haile fellow well met, &c.” In Wit without Money: “And who extoll'd you in the half-crown boxes, “Where you might sit and muster all the beauties.” and lastly, it appears from the induction to Batholomew Fair, by Ben Jonson, that tobacco was smoked in the same place: “He looks like a fellow that I have seen accommodate gentlemen with tobacco at our theatres.” And from B. and Fletcher's Woman-Hater, 1607, it should seem that beer was sold there: “There is no poet acquainted with more shakings and quakings towards the latter end of his new play, when he's in that case that he stands peeping between the curtains so fearfully, that a bottle of ale cannot be opened, but he thinks somebody hisses.” Steevens.

Note return to page 480 9&lblank; the Tribulation of Tower-hill, or the limbs of Limehouse,] I suspect the Tribulation to have been a puritanical meeting-house. The limbs of Limehouse, I do not understand. Johnson. Dr. Johnson's conjecture may be countenanced by the following passage in “Magnificence, a goodly interlude and a mery, devised and made by mayster Skelton, poet-laureate, lately deceasyd.” Printed by John Rastel, fol. no date: “Some fall to foly them selfe for to spyll, “And some fall prechynge on toure hyll.” Steevens. Alliteration has given rise to many cant expressions, consisting of words paired together. Here we have cant names for the inhabitants of these places, who were notorious puritans, coined for the humour of the alliteration. In the mean time it must not be forgotten, that “the precious limbs” was a common phrase of contempt for the puritans. Warton. Limehouse was before the time of Shakespeare, and has continued to be ever since, the residence of those who furnish stores, sails, &c. for shipping. A great number of foreigners having been constantly employed in these manufactures (many of which were introduced from other countries) they assembled themselves under their several pastors, and a number of places of different worship were built in consequence of their respective associations. As they clashed in principles, they had frequent quarrels, and the place has ever since been famous for the variety of its sects, and the turbulence of its inhabitants. It is not improbable that Shakespeare wrote—the lambs of Limehouse. A limb of the devil, is, however, a common vulgarism; and in A New Trick to cheat the Devil, 1636, the same kind of expression occurs: “I am a puritan; one that will eat no pork, “Doth use to shut his shop in Saturdays, “And open them on Sundays: a familist, “And one of the arch limbs of Belzebub.” Again, in Every Man out of his Humour: “I cannot abide these limbs of sattin, or rather Satan, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 481 1running banquet of two beadles,] A publick whipping. Johnson.

Note return to page 482 2&lblank; here ye lie baiting of bumbards,] A bumbard is an ale-barrel; to bait bumbards is to tipple, to lie at the spigot. Johnson. It appears from a passage already quoted in a note on the Tempest, act II. sc. ii. out of Shirley's Martyr'd Soldier, 1638, that bumbards were the large vessels in which the beer was carried to soldiers upon duty. They resembled black jacks of leather. So, in Woman's a Weathercock, 1612: “She looks like a black bombard with a pint pot waiting upon it.” Steevens.

Note return to page 483 3&lblank; every man shall eat in safety,] This part of the prophecy seems to have been burlesqued by B. and Fletcher in the Beggar's Bush, where orator Higgin is making his congratulatory speech to the new king of the beggars: “Each man shall eat his own stolen eggs, and butter, “In his own shade, or sunshine, &c.” The original thought, however, is borrowed from the 4th chapter of the first book of Kings: “Every man dwelt safely under his vine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 484 4[Nor shall this peace sleep with her: &lblank;] These lines, to the interruption by the king, seem to have been inserted at some revisal of the play [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0901, after the accession of king James. If the passage, included in crotchets, be left out, the speech of Cranmer proceeds in a regular tenour of prediction and continuity of sentiments; but, by the interposition of the new lines, he first celebrates Elizabeth's successor, and then wishes he did not know that she was to die; first rejoices at the consequence, and then laments the cause. Our authour was at once politick and idle; he resolved to flatter James, but neglected to reduce the whole speech to propriety, or perhaps intended that the lines inserted should be spoken in the action, and omitted in the publication, if any publication ever was in his thoughts. Mr. Theobald has made the same observation. Johnson.

Note return to page 485 5She shall be, to the happiness of England, An aged princess,] The transition here from the complimentary address to king James the first is so abrupt, that it seems obvious to me, that compliment was inserted after the accession of that prince. If this play was wrote, as in my opinion it was, in the reign of queen Elizabeth; we may easily determine where Cranmer's eulogium of that princess concluded. I make no question but the poet rested here: And claim by those their greatness, not by blood. All that the bishop says after this, was an occasional homage paid to her successor; and evidently inserted after her demise. How naturally, without this insertion, does the king's joy and satisfactory reflection upon the bishop's prophecy, come in! King. Thou speakest wonders. O lord archbishop, Thou'st made me now a man. Never, before This happy child, did I get any thing, &c. Whether the king would so properly have made this inference, upon hearing that a child of so great hopes should die without issue, is submitted to judgment. Theobald.

Note return to page 486 6And you good brethren, &lblank;] But the aldermen were never called brethren to the king. The top of the nobility are but cousins and counsellors. Dr. Thirlby, therefore, rightly advised; And your good brethren &lblank; i. e. the lord mayor's brethren; which is properly their style. Theobald.

Note return to page 487 *In the character of Katharine.

Note return to page 488 7If they smile, &c.] This thought is too much hackney'd. It had been used already in the Epilogues to As You like It, and the second part of King Henry IV. Steevens. Though it is very difficult to decide whether short pieces be genuine or spurious, yet I cannot restrain myself from expressing my suspicion that neither the prologue nor epilogue to this play is the work of Shakespeare; non vultus, non color. It appears to me very likely that they were supplied by the friendship or officiousness of Jonson, whose manner they will be perhaps found exactly to resemble. There is yet another supposition possible: the prologue and epilogue may have been written after Shakespeare's departure from the stage, upon some accidental revisal of the play, and there will then be reason for imagining that the writer, whoever he was, intended no great kindness to him, this play being recommended by a subtle and covert censure of his other works. There is in Shakespeare so much of fool and fight: &lblank; the fellow In a long motley coat, guarded with yellow, appears so often in his drama, that I think it not very likely that he would have animadverted so severely on himself. All this, however, must be received as very dubious, since we know not the exact date of this or the other plays, and cannot tell how our author might have changed his practice or opinions. Johnson. I entirely agree in opinion with Dr. Johnson, that Ben Jonson wrote the prologue and epilogue to this play. Shakespeare had a little before assisted him in his Sejanus; and Ben was too proud to receive assistance without returning it. It is probable, that he drew up the directions for the parade at the christening, &c. which his employment at court would teach him, and Shakespeare must be ignorant of: I think, I now and then perceive his hand in the dialogue. It appears from Stowe, that Robert Green wrote somewhat on this subject. Farmer. In support of Dr. Johnson's opinion, it may not be amiss to quote the following lines from old Ben's prologue to his Every Man in his Humour: “To make a child now swaddled, to proceed “Man, and then shoot up, in one beard and weed, “Past threescore years: or with three rusty swords, “And help of some few foot-and-half-foot words, “Fight over York and Lancaster's long wars, “And in the tyring-house, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 489 THE play of Henry the Eighth is one of those, which still keeps possession of the stage, by the splendour of its pageantry. The coronation, about forty years ago drew the people together in multitudes for a great part of the winter. Yet pomp is not the only merit of this play. The meek sorrows and virtuous distress of Katharine have furnished some scenes, which may be justly numbered among the greatest efforts of tragedy. But the genius of Shakespeare comes in and goes out with Katharine. Every other part may be easily conceived and easily written. Johnson.

Note return to page 490 THE historical dramas are now concluded, of which the two parts of Henry the Fourth, and Henry the Fifth, are among the happiest of our author's compositions; and King John, Richard the Third, and Henry the Eighth, deservedly stand in the second class. Those whose curiosity would refer the historical scenes to their original, may consult Holinshed, and sometimes Hall: from Holinshed Shakespeare has often inserted whole speeches with no more alteration than was necessary to the numbers of his verse. To transcribe them into the margin was unnecessary, because the original is easily examined, and they are seldom less perspicuous in the poet than in the historian. To play histories, or to exhibit a succession of events by action and dialogue, was a common entertainment among our rude ancestors upon great festivities. The parish clerks once performed at Clerkenwell a play which lasted three days, containing The History of the World. Johnson. It appears from more than one MS. in the British Museum, that the tradesmen of Chester were three days employed in the representation of their twenty-four Whitsun plays or mysteries. The like performances at Coventry must have taken up a longer time, as they are no less than forty in number. The exhibition of them began on Corpus Christi day, which was, (according to Dugdale) one of their ancient fairs. See the Harleian MSS. No. 2013, 2124, 2125, and MS. Cott. Vesp. D. VIII. and Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 116. Steevens.

Note return to page 491 The whole history is exactly followed, and many of the principal speeches exactly copied from the Life of Coriolanus in Plutarch. Pope. Of this play there is no edition before that of the players, in folio, in 1623. Johnson.

Note return to page 492 1One word, good citizens. 1 Cit. We are accounted poor citizens; the patricians, good.] Good is here used in the mercantile sense. So, Touchstone in Eastward Hoe: “&lblank; known good men, well monied.” Farmer. Again, in the Merchant of Venice: “Antonio's a good man.” Malone.

Note return to page 493 2but they think, we are too dear:] They think that the charge of maintaining us is more than we are worth. Johnson.

Note return to page 494 3Let us revenge this with our pikes, ere we become rakes:] It was Shakespeare's design to make this fellow quibble all the way. But time, who has done greater things, has here stifled a miserable joke; which was then the same as if it had been now wrote, Let us now revenge this with forks, ere we become rakes: for pikes then signified the same as forks do now. So Jewel in his own translation of his Apology, turns Christianos ad furcas condemnare, to—To condemn Christians to the pikes. But the Oxford editor, without knowing any thing of this, has with great sagacity found out the joke, and reads on his own authority, pitch-forks. Warburton.

Note return to page 495 4ere we become rakes:] It is plain that, in our authour's time, we had the proverb, as lean as a rake. Of this proverb the original is obscure. Rake now signifies a dissolute man, a man worn out with disease and debauchery. But the signification is, I think, much more modern than the proverb. Rœkel, in Islandick, is said to mean a cur-dog, and this was probably the first use among us of the word rake; as lean as a rake is, therefore, as lean as a dog too worthless to be fed. Johnson. It may be so: and yet I believe the proverb, as lean as a rake, owes its origin simply to the thin taper form of the instrument made use of by hay-makers. Chaucer has this simile in his description of the clerk's horse in the prologue to the Canterbury Tales, late edit. v. 288: “As lene was his hors as is a rake.” Spenser introduces it in the second book of his Faery Queen, Canto II: “His body lean and meagre as a rake.” As thin as a whipping-post, is another proverb of the same kind. Stanyhurst, in his translation of the third book of Virgil, 1582, describing Achœmenides, says: “A meigre leane rake, &c.” This passage seems to countenance Dr. Johnson's supposition. Steevens.

Note return to page 496 5&lblank; I will venture To scale't a little more.] Thus all the editions, as Mr. Theobald confesses, who alters it to stale't. And for a good reason, because he can find no sense (he says) in the common reading. For as good a reason, I, who can, have restored the old one to its place. To scale't signifying to weigh, examine, and apply it. The author uses it again, in the same sense, in this very play: Scaling his present bearing with his past. And so, Fletcher, in The Maid of the Mill: “What scale my invention before hand? you shall pardon me for that.” Warburton. Neither of Dr. Warburton's examples afford a sense congruous to the present occasion. In the passage quoted, to scale may be to weigh and compare, but where do we find that scale is to apply? If we scale the two criticks, I think Theobald has the advantage. Johnson. To scale is to disperse. The word is still used in the North. If emendation were at all necessary, Theobald's is as good a one as could be proposed. The sense of the old reading is, Though some of you have heard the story, I will spread it yet wider, and diffuse it among the rest. A measure of wine spilt, is called—“a scal'd pottle of wine” in Decker's comedy of The Honest Whore, 1635. So, in The Hystorie of Clyomon, Knight of the Golden Shield, &c. a play published in 1599: “The hugie heapes of cares that lodged in my minde “Are skaled from their nestling place, and pleasures passage find.” Again, in Deckar's Honest Whore, already quoted: “&lblank; Cut off his beard. &lblank; “Fye, fye; idle, idle; he's no Frenchman, to fret at the loss of a little scal'd hair.” In the North they say scale the corn, i. e. scatter it: scale the muck well, i. e. spread the dung well. The two foregoing instances are taken from Mr. Lambe's notes on the old metrical history of Floddon Field. Again, Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 499, speaking of the retreat of the Welchmen during the absence of Richard II. says: “&lblank; they would no longer abide, but scaled and departed away.” So again, p. 530: “&lblank; whereupon their troops scaled, and fled their waies.” In the Glossary to Gawin Douglas's Translation of Virgil, the following account of the word is given. Skail, skale, to scatter, to spread, perhaps from the Fr. eschevelor, Ital. scapigliare, crines passos, seu sparsos habere. All from the Latin capillus. Thus escheveler, schevel, skail; but of a more general signification. Steevens.

Note return to page 497 6&lblank; disgrace with a tale:] Disgraces are hardships, injuries. Johnson.

Note return to page 498 7&lblank; where the other instruments] Where for whereas. Johnson.

Note return to page 499 8Which ne'er came from the lungs, &lblank;] With a smile not indicating pleasure, but contempt. Johnson.

Note return to page 500 9&lblank; even so most fitly,] i. e. exactly. Warburton.

Note return to page 501 1The counsellor heart, &lblank;] The heart was anciently esteemed the seat of prudence. Homo cordatus is a prudent man. Johnson.

Note return to page 502 2To th' seat o' the brain; &lblank;] seems to me a very languid expression. I believe we should read, with the omission of a particle: Even to the court, the heart, to the seat, the brain. He uses seat for throne, the royal seat, which the first editors probably not apprehending, corrupted the passage. It is thus used in Richard II. act III. sc. iv: “Yea, distaff-women manage rusty bills “Against thy seat.” &lblank; It should be observed too, that one of the Citizens had just before characterised these principal parts of the human fabrick by similar metaphors: The kingly-crowned head, the vigilant eye, The counsellor heart. &lblank; Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 503 3Thou rascal, that art worst in blood, to run Lead'st first, to win some 'vantage. &lblank;] I think, we may better read, by an easy change, Thou rascal that art worst, in blood, to ruin Lead'st first, to win, &c. Thou that art the meanest by birth, art the foremost to lead thy fellows to ruin, in hope of some advantage. The meaning, however, is perhaps only this, Thou that art a hound, or running dog of the lowest breed, lead'st the pack, when any thing is to be gotten. Johnson. Worst in blood may be the true reading. In K. Henry VI. P. I: “If we bee English deer, be then in blood,” i. e. high spirits. Again, in this play of Coriolanus, act IV. sc. V. “But when they shall see his crest up again, and the man in blood, &c.” Steevens. To win some vantage, is to get the start, or to begin the chace before another dog. Tollet.

Note return to page 504 4The one side must have bale. &lblank;] Bale is an old Saxon word, for misery or calamity. “For light she hated as the deadly bale.” Spenser's Fairy Queen. Steevens.

Note return to page 505 5That like nor peace, nor war? The one affrights you, The other makes you proud &lblank;] That they did not like war is evident from the reason assigned, of its frighting them; but why they should not like peace (and the reason of that too is assigned) will be very hard to conceive. Peace, he says, made them proud, by bringing with it an increase of wealth and power, for those are what make a people proud; but then those are what they like but too well, and so must needs like peace the parent of them. This being contrary to what the text says, we may be assured it is corrupt, and that Shakespeare wrote: That likes not peace, nor war? &lblank; i. e. whom neither peace nor war fits or agrees with, as making them either proud or cowardly. By this reading, peace and war, from being the accusatives to likes, become the nominatives. But the editors not understanding this construction, and seeing, likes a verb singular, to curs a noun plural, which they supposed the nominative to it, would, in order to shew their skill in grammar, alter it to like; but likes for pleases was common with the writers of this time. So Fletcher's Maid's Tragedy: “What look likes you best? Warburton. That to like is to please, every one knows, but in that sense it is as hard to say why peace should not like the people, as, in the other sense, why the people should not like peace. The truth is, that Coriolanus does not use the two sentences consequentially, but first reproaches them with unsteadiness, then with their other occasional vices. Johnson.

Note return to page 506 6&lblank; Your virtue is, To make him worthy, whose offence subdues him, And curse that justice did it. &lblank;] i.e. Your virtue is to speak well of him whom his own offences have subjected to justice; and to rail at those laws by which he whom you praise was punished. Steevens.

Note return to page 507 7What's their seeking?] I believe Shakespeare wrote: What is't they are seeking? which from the similarity of sound might easily have been confounded with the present text. Had seeking been used substantively, the answer would have been, not—for corn—but corn. Malone.

Note return to page 508 8&lblank; their ruth,] i. e. their pity, compassion. Fairfax and Spenser often use the word. Steevens.

Note return to page 509 9&lblank; I'd make a quarry With thousands &lblank;] Why a quarry? I suppose, not because he would pile them square, but because he would give them for carrion to the birds of prey. Johnson. So, in the Miracles of Moses, by Drayton: “And like a quarry cast them on the land.” Steevens.

Note return to page 510 1&lblank; pitch my lance.] The old copy reads—picke my lance: and so the word is still pronounced in Staffordshire, where they say—picke me such a thing, that is, throw any thing that the demander wants. Tollet. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0903

Note return to page 511 2&lblank; the heart of generosity,] To give the final blow to the nobles. Generosity is high birth. Johnson.

Note return to page 512 3&lblank; 'tis true, that you have lately told us; The Volces are in arms.] Coriolanus had been but just told himself that the Volces were in arms. The meaning is, The intelligence which you gave us some little time ago of the designs of the Volces are now verified; they are in arms. Johnson.

Note return to page 513 4Your valour puts well forth: &lblank;] That is, You have in this mutiny shewn fair blossoms of valour. Johnson.

Note return to page 514 5&lblank; to gird &lblank;] To sneer, to gibe. So Falstaff uses the noun, when he says, every man has a gird at me. Johnson.

Note return to page 515 6The present wars devour him! he is grown Too proud to be so valiant.] Mr. Theobald says, This is obscurely expressed, but that the poet's meaning must certainly be, that Marcius is so conscious of, and so elate upon the notion of his own valour, that he is eaten up with pride, &c. According to this critick then, we must conclude, that when Shakespeare had a mind to say, A man was eaten up with pride, he was so great a blunderer in expression, as to say, He was eaten up with war. But our poet wrote at another rate, and the blunder is his critick's. The present wars devour him, is an imprecation, and should be so pointed. As much as to say, May he fall in those wars! The reason of the curse is subjoined, for (says the speaker) having so much pride with so much valour, his life, with increase of honours, is dangerous to the republick. But the Oxford editor alters it to, Too proud of being so valiant. and by that means takes away the reason the speaker gives for his cursing. Warburton. I am by no means convinced that Dr. Warburton's punctuation, or explanation, is right. The sense may be, that the present wars annihilate his gentler qualities. To eat up, and consequently to devour, has this meaning. So, in the second part of K. Henry IV. act IV. sc. iv: But thou (the crown) most fine, most honour'd, most renown'd, Hast eat thy bearer up. He is grown too proud to be so valiant, may signify, his pride is such as not to deserve the accompanyment of so much valour. Steevens.

Note return to page 516 7Of his demerits rob Cominius.] Merits and Demerits had anciently the same meaning: So, in Othello: &lblank; and my demerits May speak, &c. Again, in Stowe's Chronicle, cardinal Wolsey says to his servants, “&lblank; I have not promoted, preferred, and advanced you all according to your demerits.” Again, in P. Holland's translation of Pliny's Epistle to T. Vespasian, 1600: “&lblank; his demerit had been he greater to have continued his story.” Steevens.

Note return to page 517 8More than his singularity, &c.] We will learn what he is to do, besides going himself; what are his powers, and what is his appointment. Johnson.

Note return to page 518 9&lblank; 'Tis not four days gone,] i. e. four days past. Steevens.

Note return to page 519 1&lblank; for the remove Bring up your army: &lblank;] The first part of this sentence is without meaning. The general had told the senators that the Romans had prest a power, which was on foot. To which the words in question are the answer of a senator. And, to make them pertinent, we should read them thus: &lblank; 'fore they remove Bring up your army: &lblank; i. e. Before that power, already on foot, be in motion, bring up your army; then he corrects himself, and says, but I believe you will find your intelligence groundless, the Romans are not yet prepared for us. Warburton. I do not see the nonsense or impropriety of the old reading. Says the senator to Aufidius, Go to your troops, we will garrison Corioli. If the Romans besiege us, bring up your army to remove them. If any change should be made, I would read: &lblank; for their remove. Johnson.

Note return to page 520 2brows bound with oak:] The crown given by the Romans to him that saved the life of a citizen, which was accounted more honourable than any other. Johnson.

Note return to page 521 3Than gilt his trophy. &lblank;] Gilt means a superficial display of gold, a word now obsolete. So, in Hen. V: Our gayness and our gilt, are all besmirch'd. Steevens.

Note return to page 522 4At Grecian swords contending. Tell Valeria,] The accuracy of the editors of the first folio may be known from the manner in which they have given this line: At Grecian sword. Contenning, tell Valeria. Steevens.

Note return to page 523 5mammock'd it.] To mammock is to cut in pieces, or to tear. So, in The Devil's Charter, 1607: “That he were chop'd in mammocks, I could eat him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 524 6A crack, madam.] Thus in Cynthia's Revels by Ben Jonson: “&lblank; Since we are turn'd cracks, let's study to be like cracks, act freely, carelesly, and capriciously.” Again, in the Four Prentices of London, 1632: “A notable, dissembling lad, a crack.” Crack signifies a boy child. See Mr. Tyrwhitt's note on the first of the following passages quoted by Mr. Malone. Steevens. This word is used in the 2d part of K. Hen. IV: “&lblank; I saw him break Skogan's head at the court gate when he was a crack, not this high.” Again, in May-Day, a comedy by Chapman, 1611: “Lor. The page hath persuaded him since, that it was but a gullery. “Ang. 'Tis a notable crack.” Malone.

Note return to page 525 7&lblank; nor a man that fears you less than he, That's lesser than a little. &lblank;] The sense requires it to be read: &lblank; nor a man that fears you more than he; Or, more probably: &lblank; nor a man but fears you less than he, That's lesser than a little. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 526 *Re-Enter Marcius.] The old copy reads—Enter Marcius cursing. Steevens.

Note return to page 527 8Who, sensible, out-dares &lblank;] The old editions read: Who sensibly out-dares &lblank; Thirlby reads: Who, sensible, outdoes his senseless sword. He is followed by the later editors, but I have taken only half his correction. Johnson. The thought seems to have been adopted from Sidney's Arcadia, edit. 1633, p. 293: “Their very armour by piece-meale fell away from them: and yet their flesh abode the wounds constantly, as though it were lesse sensible of smart than the senselesse armour, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 528 9&lblank; Cato's wish; &lblank;] In the old editions it was: &lblank; Calvus' wish: &lblank; Plutarch, in the Life of Coriolanus, relates this as the opinion of Cato the Elder, that a great soldier should carry terrour in his looks and tone of voice; and the poet, hereby following the historian, is fallen into a great chronological impropriety. Theobald.

Note return to page 529 1&lblank; make remain &lblank;] Is an old manner of speaking, which means no more than remain. Hanmer.

Note return to page 530 2&lblank; prize their honours] In the first edition it is, &lblank; prize their hours. I know not who corrected it. A modern editor, who had made such an improvement, would have spent half a page in ostentation of his sagacity. Johnson. Yet the old reading is perhaps right, and may bear this sense. Coriolanus blames the Roman soldiers only for wasting their time in packing up trifles of such small value. So, in sir Tho. North's Translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; he cried, it was no time now to looke after spoil, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 531 3The Roman gods, &c. That both our powers &lblank; May give you thankful sacrifice! &lblank;] This is an address and invocation to them, therefore we should read: &lblank; Ye Roman gods. Warburton.

Note return to page 532 3Confound an hour,] Confound is here used not in its common acceptation, but in the sense of—to expend. Conterere tempus. Malone. So, in K. Henry IV. Part I. act. I. sc. iii: He did confound the best part of an hour, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 533 4&lblank; to bedward.] So, in Albumazar, 1610: “Sweats hourly for a dry brown crust to bedward.” Steevens.

Note return to page 534 5Ransoming him, or pitying, &lblank;] i. e. remitting his ransom. Johnson.

Note return to page 535 6&lblank; on what side &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Martius asked him howe the order of their enemies battell was, and on which side they had placed their best fighting men. The consul made him aunswer that he thought the bandes which were in the vaward of their battell, were those of the Antiates, whom they esteemed to be the warlikest men, and which for valiant corage would geve no place to any of the hoste of their enemies. Then prayed Martius to be set directly against them. The consul graunted him, greatly praysing his corage.” Steevens.

Note return to page 536 7&lblank; Antiates] The old copy reads—Antients, which might mean veterans; but a following line, as well as the previous quotation, seems to prove Antiates to be the proper reading. “Set me against Aufidius and his Antiates.” Steevens.

Note return to page 537 8And that you not delay the present, &lblank;] Delay, for let slip. Warburton.

Note return to page 538 9&lblank; swords advanc'd, &lblank;] That is, swords lifted high. Johnson.

Note return to page 539 1Lesser his person than an ill report;] The old copy has lessen; I suspect the authour wrote: Less in his person than in ill report. Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0907

Note return to page 540 2&lblank; Please you to march, And four shall quickly draw out my command, Which men are best inclin'd.] I cannot but suspect this passage of corruption. Why should they march, that four might select those that were best inclin'd? How would their inclinations be known? Who were the four that should select them? Perhaps, we may read: &lblank; Please you to march; And fear shall quickly draw out of my command, Which men are least inclin'd. It is easy to conceive that, by a little negligence, fear might be changed to four, and least to best. Let us march, and that fear which incites desertion will free my army from cowards. Johnson. The author of the Revisal thinks the poet wrote: “And so I shall quickly draw out.” &c. Some sense, however, may be extorted from the ancient reading. Coriolanus may mean that as all the soldiers have offered to attend him on this expedition, and he wants only a part of them, he will submit the selection to four indifferent persons, that he himself may escape the charge of partiality. If this be the drift of Shakespeare, he has expressed it with uncommon obscurity. The old translation of Plutarch only says, “Wherefore, with those that willingly offered themselves to followe him, he went out of the cittie.” Steevens. If we should read forth instead of four, forth cannot signify forthwith, but advancing forward. Something like this expression occurs in K. Richard III: Are you drawn forth from out a world of men. Tollet.

Note return to page 541 3&lblank; the ports] i. e. the gates. Steevens.

Note return to page 542 4Wert thou the Hector, That was the whip of your bragg'd progeny,] The Romans boasted themselves descended from the Trojans; how then was Hector the whip of their progeny? It must mean the whip with which the Trojans scourged the Greeks, which cannot be but by a very unusual construction, or the authour must have forgotten the original of the Romans; unless whip has some meaning which includes advantage or superiority, as we say, he has the whip hand, for he has the advantage. Johnson. Schoolboys at this day use a similar expression:— “He is the crack of the school.” Malone.

Note return to page 543 5&lblank; you have sham'd me In your condemned seconds.] For condemned, we may read contemned. You have, to my shame, sent me help which I despise. Johnson. Why may we not as well be contented with the old reading, and explain it, You have, to my shame, sent me help, which I must condemn as intrusive, instead of applauding it as necessary? Steevens.

Note return to page 544 6If I should tell thee &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “There the consul Cominius going vp to his chayer of state, in the presence of the whole armie, gaue thankes to the goddes for so great, glorious, and prosperous a victorie: then he spake to Martius, whose valliantnes he commended beyond the moone, both for that he him selfe sawe him doe with his eyes, as also for that Martius had reported vnto him. So in the ende he willed Martius, he should choose out of all the horses they had taken of their enemies, and of all the goodes they had wonne (whereof there was great store) tenne of euery sorte which he liked best, before any distribution should be made to other. Besides this great honorable offer he had made him, he gaue him in testimonie that he had wonne that daye the price of prowes aboue all other, a goodly horse with a capparison, and all furniture to him: which the whole armie beholding, dyd marvelously praise and commend. But Martius stepping forth, told the consul, he most thanckefully accepted the gifte of his horse, and was a glad man besides, that his seruice had deserued his generalls commendation: and as for his other offer, which was rather a mercenary reward, than an honourable recompence, he would none of it, but was contented to haue his equall parte with other souldiers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 545 7And, gladly quak'd, &lblank;] i. e. thrown into grateful trepidation. To quake is used likewise as a verb active by T. Heywood, in his Silver Age, 1613: “&lblank; We'll quake them at that bar “Where all souls wait for sentence.” Steevens.

Note return to page 546 8Here is the steed, we the caparisons!] This is an odd encomium. The meaning is, this man performed the action, and we only filled up the show. Johnson.

Note return to page 547 9&lblank; a charter to extol &lblank;] A privilege to praise her own son. Johnson.

Note return to page 548 1Should they not,] That is, not be remembered. Johnson.

Note return to page 549 2&lblank; When drums and trumpets shall &c.] In the old copy: &lblank; when drums and trumpets shall, I' the field, prove flatterers, let courts and cities Be made all of false-fac'd soothing. When steel grows soft as the parasite's silk, Let him be made an overture for the wars: &lblank; All here is miserably corrupt and disjointed. We should read the whole thus: &lblank; when drums and trumpets shall, I' th' field prove flatterers, let camps, as cities, Be made of false-fac'd soothing! When steel grows Soft as the parasite's silk, let hymns be made An overture for the wars! &lblank; The thought is this, If one thing changes its usual nature to a thing most opposite, there is no reason but that all the rest which depend on it should do so too. [If drums and trumpets prove flatterers, let the camp bear the false face of the city.] And if another changes its usual nature, that its opposite should do so too. [When steel softens to the condition of the parasite's silk, the peaceful hymns of devotion should be employed to excite to the charge.] Now, in the first instance, the thought, in the common reading was entirely lost by putting in courts for camps: and the latter miserably involved in nonsense by blundering hymns into him. Warburton. The first part of the passage has been altered, in my opinion, unnecessarily by Dr. Warburton; and the latter not so happily, I think, as he often conjectures. In the latter part, which only I mean to consider, instead of, him, (an evident corruption) he substitutes hymns; which perhaps may palliate, but certainly has not cured, the wounds of the sentence. I would propose an alteration of two words: “&lblank; when steel grows “Soft as the parasite's silk, let this [i. e. silk] be made “A coverture for the wars!” The sense will then be apt and complete. When steel grows soft as silk, let armour be made of silk instead of steel. Tyrwhitt. It should be remembered, that the personal him, is not unfrequently used by our author, and other writers of his age, instead of it, the neuter; and that overture, in its musical sense, is not so ancient as the age of Shakespeare. What Martial has said of Mutius Scævola, may however be applied to Dr. Warburton's proposed emendation:— Si non errasset, fecerat ille minus. Steevens.

Note return to page 550 3For what he did &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “After this showte and noyse of the assembly was somewhat appeased, the consul Cominius beganne to speake in this sorte. We cannot compell Martius to take these giftes we offer him, if he will not receaue them: but we will geue him suche a rewarde for the noble seruice he hath done, as he cannot refuse. Therefore we doe order and decree, that henceforth he be called Coriolanus, onles his valliant acts haue wonne him that name before our nomination.” Steevens.

Note return to page 551 4The folio—Marcus Caius Coriolanus. Steevens.

Note return to page 552 5To undercrest your good addition,] A phrase from heraldry, signifying, that he would endeavour to support his good opinion of him. Warburton.

Note return to page 553 6To the fairness of my power.] Fairness, for utmost. Warburton. I know not how fairness can mean utmost. When two engage on equal terms, we say it is fair; fairness may therefore be equality; in proportion equal to my power. Johnson.

Note return to page 554 7The best &lblank;] The chief men of Corioli. Johnson.

Note return to page 555 8&lblank; with whom we may articulate,] i. e. enter into articles. This word occurs again in Hen. IV: “Indeed these things you have articulated.” i.e. set down article by article. So, in Holinshed's Chronicles of Ireland, p. 163: “The earl of Desmond's treasons articulated.” Steevens.

Note return to page 556 9At a poor man's house;] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Only this grace (said he) I craue, and beseeche you to grant me. Among the Volsces there is an olde friende and hoste of mine, an honest wealthie man, and now a prisoner, who liuing before in great wealth in his owne countrie, liueth now a poore prisoner in the handes of his enemies: and yet notwithstanding all this his miserie and misfortune, it would doe me great pleasure if I could saue him from this one daunger: to keepe him from being solde as a slaue.” Steevens.

Note return to page 557 1Being a Volcian, &c.] It may be just observed, that Shakespeare calls the Volci, Volces, which the modern editors have changed to the modern termination. I mention it here, because here the change has spoiled the measure: Being a Volce, be that I am. Condition! Johnson. The Volci are called Volces in sir Tho. North's Plutarch, and so I have printed the word throughout this tragedy. Steevens.

Note return to page 558 2&lblank; I'll potch at him some way;] The Revisal reads poach; but potch, to which the objection is made as no English word, is used in the midland counties for a rough, violent push. Steevens. In Carew's Survey of Cornwall, the word potch is used in almost the same sense, p. 31: “They use also to poche them (fish) with an instrument somewhat like a salmon-speare.” Tollet.

Note return to page 559 3My valour's poison'd,] The construction of this passage would be clearer, if it were written thus: &lblank; my valour, poison'd With only suffering stain by him, for him Shall flie out of itself. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 560 4&lblank; for him Shall flie out of itself: &lblank;] To mischief him, my valour should deviate from its own native generosity. Johnson.

Note return to page 561 5&lblank; nor sleep nor sanctuary, &c. Embarquements all of fury, &c.] The dramatick art of this speech is great. For after Aufidius had so generously received Coriolanus in exile, nothing but the memory of this speech, which lets one so well into Aufidius's nature, could make his after-perfidy and baseness at all probable. But the second line of this impious rant is corrupt. For though, indeed, he might call the assaulting Marcius at any of those sacred seasons and places an embarkment of fury; yet he could not call the seasons and places themselves, so. We may believe therefore that Shakespeare wrote: Embarrments all of fury, &c. i.e. obstacles. Though those seasons and places are all obstacles to my fury, yet, &c. The Oxford editor has, in his usual way, refined upon this emendation, in order to make it his own; and so reads, embankments, not considering how ill this metaphor agrees with what is said just after of their—lifting up their rotten privilege, which evidently refers to a wooden bar, not to an earthen bank. These two generals are drawn equally covetous of glory: But the Volscian not scrupulous about the means. And his immediate repentance, after the assassinate, well agrees with such a character. Warburton. The contested word, in the old copy, is spelt embarquements, and, as Cotgrave says, meant not only an embarkation, but an embargoing. The rotten privilege and custom that follow, seem to favour this explanation, and therefore the old reading may well enough stand, as an embargo is undoubtedly an impediment. Steevens.

Note return to page 562 6At home, upon my brother's guard, &lblank;] In my own house, with my brother posted to protect him. Johnson.

Note return to page 563 7('Tis south the city mills)] But where could Shakespeare have heard of these mills at Antium? I believe we should read: ('Tis south the city a mile.) The old edition reads mils. Tyrwhitt. Shakespeare is seldom careful about such little improprieties. Coriolanus speaks of our divines, and Menenius of graves in the holy churchyard. It is said afterwards, that Coriolanus talks like a knell; and drums, and Hob and Dick, are with as little attention to time or place, introduced in this tragedy. Steevens.

Note return to page 564 8Pray you, &c.] When the tribune, in reply to Menenius's remark, on the people's hate of Coriolanus, had observed that even beasts know their friends, Menenius asks, whom does the wolf love? implying that there are beasts which love nobody, and that among those beasts are the people. Johnson.

Note return to page 565 8towards the napes of your necks,] With allusion to the fable, which says, that every man has a bag hanging before him, in which he puts his neighbour's faults, and another behind him, in which he stows his own. Johnson.

Note return to page 566 9one that converses more &c.] Rather a late lier down than an early riser. Johnson.

Note return to page 567 1bisson conspectuities,] Bisson, blind, in the old copies, is beesome, restored by Mr. Theobald. Johnson.

Note return to page 568 2you wear out a good &c.] It appears from this whole speech that Shakespeare mistook the office of præfectus urbis for the tribune's office. Warburton.

Note return to page 569 3set up the bloody flag against all patience,] That is, declare war against patience. There is not wit enough in this satire to recompense its grossness. Johnson.

Note return to page 570 4herdsmen of plebeians.] As kings are called &grp;&gro;&gria;&grm;&gre;&grn;&gre;&grst; &grl;&graa;&grw;&grn;. Johnson.

Note return to page 571 6Take my cap, Jupiter, and I thank thee: &lblank;] Though Menenius is made a prater and a boon companion, yet it was not the design of the poet to have him prophane, and bid Jupiter take his cap. Shakespeare's thought is very different from what his editors dreamed of. He wrote: Take my cup, Jupiter. &lblank; i. e. I will go offer a libation to thee, for this good news: which was the custom of that time. There is a pleasantry, indeed, in his way of expressing it, very agreeable to his convivial character. But the editors, not knowing the use of this cup, altered it to cap. Warburton. Shakespeare so often mentions throwing up caps in this play, that Menenius may be well enough supposed to throw up his cap in thanks to Jupiter. Johnson.

Note return to page 572 7&lblank; is but empiric,] The old copy reads—is but empirick qutique—of which the reader must make what he can. Steevens.

Note return to page 573 8possess'd of this?] Possess'd, in our authour's language, is fully informed. Johnson.

Note return to page 574 9He receiv'd in the repulse of Tarquin, seven hurts i' the body. Men. One i' the neck, and two i' the thigh: there's nine that I know.] Seven,—one,—and two, and these make but nine? Surely, we may safely assist Menenius in his arithmetick. This is a stupid blunder; but wherever we can account by a probable reason for the cause of it, that directs the emendation. Here it was easy for a negligent transcriber to omit the second one, as a needless repetition of the first, and to make a numeral word of too. Warburton. The old man, agreeable to his character, is minutely particular: Seven wounds? let me see; one in the neck, two in the thigh—Nay I am sure there are more; there are nine that I know of. Upton.

Note return to page 575 1Which being advanc'd, declines, &lblank; Volumnia, in her boasting strain, says, that her son to kill his enemy, has nothing to do but to lift his hand up and let it fall. Johnson.

Note return to page 576 2&lblank; Coriolanus.] The old copy. Martius Caius Coriolanus. Steevens.

Note return to page 577 3My gracious silence, hail!] The epithet to silence shews it not to proceed from reserve or sullenness, but to be the effect of a virtuous mind possessing itself in peace. The expression is extremely sublime; and the sense of it conveys the finest praise that can be given to a good woman. Warburton. By my gracious silence, I believe, the poet meant, thou whose silent tears are more eloquent and grateful to me, than the clamorous applause of the rest! So, Crashaw: “Sententious show'rs! O! let them fall! “Their cadence is rhetorical.” Again, in the Martial Maid of Beaumont and Fletcher: “A lady's tears are silent orators, “Or should be so at least, to move beyond “The honey-tongued rhetorician.” Again, in Daniel's Complaint of Rosamond; 1599: “Ah beauty, syren, fair enchanting good! “Sweet silent rhetorick of persuading eyes! “Dumb eloquence, whose power doth move the blood, “More than the words, or wisdom of the wise!” Again, in Every Man out of his Humour: “You shall see sweet silent rhetorick, and dumb eloquence speaking in her eye.” Steevens. I believe the meaning of my gracious silence is only thou whose silence is so graceful and becoming. Gracious seems to have had the same meaning formerly that graceful has at this day. So, in the Merchant of Venice: “But being season'd with a gracious voice.” Again, in Titus Andronicus: “'Tis not the difference of a year or two “Makes me less gracious, or thee more fortunate.” Again, in King John: “There was not such a gracious creature born.” Again, in Marston's Antonio and Mellida, Part II: “Live gracious youth to close thy mother's eyes.” Again, in Lingua, 1607: “But all their speeches were so equal wrought, “And alike gracious.” Malone.

Note return to page 578 4Com. Ever right. Cor. Menenius, ever, ever.] Rather, I think: Com. Ever right Menenius. Cor. Ever, ever. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 579 5But, with them, change of honours.] So all the editions read. But Mr. Theobald has ventured (as he expresses it) to substitute, charge. For change, he thinks, is a very poor expression, and communicates but a very poor idea. He had better have told the plain truth, and confessed that it communicated none at all to him: However it has a very good one in itself; and signifies variety of honours; as change of rayment, among the writers of that time, signified variety of rayment. Warburton.

Note return to page 580 6Into a rapture &lblank;] Rapture, a common term at that time used for a fit, simply. So, to be rap'd, signified, to be in a fit. Warburton.

Note return to page 581 7A maukin or malkin] A kind of mop made of clouts for the use of sweeping ovens: thence a frightful figure of clouts dressed up: thence a dirty wench. Maukin in some parts of England signifies a figure of clouts set up to fright birds in gardens, a scarecrow. P. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0911So, in the Bride, a comedy by Nabbes, 1640: “&lblank; you malkin of suburb authority, set up only to fright crows from the carrion of the commonwealth.” After the morris-dance degenerated into a piece of coarse buffoonery, and Maid Marian was personated by a clown, this once elegant queen of May obtained the name of Malkin. To this Beaumont and Fletcher allude in Monsieur Thomas: “Put on the shape of order and humanity, “Or you must marry Malkyn the May-Lady.” Steevens.

Note return to page 582 8Her richest lockram, &c.] Lockram was some kind of cheap linen. Greene, in his Vision, describing the dress of a man, says: “His ruffe was of fine lockeram, stitched very faire with Coventry blue.” Again, in the Spanish Curate of Beaumont and Fletcher, Diego says: “I give per annum two hundred ells of lockram, “That there be no strait dealings in their linnens.” Again, in Glapthorne's Wit in a Constable, 1639: “Thou thought'st, because I did wear lockram shirts, “I had no wit.” Again, in the Northern Lass, by Brome, 1633: “&lblank; Let all the good you intended me, be a lockram coif, a blue gown, and a clean whip.” Steevens.

Note return to page 583 9&lblank; seld-shown flamens] i. e. priests who seldom exhibit themselves to public view. The word is used in Humour out of Breath, a comedy, by John Day, 1607: “O seld-seen metamorphosis.” The same adverb occurs in the old play of Hieronimo: “Why is not this a strange and seld-seen thing? Seld is often used by antient writers for seldom. So, in Kyd's Cornelia, 1595: “So that we seld are seen as wisdom would.” Steevens.

Note return to page 584 1Commit the war of white and damask, in Their nicely gawded cheeks, &lblank;] This commixture of white and red could not, by any figure of speech be called a war, because it is the agreement and union of the colours that make the beauty. We should read: &lblank; the ware of white and damask &lblank; i. e. the commodity, the merchandize. Warburton. Has the commentator never heard of roses contending with lilies for the empire of a lady's cheek? The opposition of colours, though not the commixture, may be called a war. Johnson. So, in Shakespeare's Tarquin and Lucrece: “The silent war of lilies and of roses, “Which Tarquin view'd in her fair face's field.” Again, in the Taming of the Shrew: “Such war of white and red, &c.” Again, in Chaucer's Knight's Tale, late edit. v. 1040: “For with the rose colour strof hire hewe.” Again, in Damætas' Madrigal in Praise of his Daphnis, by J. Wootton; published in England's Helicon, 1614: “Amidst her cheek the rose and lilly strive.” Again, in Massinger's Great Duke of Florence: “&lblank; the lillies “Contending with the roses in her cheek.” Steevens. Cleaveland introduces this, according to his quaint manner: “&lblank; her cheeks, “Where roses mix: no civill war “Between her York and Lancaster.” Farmer.

Note return to page 585 2As if that whatsoever god, &lblank;] That is, as if that god who leads him, whatsoever god he be. Johnson.

Note return to page 586 3From where he should begin, and end; &lblank;] Perhaps it should be read: From where he should begin t'an end. &lblank; Johnson.

Note return to page 587 4As he is proud to do't.] I should rather think the author wrote prone: because the common reading is scarce sense or English. Warburton. Proud to do, is the same as, proud of doing, very plain sense, and very common English. Johnson.

Note return to page 588 5The naples vesture] The players read—the Naples, &lblank; Steevens.

Note return to page 589 6It shall be to him then, as our good wills, A sure destruction.] This should be written will's for will is. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 590 7&lblank; their provand] So the old copy, and rightly, though all the modern editors read provender. The following instances may serve to establish the ancient reading. Thus, in Stowe's Chronicle, edit. 1615, p. 737: “&lblank; the provaunte was cut off, and every soldier had half a crowne a weeke.” Again: “The horsmenne had foure shillings the weeke loane, to find them and their horse, which was better than the provaunt.” Again, in Sir Walter Raleigh's Works, 1751, Vol. II. p. 229. Again, in Hakevil on the Providence of God, p. 118, or Lib. II. c. vii. sect. I: “&lblank; At the siege of Luxenburge, 1543, the weather was so cold, that the provant wine, ordained for the army, being frozen, was divided with hatchets, &c.” Again, in Pasquil's Nightcap, &c. 1623: “Sometimes seeks change of pasture and provant, “Because her commons be at home so scant.” The word appears to be derived from the French, provende, provender. Steevens.

Note return to page 591 8&lblank; the fire.] The folio reads—his fire—Perhaps we should read—as fire. Malone.

Note return to page 592 9&lblank; carry with us ears and eyes, &c.] That is, let us observe what passes, but keep our hearts fixed on our design of crushing Coriolanus. Johnson.

Note return to page 593 1Enter two officers, &c] The old copy reads: “Enter two officers to lay cushions, as it were, in the capitoll.” Steevens.

Note return to page 594 2he wav'd] That is, he would wave indifferently. Johnson.

Note return to page 595 3supple and courteous to the people; bonnetted,] The sense, I think, requires that we should read, unbonnetted. Who have risen only by pulling off their hats to the people. Bonnetted may relate to people, but not without harshness. Johnson. Bonneter, Fr. is to pull off one's cap, therefore there is no occasion to read unbonnetted. See Cotgrave. The old copy reads—who having been— Steevens.

Note return to page 596 4Your loving motion toward the common body,] Your kind interposition with the common people. Johnson.

Note return to page 597 5The theme of our assembly.] Here is a fault in the expression: And had it affected our author's knowledge of nature, I should have adjudged it to his transcribers or editors; but as it affects only his knowledge in history, I suppose it to be his own. He should have said your assembly. For till the Lex Attinia, (the author of which is supposed by Sigonius, [De vetere Italiæ Jure] to have been contemporary with Quintus Metellus Macedonicus) the tribunes had not the privilege of entering the senate, but had seats placed for them near the door on the outside of the house. Warburton. Had Shakespeare been as learned as his commentator, he could not have conducted this scene otherwise than as it stands. The presence of Brutus and Sicinius was necessary; and how was our author to have exhibited the outside and inside of the senate house at one and the same instant? Steevens.

Note return to page 598 6That's off, that's off;] That is, that is nothing to the purpose. Johnson.

Note return to page 599 7You sooth not, therefore hurt not.] The old copy reads: You sooth'd not &lblank; I think rightly.—You did not flatter me, and therefore did not offend me.—Hurt is commonly used by our author for hurted. Malone.

Note return to page 600 8&lblank; how can he flatter,] The reasoning of Menenius is this: How can he be expected to practise flattery to others, who abhors it so much, that he cannot hear it even when offered to himself? Johnson.

Note return to page 601 9When Tarquin made a head for Rome, &lblank;] When Tarquin who had been expelled, raised a power to recover Rome. Johnson.

Note return to page 602 1&lblank; his Amazonian chin &lblank;] i. e. his chin on which there was no beard. The players read, shinne. Steevens.

Note return to page 603 2When he might act the woman in the scene,] It has been more than once mentioned, that the parts of women were, in Shakespeare's time, represented by the most smooth-faced young men to be found among the players. Steevens.

Note return to page 604 3He lurch'd all swords o' the garland.] Ben Jonson has the same expression in the Silent Woman: “&lblank; you have lurch'd your friends of the better half of the garland.” Steevens.

Note return to page 605 4And fell below his stern. &lblank;] We should read, according to the old copy: &lblank; his stem. &lblank; The stem is that end of the ship which leads. From stem to stern is an expression used by Dryden in his translation of Virgil: “Orontes' bark &lblank; “From stem to stern by waves was over-borne.” Steevens.

Note return to page 606 5&lblank; His sword, death's stamp, Where it did mark, it took from face to foot. He was a thing of blood, whose every motion Was tim'd with dying cries.] This passage should be pointed thus: &lblank; His sword (death's stamp) Where it did mark, it took; from face to foot He was a thing of blood, &c. Tyrwhitt. I have followed the punctuation recommended. Steevens.

Note return to page 607 6&lblank; every motion Was tim'd with dying cries. &lblank;] The cries of the slaughter'd regularly followed his motions, as musick and a dancer accompany each other. Johnson.

Note return to page 608 7The mortal gate &lblank;] The gate that was made the scene of death. Johnson.

Note return to page 609 8With shunless destiny:] The second folio reads, whether by accident or choice: With shunless defamy. Defamie is an old French word signifying infamy. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 610 9He cannot but with measure fit the honours,] That is, no honour will be too great for him; he will shew a mind equal to any elevation. Johnson.

Note return to page 611 1Than misery itself would give; &lblank;] Misery for avarice; because a miser signifies an avaricious. Warburton.

Note return to page 612 2Com. &lblank; and is content To spend his time to end it. Men. He's right noble. The last words of Cominius's speech are altogether unintelligible, Shakespeare, I suppose, wrote the passage thus: &lblank; and is content To spend his time &lblank; Men. To end it, he's right noble. Cominius, in his last words, was entering upon a new topic in praise of Coriolanus; when his warm friend Menenius, impatient to come to the subject of the honours designed him, interrupts Cominius, and takes him short with,—to end it, i. e. to end this long discourse in one word, he's right noble.—Let him be called for. This is exactly in character, and restores the passage to sense. Warburton. I know not whether my conceit will be approved, but I cannot forbear to think that our authour wrote thus: &lblank; he rewards His deeds with doing them, and is content To spend his time, to spend it. To do great acts, for the sake of doing them; to spend his life, for the sake of spending it. Johnson.

Note return to page 613 3It then remains, That you do speak to the people.] Coriolanus was banished U. C. 262. But till the time of Manlius Torquatus, U. C. 393, the senate chose both the consuls: And then the people, assisted by the seditious temper of the tribunes, got the choice of one. But if he makes Rome a democracy, which at this time was a perfect aristocracy; he sets the balance even in his Timon, and turns Athens, which was a perfect democracy, into an aristocracy. But it would be unjust to attribute this entirely to his ignorance; it sometimes proceeded from the too powerful blaze of his imagination, which when once lighted up, made all acquired knowledge fade and disappear before it. For sometimes again we find him, when occasion serves, not only writing up to the truth of history, but sitting his sentiments to the nicest manners of his peculiar subject, as well to the dignity of his characters, or the dictates of nature in general. Warburton.

Note return to page 614 4Once,] Once here means the same as when we say, once for all. Warburton. This use of the word once is found in the Supposes by Gascoigne: “Once, twenty-four ducattes he cost me.” Farmer.

Note return to page 615 5We have power in ourselves to do it, but it is a power that we have no power to do:] I am persuaded this was intended as a ridicule on the Augustine manner of defining free-will at that time in the schools. Warburton. A ridicule may be intended, but the sense is clear enough. Power first signifies natural power or force, and then moral power or right. Davies has used the same word with great variety of meaning: Use all thy powers that heavenly power to praise, That gave thee power to do. &lblank; Johnson. Shakespeare could not mean to ridicule a circumstance of which it was hardly possible for him to have the least knowledge. He spent his time better than in reading scholastic trash. See the Revisal, p. 416. Steevens.

Note return to page 616 6many-headed multitude.] Hanmer reads, many-headed monster, but without necessity. To be many-headed includes monstrousness. Johnson.

Note return to page 617 7some auburn,] The folio reads, some Abram. I should unwillingly suppose this to be the true reading; but we have already heard of Cain and Abram-coloured beards. Steevens.

Note return to page 618 8if all our wits were to issue out of one scull, &c.] Meaning, though our having but one interest was most apparent, yet our wishes and projects would be infinitely discordant. This meaning the Oxford editor has totally discharged, by changing the text thus,—issue out of our sculls. Warburton.

Note return to page 619 9the fourth would return for conscience sake, to help to get thee a wife.] A sly satirical insinuation how small a capacity of wit is necessary for that purpose. But every day's experience of the sex's prudent disposal of themselves, may be sufficient to inform us how unjust it is. Warburton.

Note return to page 620 1not mine own desire.] The old copy—but mine own desire. If but be the true reading, it must signify, as in the North—without. Steevens.

Note return to page 621 2I will not seal your knowledge] I will not strengthen or compleat your knowledge. The seal is that which gives authenticity to a writing. Johnson.

Note return to page 622 3Why &lblank; should I stand here, To beg of Hob and Dick, that do appear, Their needless voucher? &lblank;] Why stand I here in this ragged apparel to beg of Hob and Dick, and such others as make their appearance here, their unnecessary votes. I rather think we should read: Their needless vouches. But voucher may serve, as it may perhaps signify either the act or the agent. Johnson. The old copy reads: Their needless vouches. Steevens. &lblank; this woolvish gown] Signifies this rough hirsute gown. Johnson. I own I was surprized, on consulting the old copy, to find the passage printed thus: “Why in this woolvish tongue.” Mr. Rowe received gown from the second folio, and has been followed (perhaps without necessity) by all the editors. The white robe worn by a candidate was made, I think, of white lamb skins. How comes it then to be called woolvish, unless in allusion to the fable of the wolf in sheep's cloathing? Perhaps the poet meant only, Why do I stand with a tongue deceitful as that of the wolf, and seem to flatter those whom I could wish to treat with my usual ferocity? We may perhaps more distinctly read: &lblank; with this woolvish tongue, unless tongue be used for tone or accent. Tongue might, indeed, be only a typographical mistake, and the word designed be toge, which is used in Othello. Shakespeare, however, does not appear to have known what the toga hirsuta was, because he has just before called it the napless gown of humility. Since the foregoing note was written, I met with the following passage in “A Merye Jest of a Man called Howleglas,” bl. l. no date. Howleglas hired himself to a taylor, who “caste unto him a husbande mans gowne, and bad him take a wolfe, and make it up.—Than cut Howleglas the husbandmans gowne and made thereof a woulfe with the head and feete, &c. Then sayd the maister, I ment that you should have made up the russet gown, for a husbandman's gowne is here called a wolfe.” By a wolvish gown, therefore, (if gown be the true reading) Shakespeare might have meant Coriolanus to compare the dress of a Roman candidate to the coarse frock of a ploughman, who exposed himself to solicit the votes of his fellow rusticks. Steevens. Why in this wolvish tongue.] The old copy's reading in and not with shews that tongue was, as Mr. Steevens conjectures, an errour of the press for toge. The very same mistake has happened in Othello, where we meet “the tongued consuls,” instead of toged consuls. Malone.

Note return to page 623 4Coriolanus seems now, in earnest, to petition for the consulate: perhaps we may better read: &lblank; battles thrice six I've seen, and you have heard of; for your voices Done many things, &c. Farmer.

Note return to page 624 4&lblank; aged custom,] This was a strange inattention. The Romans at this time had but lately changed the regal for the consular government: for Coriolanus was banished the eighteenth year after the expulsion of the kings. Warburton.

Note return to page 625 5&lblank; ignorant to see't?] The Oxford editor alters ignorant to impotent, not knowing that ignorant at that time signified impotent. Warburton. The ignorant at any time has, otherwise than consequentially, the same meaning with impotent, I do not know. It has no such meaning in this place. Were you ignorant to see it, is, did you want knowledge to discern it. Johnson.

Note return to page 626 6&lblank; arriving A place of potency, Thus the old copy, and rightly. So in the third part of K. Henry VI. act V. sc. iii: “&lblank; those powers that the queen “Hath rais'd in Gallia, have arriv'd our coast. Steevens.

Note return to page 627 7&lblank; free contempt,] That is, with contempt open and unrestrained. Johnson.

Note return to page 628 8Your su'd-for tongues?] Your tongues that have been hitherto solicited. Steevens.

Note return to page 629 9&lblank; Enforce his pride,] Object his pride, and enforce the objection. Johnson.

Note return to page 630 1&lblank; his present portance.] i. e. carriage. So, in Othello: “And portance in my travels' history.” Steevens.

Note return to page 631 2And Censorinus, darling of the people,] This verse I have supplied; a line having been certainly left out in this place, as will appear to any one who consults the beginning of Plutarch's Life of Coriolanus, from whence this passage is directly translated. Pope.

Note return to page 632 3And Censorinus &lblank; Was his great ancestor.] Now the first censor was created U. C. 314, and Coriolanus was banished U. C. 262. The truth is this, the passage, as Mr. Pope observes above, was taken from Plutarch's Life of Coriolanus; who, speaking of the house of Coriolanus, takes notice both or his ancestors and of his posterity, which our author's haste not giving him leave to observe, has here confounded one with the other. Another instance of his inadvertency, from the same cause, we have in the first part of Henry IV. where an account is given of the prisoners took on the plains of Holmedon: Mordake the earl of Fife, and eldest son To beaten Douglas &lblank; But the earl of Fife was not son to Douglas, but to Robert duke of Albany, governor of Scotland. He took his account from Holinshed, whose words are, And of prisoners amongst others were these, Mordack earl of Fife, son to the governor Arkimbald, earl Douglas, &c. And he imagined that the governor and earl Douglas were one and the same person. Warburton.

Note return to page 633 4Scaling his present bearing with his past, That is, weighing his past and present behaviour. Johnson.

Note return to page 634 5&lblank; observe and answer The vantage of his anger.] Mark, catch, and improve the opportunity, which his hasty anger will afford us. Johnson.

Note return to page 635 6&lblank; prank them in authority,] Plume, deck, dignify themselves. Johnson.

Note return to page 636 7&lblank; why rule you not their teeth?] The metaphor is from men's setting a bull-dog or mastiff upon any one. Warburton.

Note return to page 637 8&lblank; since.] The old copy—sithence. Steevens.

Note return to page 638 9&lblank; Not unlike, Each way, to better yours.] i. e. likely to provide better for the security of the commonwealth than you (whose business it is) will do. To which the reply is pertinent: Why then should I be consul? Yet the restless humour of reformation in the Oxford editor disturbs the text to, &lblank; better you. Warburton.

Note return to page 639 1&lblank; This palt'ring Becomes not Rome; &lblank;] That is, this trick of dissimulation, this shuffling, And be these jugling fiends no more believ'd, That palter with us in a double sense. Macbeth. Johnson.

Note return to page 640 3&lblank; laid falsly] Falsly for treacherously. Johnson.

Note return to page 641 4&lblank; let them Regard me as I do not flatter, and Therein behold themselves: &lblank;] Let them look in the mirror which I hold up to them, a mirror which does not flatter, and see themselves. Johnson.

Note return to page 642 5The cockle of rebellion, &lblank;] Cockle is a weed which grows up with the corn. The thought is from sir Tho. North's translation of Plutarch, where it is given as follows: “Moreover, he said, that they nourished against themselves the naughty seed and cockle of insolency and sedition, which had been sowed and scattered abroad among the people, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 643 *&lblank; meazels,] Mesell is used in Pierce Plowman's Vision for a leper. The same word frequently occurs in the London Prodigal. Steevens.

Note return to page 644 6&lblank; minnows? &lblank;] i. e. small fry. Warburton. A minnow is one of the smallest river fish, called in some counties a pink. Johnson.

Note return to page 645 7'Twas from the canon.] Was contrary to the established rule; it was a form of speech to which he has no right. Johnson.

Note return to page 646 8O gods! &lblank; but most unwise patricians, why You grave, &c.] Thus the old copy. Succeeding editors had altered it: O good, but most unwise, &c. When the only authentic copy affords sense, why should we depart from it? Steevens.

Note return to page 647 9The horn and noise &lblank;] Alluding to his having called him Triton before. Warburton.

Note return to page 648 1Then vail your ignorance; &lblank;] Ignorance for impotence; because it makes impotent. The Oxford editor not understanding this, transposes the whole sentence according to what in his fancy is accuracy. Warburton. Hanmer's transposition deserves notice. &lblank; If they have power, Let them have cushions by you; if none, awake Your dang'rous lenity; if you are learned, Be not as common fools; if you are not, Then vail your ignorance. You are Plebeians, &c. I neither think the transposition of one editor right, nor the interpretation of the other. The sense is plain enough without supposing ignorance to have any remote or consequential sense. If this man has power, let the ignorance that gave it him vail or bow down before him. Johnson.

Note return to page 649 2&lblank; You are plebeians, If they be senators; and they are no less, When, both your voices blended, the greatest taste Most palates theirs. &lblank;] These lines may, I think, be made more intelligible by a very slight correction: &lblank; they no less [than senators] When, both your voices blended, the greatest taste Must palate theirs. When the taste of the great, the patricians, must palate, must please [or must try] that of the plebeians. Johnson. The plain meaning is, that senators and plebeians are equal, when the highest taste is best pleased with that which pleases the lowest. Steevens.

Note return to page 650 3&lblank; and my soul akes] The mischief and absurdity of what is called Imperium in imperio, is here finely expressed. Warburton.

Note return to page 651 4Whoever gave that counsel, &c.] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Therefore sayed he, they that gaue counsell, and persuaded that the corne should be giuen out to the common people gratis, as they vsed to doe in citties of Græce, where the people had more absolute power: dyd but only nourishe their disobedience, which would breake out in the ende, to the vtter ruine and ouerthrowe of the whole state. For they will not thincke it is done in recompense of their seruice past, sithence they know well enough they haue so ofte refused to go to the warres, when they were commaunded: neither for their mutinies when they went with vs, whereby they haue rebelled and forsaken their countrie: neither for their accusations which their flatterers haue preferred vnto them, and they haue recevued, and made good against the senate: but they will rather iudge we geue and graunt them this, as abasing our selues, and standing in feare of them, and glad to flatter them euery way. By this meanes, their disobedience will still growe worse and worse: and they will neuer leave to practise newe sedition, and vprores. Therefore it were a great follie for vs, me thinckes to do it: yea, shall I saye more? we should if we were wise, take from them their tribuneshippe, which most manifestly is the embasing of the consulshippe, and the cause of the diuision of the cittie. The state whereof as it standeth, is not now as it was wont to be, but becommeth dismembred in two factions, which mainteines allwayes ciuill dissention and discorde betwene vs, and will neuer suffer vs againe to be vnited into one bodie.” Steevens.

Note return to page 652 5They would not thread the gates; &lblank;] That is, pass them. We yet say, to thread an alley. Johnson.

Note return to page 653 6&lblank; could never be the native] Native for natural birth. Warburton. Native is here not natural birth, but natural parent, or cause of birth. But I would read motive, which, without any distortion of its meaning, suits the speaker's purpose. Johnson.

Note return to page 654 7No, take more: What may be sworn by, both divine and human, Seal what I end withal! &lblank;] The false pointing hath made this unintelligible. It should be read and pointed thus: No, take more; What may be sworn by. Both divine and human, Seal what I end withal! &lblank; i. e. No, I will still proceed, and the truth of what I shall say may be sworn to. And may both divine and human powers, [i. e. the gods of Rome and the senate] confirm and support my conclusion. Warburton.

Note return to page 655 8&lblank; purpose so barr'd, it follows, Nothing is done to purpose, &lblank;] This is so like Polonius's eloquence, and so much unlike the rest of Coriolanus's language, that I am apt to think it spurious. Warburton.

Note return to page 656 9That love the fundamental part of state, More than you doubt the change of 't; &lblank;] i. e. Who are so wedded to accustomed forms in the administration, that in your care for the preservation of those, you overlook the danger the constitution incurs by strictly adhering to them. This the speaker, in vindication of his conduct, artfully represents to be his case; yet this pertinent observation, the Oxford editor, with one happy dash of his pen, in amending doubt to do, entirely abolishes. Warburton. To doubt is to fear. The meaning is, You whose zeal predominates over your terrours; you who do not so much fear the danger of violent measures, as wish the good to which they are necessary, the preservation of the original constitution of our government. Johnson.

Note return to page 657 1To jump a body &lblank;] Thus the old copy. Modern editors read: To vamp &lblank; To jump anciently signified to jolt, to give a rude concussion to any thing. To jump a body may therefore mean, to put it into a violent agitation or commotion. So, in Phil. Holland's translation of Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. XXV. ch. v. p. 219: “If we looke for good successe in our cure by ministring ellebore, &c. for certainly it putteth the patient to a jumpe, or great hazard.” Steevens.

Note return to page 658 2Mangles true judgment, &lblank;] Judgment for government. Warburton. Judgment is judgment in its common sense, or the faculty by which right is distinguished from wrong. Johnson.

Note return to page 659 3&lblank; which should become it;] Become, for adorn. Warburton. Integrity is in this place soundness, uniformity, consistency, in the same sense as Dr. Warburton often uses it, when he mentions the integrity of a metaphor. To become, is to suit, to befit. Johnson.

Note return to page 660 4&lblank; it must be meet,] Hanmer reads: &lblank; it must be law. And Dr. Warburton follows him, surely without necessity. Johnson.

Note return to page 661 5&lblank; shake thy bones Out of thy garments.] So, in K. John: “&lblank; here's a stay “That shakes the rotten carcase of old death “Out of his rags!” Steevens.

Note return to page 662 6To the people, &lblank; Coriolanus, patience:] I would read: Speak to the people. Coriolanus, patience: &lblank; Speak, good Sicinius. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 663 7&lblank; very poisonous,] I read: &lblank; are very poisons. Johnson.

Note return to page 664 8Com. Stand fast, &c.] This speech certainly should be given to Coriolanus; for all his friends persuade him to retire. So, Cominius presently after: Come, sir, along with us. Warburton.

Note return to page 665 9Men.] I would they were barbarians (as they are Though in Rome litter'd;) not Romans (as they are not, Tho' calv'd i' the porch o' the capitol.)—Begone, &c. The beginning of this speech, I am persuaded, should be given to Coriolanus. The latter part only, belongs to Menenius: &lblank; Begone. Put not your worthy rage, &c. Tyrwhitt. I have divided this speech according to Mr. Tyrwhitt's direction. Steevens.

Note return to page 666 Dele—Be gone. read, Men. Be gone. Del—Men. This error is intirely mine: I meant to have followed Mr. Tyrwhitt's division of the speech. Steevens.

Note return to page 667 1One time will owe another.] I know not whether to owe in this place means to possess by right, or to be indebted. Either sense may be admitted. One time, in which the people are seditious, will give us power in some other time: or, this time of the people's predominance will run them in debt: that is, will lay them open to the law, and expose them hereafter to more servile subjection. Johnson.

Note return to page 668 2Before the tag return, &lblank;] The lowest and most despicable of the populace are still denominated by those a little above them, Tag, rag, andbobtail. Johnson.

Note return to page 669 3Do not cry havock, &lblank;] i. e. Do not give the signal for unlimited slaughter, &c. Steevens. Do not cry havock, where you should but With modest warrant.] To cry havock, was, I believe, originally a sporting phrase, from hafoc, which in Saxon signifies a hawk. It was afterwards used in war. So, in K. John: “&lblank; Cry havock, kings.” And in Julius Cæsar: “Cry havock, and let slip the dogs of war.” It seems to have been the signal for general slaughter, and is expressly forbid in the Ordinances des Batailles, 9 R. ii. art. 10: “Item, que nul soit si hardy de crier havok sur peine d'avoir la test coupe.” The second article of the same Ordinances seems to have been fatal to Bardolph. It was death even to touch the pix of little price. “Item qe nul soit si hardy de toucher le corps de nostre Seigneur, ni le vessel en quel il est, sur peyne d'estre trainez & pendu, et le teste avoir coupe.” M. S. Cotton. Nero D. VI. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 670 4This is clean kam.] i. e. Awry. So Cotgrave interprets, Tout va à contrepoil. All goes clean kam. Hence a kambrel for a crooked stick, or the bend in a horse's hinder leg. Warburton. The Welch word for crooked is kam; and in Lylly's Endymion, 1591, is the following passage: “But timely, madam, crooks that tree that will be a camock, and young it pricks that will be a horn.” Again, in Sappho and Phao, 1591: “Camocks must be bowed with sleight not strength.” Vulgar pronunciation has corrupted clean kam into kim kam, and this corruption is preserved in that great repository of ancient vulgarisms, Stanyhurst's translation of Virgil, 1582: “Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.” “The wavering commons in kym kam sectes are haled.” Steevens.

Note return to page 671 5Men. The service of the foot &c.] Nothing can be more evident, than that this could never be said by Coriolanus's apologist, and that it was said by one of the tribunes; I have therefore given it to Sicinius. Warburton. I have restor'd it to Menenius, placing an interrogation point at the conclusion of the speech. Steevens.

Note return to page 672 6&lblank; the end of it Unknown to the beginning.] So, in the Tempest, act II. sc. i: “The latter end of his commonwealth forgets its beginning.” Steevens.

Note return to page 673 7I muse, &lblank;] That is, I wonder, I am at a loss. Johnson.

Note return to page 674 8&lblank; my ordinance &lblank;] My rank. Johnson.

Note return to page 675 9The thwartings of your dispositions, &lblank;] The folio reads: The things of your dispositions, &lblank; Mr. Rowe made the alteration, which I have followed, as my predecessors had done, though without distinguishing it to the reader. Steevens.

Note return to page 676 1Before he should thus stoop to the heart &lblank;] This nonsense should be reformed thus: Before he should thus stoop to the herd. i. e. the people. Warburton.

Note return to page 677 2But when extremities speak. I have heard, &c.] Should not this passage be pointed thus? &lblank; You can never be too noble. But when extremities speak, I have heard, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 678 3Why force you &lblank;] Why urge you. Johnson.

Note return to page 679 for, roated, read, roted.

Note return to page 680 4&lblank; bastards, and syllables Of no allowance, to your bosom's truth.] I read: Of no alliance, &lblank; therefore bastards. Yet allowance may well enough stand, as meaning legal right, established rank, or settled authority. Johnson. The old copy reads—Though but bastards, &c. Allowance is certainly right. So, in Othello, act II. sc. i: “&lblank; his pilot “Of very expert and approv'd allowance.” Steevens.

Note return to page 681 5&lblank; I am in this Your wife, your son: the senators, the nobles. &lblank; And you, &c.] The pointing of the printed copies makes stark nonsense of this passage. Volumnia is persuading Coriolanus that he ought to flatter the people, as the general fortune was at stake; and says, that in this advice, she speaks as his wife, as his son; as the senate, and body of the patricians; who were in some measure link'd to his conduct. Warburton. I rather think the meaning is, I am in their condition, I am at stake, together with your wife, your son. Johnson.

Note return to page 682 6&lblank; our general lowts,] Our common clowns. Johnson.

Note return to page 683 7&lblank; that want &lblank;] The want of their loves. Johnson.

Note return to page 684 8Not what &lblank;] In this place not seems to signify not only. Johnson.

Note return to page 685 9&lblank; waving thy head, Which often, thus, correcting thy stout heart,] But do any of the ancient or modern masters of elocution prescribe the waving the head, when they treat of action? Or how does the waving the head correct the stoutness of the heart, or evidence humility? Or, lastly, where is the sense or grammar of these words, Which often thus, &c? These questions are sufficient to shew that the lines are corrupt. I would read therefore: &lblank; waving thy hand, Which soften thus, correcting thy stout heart. This is a very proper precept of action suiting the occasion: Wave thy hand, says she, and soften the action of it thus,—then strike upon thy breast, and by that action shew the people thou hast corrected thy stout heart. All here is fine and proper. Warburton. The correction is ingenious, yet I think it not right. Head or hand is indifferent. The hand is waved to gain attention; the head is shaken in token of sorrow. The word wave suits better to the hand, but in considering the authour's language, too much stress must not be laid on propriety, against the copies. I would read thus: &lblank; waving thy head, With often, thus, correcting thy stout heart. That is, shaking thy head, and striking thy breast. The alteration is slight, and the gesture recommended not improper. Johnson. Shakespeare uses the same expression in Hamlet: “And thrice his head waving thus, up and down.” Steevens. I have sometimes thought that this passage might originally have stood thus: &lblank; waving thy head, (Which humble thus;) correcting thy stout heart, Now soften'd as the ripest mulberry. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 686 1&lblank; humble as the ripest mulberry,] This fruit, when thoroughly ripe, drops from the tree. Steevens. Æschylus (as appears from a fragment of his &grF;&grR;&grU;&grG;&grE;&grST; &grhsa; &grE;&grK;&grT;&grO;&grR;&grO;&grST; &grL;&grU;&grT;&grR;&grA;, preserved by Athenæus, lib. ii.) says of Hector that he was softer than mulberries. &grA;&grn;&grhg;&grr; &grd;&grap; &gres;&grk;&gre;&gric;&grn;&gro;&grst; &grhsc;&grn; &grp;&gre;&grp;&gra;&gria;&grt;&gre;&grr;&gro;&grst; &grm;&groa;&grr;&grw;&grn;.. Musgrave.

Note return to page 687 2&lblank; my unbarb'd sconce? &lblank;] The suppliants of the people used to present themselves to them in sordid and neglected dresses. Johnson. Unbarbed, bare, uncover'd. In the times of chivalry when a horse was fully armed and accoutered for the encounter, he was said to be barbed; probably from the old word barbe which Chaucer uses for a veil or covering. Hawkins. Unbarbed sconce is untrimm'd or unshaven head. To barb a man, was to shave him. So, in Promos and Cassandra, 1578: “Grim. &lblank; you are so clean a young man. “Row. And who barbes you, Grimball? “Grim. A dapper knave, one Rosco. “Row. I know him not, is he a deaft barber?” To barbe the field was to cut the corn. So, in Drayton's Polyolbion, Song XIII: “The lab'ring hunter tufts the thick unbarbed grounds.” Again, in the Malcontent, by Marston: “The stooping seytheman that doth barbe the field.” Unbarbed may, however, bear the signification which the late Mr. Hawkins would affix to it. So, in Magnificence, an interlude by Skelton, Fancy speaking of a hooded hawk, says: “Barbyd like a nonne, for burnynge of the sonne.” Steevens.

Note return to page 688 3&lblank; single plot &lblank;] i. e. piece, portion; applied to a piece of earth, and here elegantly transferred to the body, carcase. Warburton.

Note return to page 689 4Which quired with my drum, &lblank;] Which played in concert with my drum. Johnson.

Note return to page 690 5Tent in my cheeks; &lblank;] To tent is to take up residence. Johnson.

Note return to page 691 6&lblank; to honour mine own truth,] &grP;&graa;&grn;&grt;&grw;&grn; &grd;&greg; &grm;&gra;&grl;&gri;&grst; &gras;&gri;&grs;&grx;&grua;&grn;&gre;&gro; &grs;&gra;&gruc;&grt;&gro;&grn;. Pythagoras. Johnson.

Note return to page 692 7&lblank; let Thy mother rather feel thy pride, than fear Thy dangerous stoutness; &lblank;] This is obscure. Perhaps, she means, Go, do thy worst; let me rather feel the utmost extremity that thy pride can bring upon us, than live thus in fear of thy dangerous obstinacy. Johnson.

Note return to page 693 8&lblank; i' the truth o' the cause.] This is not very easily understood. We might read: &lblank; o'er the truth o' the cause. Johnson.

Note return to page 694 9&lblank; and to have his word Of contradiction &lblank;] The sense here falls miserably. He hath been used, says the speaker, ever to conquer—And what then?—and to contradict. We should read and point it thus: &lblank; and to have his word, Off contradiction. &lblank; i. e. to have his opinion carry it without contradiction. Here the sense rises elegantly. He used ever to conquer; nay, to conquer without opposition. Warburton. To have his word of contradiction is no more than, he is used to contradict; and to have his word, that is, not to be opposed. We still say of an obstinate disputant, he will have the last word. Johnson.

Note return to page 695 1&lblank; and to have his worth Of contradiction: &lblank;] The modern editors substituted word; but the old copy reads not word, but worth, which, I apprehend, is right.—He has been used to have his worth, or (as we should now say) his pennyworth of contradiction; his full quota or proportion. Malone.

Note return to page 696 2Be rein'd again to temperance;] Our poet seems to have taken several of his images from the old pageants. In the new edition of Leland's Collectanea, Vol. IV. p. 190, the virtue temperance is represented “holdyng in hyr haund a bitt of an horse.” Tollet.

Note return to page 697 3&lblank; which looks With us to break his neck.] A familiar phrase of that time, signifying works with us. But the Oxford editor, understanding the sense better than the expression, gives us here Shakespeare's meaning in his own words. Warburton. To look is to wait or expect. The sense I believe is, What he has in his heart is waiting there to help us to break his neck. Johnson.

Note return to page 698 4Will bear the knave by the volume.] i. e. would bear being called a knave as often as would fill out a volume. Steevens.

Note return to page 699 5&lblank; plant love among us! Through our large temples with the shews of peace, And not our streets with war!] We should read: Throng our large temples &lblank; The other is rank nonsense. Warburton.

Note return to page 700 6His rougher accents] The old copy reads—actions. Theobald made the change. Steevens.

Note return to page 701 7Rather than envy you.] Envy is here taken at large for malignity or ill intention. Johnson.

Note return to page 702 8&lblank; season'd office, &lblank;] All office established and settled by time, and made familiar to the people by long use. Johnson.

Note return to page 703 9Envy'd against the people.] i. e. behaved with signs of hatred to the people. Steevens.

Note return to page 704 1&lblank; as now at last,] Read rather: &lblank; has now at last. Johnson. I am not certain but that as in this instance, has the power of as well as. The same mode of expression I have met with among our ancient writers. Steevens.

Note return to page 705 2&lblank; not in the presence] Not stands again for not only. Johnson. It is thus used in the New Testament, I Thess. iv. 8. “He therefore that despiseth, despiseth not man but God, &c.” Steevens.

Note return to page 706 3My dear wife's estimate, &lblank;] I love my country beyond the rate at which I value my dear wife. Johnson.

Note return to page 707 4&lblank; Have the power still To banish your defenders; till, at length, Your ignorance, (which finds not, till it feels, &c.] Still retain the power of banishing your defenders, till your undiscerning folly, which can foresee no consequences, leave none in the city but yourselves, who are always labouring your own destruction. It is remarkable, that, among the political maxims of the speculative Harrington, there is one which he might have borrowed from this speech. The people, says he, cannot see, but they can feel. It is not much to the honour of the people, that they have the same character of stupidity from their enemy and their friend. Such was the power of our authour's mind, that he looked through life in all its relations private and civil. Johnson.

Note return to page 708 5Abated captives.] Abated is dejected, subdued, depressed in spirits. So, in the tragedy of Darius by lord Sterline, 1603: “Star-boasting Babylon, blush to behold “One call'd thy king, surmounted and abated.” Abated has the same power as the French abattu. Again, in Crœsus, 1604, by the same author: “To advance the humble, and abate the proud.” i. e. Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos. Steevens.

Note return to page 709 6&lblank; fortune's blows, When most struck home, being gentle wounded, craves A noble cunning.] This is the ancient and authentick reading. The modern editors have, for gentle wounded, silently substituted gently warded, and Dr. Warburton has explained gently by nobly. It is good to be sure of our authour's words before we go about to explain their meaning. The sense is, When Fortune strikes her hardest blows, to be wounded, and yet continue calm, requires a generous policy. He calls this calmness cunning, because it is the effect of reflection and philosophy. Perhaps the first emotions of nature are nearly uniform, and one man differs from another in the power of endurance, as he is better regulated by precept and instruction. They bore as heroes, but they felt as men. Johnson.

Note return to page 710 7'Tis fond &lblank;] i. e. 'tis foolish. Steevens.

Note return to page 711 8&lblank; cautelous baits and practice.] By artful and false tricks, and treason. Johnson.

Note return to page 712 9My first son,] First, i. e. noblest, and most eminent of men. Warburton. The author of the Revisal would read: My fierce son. Steevens.

Note return to page 713 1My friends of noble touch: &lblank;] i. e. of true metal unallay'd. Metaphor taken from trying gold on the touchstone. Warburton.

Note return to page 714 2Sic. Are you mankind? Vol. Ay, fool; Is that a shame?—Note but this fool.— Was not a man my father? &lblank;] The word mankind is used maliciously by the first speaker, and taken perversely by the second. A mankind woman is a woman with the roughness of a man, and, in an aggravated sense, a woman ferocious, violent, and eager to shed blood. In this sense Sicinius asks Volumnia, if she be mankind. She takes mankind or a human creature, and accordingly cries out: &lblank; Note but this fool. &lblank; Was not a man my father? Johnson. So, Jonson, in the Silent Woman: “O mankind generation!” Shakespeare himself, in the Winter's Tale: “&lblank; a mankind witch.” Fairfax, in his translation of Tasso: “See, see this mankind strumpet; see, she cry'd, “This shameless whore.” So, Ben Jonson: “Pallas, nor thee I call on, mankind maid.” Steevens.

Note return to page 715 3Hadst thou foxship] Hadst thou, fool as thou art, mean cunning enough to banish Coriolanus? Johnson.

Note return to page 716 3&lblank; but your favour is well appear'd by your tongue.] This is strange nonsense. We should read: &lblank; is well appeal'd. i. e. brought into remembrance. Warburton. I should read: &lblank; is well affear'd. That is, strengthened, attested, a word used by our authour. “My title is affear'd.” Macbeth. To repeal may be to bring to remembrance, but appeal has another meaning. Johnson. I would read: Your favour is well approv'd by your tongue, i. e. your tongue strengthens the evidence of your face. So, in Hamlet, sc. i: “That if again this apparition come, “He may approve our eyes, and speak to it.” Steevens.

Note return to page 717 4&lblank; already in the entertainment,] That is, though not actually encamped, yet already in pay. To entertain an army is to take them into pay. Johnson.

Note return to page 718 5many an heir, &c.] Heir is, probably, here used in its obvious and ordinary sense, for presumptive successor; the younger part of the inhabitants of Antium being most likely to have been engaged in battle. However, the words many an heir may signify the actual owners, or possessors; for to inherit, and to possess, are used by our author as synonimous terms. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “&lblank; such delight. “Among fresh female buds, shall you this night “Inherit at my house.” Again in Titus Andronicus: “To bury so much gold under a tree, “And never after to inherit it.” Malone. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0921

Note return to page 719 6O, world, thy slippery turns! &c.] This fine picture of common friendships, is an artful introduction to the sudden league, which the poet made him enter into with Aufidius, and no less artful an apology for his commencing enemy to Rome. Warburton.

Note return to page 720 7&lblank; So with me: &lblank; My country have I and my lovers left; This enemy's town I'll enter; if he slay me, &c. He who reads this would think that he was reading the lines of Shakespeare: except that Coriolanus, being already in the town, says, he will enter it. Yet the old edition exhibits it thus: &lblank; So with me, My birth-place have I, and my loves upon This enemie towne: I'll enter if he slay me, &c. The intermediate line seems to be lost, in which, conformably to his former observations, he says, that he has lost his birth-place, and his loves upon a petty dispute, and is trying his chance in this enemy town: he then cries, turning to the house of Aufidius, I'll enter if he slay me. I have preserved the common reading, because it is, though faulty, yet intelligible, and the original passage, for want of copies, cannot be restored. Johnson. Perhaps the alteration of a single letter may recover sufficient sense. I read: My birth-place hate I, and my love's upon This enemy town. I'll enter: if he slay me, He does, &c. This alteration, on account of its slightness, may be admitted in preference to the former one made by Mr. Rowe. Steevens.

Note return to page 721 8That he gives entrance to such companions?] Companion was formerly used in the same sense as we now use the word fellow. Malone.

Note return to page 722 9If Tullus, &c.] These speeches are taken from the following in sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch: “If thou knowest me not yet, Tullus, and seeing me, dost not perhappes beleeue me to be the man I am in dede, I must of necessitie bewraye my selfe to be that I am. I am Caius Martius, who hath done to thy self particularly, and to all the Volces generally, great hurte and mischief, which I cannot denie for my surname of Coriolanus that I beare. For I neuer had other benefit nor recompence, of all the true and paynefull service I haue done, and the extreme daungers I haue bene in, but this only surname: a good memorie and witnes of the malice and displeasure thou shouldest bear me. In deede the name only remaineth with me: for the rest, the enuie and crueltie of the people of Rome haue taken from me, by the sufferance of the darstardly nobilitie and magistrates, who haue forsaken me, and let me be banished by the people. This extremitie hath now driuen me to come as a poore suter, to take thy chimney harthe, not of any hope I haue to saue my life thereby. For if I had feared death, I would not haue come hither to haue put my life in hazard: but prickt forward with spite and desire I have to be reuenged of them that thus haue banished me, whom now I beginne to be auenged on, putting my persone betweene thy enemies. Wherefore, if thou hast any harte to be wrecked of the injuries thy enemies haue done thee, spede thee now, and let my miserie serue thy turne, and so vse it, as my seruice maye be a benefit to the Volces: promising thee, that I will fight with better good will for all you, than euer I dyd when I was against you, knowing that they fight more valliantly, who knowe the force of their enemie, then such as haue neuer proued it. And if it be so that thou dare not, and that thou art wearye to proue fortune any more: then am I also weary to liue any longer. And it were no wisedome in thee, to saue the life of him, who hath bene heretofore thy mortall enemie, and whose seruice now can nothing helpe nor pleasure thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 723 1&lblank; a good memory,] The Oxford editor, not knowing that memory was used at that time for memorial, alters it to memorial. Johnson.

Note return to page 724 for, whoop'd out Rome, read, whoop'd out of Rome.

Note return to page 725 2A heart of wreak in thee, &lblank;] A heart of resentment. Johnson. Wreak is an ancient term for revenge. So, in Titus Andronicus: “Take wreak on Rome for this ingratitude.” Again, in Gower, De Confessione Amantis, Lib. V. fol. 83: “She faith that hir selfe she sholde “Do wreche with hir owne honde.” Steevens.

Note return to page 726 3&lblank; maims Of shame &lblank;] That is, disgraceful diminutions of territory. Johnson.

Note return to page 727 4And scar'd the moon.] Folio—scarr'd. Perhaps rightly, to distinguish it from scared or frightened:—yet it should not be concealed that in King Rich. III. we meet: “Amaze the welkin with your broken staves.” Malone.

Note return to page 728 5sanctifies himself with's hand,] Alluding, improperly, to the act of crossing upon any strange event. Johnson.

Note return to page 729 6He will—sowle the porter of Rome gates by th' ears.] That is, I suppose, drag him down by the ears into the dirt. Souiller, Fr. Johnson. Dr. Johnson's supposition, though not his derivation, is just. Skinner says the word is derived from sow, i. e. to take hold of a person by the ears, as a dog seizes one of these animals. So, Heywood, in a comedy called Love's Mistress, 1636: “Venus will sowle me by the ears for this.” Perhaps Shakespeare's allusion is to Hercules dragging out Cerberus. Steevens. Whatever the etymology of sowle may be, it appears to have been a familiar word in the last century. Lord Stafford's correspondent, Mr. Garrard, uses it as Shakespeare does. Straff. Lett. Vol. II. p. 149. “A lieutenant soled him well by the ears, and drew him by the hair about the room.” Lord Strafford himself uses it in another sense, Vol. II. p. 158. “It is ever a hopeful throw, where the caster soles his bowl well.” In this passage to sole seems to signify what, I believe, is usually called to ground a bowl. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 730 7&lblank; his passage poll'd.] That is, bared, cleared. Johnson. To poll a person anciently meant to cut off his hair. So, in Damætas' Madrigall in praise of his Daphnis, by J. Wootton, published in England's Helicon, 1614: “Like Nisus golden hair that Scilla pol'd.” It likewise signify'd to cut off the head. So, in the ancient metrical history of the battle of Floddon Field: “But now we will withstand his grace, “Or thousand heads shall there be polled.” Steevens.

Note return to page 731 8This peace is nothing but to rust, &c.] I believe a word or two have been lost: This peace is good for nothing but, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 732 9full of vent.] Full of rumour, full of materials for discourse. Johnson.

Note return to page 733 1&lblank; mull'd, &lblank;] i. e. and soften'd and dispirited, as wine is when burnt and sweeten'd. Lat. Mollitus. Hanmer.

Note return to page 734 2&lblank; because they then less need one another:] Shakespeare, when he chooses to give us some weighty observation upon human nature, not much to the credit of it, generally (as the intelligent reader may observe) puts it into the mouth of some low buffoon character. Warburton.

Note return to page 735 3His remedies are tame i' the present peace,] The old reading is, His remedies are tame, the present peace. I do not understand either line, but fancy it should be read thus: &lblank; neither need we fear him; His remedies are ta'en, the present peace, And quietness o'the people, &lblank; The meaning, somewhat harshly expressed, according to our authour's custom, is this: We need not fear him, the proper remedies against him are taken, by restoring peace and quietness. Johnson. I rather suppose the meaning of Sicinius to be this: His remedies are tame, i. e. ineffectual in times of peace like these. When the people were in commotion, his friends might have strove to remedy his disgrace by tampering with them; but now, neither wanting to employ his bravery, nor remembering his former actions, they are unfit subjects for the factious to work upon. Steevens.

Note return to page 736 4&lblank; affecting one sole throne, Without assistance. That is, without assessors; without any other suffrage. Johnson.

Note return to page 737 5&lblank; reason with the fellow] That is, have some talk with him. In this sense Shakespeare often uses the word. Johnson.

Note return to page 738 6&lblank; can no more atone,] This is a very elegant expression, and taken from unison strings giving the same tone or sound. Warburton. Dr. Warburton's etymology is not just. Atone seems to be derived from at and one—to reconcile to, or, to be at, union. Malone. To atone, in the active sense, is to reconcile, and is so used by our authour. To atone here, is, in the neutral sense, to come to reconciliation. To atone is to unite. Johnson.

Note return to page 739 7&lblank; burned in their cement, &lblank;] Cement, for cincture or inclosure; because both have the idea of holding together. Warburton. Cement has here its common signification. Johnson.

Note return to page 740 8Upon the voice of occupation.] Occupation is here used for mechanicks, men occupied in daily business. So, Horace uses artes for artifices. “Urit enim fulgore suo qui prægravat artes “Infra se positas.” Malone.

Note return to page 741 9The breath of garlick-eaters!] To smell of garlick was once such a brand of vulgarity, that garlick was a food forbidden to an ancient order of Spanish knights, mentioned by Guevara. Johnson. To smell of leeks was no less a mark of vulgarity among the Roman people in the time of Juvenal. Sat. iii: “&lblank; quis tecum sectile porrum “Sutor, et elixi vervecis labra comedit?” And from the following passage in Decker's If this be not a good Play the Devil is in it, 1612, it should appear that garlick was once much used in England, and afterwards as much out of fashion. “Fortune favours nobody but garlick, nor garlick neither now; yet she has strong reason to love it: for though garlick made her smell abominably in the nostrils of the gallants, yet she had smelt and stunk worse but for garlick.” Hence, perhaps, the cant denomination Pil-garlick for a deserted fellow, a person left to suffer without friends to assist him. Steevens.

Note return to page 742 1As Hercules, &c.] An allusion to the apples of the Hesperides. Steevens.

Note return to page 743 2Do smilingly revolt; &lblank;] Smilingly is the word in the old copy, for which seemingly has been printed in late editions. To revolt smilingly is to revolt with signs of pleasure, or with marks of contempt. Steevens.

Note return to page 744 3&lblank; they charge him, &c.] Their charge or injunction would shew them insensible of his wrongs, and make them shew like enemies. I read shew, not shewed, like enemies. Johnson. Dr. Johnson proposes to read: And therein shew: The old copy has charg'd and shew'd. If one is changed, so ought the other. I read: They'd charge him &lblank; &lblank; and therein shew. Malone. The old reading, which I have restor'd, is undoubtedly the true one. Steevens.

Note return to page 745 4They'll roar him in again. &lblank;] As they hooted at his departure, they will roar at his return; as he went out with scoffs, he will come back with lamentations. Johnson.

Note return to page 746 5You and your cry!] Alluding to a pack of hounds. So, in Hamlet, a company of players are contemptuously called a cry of players. Steevens.

Note return to page 747 6As is the osprey &lblank;] Osprey, a kind of eagle, ossifraga. Pope. We find in Michael Drayton's Polyolbion, Song xxv. a full account of the osprey, which shews the justness and beauty of the simile: “The osprey, oft here seen, though seldom here it breeds, “Which over them the fish no sooner do espy, “But, betwixt him and them by an antipathy, “Turning their bellies up, as though their death they saw, “They at his pleasure lie, to stuff his gluttonous maw.” Langton. So, in the Battle of Alcazar, 1594: “I will provide thee with a princely osprey, “That as she flyeth over fish in pools, “The fish shall turn their glitt'ring bellies up, “And thou shalt take thy liberal choice of all.” Such is the fabulous history of the osprey. I learn, however, from Mr. Lambe's notes to the ancient metrical legend of the Battle of Floddon, that the osprey is a “rare, large, blackish hawk, with a long neck, and blue legs. Its prey is fish, and it is sometimes seen hovering over the Tweed.” Steevens.

Note return to page 748 7&lblank; whether 'was pride, Which out of daily fortune ever taints The happy man; whether &lblank;] Aufidius assigns three probable reasons of the miscarriage of Coriolanus; pride, which easily follows an uninterrupted train of success; unskilfulness to regulate the consequences of his own victories; a stubborn uniformity of nature, which could not make the proper transition from the casque or helmet to the cushion or chair of civil authority; but acted with the same despotism in peace as in war. Johnson.

Note return to page 749 8&lblank; he has a merit To choak it in the utterance &lblank;] He has a merit, for no other purpose than to destroy it by boasting it. Johnson.

Note return to page 750 9&lblank; And power, unto itself most commendable, Hath not a tomb so evident as a chair To extol what it hath done.] This is a common thought, but miserably ill expressed. The sense is, The virtue which delights to commend itself, will find the surest tomb in that chair wherein it holds forth its own commendations: &lblank; unto itself most commendable. i. e. which hath a very high opinion of itself. Warburton.

Note return to page 751 1Right's by right fouler, &lblank;] This has no manner of sense. We should read: Right's by right fouled, &lblank; Or, as it is commonly written in English, foiled, from the French, fouler, to tread or trample under foot. Warburton. I believe rights, like strengths, is a plural noun. I read: Rights by rights founder, strengths by strengths do fail. That is, by the exertion of one right another right is lamed. Johnson. Right's by right fouler, &lblank;] i. e. What is already right, and is received as such, becomes less clear when supported by supernumerary proofs. Such appears to me to be the meaning of this passage, which may be applied with too much justice to many of my own comments on Shakespeare. Fouled, however, is certainly an English word, and is used in Sidney's Arcadia, edit. 1633, p. 441: “Thy all beholding eye foul'd with the sight.” There is likewise the following proverb—York doth foul Sutton— i. e. exceeds it on comparison, and makes it appear mean and poor. Steevens.

Note return to page 752 2&lblank; that have rack'd for Rome,] We should read, reck'd, i. e. been careful, provident for. In this insinuation of their only minding trifles, he satirizes them for their injustice to Coriolanus; which was like to end in the ruin of their country. The Oxford editor, seeing nothing of this, reads: &lblank; have sack'd fair Rome. Warburton. Rack'd for Rome is surely the right reading. To rack means to harrass by exactions, and in this sense the poet uses it in other places: “The commons hast thou rack'd; the clergy's bags “Are lank and lean with thy extortions.” I believe it here means in general, You that have been such good stewards for the Roman people, as to get their houses burned over their heads, to save them the expence of coals. Steevens.

Note return to page 753 3&lblank; memory for memorial. So, in As You Like It: “&lblank; O, you memory “Of old sir Rowland! &lblank;” Steevens.

Note return to page 754 4It was a bare petition &lblank;] Bare, for mean, beggarly. Warburton. I believe rather, a petition unsupported, unaided by names that might give it influence. Johnson. A bare petition, I believe, means only a mere petition. Coriolanus weighs the consequence of verbal supplication against that of actual punishment. Steevens.

Note return to page 755 5He was not taken well; he had not din'd, &c.] This observation is not only from nature, and finely expressed, but admirably befits the mouth of one, who in the beginning of the play had told us, that he loved convivial doings. Warburton.

Note return to page 756 6I tell you, he does sit in gold; &lblank;] He is inthroned in all the pomp and pride of imperial splendour. &grX;&grr;&gru;&grs;&gro;&grq;&grr;&gro;&grn;&gro;&grst; &GRHsa;&grh; &lblank; Hom. Johnson. So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; he was set in his chaire of state, with a marvelous and unspeakable majestie.” Shakespeare has a somewhat similar idea in K. Henry VIII. act I. sc. i: “All clinquant, all in gold, like heathen gods.” Steevens.

Note return to page 757 7Bound with an oath to yield to his conditions:] This is apparently wrong. Sir T. Hanmer, and Dr. Warburton after him, read: Bound with an oath not to yield to new conditions. They might have read more smoothly: &lblank; to yield no new conditions. But the whole speech is in confusion, and I suspect something left out. I should read: &lblank; What he would do, He sent in writing after; what he would not, Bound with an oath. To yield to his conditions. Here is, I think, a chasm. The speaker's purpose seems to be this: To yield to his conditions is ruin, and better cannot be obtained, so that all hope is vain. Johnson. I suppose, Coriolanus means, that he had sworn to give way to the conditions, into which the ingratitude of his country had forced him. Farmer.

Note return to page 758 8So that all hope is vain; Unless his noble mother, and his wife, Who, as I hear, mean to solicit him For mercy to his country &lblank;] Unless his mother and wife—do what? The sentence is imperfect. We should read: Force mercy to his country. &lblank; and then all is right. Warburton. Dr. Warburton's emendation is surely harsh, and may be rendered unnecessary by printing the passage thus: &lblank; mean to sollicit him For mercy to his country &lblank; Therefore, &c. This liberty is the more justifiable, because, as soon as the remaining hope crosses the imagination of Menenius, he might suppress what he was going to add, through haste to try the success of a last expedient. It has been proposed to me to read: So that all hope is vain, Unless in his noble mother and his wife, &c. In his, abbreviated in's, might have been easily mistaken by such inaccurate printers. Steevens.

Note return to page 759 9&lblank; lots to blanks,] A lot here is a prize. Johnson.

Note return to page 760 1For I have ever verified my friends &lblank; with all the size that verity, &c.] Shakespeare's mighty talent in painting the manners is especially remarkable in this place. Menenius here, and Polonius in Hamlet, have much of the same natural character. The difference is only accidental. The one was a senator in a free state; and the other a courtier and minister to a king; which two circumstances afforded matter for that inimitable ridicule thrown over the character of Polonius. For the rest, there is an equal complaisance for those they follow; the same disposition to be a creature; the same love of prate; the same affectation of wisdom, and forwardness to be in business. But we must never believe Shakespeare could make either of them say, I have verified my friends with all the size of verity; nay, what is more extraordinary, verified them beyond verity. Without doubt he wrote: For I have ever narrified my friends: i. e. made their encomium. This too agrees with the foregoing metaphors of book, read, and constitutes an uniformity amongst them. From whence the Oxford editor took occasion to read magnified: which makes the absurdity much worse than he found it: for, to magnify signifies to exceed the truth; so that this critic makes him say, he magnified his friend within the size of verity: i. e. he exceeded truth, even while he kept within it. Warburton. If the commentator had given any example of the word narrify, the correction would have been not only received, but applauded. Now, since the new word stands without authority, we must try what sense the old one will afford. To verify is to establish by testimony. One may say with propriety, he brought false witnesses to verify his title. Shakespeare considered the word with his usual laxity, as importing rather testimony than truth, and only meant to say, I bore witness to my friends with all the size that verity would suffer. I must remark, that to magnify signifies to exalt or enlarge, but not necessarily to enlarge beyond the truth. Johnson. Mr. Edwards would read varnished; but Dr. Johnson's explanation of the old word renders all change unnecessary. To verify may, however, signify to display. Thus in an ancient metrical pedigree in possession of the late dutchess of Northumberland, and quoted by Dr. Percy in the Reliques of ancient English Poetry, Vol. I. p. 279. 3d edit: “In hys scheld did schyne a mone veryfying her light.” Steevens.

Note return to page 761 2&lblank; upon a subtle ground,] Subtle means smooth, level. So, Jonson, in one of his masques: “Tityus's breast is counted the subtlest bowling ground in all Tartarus.” Subtle, however, may mean artificially unlevel, as many bowling-greens are. Steevens.

Note return to page 762 3the virginal palms of your daughters,] By virginal palms may be indeed understood the holding up the hands in supplication. Therefore I have altered nothing. But as this sense is cold, and gives us even a ridiculous idea; and as the passions of the several intercessors seem intended to be here represented, I suspect Shakespeare might write pasmes or pames, i. e. swooning fits, from the French pasmer or pâmer. I have frequently used the liberty to give sense to an unmeaning passage by the introduction of a French word of the same sound, which I suppose to be of Shakespeare's own coining. And I am certainly to be justified in so doing, by the great number of such sort of words to be found in the common text. But for a further justification of this liberty, take the following instance; where all must agree, that the common reading is corrupt by the editors inserting an English word they understood, instead of one coined by Shakespeare out of the French, which they understood not. It is in his Tarquin and Lucrece, where he is speaking of the office and empire of Time, and the effects it produces in the world:   Time's glory is &lblank; To fill with worm-holes stately monuments,   To feed oblivion with decay of things; To blot old books and alter their contents;   To pluck the quills from ancient ravens wings;   To dry the old oak's sap, and cherish springs. The two last words, if they make any sense, it is such as is directly contrary to the sentiments here advanced; which is concerning the decays, not the repairs of time. The poet certainly wrote: To dry the old oak's sap, and tarish springs. i. e. to dry up springs, from the French tarir or tarissement, exarefacere, exsiccatio: these words being peculiarly applied to springs or rivers. Warburton. I have inserted this note, because it contains an apology for many others. It is not denied that many French words were mingled in the time of Elizabeth with our language, which have since been ejected, and that any which are known to have been then in use may be properly recalled when they will help the sense. But when a word is to be admitted, the first question should be, by whom was it ever received? In what book can it be shewn? If it cannot be proved to have been in use, the reasons which can justify its reception must be stronger than any critick will often have to bring. Even in this certain emendation, the new word is very liable to contest. I should read: &lblank; and perish springs. The word perish is commonly neutral, but in conversation is often used actively, and why not in the works of a writer negligent beyond all others of grammatical niceties? Johnson. After all, I believe the former reading of the passage in Tarquin and Lucrece to be the true one. Shakespeare's meaning is, that Time was variously employed, both in destroying old things, and in raising up young ones. The next stanza sufficiently proves it: “To shew the beldame daughters of her daughter, “To make the child a man, the man a child; “To chear the ploughman with encreaseful crops, “And waste huge stones with little water drops. “To dry the old oak's sap, and cherish springs;” i. e. to dry up the old oak's sap, and consequently to destroy it; and likewise to cherish springs, i. e. to raise up or nourish the shoots of coppice-wood, or of young trees, groves, and plantations. The word springs is used in this sense by Chaucer, Spenser, Fairfax, Drayton, Donne, and Milton, as well as by the old writers on husbandry, Fitzherbert, Tusser, Markham, and by Shakespeare himself in the Comedy of Errors: “&lblank; shall, Antipholus, “Even in the spring of love, thy love-springs rot?” Again, in Holinshed's Description of England, both the contested words in the latter part of the verse, occur. “We have manie woods, forrests, and parks which cherish trees abundantlie, beside infinit numbers of hedge rowes, groves, and springs, that are mainteined &c.” Thus far Mr. Tollet. Dr. Warburton is surely unfortunate in the assortment of French words exhibited on the present occasion, since the first never was admitted as a noun into the French language, nor can the latter possibly be claimed by any language at all. The attempt to introduce pasmes instead of palms ridicules itself. The adjective virginal is used in Woman is a Weathercock, 1612: “Lav'd in a bath of contrite virginal tears.” Again, in Spenser's Faerie Queen, B. II. c. ix: “She to them made with mildness virginal.” Steevens. Whether the word perish be right or not in this place, Dr. Johnson truly observes, that it is sometimes used actively. In the Maid's Tragedy: “&lblank; Let not my sins,” says Evadne to Amintor, “Perish your noble youth.” Farmer. Again, in the Second Eclogue of Drayton: “And hath for ever perished my sale.” Again, in the Honest Man's Fortune, by B. and Fletcher: “&lblank; his wants “And miseries have perish'd his good face.” Steevens.

Note return to page 763 4a decay'd dotant] Thus the old copy. Modern editors read —dotard. Steevens.

Note return to page 764 5Back, I say, go; lest I let forth your half pint of blood. Back, that's the utmost of your having, back.] As these words are read and pointed, the sentence [that's the utmost of your having] signifies, you are like to get no further. Whereas the author evidently intended it to refer to the half pint of blood he speaks of, and to mean, that that was all he had in his veins. The thought is humourous; and to disembarras it from the corrupt expression, we should read and point it thus, Lest I let forth your half pint of blood: that's the utmost of your having. Back, back. Warburton. I believe the meaning never was mistaken, and therefore do not change the reading. Johnson.

Note return to page 765 6&lblank; guess but my entertainment with him;] I read, Guess by my entertainment with him, if thou standest not i' the state of hanging. Johnson. Mr. Edwards had proposed the same emendation in his MS. notes already mentioned. Steevens.

Note return to page 766 7&lblank; Though I owe My revenge properly, &lblank;] Though I have a peculiar right in revenge, in the power of forgiveness the Volcians are conjoined. Johnson.

Note return to page 767 8&lblank; how we are shent] Shent is brought destruction. Johnson. Shent does not mean brought to destruction, but shamed, disgraced, made ashamed of himself. See the old ballad of the Heir of Linne, in the second volume of Reliques of Ancient English Poetry: “Sorely shent with this rebuke   “Sorely shent was the heir of Linne; “His heart, I wis, was near-to brast   “With guilt and sorrow, shame and sinne.” Percy.

Note return to page 768 9&lblank; how plainly I have borne this business.] That is, how openly, how remotely from artifice or concealment. Johnson.

Note return to page 769 9The sorrow, that delivers us thus chang'd, Makes you think so.] Virgilia makes a voluntary misinterpretation of her husband's words. He says, These eyes are not the same, meaning, that he saw things with other eyes, or other dispositions. She lays hold on the word eyes, to turn his attention on their present appearance. Johnson.

Note return to page 770 1Now by the jealous queen of heaven, &lblank;] That is, by Juno, the guardian of marriage, and consequently the avenger of connubial perfidy. Johnson.

Note return to page 771 2&lblank; I prate.] The old copy—I pray. The merit of the alteration is Theobald's. Steevens.

Note return to page 772 3The noble sister of Publicola,] Valeria, methinks, should not have been brought only to fill up the procession without speaking. Johnson. It is not improbable, but that the poet designed the following words of Volumnia for Valeria. Names are not unfrequently confounded by the player-editors; and the lines that compose this speech might be given to the sister of Publicola without impropriety. It may be added, that though the scheme to solicit Coriolanus was originally proposed by Valeria, yet Plutarch has allotted her no address when she comes with his wife and mother on this occasion. Steevens.

Note return to page 773 4chaste as the isicle, &c.] I cannot forbear to quote the following beautiful passage from Shirley's Gentleman of Venice, in which the praise of a lady's chastity is likewise attempted: “&lblank; thou art chaste “As the white down of heaven, whose feathers play “Upon the wings of a cold winter's gale, “Trembling with fear to touch th' impurer earth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 774 5&lblank; epitome of yours,] I read: &lblank; epitome of you. An epitome of you, which, enlarged by the commentaries of time, may equal you in magnitude. Johnson.

Note return to page 775 6With the consent of supreme Jove, &lblank;] This is inserted with great decorum. Jupiter was the tutelary God of Rome. Warburton.

Note return to page 776 7&lblank; every flaw,] That is, every gust, every storm. Johnson.

Note return to page 777 8Should we be silent and not speak, our raiment, &c.] “The speeches copied from Plutarch in Coriolanus may (says Mr. Pope) be as well made an instance of the learning of Shakespeare, as those copied from Cicero, in Cataline, of Ben Jonson's.” Let us inquire into this matter, and transcribe a speech for a specimen. Take the famous one of Volumnia; for our author has done little more, than thrown the very words of North into blank verse. “If we helde our peace (my sonne) and determined not to speake, the state of our poore bodies, and present sight of our rayment, would easely bewray to thee what life we haue led at home, since thy exile and abode abroad. But thinke now with thy selfe, howe much more unfortunately, then all the women liuinge we are come hether, considering that the sight which should be most pleasaunt to all other to beholde, spitefull fortune hath made most fearfull to us: making my selfe to see my sonne, and my daughter here, her husband, besieging the walles of his natiue countrie. So as that which is the only comfort to all other in their adversitie and miserie, to pray unto the goddes, and to call to them for aide, is the onely thinge which plongeth us into most deep perplexitie. For we cannot (alas) together pray, both for victorie, for our countrie, and for safety of thy life also: but a worlde of grievous curses, yea more then any mortall enemie can heape uppon us, are forcibly wrapt up in our prayers. For the bitter soppe of most harde choyce is offered thy wife and children, to foregoe the one of the two: either to lose the persone of thy selfe, or the nurse of their natiue contrie. For my selfe (my sonne) I am determined not to tarrie, till fortune in my life time doe make an ende of this warre. For if I cannot persuade thee, rather to doe good unto both parties, then to ouerthrowe and destroye the one, preferring loue and nature before the malice and calamitie of warres; thou shalt see, my sonne, and trust unto it, thou shalt no soner marche forward to assault thy countrie, but thy foote shall tread upon thy mother's wombe, that brought thee first into this world.” Farmer.

Note return to page 778 9Constrains them weep, and shake &lblank;] That is, constrains the eye to weep, and the heart to shake. Johnson.

Note return to page 779 1&lblank; the fine strains &lblank;] The niceties, the refinements. Johnson.

Note return to page 780 2And yet to change thy sulphur &lblank;] We should read charge. The meaning of the passage is, To threaten much, and yet be merciful. Warburton.

Note return to page 781 3Like one i' the stocks. &lblank;] Keep me in a state of ignominy talking to no purpose. Johnson.

Note return to page 782 4Does reason our petition &lblank;] Does argue for us and our petition. Johnson.

Note return to page 783 5Mother, mother! &lblank;] So, in the old translation of Plutarch: “Oh mother, what have you done to me? And holding her harde by the right hande, oh mother, sayed he, you have wonne a happy victorie for your countrie, but mortall and unhappy for your sonne: for I see myself vanquished by you alone.” Steevens.

Note return to page 784 6&lblank; I'll work Myself a former fortune.] I will take advantage of this concession to restore myself to my former credit and power. Johnson.

Note return to page 785 7Cor. &lblank; Come enter with us: Ladies, you deserve, &c.] This speech, beginning at Ladies you deserve—which is absurdly given to Coriolanus, belongs to Aufidius. For it cannot be supposed that the other, amidst all the disorder of violent and contrary passions, could be calm and disengaged enough to make so gallant a compliment to the ladies. Let us farther observe from this speech, where he says: &lblank; all the swords In Italy, and her confederate arms. And from that a little before: &lblank; Let the Volces Plough Rome, and harrow Italy; &lblank; That the poet's head was running on the later grandeur of Rome, when as at this time her dominion extended only a few miles round the city. Warburton. The speech suits Aufidius justly enough, if it had been written for him; but it may, without impropriety, be spoken by Coriolanus: and since the copies give it to him, why should we dispossess him? Johnson.

Note return to page 786 8To have a temple built you.] Plutarch informs us, that a temple dedicated to the Fortune of the Ladies, was built on this occasion by order of the senate. Steevens.

Note return to page 787 9&lblank; than an eight year old horse.] Subintelligitur remembers his dam. Warburton.

Note return to page 788 1He sits in his state] In a foregoing note he was said to sit in gold. The phrase, as a thing made for Alexander, means, as one made to resemble Alexander. Johnson. [Notes from the 1780 Supplement]9Q0924

Note return to page 789 2He wag'd me with his countenance, &lblank;] This is obscure. The meaning, I think, is, he prescribed to me with an air of authority, and gave me his countenance for my wages; thought me sufficiently rewarded with good looks. Johnson. The verb, to wage, is used in this sense in the Wise Woman of Hogsden, by Heywood, 1638: “&lblank; I receive thee gladly to my house, “And wage thy stay. &lblank;” Again, in Greene's Mamillia, 1593: “&lblank; by custom common to all that could wage her honesty with the appointed price.” To wage a task was, anciently, to undertake a task for wages. So, in Geo. Wither's Verses prefixed to Drayton's Polyolbion: “Good speed befall thee who hast wag'd a task, “That better censures, and rewards doth ask.” Again, in Spenser's Faery Queen, B. II. c. vii: “&lblank; must wage “Thy works for wealth, and life for gold engage.” Again, in lord Surry's translation of the Second Book of Virgil's Æneis: “&lblank; what Dolopes? “What stern Ulysses' waged soldier?” Again, in Holinshed's Reign of K. John, p. 168: “&lblank; the summe of 28 thousand markes to levie and wage thirtie thousand men.” Again, speaking of K. Hen. IV. p. 524: “&lblank; the king wanted money for that enterprize, and to wage his soldiers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 790 3For which my sinews shall be stretch'd &lblank;] This is the point on which I will attack him with my utmost abilities. Johnson.

Note return to page 791 4&lblank; answering us With our own charge; &lblank;] That is, rewarding us with our own expences; making the cost of the war its recompence. Johnson.

Note return to page 792 5Auf. No more.] This should rather be given to the first lord. It was not the business of Aufidius to put a stop to the altercation. Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 793 6&lblank; his fame folds in This orb o' the earth: &lblank;] His fame overspreads the world. Johnson.

Note return to page 794 7&lblank; a noble memory.] Memory for Memorial.] So, in As you Like It: &lblank; O, you Memory Of old sir Rowland! Steevens.

Note return to page 795 THE tragedy of Coriolanus is one of the most amusing of our author's performances. The old man's merriment in Menenius; the lofty lady's dignity in Volumnia; the bridal modesty in Virgilia; the patrician and military haughtiness in Coriolanus; the plebeian malignity and tribunitian insolence in Brutus and Sicinius, make a very pleasing and interesting variety: and the various revolutions of the hero's fortune fill the mind with anxious curiosity. There is, perhaps, too much bustle in the first act, and too little in the last. Johnson.

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