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Cooper, James Fenimore, 1789-1851 [1845], Satanstoe, or, The littlepage manuscripts: a tale of the colony volume 2 (Burgess, Stringer & Co., New York) [word count] [eaf075v2].
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CHAPTER VIII.

“My sons? It may
Unman my heart, and the poor boys will weep;
And what can I reply, to comfort them,
Save with some hollow hopes, and ill-worn smiles?
Sardanapalus.

My Lord Howe did not at first recognise us, in our hunting-shirts.
With Guert Ten Eyck, however, he had formed
such an acquaintance, while at Albany, as caused him to
remember his voice, and our welcome was both frank and
cordial. We inquired for the —th, declaring our intention
to join that corps, from the commander of which all
three of us had reiterated and pressing invitations to join his
mess. The intention of seeking our friend immediately,
nevertheless, was changed by a remark of our present host,
if one may use such a term as applied to the commander of
a brigade of boats.

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“Bulstrode's regiment is in the centre, and will be early
in the field,” he said; “but not as early as the advanced
guard. If you desire good living, gentlemen, I am far from
wishing to dissuade you from seeking the flesh-pots of the—
th; there being a certain Mr. Billings, in that corps,
who has an extraordinary faculty, they tell me, in getting
up a good dinner out of nothing; but, if you want service,
we shall certainly be the first brigade in action; and, to such
fare as I can command, you will be most acceptable guests.
As for anything else, time must show.”

After this, no more was said about looking for Bulstrode;
though we let our noble commander understand, that we
should tax his hospitality no longer than to see him fairly
in the field, after driving away the party that it was expected
the enemy would send to oppose our landing.

Susquesus no sooner learned our decision, than he took
his departure, quietly paddling away towards the eastern
shore; no one attempting to intercept a canoe that was seen
to quit the batteau that was known to carry the commander
of the advanced brigade.

The wind freshened, as the day advanced, and most of
the boats having something or other in the shape of a sail,
our progress now became quite rapid. By nine o'clock we
were fairly in the Lower Lake, and there was every prospect
of our reaching our point of destination by mid-day. I
confess, the business we were on, the novelty of my situation,
and the certainty that we should meet in Montcalm an
experienced as well as a most gallant foe, conspired to render
me thoughtful, though I trust not timid, during the few
hours we were in the batteau. Perfectly inactive, it is not
surprising that so young a soldier should feel sobered by the
solemn reflections that are apt to get possession of the mind,
at the probable approach of death—if not to myself, at least
to many of those who were around me. Nor was there
anything boastful or inflated in the manner or conversation
of our distinguished leader, who had seen much warm service
in Germany, in the wars of his reputed grandfather and
uncle, young as he was. On the contrary, My Lord Howe,
that day, was grave and thoughtful, as became a man who
held the lives of others in his keeping, though he was neither
depressed nor doubting. There were moments, indeed, when

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he spoke cheerfully to those who were near him; though, as
a whole, his deportment was, as I have just said, grave and
thoughtful. Once I caught his eye fastened on me, with a
saddened expression; and, I suppose that a question he soon
after put me, was connected with the subject of his thoughts.

“How would our excellent and respectable friend, Madam
Schuyler, feel, did she know our precise position at this
moment, Mr. Littlepage? I do believe that excellent woman
feels more concern for those in whom she takes an
interest, than they often feel for themselves.”

“I think, my lord, that, in such a case, we should certainly
receive the benefit of her prayers.”

“You are an only child, I think she told me, Littlepage?”

“I am, my lord; and thankful am I that my mother cannot
foresee this scene.”

“I, too, have those that love me, though they are accustomed
to think of me as a soldier, and liable to a soldier's
risks. Happy is the military man who can possess his mind,
in the moment of trial, free from the embarrassing, though
pleasing, and otherwise so grateful ties of affection. But,
we are nearing the shore, and must attend to duty.”

This is the last conversation I held with that brave soldier;
and these were the last words, of a private nature, I
ever heard him utter. From that moment, his whole soul
seemed occupied with the discharge of his duty, the success
of our arms, and the defeat of the enemy.

I am not soldier enough to describe what followed in a
very military or intelligible manner. As the brigade drew
near the foot of the lake, where there was a wide extent of
low land, principally in forest, however, some batteaux were
brought to the front, on which were mounted a number of
pieces of heavy artillery. The French had a party of considerable
force to oppose our landing; but, as it appeared,
they had not made a sufficient provision of guns, on their
part, to contend with success; and our grape scouring the
woods, we met with but little real resistance. Nor did we
assail them precisely at the point where we were expected,
but proceeded rather to the right of their position. At the
signal, the advanced brigade pushed for the shore, led by
our gallant commander, and we were all soon on terrâ firmâ,

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without sustaining any loss worth naming. We four, that
is, Guert, Dirck, myself and Jaap, kept as near as was
proper to the noble brigadier, who instantly ordered an advance,
to press the retreating foe. The skirmishing was
not sharp, however, and we gained ground fast, the enemy
retiring in the direction of Ticonderoga, and we pressing on
their rear, quite as fast as prudence and our preparations
would allow. I could see that a cloud of Indians was in
our front, and will own, that I felt afraid of an ambush; for
the artful warfare practised by those beings of the wood,
could not but be familiar, by tradition at least, to one born
and educated in the colonies. We had landed in a cove,
not literally at the foot of the lake, but rather on its western
side; and room was no sooner obtained, than Gen. Abercrombie
got most of his force on shore, and formed it, as
speedily as possible, in columns. Of these columns we had
four, the two in the centre being composed entirely of King's
troops, six regiments in all, numbering more than as many
thousand men; while five thousand provincials were on the
flanks, leaving quite four thousand of the latter with the
boats, of which this vast flotilla actually contained the large
number of one thousand and twenty-five! All our boats,
however, had not yet reached the point of debarkation;
those with the stores, artillery, &c., &c., being still some
distance in the rear.

Our party was now placed with the right centre column,
at the head of which marched our noble acquaintance. The
enemy had posted a single battalion in a log encampment,
near the ordinary landing; but finding the character of the
force with which he was about to be assailed, its commandant
set fire to his huts and retreated. The skirmishing was
now even of less moment than it had been on landing, and
we all moved forward in high spirits, though the want of
guides, the density of the woods, and the difficulties of the
ground, soon produced a certain degree of confusion in our
march. The columns got entangled with each other, and
no one seemed to possess the means of promptly extricating
them from this awkward embarrassment. Want of guides
was the great evil under which we laboured; but it was an
evil that it was now too late to remedy.

Our column, notwithstanding, or its head rather, continued

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to advance, with its gallant leader keeping even pace with
its foremost platoon. We four volunteers acted as lookouts,
a little on its flank; and I trust there will be no boasting,
if I say, we kept rather in advance of the leading files, than
otherwise. In this state of things, French uniforms were
seen in front, and a pretty strong party of the enemy was
encountered, wandering, like ourselves, a little uncertain of
the route they ought to take, in order to reach their entrenchments
in the shortest time. As a matter of course, this
party could not pass the head of our column, without bringing
on a collision, though it were one that was only momentary.
Which party gave the first fire, I cannot say,
though I thought it was the French. The discharge was
not heavy, however, and was almost immediately mutual.
I know that all four of us let off our rifles, and that we
halted, under a cover, to reload. I had just driven the ball
down, when my eye caught the signs of some confusion in
the head of the column, and I saw the body of an officer
borne to the rear. It was that of Lord Howe! He had
fallen at the first serious discharge made by the enemy in
that campaign! The fall of its leader, so immediately in
its presence, seemed to rouse the column into a sense of
the necessity of doing something effective, and it assaulted
the party in its front with the rage of so many tigers, dispersing
the enemy like chaff; making a considerable number
of prisoners, besides killing and wounding not a few.

I never saw a man more thoroughly aroused than was
Guert Ten Eyck, in this little affair. He had been much
noticed by Lord Howe, during the residence of that unfortunate
nobleman at Albany; and the loss of the last appeared
to awaken all that there was of the ferocious in the nature
of my usually kind-hearted Albany friend. He acted as our
immediate commander; and he led us forward on the heels
of the retreating French, until we actually came in sight of
their entrenchments. Then, indeed, we all saw it was necessary
to retreat in our turn; and Guert consented to fall
back, though it was done surlily, and like a lion at bay. A
party of Indians pressed us hard, in this retreat, and we ran
an imminent risk of our scalps; all of which, I have ever
believed, would have been lost, were it not for the resolution
and Herculean strength of Jaap. It happened, as we

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were dodging from tree to tree, that all four of our rifles
were discharged at the same time; a circumstance of which
our assailants availed themselves to make a rush at us.
Luckily the weight of the onset fell on Jaap, who clubbed
his rifle, and literally knocked down in succession the three
Indians that first reached him. This intrepidity and success
gave us time to reload; and Dirck, ever a cool and capital
shot, laid the fourth Huron on his face, with a ball through
his heart. Guert then held his fire, and called on Jaap to
retreat. He was obeyed; and under cover of our two rifles,
the whole party got off; the red-skins being too thoroughly
rebuked to press us very closely, after the specimen they
had just received of the stuff of which we were made.

We owed our escape, however, as much to another circumstance,
as to this resolution of Jaap, and the expedient
of Guert. Among the provincials was a partisan of great
repute, of the name of Rogers. This officer led a party of
riflemen on our left flank, and he drove in the enemy's skirmishers,
along his own front, with rapidity, causing them to
suffer a considerable loss. By this means, the Indians
before us were held in check; as there was the danger that
Major Rogers's party might fall in upon their rear, should
they attempt to pursue us, and thus cut them off from their
allies. It was well it was so; inasmuch as we had to fall
back more than a mile, ere we reached the spot where Abercrombie
brought his columns to a halt, and encamped for
the night. This position was distant about two miles from
the works before Ticonderoga; and consequently at no
great distance from the outlet of Lake George. Here the
army was brought into good order, and took up its station
for some little time.

It was necessary to await the arrival of the stores, ammunition
and artillery. As the bringing up these materials,
through a country that was little else than a virgin forest,
was no easy task, it occupied us quite two days. Melancholy
days they were, too; the death of Lord Howe acting
on the whole army much as if it had been a defeat. He
was the idol of the King's troops, and he had rendered himself
as popular with us Americans, as with his own countrymen.
A sort of ominous sadness prevailed among us;

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each common man appearing to feel his loss as he might
have felt that of a brother.

We looked up the —th, and joined Bulstrode, as soon
as we reached the ground chosen for the new encampment.
Our reception was friendly, and even kind; and it became
warmer still, as soon as it was understood that we composed
the little party that had skirmished so freely on the flank
of the right centre column, and which was known to have
gone farther in advance than any one else, in that part of
the field. Thus we joined our corps with some eclat, at the
very outset, everybody welcoming us cordially, and with
seeming sincerity.

Nevertheless, the general sadness existed in the —th,
as well as in all the other corps. Lord Howe was as much
beloved in that regiment, as in any other; and our meeting
and subsequent intercourse could not be called joyful. Bulstrode
had an extensive and important command, for his
rank and years, and he certainly was proud of his position;
but I could see that even his elastic and usually gay temperament
was much affected by what had occurred. That
night we walked together, apart from our companions, when
he spoke on the subject of our loss.

“It may appear strange to you, Corny,” he said, “to find
so much depression in camp, after a debarkation that has
certainly been successful, and a little affair that has given
us, as they assure me, a couple of hundred prisoners. I tell
you, however, my friend, it were better for this army to
have seen its best corps annihilated, than to have lost the
man it has. Howe was literally the soul of this entire force.
He was a soldier by nature, and made all around him soldiers.
As for the Commander-In-Chief, he does not understand
you Americans, and will not use you as he ought;
then he does not understand the nature of the warfare of this
continent, and will be very likely to make a blunder. I 'll
tell you how it is, Corny; Howe had as much influence
with Abercrombie, as he had with every one else; and an
attempt will be made to introduce his mode of fighting; but
such a man as Lord Howe requires another Lord Howe to
carry out his own conceptions. That is the point on which,
I fear, we shall fail.”

All this sounded very sensible to me, though it sounded

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discouragingly; I found, however, that Bulstrode did not
entertain these feelings alone, but that most around me were
of the same way of thinking. In the mean time, the preparations
proceeded; and it was understood that the 8th was
to be the day that was to decide the fate of Ticonderoga.
The fort proper, at this celebrated station, stands on a peninsula,
and can only be assailed on one side. The outworks
were very extensive on that side, and the garrison was
known to be formidable. As these outworks, however, consisted
principally of a log breastwork, and it could be approached
through open woods, which of itself afforded some
cover, it was determined to carry it by storm, and, if possible,
enter the main work with the retreating enemy. Had
we waited for our artillery, and established batteries, our
success would have been certain; but the engineer reported
favourably of the other project; and perhaps it better suited
the temper and impatience of the whole army, to push on,
rather than proceed by the slow movements of a regular
siege.

On the morning of the 8th, therefore, the troops were
paraded for the assault, our party falling in on the flank of
the —th, as volunteers. The ground did not admit of the
use of many horses, and Bulstrode marched with us on foot.
I can relate but little of the general movements of that memorable
day, the woods concealing so much of what was
done, on both sides. I know this, however; that the flower
of our army were brought into the line, and were foremost
in the assault; including both regulars and provincials.
The 42d, a Highland corps, that had awakened much interest
in America, both by the appearance and character of
its men, was placed at a point where it was thought the
heaviest service was to be performed. The 55th, another
corps on which much reliance was placed, was also put at
the head of another column. A swamp extending for some
distance along the only exposed front of the peninsula, these
two corps were designated to carry the log breastwork, that
commenced at the point where the swamp ceases; much the
most arduous portion of the expected service, since this was
the only accessible approach to the fortress itself. To
render their position more secure, the French had placed
several pieces of artillery in battery, along the line of this

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breastwork; while we had not yet a gun in front to cover
our advance.

It was said, that Abercrombie did not take counsel of any
of the American officers with him, before he decided on the
attack of the 8th of July. He had directed his principal
engineer to reconnoitre; and that gentleman having reported
that the defences offered no serious scientific obstacles, the
assault was decided on. This report was accurate, doubtless,
agreeably to the principles and facts of European warfare;
but it was not suited to those of the conflicts of this
continent. It was to be regretted, however, that the experience
of 1755, and the fate of Braddock, had not inculcated
a more extensive lesson of discretion among the royal commanders,
than was manifested by the incidents of this day.

The —th was placed in column directly in the rear of
the Highlanders, who were led, on this occasion, by Col.
Gordon Graham; a veteran officer of great experience, and
of an undaunted courage.[11] Of course, I saw this officer
and this regiment, being as they were directly in my front,
but I saw little else; more especially after the smoke of the
first discharge was added to the other obstacles to vision.

A considerable time was consumed in making the preparations;
but, when everything was supposed to be ready,
the columns were set in motion. It was generally understood
that the troops were to receive the enemy's fire, then
rush forward to the breastwork, cross the latter at the bayonet's
point, if it should be necessary, and deliver their own
fire at close quarters; or on their retreating foes. Permission
was given to us volunteers, and to divers light parties
of irregulars, to open on any of the French of whom we
might get glimpses, as little was expected from us in the
charge.

Nearly an hour was consumed in approaching the point
of attack, owing to the difficulties of the ground, and the
necessity of making frequent halts, in order to dress. At

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length the important moment arrived when the head of the
column was ready to unmask itself, and consequently to
come under fire. A short halt sufficed for the arrangements
here, when the bagpipes commenced their exciting music,
and we broke out of cover, shouting and cheering each
other on. We must have been within two hundred yards
of the breastwork at the time, and the first gun discharged
was Jaap's, who, by working his way into the cover of the
swamp, had got some distance ahead of us, and who actually
shot down a French officer who had got upon the logs
of his defences, in order to reconnoitre. That assault, however,
was fearfully avenged! The Highlanders were moving
on like a whirlwind, grave, silent and steady, cheered
only by their music, when a sheet of flame glanced along
the enemy's line, and the iron and leaden messengers of
dealth came whistling in among us like a hurricane. The
Scotsmen were staggered by that shock; but they recovered
instantly and pressed forward. The —th did not escape
harmless, by any means; while the din told us that the conflict
extended along the whole of the breastwork, towards
the lake-shore. How many were shot down in our column,
by that first discharge, I never knew; but the slaughter was
dreadful, and among those who fell was the veteran Graham,
himself. I can safely say, however, that the plan of attack
was completely deranged from this first onset; the columns
displaying and commencing their fire as soon as possible.
No men could have behaved better than all that I could
see; the whole of us pushing on for the breastwork, until
we encountered fallen trees; which were made to serve the
purpose of chevaux-de-frise. These trees had been felled
along the front of the breastwork, while their branches were
cut, and pointed like stakes. It was impossible to pass in
any order, and the troops halted when they reached them,
and continued to fire by platoons, with as much regularity
as on parade. A few minutes of this work, however, compelled
different corps to fall back, and the vain conflict was
continued for four hours, on our part almost entirely by a
smart but ineffective fire of musketry; while the French sent
their grape into our ranks almost with as much impunity as
if they had been on parade. It had been far better for our
men had they been less disciplined, and less under the

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control of their officers; for the sole effect of steadiness, under
such circumstances, is to leave the gallant and devoted
troops, who refuse to fall back, while they are unable to
advance, only so much the longer in jeopardy.

Guert had shouted with the rest; and I soon found that,
by following him for a leader, we should quickly be in the
midst of the fray. He actually led us up to the fallen trees;
and, finding something like a cover there, we three established
ourselves among them as riflemen, doing fully our
share of service. When the troops fell back, however, we
were left in a manner alone, and it was rather dangerous
work to retire; and finding ourselves out of the line of fire
from our own men, no immaterial point in such a fray, we
maintained our post to the last. Admonished, after a long
time, of the necessity of retreating, by the manner in which
the fire of our own line lessened, we got off with sound
skins, though Guert retired the whole distance with his
face to the enemy, firing as he withdrew. We all did the
last, indeed, using the trees for covers. Towards the close
we attracted especial attention; and there were two or three
minutes during which the flight of bullets around us might
truly, without much exaggeration, be likened to a storm of
hail!

Jaap was not with us in this sally, and I went into the
swamp to look for him. The search was not long, for I
found my fellow retreating also, and bringing in with him a
stout Canadian Indian as a prisoner. He was making his
captive carry three discharged rifles, and blankets; one of
which had been his own property once, and the others that
of two of his tribe, whom the negro had left lying in the
swamp as bloody trophies of his exploits. I cannot explain
the philosophy of the thing, but that negro ever appeared to
me to fight as if he enjoyed the occupation as an amusement.

These facts were scarcely ascertained, when we learned
the important intelligence that a general retreat was ordered.
Our proud and powerful army was beaten, and that, too, by
a force two-thirds less than its own! It is not easy to describe
the miserable scene that followed. The transporting
of the wounded to the rear had been going on the whole time;
and, as usually happens, when it is permitted, it had

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contributed largely to thin the ranks. These unfortunate men
were put into the batteaux in hundreds, while most of the
dead were left where they lay. So completely were our
hopes frustrated, and our spirits lowered, that most of the
boats pulled off that night, and all the remainder quitted the
foot of the lake early next day.

Thus terminated the dire expedition of 1758 against Ticonderoga,
and with it our expectations of seeing Montreal,
or Quebec, that season. I dare say, we had fully ten thousand
bayonets in the field that bloody day, and quite five
thousand men closely engaged. The mistake was in attempting
to carry a post that was so nearly impregnable, by assault;
and this, too, without the cover of artillery. The
enemy was said to have four or five thousand men present;
and this may be true, as applied to all within the defences;
though I question if more than half that number pulled
triggers on us, in the miserable affair. There is always
much of exaggeration in both the boasting and the apologies
of war.

Our own loss, on this sad occasion, was reported at 548
slain, and 1356 wounded. This was probably within the
truth; though the missing were said to be surprisingly few,
some thirty or forty, in all; the men having no place to
repair to but the boats. Of the Highlanders, it was said
that nearly half the common men, and twenty-five, or nearly
all the officers, were either killed or wounded! One account,
indeed, said that every officer of that corps, who was
on the ground, suffered. The 55th, also, was dreadfully
cut up. Ten of its officers were slain outright, and many
were wounded. As for the —th, it fared a little better,
not heading a column; but its loss was fearful. Bulstrode
was seriously wounded, early in the attack, though his hurt
was never supposed to be dangerous. Billings was left dead
on the field, and Harris got a scratch that served him to
talk of in after life.

The confusion was tremendous after such a conflict and
such a defeat. The troops re-embarked without much regard
to corps or regularity of movement; and the boats
moved away as fast as they received their melancholy cargoes.
An immense amount of property was lost; though
I believe all the customary military trophies were preserved.

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As the provincials had been the least engaged, and had suffered
much the least, in proportion to numbers, a large body
of them was kept as a rear-guard, while the regular corps
removed their wounded and matériel.

As for us three or four, including Jaap, who stuck by his
prisoner, we scarcely knew what to do with ourselves.
Everybody who felt any interest in us, was either killed or
wounded. Bulstrode we could not see; nor could we even
find the regiment. Should we succeed in the attempt at the
last, very few now remained in it who would have taken
much, or indeed any concern in us. Under the circumstances,
therefore, we held a consultation on the lake-shore,
uncertain whether to ask admission into one of the departing
boats, or to remain until morning, that our retreat might
have a more manly aspect.

“I 'll tell you what it is, Corny,” said Guert Ten Eyck,
in a somewhat positive manner, “the less we say about this
campaign, and of our share in it, the petter. We are not
soldiers, in the regular way, and if we keep quiet, nobody
will know what a t'rashing we t'ree, in particular, haf
receivet. My advice is, t'at we get out of this army as we
got into it—t'at is, py a one-sided movement, and for ever
after holt our tongues about our having had anyt'ing to do
with it. I never knew a worsted man any the more respected
for his mishap; and I will own, that I set down
flogging as a very material part of a fight.”

“I am quite sure, Guert, I am as little disposed to brag
of my share in this affair, as you or any one can possibly
be; but it is much easier to talk about getting away from
this confused crowd than really to do the thing. I doubt if
any of these boats will take us in; for an Englishman,
flogged, is not apt to be very good-natured; and all our
friends seem to be killed or wounded.”

“You want go?” asked a low Indian voice at my elbow.
“Got 'nough, eh?”

Turning, I saw Susquesus standing within two feet of me.
Our consultation was necessarily in the midst of a moving
throng; and the Onondago must have approached us, unnoticed,
at the commencement of our conference. There he
was, however, though whence he came or how he got there,

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I could not imagine, at the time, and have never been able
to learn since.

“Can you help us to get away, Susquesus?” was my
answer. “Do you know of any means of crossing the
lake?”

“Got canoe. That good. Canoe go, though Yengeese
run.”

“That in which we came off to the army, do you mean?”

The Indian nodded his head, and made a sign for us to
follow. Little persuasion was necessary, and we proceeded
at his heels, in a body, in the direction he led. I will confess,
that when I saw our guide proceeding eastward, along
the lake-shore, I had some misgivings on the subject of his
good faith. That was the direction which took us towards,
instead of from the enemy; and there was something so
mysterious in the conduct of this man, that it gave me uneasiness.
Here he was, in the midst of the English army
in the height of its confusion, though he had declined joining
it previously to the battle. Nothing was easier than to enter
the throng, in its present confused state, and move about
undetected for hours, if one had the nerve necessary for the
service; and, in that property, I felt certain the Onondago
was not deficient. There was a coolness in the manner of
the man, a quiet observation, both blended with the seeming
apathy of a red-skin, that gave every assurance of his fitness
for the duty.

Nevertheless, there was no remedy but to follow, or to
break with our guide on the spot. We did not like to do
the last, although we conferred together on the subject, but
followed, keeping our hands on the locks of our rifles, in
readiness for a brush, should we be led into danger. Susquesus
had no such treacherous intentions, however, while
he had disposed of his canoe in a place that denoted his
judgment. We had to walk quite a mile ere we reached
the little bush-fringed creek in which he had concealed it.
I have always thought we ran a grave risk, in advancing so
far in that direction, since the enemy's Indians would certainly
be hanging around the skirts of our army, in quest
of scalps; but I afterwards learned the secret of the Onondago's
confidence, who first spoke on the subject after we

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[figure description] Page 120.[end figure description]

had left the shore, and then only in an answer to a remark
of Guert's.

“No danger,” he said; “red-man gettin' Yengeese scalps,
on the war-path. Too much kill, now, to want more.”

As both governments pursued the culpable policy of paying
for human scalps, this suggestion probably contained
the whole truth.

Previously to quitting the creek, however, there was a
difficulty to dispose of. Jaap had brought his Huron prisoner
with him; and the Onondago declared that the canoe
could not carry six. This we knew from experience, indeed,
though five went in it very comfortably.

“No room,” said Susquesus, “for red-man. Five good—
six bad.”

“What shall we do with the fellow, Corny?” asked
Guert, with a little interest. “Jaap says he is a proper
devil, by daylight, and that he had a world of trouble in
taking him, and in bringing him in. For five minutes, it
was heads or tails which was to give in; and the nigger
only got the best of it, by his own account of the battle, because
the red-skin had the unaccountable folly to try to
beat in Jaap's brains. He might as well have battered the
Rock of Gibraltar, you know, as to attempt to break a nigger's
skull, and so your fellow got the best of it. What
shall we do with the rascal?”

“Take scalp,” said the Onondago, sententiously; “got
good scalp — war-lock ready — paint, war-paint — capital
scalp.”

“Ay, that may do better for you, Master Succetush”—
so Guert always called our guide, “than it will do for us
Christians. I 'm afraid we shall have to let the ravenous
devil go, after disarming him.”

“Disarmed he is already; but he cannot be long without
a musket, on this battle-ground. I am of your opinion,
Guert; so, Jaap, release your prisoner at once, that we may
return to Ravensnest, as fast as possible.”

“Dat berry hard, Masser Corny, sah!” exclaimed Jaap,
who did not half like the orders he received.

“No words about it, sir, but cut his fastenings” — Jaap

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[figure description] Page 121.[end figure description]

had tied the Indian's arms behind him, with a rope, as an
easy mode of leading him along. “Do you know the man's
name?”

“Yes, sah—he say he name be Muss”—probably Jaap's
defective manner of repeating some Indian sound; “and a
proper muss he get in, Masser Corny, when he try to cotch
Jaap by he wool!”

Here I was obliged to clap my hand suddenly on the
black's mouth, for the fellow was so delighted with the recollection
of the manner in which he had got the better of
his red adversary, that he broke out into one of the uncontrollable
fits of noisy laughter, that are so common to his
race. I repeated the order, somewhat sternly, for Jaap to
cut the cords, and then to follow us to the canoe, in which
the Onondago and my two friends had already taken their
places. My own foot was raised to enter the canoe, when
I heard heavy stripes inflicted on the back of some one.
Rushing back to the spot where I had left Jaap and his captive,
Muss, I found the former inflicting a severe punishment,
on the naked back of the other, with the end of the
cord that still bound his arms. Muss, as Jaap called him,
neither flinched nor cried. The pine stands not more erect
or unyielding, in a summer's noontide, than he bore up
under the pain. Indignantly I thrust the negro away, cut
the fellow's bonds with my own hands, and drove my slave
before me to the canoe.

eaf075v2.n11

[11] Holmes's Annals say, that Lord John Murray commanded the
42d, on this occasion. I presume, as Mr. Littlepage was there, and
was posted so near the corps in question, he cannot well be mistaken.
Mrs. Grant, of Laggan, who was at Albany at the time, and whose
father was in the battle, agrees with Mr. Littlepage, in saying that
Gordon Graham led the 42d. — Editor.

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Cooper, James Fenimore, 1789-1851 [1845], Satanstoe, or, The littlepage manuscripts: a tale of the colony volume 2 (Burgess, Stringer & Co., New York) [word count] [eaf075v2].
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