Note return to page 1 1I must be permitted to dissent from this sweeping censure passed upon all the predecessors of our great dramatick poet. The contempt with which they, and even his contemporaries in general, are usually mentioned by Mr. Steevens and Mr. Malone, may perhaps be thus explained: that having only referred to them with a view to discover what light they might throw upon the language and allusions of Shakspeare, their attention was constantly called to the inferiority of their productions to those of that matchless writer with whom they were brought into direct comparison. But since a taste for our ancient literature has sprung up to a greater degree than at any former period, they have met with a more candid judgment, and many have been found worthy of being valued for their own substantive merit, and not merely as subsidiary to the illustration of another. Ferrex and Porrex ought surely not to have been included in Mr. Malone's proscribed list: The plays of Marlowe give frequent evidence of no common genius, however little they may have been regulated by taste, which, had a more prolonged life made him acquainted with better models, gave promise of a high degree of excellence; and I cannot but think that Nestor himself must have found his gravity relaxed by more, than a second perusal of Gammer Gurton's Needle. Boswell.

Note return to page 2 2There are but thirty-eight plays, (exclusive of mysteries, moralities, interludes, and translated pieces,) now extant, written antecedent to, or in, the year 1592. Their titles are as follows* [Subnote: *To this list may be added a piece hitherto mentioned in no catalogue, nor to be found in any library, except that of the Duke of Bridgewater, [now in the possession of the Marquis of Stafford,] entitled, “The Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. Plaide before the Queene's most excellent Maiesty; wherein are manye fine conceites with great delight. At London. Printed by E. A. for Edward White, and are to be solde at the little Northe doore of St. Paules Church, at the signe of the Gunne. 1589.” 4to. Reed.] : Acolastus 1540 Ferrex and Porrex 1561 Damon and Pythias 1562 Tancred and Gismund 1568 Cambyses, no date, but probably written before 1570 Appius and Virginia 1575 Gam. Gurton's Needle 1575 Promos and Cassandra 1578 Arraignment of Paris 1584 Sappho and Phao 1584 Alexander and Campaspe 1584 Misfortunes of Arthur 1587 Jeronimo 1588 Spanish Tragedy, or Hieronimo is mad again 1588 Tamburlaine 1588 Titus Andronicus 1589 King Henry V. in or before 1589 Contention between the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster, in or before 1590 King John, in two parts 1591 Endymion 1591 Soliman and Perseda in or before 1592 Midas in or before 1592 Galathea in or before 1592 Arden of Feversham in or before 1592 Orlando Furioso before 1592 Alphonsus King of Arragon before 1592 James IV. King of Scotland before 1592 A Lookinglass for London and England before 1592 Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay before 1592 Jew of Malta before 1592 Dr. Faustus before 1592 Edward II. before 1592 Lust's Dominion before 1592 Massacre of Paris before 1592 Dido before 1592 Between the years 1592 and 1600, the following plays were printed or exhibited; the greater part of which, probably, were written before our author commenced play-wright: Cleopatra 1593 Edward I. 1593 Battle of Alcazar 1594 Wounds of Civil War 1594 Selymus, Emperor of the Turks 1594 Cornelia 1594 Mother Bombie 1594 The Cobler's Prophecy 1594 The Wars of Cyrus 1594 King Leir 1594 Taming of a Shrew 1594 An old Wives Tale 1594 Maid's Metamorphoses 1594 Love's Metamorphoses 1594 Pedler's Prophecy 1594 Antonius 1595 Edward III. 1595 Wily Beguiled 1595 Woman in the Moon 1597 Mucedorous 1598 The Virtuous Octavia 1598 Blind Beggar of Alexandria 1598 Every Man in his Humour 1598 Pinner of Wakefield 1599 Warning for fair Women 1599 David and Bethsabe 1599 Two Angry Women of Abingdon 1599 The Case is Altered 1599 Every Man Out of His Humour 1599 The Trial of Chevalry 1599 Humorous Day's Mirth 1599 Summer's Last Will and Testament*. 1599 [Subnote: *Also the following: A Knack to Know a Knave, 1594. Jack Straw's Life and Death, 1594. A Knack to Know an Honest Man, 1596. Two Valiant Knightes, Clyomon and Clamydes, 1599. Several dramatick pieces are also entered on the books of the Stationers' Company, within the above period, which have not been printed. Their titles may be found in Herbert's edition of Ames, and Egerton's Theatrical Remembrancer. Reed.]

Note return to page 3 2The French theatre cannot be traced higher than the year 1398, when the Mystery of the Passion was represented at St. Maur.

Note return to page 4 3Apud Dunestapliam—quendam ludum de sancta Katerina (quem Miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a sacrista sancti Albani, ut sibi capæ chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit.” Vitæ Abbat. ad calc. Hist. Mat. Paris, folio, 1639, p. 56.

Note return to page 5 4“Lundonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, repræsentationes miraculorum quæ sancti confessores operati sunt, seu represœntationes passionum, quibus claruit constantia martyrum.” Descriptio Nobilissimæ Civitatis Lundoniæ. Fitz-Stephens's very curious description of London is a portion of a larger work, entitled Vita Sancti Thomæ, Archi-episcopi et Martyris, i. e. Thomas a Becket. It is ascertained to have been written after the murder of Becket in the year 1170, of which Fitz-Stephen was an ocular witness, and while King Henry H. was yet living. A modern writer with great probability supposes it to have been composed in 1174, the author in one passage mentioning that the church of St. Paul's was formerly metropolitical, and that it was thought it would become so again, “should the citizens return into the island.” In 1174 King Henry II. and his sons had carried over with them a considerable number of citizens to France, and many English had in that year alo gone to Ireland. See Dissertation prefixed to Fitz-Steevens's Description of London, newly translated, &c. 4to. 1772, p. 16.— Near the end of his Description is a passage which ascertains it to have been written before the year 1182: “Lundonia et modernis temporibus reges illustres magnificosque peperit; imperatricem Matildam, Henricum regem tertium, et beatum Thomam” [Thomas Becket]. Some have supposed, that instead of tertium we ought to read secundum, but the text is undoubtedly right; and by tertium, Fitz-Stephen must have meant Henry, the second son of Henry the Second, who was born in London in 1156–7, and being heir-apparent, after the death of his elder brother William, was crowned king of England in his father's lifetime, on the 15th July, 1170. He was frequently styled Rex Filius, Rex Juvenis, and sometimes he and his father were denominated Reges Angliæ. The young king, who occasionally exercised all the rights and prerogatives of royalty, died in 1182. Had he not been living when Fitz-Stephen wrote, he would probably have added nuper defunctum. Neither Henry II. nor Henry III. were born in London. See the Dissertation above-cited, p. 12.

Note return to page 6 5The Wif of Bathes Prologue, v. 6137, Tyrwhitt's edit.

Note return to page 7 6“At Constantinople,” as Mr. Warton has elsewhere observed, “it seems that the stage flourished much, under Justinian and Theodora, about the year 540; for in the Basilical codes we have the oath of an actress, &grm;&grh; &gra;&grn;&gra;&grx;&grw;&grr;&gre;&gri;&grn; &grt;&grh;&grst; &grp;&gro;&grr;&grn;&gre;&gri;&gra;&grst;. Tom. vii. p. 628, edit. Fabrot, Græco-Lat. The ancient Greek fathers, particularly Saint Chrysostom, are full of declamation against the drama; and complain, that the people heard a comedian with much more pleasure than a preacher of the gospel.” Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. p. 244, n.

Note return to page 8 7“In some regulations given by Cardinal Wolsey to the monasteries of the Canons regular of St. Austin, in the year 1519, the brothers are forbidden to be lusores aut mimici, players or mimicks. But the prohibition means that the monks should not go abroad to exercise these arts in a secular and mercenary capacity. See Annal. Burtonenses, p. 437.” In 1589, however, an injunction made in the Mexican Council was ratified at Rome, to prohibit all clerks from playing in the Mysteries, even on Corpus Christi day. See History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 201.

Note return to page 9 8Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. ii. pp. 366, et seq.

Note return to page 10 9MSS. Digby, 133, Bibl. Bodl.

Note return to page 11 1MSS. Harl. 2013, &c. “Exhibited at Chester in the year 1327, at the expence of the different trading companies of that city. The Fall of Lucifer, by the Tanners. The Creation, by the Drapers. The Deluge by the Dyers. Abraham, Melchisedech, and Lot, by the Barbers. Moses, Balak, and Balaam, by the Cappers. The Salutation and Nativity, by the Wrightes. The Shepherds Feeding their Flocks by Night, by the Painters and Glaziers. The Three Kings, by the Vintners. The Oblation of the Three Kings, by the Mercers. The Killing of the Innocents, by the Goldsmiths. The Purification, by the Blacksmiths. The Temptation, by the Butchers. The Last Supper, by the Bakers. The Blind Men and Lazarus, by the Glovers. Jesus and the Lepers, by the Corvesarys. Christ's Passion, by the Bowyers, Fletchers, and Iron mongers. Descent into Hell, by the Cooks and Innkeepers. The Resurrection, by the Skinners. The Ascension, by the Taylors. The Election of S. Mathias, sending of the Holy Ghost, &c. by the Fishmongers. Antichrist, by the Clothiers. Day of Judgment, by the Websters. The reader will perhaps smile at some of these combinations. This is the substance and order of the former part of the play. God enters creating the world; he breathes life into Adam, leads him into Paradise, and opens his side while sleeping. Adam and Eve appear naked, and not ashamed, and the old serpent enters lamenting his fall. He converses with Eve. She eats of the forbidden fruit, and gives part to Adam. They propose, according to the stage-direction, to make themselves subligacula a foliis quibus tegamus pudenda. Cover their nakedness with leaves, and converse with God. God's curse. The serpent exit hissing. They are driven from Paradise by four angels and the cherubim with a flaming sword. Adam appears digging the ground, and Eve spinning. Their children Cain and Abel enter: the former kills his brother. Adam's lamentation. Cain is banished,” &c. Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. p. 243. Mr. Warton observes in a note in his second volume, p. 180, that “if it be true that these Mysteries were composed in the year 1328, and there was so much difficulty in obtaining the Pope's permission that they might be presented in English, a presumptive proof arises, that all our Mysteries before that period were in Latin. These plays will therefore have the merit of being the first English interludes.” Polydore Virgil mentions in his book De Rerum Inventoribus, lib. v. c. ii. that the Mysteries were in his time in English. “Solemus vel more priscorum spectacula edere populo, ut ludos, venationes,—recitare comædias, item in templis vitas divorum ac martyria repræsentare, in quibus, ut cunctis, par sit voluptas, qui recitant, vernaculam linguam tantum usurpant.” The first three books of Polydore's work were published in 1499; in 1517, at which time he was in England, he added five more.

Note return to page 12 2It is obvious, that the transcriber of these ancient Mysteries, which appear to have been written in 1328, represents them as they were exhibited at Chester in 1600, and that he has not adhered to the original orthography.

Note return to page 13 3MSS. Digby 134, Bibl. Bodl.

Note return to page 14 4This kind of primitive exhibition was revived in the time of King James the First, several persons appearing almost entirely naked in a pastoral exhibited at Oxford before the King and Queen, and the ladies who attended her. It is, if I recollect right, described by Winwood.

Note return to page 15 5Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. pp. 242, et seq.

Note return to page 16 6History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 206.

Note return to page 17 7“Except, that on the first Sunday of the magnificent marriage of King James of Scotland with the princess Margaret of England, daughter of Henry the Seventh, celebrated at Edinburgh with high splendour, ‘after dynnar a Moralite was played by the said Master Inglyshe and his companions in the presence of the kyng and qweene.’ On one of the preceding days, ‘after soupper the kynge and qweene beynge togader in hyrgrett chamber John Inglysh and hys companions plaid.’ This was in the year 1503. Apud. Leland. coll. iii. p. 300. Append. edit. 1770.”

Note return to page 18 8See an account of the Coventry Plays in Steevens's Monasticon, vol. i. p. 238. “Sir W. Dugdale, speaking of the Grayfriars or Franciscans, at Coventry, says, before the suppression of monasteries this city was very famous for the pageants that were played therein upon Corpus-Christi day; which pageants being acted with mighty state and reverence by the friers of this house, had theatres for the several scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheeles, and drawn to all the eminent parts of the city, for the better advantage of the spectators.—An ancient manuscript of the same is now to be seen in the Cottonian Library, sub. effig. Vesp. D. 8. Sir William cites this manuscript by the title of Ludus Coventriæ; but in the printed catalogue of that library, p. 113, it is named thus: A collection of plays in old English metre; h. e. “Dramata sacra, in quibus exhibentur historiæ Veteris, et N. Testamenti, introductis quasi in scenam per sonis illic memoratis, quas secum invicem colloquentes pro ingenio fingit poeta. Videntur olim coram populo, sive ad instruendum, sive ad placendum, a fratribus mendicantibus repræsentata.” It appears by the latter end of the prologue, that these plays or interludes were not only played at Coventry, but in other towns and places upon occasion. And possibly this may be the same play which Stow tells us was played in the reign of Henry IV. which lasted for eight days. The book seems by the character and language to be at least 300 years old. It begins with a general prologue, giving the arguments of forty pageants or gesticulations, (which were as so many several acts or scenes,) representing all the histories of both testaments, from the creation to the choosing of St. Mathias to be an apostle. The stories of the New Testament are more largely expressed, viz. The Annunciation, Nativity, Visitation; but more especially all matters relating to the Passion very particularly, the Resurrection, Ascension, the choice of St. Mathias; after which is also represented the Assumption, and last Judgment. All these things were treated of in a very homely style, as we now think, infinitely below the dignity of the subject: But it seems the gust of that age was not nice and delicate in these matters; the plain and incurious judgment of our ancestors, being prepared with favour, and taking every thing by the right and easiest handle: For example, in the scene relating to the Visitation: “‘Maria. But husband of on thyng pray you most mekeley, “‘I have knowing that our cosyn Elizabeth with childe is, “‘That it please yow to go to her hastyly, “‘If ought we myth comfort her, it wer to me blys. “‘Joseph. A Gods sake, is she with child, sche? “‘Than will her husband Zachary be mery. “‘In Montana they dwelle, fer hence, so mory the, “‘In the city of Juda, I know it verily; “‘It is hence, I trowe, myles two a fifty; “‘We are like to be wery or we come at the same. “‘I wole with a good will, blessyd wyff Mary; “‘Now go we forth then in Goddys name,”’ &c.     “A little before the resurrection. “‘Nunc dormient milites, et veniet anima Christi de inferno, cum Adam et Eva, Abraham, John Baptist, et eliis. “‘Anima Christi. Come forth, Adam, and Eve with the, “‘And all my fryndes that herein be, “‘In paradys come forth with me   “‘In blysse for to dwelle. “‘The fende of hell that is yowr foo, “‘He shall be wrappyd and woundyn in woo: “‘Fro wo to welth now shall ye go,   “‘With myrth ever mor to melle. “‘Adam. I thank, the, Lord, of thy grete grace, “‘That now is forgiven my gret trespace, “‘Now shall we dwellyn in blyssful place,’ &c. “The last scene or pageant, which represents the day of Judgement, begins thus: “‘Michael. Surgite, All men aryse, “‘Venite ad Judicium; “‘For now is set the High Justice, “‘And hath assignyd the day of dome; “‘Kepe you readyly to this grett assyse, “‘Both gret and small, all and sum, “‘And of your answer you now advise, “‘What you shall say when that yow com,’ &c. “Historia Histrionica, 8vo. 1699, pp. 15, 17, 18, 19.”

Note return to page 19 9MSS. Harl. 2124, 2013.

Note return to page 20 1Histriomastix, 4to. 1633, p. 112.

Note return to page 21 2P. 459, edit. 1730, 4to.

Note return to page 22 3This may serve to explain a very extraordinary passage in Stowe's Annales, p. 690, edit. 1605: “And on the morrowe hee [King Edward the Fourth] went crowned in Paul's church in London, in the honor of God and S. Paule, and there an Angell came downe, and censed him.”

Note return to page 23 4Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. p. 240.

Note return to page 24 5Probably either the Chester or Coventry Mysteries. “In the ignorant ages, the Parish-clerks of London might justly be considered as a literary society. It was an essential part of their profession not only to sing, but to read; an accomplishment almost wholly confined to the clergy; and, on the whole, they seem to come under the character of a religious fraternity. They were incorporated into a guild or fellowship by King Henry the Third about the year 1240; under the patronage of Saint Nicholas. —Their profession, employment, and character, naturally dictated to this spiritual brotherhood the representation of plays, especially those of the scriptural kind; and their constant practice in shews, processions, and vocal musick, easily accounts for their address in detaining the best company which England afforded in the fourteenth century, at a religious farce, for more than one week.” Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 396.

Note return to page 25 6“The property-room,” as Mr. Warton has observed, “is yet known at our theatres.” The following list of the properties used in a Mystery formed on the story of Tobit in the Old Testament, which was exhibited in the Broad-gate, Lincoln, in July 1563, (6 Eliz.) appeared in The Gentleman's Magazine for June, 1787: “Lying at Mr. Norton's house in tenure of William Smart. “First Hell-mouth, with a nether chap. Item, A prison, with a covering. It. Sarah's chamber.” “Remaining in St. Swithen's Church. “It. A great Idol. It. A tomb with a covering. It. The cyty of Jerusalem with towers and pinacles. It. The cyty of Rages, with towers and pinacles. It. The city of Nineveh. It. The kings palace of Nineveh. It. Old Tobyes house. It. The kyngs palace at Laches. It. A firmament with a firy cloud, and a double cloud; in the custody of Thomas Fulbeck, Alderman.”

Note return to page 26 7History of English Poetry, vol. iii. p. 326. “Strype, under the year 1559, says, that after a grand feast at Guildhall, ‘the same day was a scaffold set up in the hall for a play.’” Ann. Ref. i. 197, edit. 1725.

Note return to page 27 8“It was a pretty part in the old church-playes,” says Bishop Harsenet, “when the nimble Vice would skip up nimbly like a Jack-an-apes into the Devil's necke, and ride the devil a course, and belabour him with his wooden dagger, till he made him roar, whereat the people would laugh to see the Devil so Vice-haunted.” Harsenet's Declaration of Popish Impostures, &c. 4to. 1603.

Note return to page 28 9Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. p. 242. Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, vol. i. p. 128.

Note return to page 29 1Magnificence, written by John Skelton; Hycke Scorner, about 1520; Impatient Poverty, 1560; The Life and Repentance of Marie Magdalene, 1567; The Trial of Treasure, 1567; The Nice Wanton, 1568; The Disobedient Child, no date; The Marriage of Wit and Science, 1570; The Interlude of Youth, no date; The Longer thou Livest, the More Fool thou Art, no date; The Interlude of Wealth and Health, no date; All for Money, 1578; The Conflict of Conscience, 1581; The Three Ladies of London, 1584; The Three Lords of London, 1590; Tom Tyler and his Wife, &c.

Note return to page 30 2The Cradle of Securitie is mentioned with several other Moralities, in a play which has not been printed, entitled Sir Thomas More, MSS. Harl. 3768.

Note return to page 31 3Mount Tabor, &c. 8vo. 1659, pp. 110, et seq. With this curious extract I was favoured, several years ago, by the Rev. Mr. Bowle of Idmiston near Salisbury.

Note return to page 32 4See Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 199.

Note return to page 33 5Sir James Ware, in his Annales Rerum Hibernicarum, folio, 1664, after having given an account of the statute, 33 Henry VIII. c. i. by which Henry was declared King of Ireland, and Ireland made a kingdom, informs us, that the new law was proclaimed in St. Patrick's church, in the presence of the Lord Deputy St. Leger, and a great number of Peers, who attended in their parliament robes. “It is needless,” he adds, “to mention the feasts, comedies, and sports which followed.” “Epulas, comœdias, et certamina ludicra, quæ sequebantur, quid attinet dicere?” The mention of comedies might lead us to suppose that our sister kingdom had gone before us in the cultivation of the drama; but I find from a MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, that what are here called Comedies, were nothing more than Pageants. “In the parliament of 1541,” says the author of the memoir, “wherein Henry VIII. was declared king of Ireland, there were present the earls of Ormond and Desmond, the lord Barry, M'Gilla Phædrig, chieftaine of Ossory, the son of O'Bryan, M'Carthy More, with many Irish lords; and on Corpus Christi day they rode about the streets in their parliament-robes, and the Nine Worthies was played, and the Mayor bore the mace before the deputy on horseback.” Two of Bale's Mysteries, God's Promises, and St. John Baptist, we have been lately told, were acted by young men at the market-cross in Kilkenny, on a Sunday, in the year 1552. See Walker's Essay on the Irish Stage, 4to. 1789, and Collect. de Rebus Hiber. vol. ii. p. 388: but there is a slight error in the date. Bale has himself informed us, that he was consecrated Bishop of Ossory, February 2, 1552–3, (not on the 25th of March, as the writer of Bale's Life in Biographia Britannica asserts,) and that he soon afterwards went to his palace in Kilkenny. These Mysteries were exhibited there on the 20th of August, 1553, the day on which Queen Mary was proclaimed, as appears from his own account: “On the xx daye of August was the ladye Marye with us at Kilkennye proclaimed Quene of England, &c.—The yonge men in the forenone played a tragedy of Gods Promises in the Old Lawe, at the market-crosse, with organe-plainges and songes, very aptely. In the afternone agayne they played a comedie of Sancte Johan Baptistes preachinges, of Christes baptisynge, and of his temptacion in the wildernesse, to the small contentacion of the prestes and other papistes there.” The Vocacyon of Johan Bale, 16mo. no date, sign. C 8. The only theatre in Dublin in the reign of Queen Elizabeth was a booth (if it may be called a theatre) erected in Hoggin Green, now College Green, where Mysteries and Moralities were occasionally performed. It is strange, that so lately as in the year 1600, at a time when many of Shakspeare's plays had been exhibited in England, and Lord Montjoy, the intimate friend of his patrons Lord Essex and Lord Southampton, was Deputy of Ireland, the old play of Gorboduck, written in the infancy of the stage, (for this piece had been originally presented in 1562, under the name of Ferrex and Porrex,) should have been performed at the Castle of Dublin: but such is the fact, if we may believe Chetwood the prompter, who mentions that old Mr. Ashbury had seen a bill dated the 7th of September, 1601, (Queen Elizabeth's birth-day,) “for wax tapers for the play of Gorboduck done at the Castle, one and twenty shillings and two groats.” Whether any plays were represented in Dublin in the reign of James the First, I am unable to ascertain. Barnaby Riche, who has given a curious account of Dublin, in the year 1610, makes no mention of any theatrical exhibition. In 1635, when Lord Strafford was Lord Lieutenant, a theatre, probably under his patronage, was built in Werbergh Street; which, under the conduct of the well-known John Ogilby, Master of the Revels in Ireland, continued open till October 1641, when it was shut up by order of the Lords Justices. At this theatre, Shirley's Royal Master was originally represented in 1639, and Burnel's Landgartha in 1641. In 1662 Ogilby was restored to his office, and a new theatre was erected in Orange Street, (since called Smock Alley,) part of which fell down in the year 1671. Agrippa, King of Alba, a tragedy translated from the French of Quinault, was acted there before the Duke of Ormond, in 1675; and it continued open, I believe, till the death of King Charles the Second. The disturbances which followed in Ireland put an end for a time to all theatrical entertainments.

Note return to page 34 6“This mode of attack” (as Mr. Warton has observed) “was seldom returned by the opposite party: the catholick worship founded on sensible representations afforded a much better hold for ridicule, than the religion of some of the sects of the reformers, which was of a more simple and spiritual nature.” History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 378, n. The interlude, however, called Every Man, which was written in defence of the church of Rome, in the reign of Henry the Eighth, is an exception. It appears also from a proclamation promulgated early in the reign of his son, of which mention will be made hereafter, that the favourers of popery about that time had levelled several dramatick invectives against Archbishop Cranmer, and the doctrines of the reformers.

Note return to page 35 7History of English Poetry, vol. iii. p. 326.

Note return to page 36 8That Mysteries were occasionally represented in the early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, appears from the assertions of the controversial writers. “They play,” says one of them, “and counterfeite the whole Passion so trimly, with all the seven sorrowes of our lady, as though it had been nothing else but a simple and plain enterlude, to make boys laugh at, and a little to recreate sorrowful harts.” Beehive of the Romishe Churche, 1580, p. 207. See also supra, p. 26, n. 6. A Looking Glasse for London and England, by Lodge and Greene, 1598, may be considered as a Mystery, being written on the Scriptural subject of the prophecies of Jonas and the destruction of Ninevah. It is singular that Lodge has himself condemned this mode of writing, in his Wits Miserie, and the Worlds Madnesse, 1596. “Againe in stage plaies to make use of hystoricall Scripture, I hold it with the Legists odious.” Boswell.

Note return to page 37 9Histriomastix, quarto, 1633, p. 117, n.

Note return to page 38 1Riccoboni's Account of the Theatres of Europe, 8vo. 1741, p. 124.

Note return to page 39 2Jul. Cæs. Scaligeri Poetices Libri Septem. folio, 1561, lib. i. c. xxi. Julius Cæsar Scaliger died at Agen, in the province of Guienne in France, on the 21st of October, 1558, in the 75th year of his age. He wrote his Poeticks in that town a few years before his death. Riccoboni gives us the same account in his History of the French Theatre. “In the representations of the Mysteries, the theatre represented paradise, heaven, hell, and earth, and all at once; and though the action varied, there was no change of the decorations. After an actor had performed his part, he did not go off the stage, but retired to a corner of it, and sate there in full view of all the spectators.” Historical and Critical Account of the Theatres of Europe, 8vo. 1741, p. 118. We shall presently see, that at a much later period, and long after the Mysteries had ceased to be exhibited, “though the action changed, there was no change of decoration,” either in France or England.

Note return to page 40 3Bulengeri de Theatro, 8vo. 1600, lib. i. p. 60, b.

Note return to page 41 4History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 364. “Dr. Percy supposes this play to have been written about the year 1510, from the following lines: ‘&lblank; Within this xx yere ‘Westwarde he found new landes ‘That we never harde tell of before this.’ “The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492.” Ibid.

Note return to page 42 5The licence granted in 1603 to Shakspeare and his fellow-comedians, authorises them to play comedies, tragedies, histories, interludes, morals, pastorals, &c. See also The Guls Hornbooke, 1609: “&lblank; if in the middle of his play, (bee it pastoral or comedie, morall or tragedie,) you rise with a shrewd and discontented face,” &c. It is not easy to determine in what class we ought to place some of the dramatick compositions of that age. Decker himself wrote a production which perhaps he might have considered as a moral, called “If it be not good the Devil is in it.” It is said in the Biographia Dramatica to be taken from Machiavel's Marriage of Belphegor, to which it bears no sort of resemblance. The story is shortly this: Pluto, after a dialogue with Charon, not destitute of broad satirical humour, dispatches several fiends as his emissaries upon earth; one of them seduces a virtuous king, another corrupts a convent of Friars, and a third completes the wickedness of an usurer. At the close of the drama, the king is informed of the infernal character of the person who had given him such bad advice, and is saved by repentance; but the others are carried to hell, which is then displayed to the view of the spectators. What follows is disgustingly horrible. Ravillac and Guy Faux are introduced among others, undergoing torment amidst the laughable and coarse jests of the fiends. This play was printed as it had been lately acted in 1612, after the stage had been in possession of all Shakspeare's dramas. Boswell.

Note return to page 43 6Vol. iii. pp. 355, et seq.

Note return to page 44 7Among the memoranda of my lamented friend, Dr. Farmer, was found what he styles “Index to the Registry of the University of Cambridge [loose papers].” From this I have made the following extract of theatrical occurrences in our University: “6. 104. Complaint of a riot at the plays at Trinity, 1610. “9. 78. Dominus Pepper at certain interludes, with his habit, &c. 1600. “11. 110. Decree against Plays and Games upon Gogmagog Hills, 1574. “13. 12. Windows broke during the comedy at Kings, 1595. “13. 51. Letter recommending the Queen of Bohemia's players, 1629.–15. 32. Answer. “13. 117. Players at Chesterton, 1590.” Steevens.

Note return to page 45 8History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 388.

Note return to page 46 9See the Dissertation on the Three Parts of Henry VI. Gosson, in his Plays confuted in five Actions, printed about the near 1580, says, “In playes either those things are fained that never were, as Cupid and Psyche, plaied at Paules; [he means, in Paul's school,]—or if a true historie be taken in hand, it is made like our shavelings, longest at the rising and falling of the sunne.” From the same writer we learn, that many preceding dramatick poets had travelled over the ground in which the subjects of several of Shakspeare's other plays may be found. “I may boldly say it (says Gosson,) because I have seene it, that The Palace of Pleasure, The Golden Asse, The Æthiopian Historie, Amadis of Fraunce, The Round Table, bawdie comedies in Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish, have beene thoroughly ransackt to furnish the playe-houses in London.” Signat. D 5. b. Lodge, his antagonist in this controversy, urges, as Prynne informs us, in defence of plays, that “they dilucidate and well explain many darke obscure histories, imprinting them in men's minds in such indelible characters that they can hardly be obliterated” Histriomastix, p. 940. The only copy which I have seen of Lodge's answer to Stephen Gosson's School of Abuse has no title; but, in an old hand, on the first leaf of it, is written, “Here beginneth Mr. Lodge's Replye to Steeven Gosson touchyng playes.” It is in small 8vo. and was probably printed in 1580. Prynne (Histriomast. p. 940,) erroneously calls it Lodge's Play of Plays, and led me into the same errour, but the Play of Plays was a moral drama exhibited on the stage about that time, in defence of dramatick compositions, in reply to which, and to Lodge's book, Gosson published his Play confuted in five several Actions. See also Heywood's Apology for Actors, 1612: “Plays have made the ignorant more apprehensive, taught the unlearned the knowledge of many famous histories; instructed such as cannot reade, in the discovery of our English Chronicles: and what man have you now of that weake capacity that cannot discourse of any notable thing recorded even from William the Conqueror, nay, from the landing of Brute, untill this day, being possest of their true use?”—In Florio's dialogues in Italian and English, printed in 1591, we have the following dialogue: “G. After dinner we will go see a play. “H. The plaies that they play in England are not right comedies. “T. Yet they do nothing else but plaie every daye. “H. Yea, but they are neither right comedies, nor right tragedies. “G. How would you name them then? “H. Representations of histories, without any decorum.”

Note return to page 47 1Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, vol. i. p. 166.

Note return to page 48 2Apology for Actors, 4to. 1612, Signat. E. 1. b. “Since then,” adds Heywood, “that the house by the prince's free gift hath belonged to the office of the Revels, where our court playes have been in late dayes yearely rehearsed, perfected, and corrected, before they come to the publike view of the prince and the nobility.” This house must have been chosen on account of its neighbourhood to Whitehall. It was granted by King James about the time of the publication of Heywood's tract to Lord Aubigny, and an allowance of 50l. a year was granted to the master of the Revels in lieu of this house. In 1612, the office was on St. Peter's Hill, near the Black-friars' playhouse.

Note return to page 49 3Barnard Andreas of Tholouse, preceptor to Prince Arthur. He was poet laureat and histriographer to the King. See Speed, 490, Pol. Verg., &c.

Note return to page 50 4For these extracts I am indebted to Francis Grose, Esq. to whom every admirer of the venerable remains of English antiquity has the highest obligations.

Note return to page 51 4Leland. Collect. vol. iv. Append. pp. 235, 256, edit. 1774.

Note return to page 52 5Itinerant companies of actors are probably coeval with the first rise of the English stage. King Henry the Seventh's bounty to some strolling players has been mentioned in the preceding page. In 1556, the fourth year of Queen Mary, a remonstrance was issued from the Privy Council to the Lord President of the North, stating, “that certain lewd [wicked or dissolute] persons, naming themselves to be the servants of Sir Francis Lake, and wearing his livery or badge on their sleeves, have wandered about these north parts, and representing certain plays and interludes, reflecting on the queen and her consort, and the formalities of the mass.” Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. Append. iii. p. 185.

Note return to page 53 6Fuller's Church History, b. vii. p. 390.

Note return to page 54 7“In process of time it [playing] became an occupation, and many there were that followed it for a livelihood, and, what was worse, it became the occasion of much sin and evil; great multitudes of people, especially youth, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, resorting to these plays: and being commonly acted on Sundays and festivals, the churches were forsaken, and the playhouses thronged. Great inns were used for this purpose, which had secret chambers and places, as well as open stages and galleries.” Strype's Additions to Stowe's Survey, folio, 1720, vol. i. p. 247.

Note return to page 55 8“In playes either those thinges are fained that never were, as Cupid and Psyche, played at Paules, [the school-room of St. Paul's,] and a great many comedies more at the Blackfriers, and in every playhouse in London, which for brevity's sake I overskippe, or,” &c. Plays confuted in five Actions, by Stephen Gosson, no date, but printed about the year 1580.

Note return to page 56 9Richard Reulidge's Monster lately found out and discovered, or the scourging of Tipplers, 1628, pp. 2, 3, 4. What he calls the theatres in Gracious Street, Bishopsgate Street, and Ludgate Hill, were the temporary scaffolds erected at the Cross Keys Inn in Gracechurch Street, the Bull in Bishopsgate Street, and the Bell Savage on Ludgate Hill. “That nigh Paul's,” was St. Paul's school-room, behind the Convocation-house.

Note return to page 57 1“Even in her majesties chapels do these pretty upstart youthes prophane the Lordes-day by the lascivious writhing of their tender limbes, and gorgeous decking of their apparell, in feigning bawdie fables, gathered from the idolatrous heathen poets,” &c. The Children of the Chapel stript and whipt, 1569, fol. xiii. b. These children acted frequently in Queen Elizabeth's reign at the theatre in Whitefriars.

Note return to page 58 2For the notice of this ancient theatrical licence we are indebted to Mr. Steevens. It is found among the unpublished collections of Rymer, which were purchased by parliament, and are deposited in the British Museum. Ascough's Catalogue of Sloanian and other manuscripts, No. 4625. “Pro Jacobo Burbage, et aliis, de licentia speciali. “Elizabeth by the grace of God, Quene of England, &c. To all justices, mayors, sheriffes, bayliffes, head constables, under constables, and all other oure officers and mynisters, greting. “Know ye, that we of our especiall grace, certen knowledge, and mere motion, have licensed and authorised, and by these presents do lycense and authorise our loving subjectes James Burbage, John Perkyn, John Lanham, William Johnson, and Robert Wilson, servaunts to our trustie and well beloved cosen and counseyllour the Earle of Leycester, to use, exercyse and occupie the arte and facultye of playenge commedies, tragedies, enterludes, stage-playes, and such other like as they have alredie used and studied, or hereafter shall use and studie, as well for the recreation of our lovinge subjectes as for our solace and pleasure when we shall thinke good to see them, as also to use and occupie all such instrumentes as they have alredie practised or hereafter shall practise, for and duringe our pleasure; and the said commedies, tragedies, enterludes, and stage-plaies, together with their musicke, to shew, publishe, exercise and occupie to their best commoditie, during all the terme aforesaid, as well within the liberties and freedomes of anye our cities, townes, bouroughs, &c. whatsoever, as without the same, thoroughoute our realme of England. Willinge and commaundinge yowe and every of you, as ye tender our pleasure, to permit and suffer them herein withoute anye lettes, hynderaunce, or molestation, duringe the terme aforesaide, any acte, statute, or proclamation or commaundement heretofore made or hereafter to be made notwythstandynge; provyded that the saide commedies, tragedies, enterludes and stage-playes be by the Master of our Revells for the tyme beynge before sene and allowed; and that the same be not published or shewen in the tyme of common prayer, or in the tyme of greate and common plague in our saide citye of London. In wytnes wherof, &c. “Wytnes our selfe at Westminster the 10th daye of Maye. [1574.] “Per breve de privato sigillo.” Mr. Steevens supposed that Mr. Dodsley was inaccurate in saying in the preface to his Collection of Old Plays, p. 22, that “the first company of players we have any account of in history are the children of Paul's in 1578,” four years subsequent to the above licence. But the figures 1578 in that page are merely an error of the press for 1378, as may be seen by turning to a former page of Mr. Dodsley's preface, to which, in p. 22, he himself refers.

Note return to page 59 3The servants of the Earls of Derby, Pembroke, and Essex; those of the Lord Chamberlain; the servants of the Lord Admiral (Nottingham); those of Lord Strange, Lord Sussex, Lord Worcester, &c.—By the statute 39 Eliz. c. 4, noblemen were authorized to license players to act both in town and country; the statute declaring “that all common players of interludes wandering abroad, other than players of interludes belonging to anie baron of this realme, or anie other honourable personage of greater degree, to be authorised to play under the hand and seale of arms of such baron or personage, shall be adjudged and deemed rogues and vagabonds.” This statute has been frequently mis-stated by Prynne and others, as if it declared all players (except noblemen's servants) to be rogues and vagabonds: whereas it was only made against strolling players. Long after the playhouses called the Theatre and the Curtain had been built, and during the whole reign of Elizabeth, the companies belonging to different noblemen acted occasionally at the Cross Keys in Gracechurch Street, and other inns, and also in the houses of noblemen at weddings and other festivals.

Note return to page 60 4“Comedians and stage-players of former time were very poor and ignorant in respect of these of this time; but being now [in 1583] growne very skilfull and exquisite actors for all matters, they were entertained into the service of divers great lords: out of which companies there were twelve of the best chosen, and, at the request of Sir Francis Walsingham, they were sworn the queenes servants, and were allowed wages and liveries as groomes of the chamber: and untill this yeare 1583, the queene had no players. Among these twelve players were two rare men, viz. Thomas Wilson, for a quicke, delicate, refined, extemporall witt, and Richard Tarleton, for a wondrous plentifull pleasant extemporall wit, he was the wonder of his tyme.—He lieth buried in Shoreditch church.”—“He was so beloved,” adds the writer in a note, “that men use his picture for their signes.” Stow's Chron. published by Howes, sub. ann. 1583, edit. 1615. The above paragraph was not written by Stowe, not being found in the last edition of his Chronicle published in his lifetime, 4to. 1605; and is an interpolation by his continuator, Edmund Howes. Richard Tarleton, as appears by the register of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, was buried there September the third, 1588. The following extract from Strype shows in how low a state the stage was at this time: “Upon the ruin of Paris Garden, [the fall of a scaffold there in January, 1583–4,] suit was made to the Lords [of the Council] to banish plays wholly in the places near London: and letters were obtained of the Lords to banish them on the Sabbath days. “Upon these orders against the players, the Queen's players petitioned the Lords of the Councel, That whereas the time of their service drew very near, so that of necessity they must needs have exercise to enable them the better for the same, and also for their better keep and relief in their poor livings, the season of the year being past to play at any of the houses without the city: Their humble petition was, that the Lords would vouchsafe to read a few articles annexed to their supplication, and in consideration [that] the matter contained the very stay and state of their living, to grant unto them confirmation of the same, or of as many as should be to their honours good liking; and withal, their favourable letters to the Lord Maior, to permit them to exercise within the city; and that their letters might contain some orders to the Justices of Middlesex in their behalf.” Strype's Additions to Stowe's Survey, vol. i. p. 248.

Note return to page 61 5Household-book of Queen Elizabeth in 1584, in the Museum, MSS. Sloan. 3194. The continuator of Stowe says, she had no players before, (see n. 4,) but I suspect that he is mistaken, for Queen Mary, and King Edward the Sixth, both had players on their establishments. See p. 45.

Note return to page 62 6“For reckoning with the leaste the gaine that is reaped of eight ordinarie places in the citie, (which I know,) by playing but once a weeke, (whereas many times they play twice, and sometimes thrice,) it amounteth to two thousand pounds by the year.” A Sermon preached at Paules Crosse, by John Stockwood, 1578.

Note return to page 63 7There was a theatre in Whitefriars, before the year 1580. See p. 46. A Woman's a Weathercock was performed at the private playhouse in Whitefriars in 1612. This theatre was, I imagine, either in Salisbury Court or the narrow street leading into it. From an extract taken by Sir Henry Herbert from the Office-book of Sir George Buc, his predecessor in the office of Master of the Revels, it appears that the theatre in Whitefriars was either rebuilt in 1613, or intended to be rebuilt. The entry is: “July 13, 1613, for a license to erect a new play-house in the White-friers, &c. £20.” I doubt, however, whether this scheme was then carried into execution, because a new playhouse was erected in Salisbury Court in 1629. That theatre probably was not on the site of the old theatre in Whitefriars, for Prynne speaks of it as then newly built, not rebuilt; and in the same place he mentions the re-building of the Fortune and the Red Bull theatres.—Had the old theatre in Whitefriars been pulled down and re-built, he would have used the same language with respect to them all. The Rump, a comedy by Tatham, was acted in 1669, in the theatre in Salisbury Court (that built in 1629). About the year 1670, a new theatre was erected there, (but whether on the site of that last mentioned I cannot ascertain,) known by the name of the theatre in Dorset Gardens, to which the Duke of York's Company, under the conduct of Sir William D'Avenant's widow, removed from Lincoln's Inn Fields in 1671. The former playhouse in Salisbury Court could hardly have fallen into decay in so short a period as forty years; but I suppose was found too small for the new scenery introduced after the Restoration. The Prologue to Wycherley's Gentleman Dancing Master, printed in 1673, is addressed “To the city, newly after the removal of the Duke's Company from Lincoln's-Inn fields to their new theatre near Salisbury-court.” Maitland, in his History of London, p. 963, after mentioning Dorset Stairs, adds, “near to which place stood the theatre or play-house, a neat building, having a curious front next the Thames, with an open place for the reception of coaches.”

Note return to page 64 8It was probably situated in some remote and privileged place, being, I suppose, hinted at in the following passage of a sermon by John Stockwood, quoted below, and preached in 1578: “Have we not houses of purpose built with great charges for the maintenance of them, [the players,] and that without the liberties, as who shall say, there, let them say what they will, we will play. I know not how I might, with the godly-learned especially, more discommend the gorgeous playing-place erected in the fields, than to term it, as they please to have it called, a Theatre.”

Note return to page 65 9The Theatre and The Curtain are mentioned in “A Sermon preached at Paules-Crosse on St. Bartholomew day, being the 24th of August, 1578, by John Stockwood,” and in an ancient Treatise against Idleness, Vaine Plaies and Interludes, by John Northbrook, bl. l. no date, but written apparently about the year 1580. Stubbes, in his Anatomy of Abuses, p. 90, edit. 1583, inveighs against Theatres and Curtaines, which he calls Venus' Palaces. Edmund Howes, the continuator of Stowe's Chronicle, says, (p. 1004,) that before the year 1570, he “neither knew, heard, nor read of any such theatres, set stages, or play-houses, as have been purposely built within man's memory.”

Note return to page 66 1This theatre had been originally a Cockpit. It was built or rebuilt not very long before the year 1617, in which year we learn from Camden's Annals of King James the First, it was pulled down by the mob: “1617, Martii 4. Theatrum ludionum nuper erectum in Drury-Lane à furente multitudine diruitur, et apparatus dilaceratur.” I suppose it was sometimes called The Phœnix, from that fabulous bird being its sign. It was situated opposite the Castle tavern in Drury Lane, and was standing some time after the Restoration. The players who performed at this theatre in the time of King James the First, were called the Queen's Servants, till the death of Queen Anne, in 1619. After her death, they were, I think, for some time denominated the Lady Elizabeth's Servants; and after the marriage of King Charles the First, they regained their former title of the Queen's players.

Note return to page 67 2See Skialetheia, and old collection of Epigrams and Satires, 16mo. 1598: “&lblank; if my dispose “Persuade me to a play, I'll to the Rose, “Or Curtain &lblank;.” The Curtain is mentioned in Heath's Epigrams, 1610, as being then open; and The Hector of Germany was performed at it by a company of young men in 1615. The original sign hung out at this playhouse (as Mr. Steevens has observed) was the painting of a curtain striped. The performers at this theatre were called The Prince's Servants, till the accession of King Charles the First to the crown. Soon after that period it seems to have been used only by prize-fighters. The following is Heath's epigram, which I have referred to: “Momus would act the fooles part in a play, “And cause he would be exquisit that way, “Hies me to London, where no day can passe “But that some playhouse still his presence has; “Now at the Globe with a judicious eye “Into the Vice's action doth he prie, “Next to the Fortune, where it is a chaunce “But he marks something worth his cognisance: “Then to the Curtaine, where, as at the rest, “He notes that action downe that likes him best. “Being full fraught, at length he gets him home, “And Momus now knows how to play the Mome. “There wants nought but a fooles cap on his head “As for the action, but, he'll strike it dead. “When the time came, he comes in on the stage, “Rapt as it were with an unwieldy rage “Of a fantastique braine, and gables out “Some senselesse wordes, well fitting such a lout. “There his unsavoury speech he enterlaces “With wreathed mouthes and filthy antike faces. “Fie on this mimick skill, it marrs his part; “Nature would do farre better without arte.” Heath's Epigrams, 1610. Epig. 39.

Note return to page 68 3The Fortune theatre, according to Maitland, was the oldest theatre in London. It was built or re-built in 1599, by Edward Alleyn, the player, (who was also the proprietor of the Bear Garden, from 1594 to 1610,) and cost 520l. as appears from the following memorandum in his hand-writing, in one of his pocketbooks: “What The Fortune cost me. Nov. 1599. “First for the leas to Brew, 240. “Then for building the play-howse, 520. “For other privat buildings of myn owne, 120. “So it hath cost me in all for the leasse, £880.” “Bought the inheritance of the land of the Gills of the isle of Man within the Fortune and all the howses in Whight Crosstreet and Goulding lane in June 1610 for the some of £340. “Bought in John Garret's Lease in reversion from the Gills for 21 years, for £100. So in all it cost me £1320. “Blessed be the Lord God everlasting!” It was a round brick building, and its dimensions may be conjectured from the following advertisement in The Mercurius Politicus, Tuesday Feb. 14, to Tuesday Feb. 21, 1661, for the preservation of which we are indebted to Mr. Steevens: “The Fortune play-house situate between Whitecross-street and Golding-lane, in the parish of Saint Giles, Cripplegate, with the ground thereto belonging, is to be lett to be built upon; where twenty-three tenements may be erected, with gardens; and a street may be cut through for the better accommodation of the buildings.” The Fortune is spoken of as a playhouse of considerable size, in the prologue to The Roaring Girl, a comedy which was acted there, and printed in 1611; “A roaring girl, whose notes till now ne'er were, “Shall fill with laughter our vast theatre.” See also the concluding lines of Shirley's prologue to The Doubtful Heir, quoted below. Howes, in his continuation of Stowe's Chronicle, p. 1004, edit. 1631, says, it was burnt down in or about the year 1617: “About foure yeares after, [i. e. after the burning of the Globe] a fayre strong new-built play-house near Golden-lane, called the Fortune, by negligence of a candle was cleane burnt to the ground, but shortly after re-built far fairer.” He is, however, mistaken as to the time, for it was burnt down in December, 1621, as I learn from a letter in Dr. Birch's collection in the Museum, from Mr. John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton, dated Dec. 15, 1621, in which is the following paragraph: “On sunday night here was a great fire at The Fortune, in Goldinglane, the first play-house in this town. It was quite burnt downe in two hours, and all their apparell and play-books lost, whereby those poore companions are quite undone. There were two other houses on fire, but with great labour and danger were saved.” MS. Birch, 4173. It does not appear whether this writer, by “the first play-house in this town,” means the first in point of size or dignity, or the oldest. I doubt much of its being the oldest, though that is the obvious meaning of the words, and though Maitland has asserted it: because I have not found it mentioned in any of the tracts relative to the stage, written in the middle of Elizabeth's reign. Prynne says that the Fortune on its re-building was enlarged, Epistle Dedicat. to Histriomastix, 4to. 1633. Before this theatre there was either a picture or statue of Fortune. See The English Traveller, by Heywood, 1633: “&lblank; I'le rather stand here, “Like a statue in the fore-front of your house “For ever; like the picture of dame Fortune “Before the Fortune play-house.”

Note return to page 69 4Wright's Historia Histrionica, 8vo. 1699, p. 5.

Note return to page 70 5The Swan and the Rose are mentioned by Taylor the Water-poet, but in 1613 they were shut up. See his Works, p. 171, edit. 1633. The latter had been built before 1598. See p. 55, n. 2. After the year 1620, as appears from Sir Henry Herbert's office-book, they were used occasionally for the exhibition of prize-fighters.

Note return to page 71 6Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair was performed at this theatre in 1614. He does not give a very favourable description of it:— “Though the fair be not kept in the same region that some here perhaps would have it, yet think that the author hath therein observed a special decorum, the place being as dirty as Smithfield, and as stinking every whit.”—Induction to Bartholomew Fair. It appears from an old pamphlet entitled Holland's Leaguer, printed in quarto in 1632, that The Hope was occasionally used as a bear-garden, and that The Swan was then fallen into decay.

Note return to page 72 7Sunt porro Londini, extra urbem, theatra aliquot, in quibus histriones Angli comœdias et tragœdias singulis fere diebus, in magna hominum frequentia agunt; quas variis etiam saltationibus, suavissima adhibita musica, magno cum populi applausu finiri solent.” Hentzneri Itinerarium, 4to. 1598, p. 132.

Note return to page 73 8For the use of this very curious and valuable manuscript I am indebted to Francis Ingram, of Ribbisford near Bewdley in Worcestershire, Esq. Deputy Remembrancer in the Court of Exchequer. It has lately been found in the same old chest which contained the manuscript Memoirs of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, from which Mr. Walpole about twenty years ago printed the Life of that nobleman, who was elder brother to Sir Henry Herbert. The first master of the Revels in the reign of Queen Elizabeth was Thomas Benger, whose patent passed the great seal Jan. 18, 1560–1. It is printed in Rymer's Fœdera. His successor, Edmund Tilney, obtained a grant of this office (the reversion of which John Lily, the dramatick poet, had long in vain solicited,) on the 24th of July, 1579, (as appears from a book of patents in the Pells-office,) and continued in possession of it during the remainder of her reign, and till the 20th of August, 1610, on which day he died. He resided when in the country at Leatherhead in Surrey, and was buried at Streatham. Lysons's Environs of London. This office for near fifty years appears to have been considered as so desirable a place, that it was constantly sought for during the life of the possessor, and granted in reversion. King James on the 23d of June, 1603, made a reversionary grant of it to Sir George Buc, (then George Buc, Esq.) to take place whenever it should become vacant by the death, resignation, forfeiture, or surrender, of the then possessor, Edmund Tilney; who, if I mistake not, was Sir George Buc's maternal uncle. Mr. Tilney, as I have already mentioned, did not die till the end of the year 1610, and should seem to have executed the duties of the office to the last; for his executor, as I learn from one of the Exitus books in the Exchequer, received in the year 1611, 120l. 18s. 3d. due to Mr. Tilney on the last day of the preceding October, for one year's expences of office. In the edition of Camden's Britannia, printed in folio in 1607, Sir George Buc is called Master of the Revels, I suppose from his having obtained the reversion of that place: for from what I have already stated he could not have been then in possession of it. April 3, 1612, Sir John Astley, one of the gentlemen of the privy-chamber, obtained a reversionary grant of this office, to take place on the death, &c. of Sir George Buc, as Ben Jonson, the poet, obtained a similar grant, October 5, 1621, to take place on the death, &c. of Sir John Astley and Sir George Buc. Sir George Buc came into possession of the office about November, 1610, and held it till the end of the year 1621, when, in consequence of ill health, he resigned it to King James, and Sir John Astley succeeded him. How Sir Henry Herbert got possession of this office originally, I am unable to ascertain; but I imagine Sir John Astley for a valuable consideration appointed him his deputy, in August, 1623; at which time, to use Sir Henry's own words, he “was received as Master of the Revels by his Majesty at Wilton:” and in the warrant-books of Philip Earl of Pembroke, now in the Lord Chamberlain's office, containing warrants, orders, &c. between the years 1625 and 1642, he is constantly styled Master of the Revels. If Sir John Astley had formally resigned or surrendered his office, Ben Jonson, in consequence of the grant obtained in the year 1621, must have succeeded to it; but he never derived any emolument from that grant, for Sir John Astley, as I find from the probate of his will, in the prerogative office, (in which it is observable that he calls himself Master of the Revels, though both the duties and emoluments of the office were then exercised and enjoyed by another,) did not die till January 1639–40, above two years after the poet's death. To make his title still more secure, Sir Henry Herbert, in conjunction with Simon Thelwall, Esq. August 22, 1629, obtained a reversionary grant of this much sought-for office, to take place on the death, surrender, &c. of Sir John Astley and Benjamin Jonson. Sir Henry held the office for fifty years, though during the usurpation he could not exercise the functions nor enjoy the emoluments of it. Sir George Buc wrote an express treatise as he has himself told us, on the stage and on revels, which is unfortunately lost. Previous to the exhibition of every play, it was licensed by the Master of the Revels, who had an established fee on the occasion. If ever, therefore, the office-books of Mr. Tilney and Sir George Buc shall be found, they will ascertain precisely the chronological order of all the plays written by Shakspeare; and either confirm or overturn a system in forming which I have taken some pains. Having, however, found many of my conjectures confirmed by Sir Henry Herbert's manuscript, I have no reason to augur ill concerning the event, should the registers of his predecessors ever be discovered. The regular salary of this office was but ten pounds a year; but, by fees and other perquisites, the emoluments of Sir George Buc in the first year he came into possession of it, amounted to near 100l. The office afterwards became much more valuable. Having mentioned this gentleman, I take this opportunity of correcting an error into which Anthony Wood has fallen, and which has been implicitly adopted in the new edition of Biographia Britannica, and many other books. The error I allude to, is, that this Sir George Buc, who was knighted at Whitehall by King James the day before his coronation, July 23, 1603, was the author of the celebrated History of King Richard the Third; which was written above twenty years after his death, by George Buck, Esq. who was, I suppose, his son. Sir George Buck died on the 28th of September, 1623. The office-book of Sir Henry Herbert contains an account of almost every piece exhibited at any of the theatres from August 1623, to the commencement of the rebellion in 1641, and many curious anecdotes relative to them, some of which I shall presently have occasion to quote. This valuable manuscript having lain for a considerable time in a damp place, is unfortunately damaged, and in a very mouldering condition: however, no material part of it appears to have perished. I cannot conclude this long note without acknowledging the obliging attention of W. E. Roberts, Esq. Deputy Clerk of the Pells, which facilitated every search I wished to make in his office, and enabled me to ascertain some of the facts above stated.

Note return to page 74 9“1622. The Palsgrave's servants. Frank Grace, Charles Massy, Richard Price, Richard Fowler, &lblank; Kane, Curtys, Grevill.” MS. Herbert. Three other names have perished. Of these one must have been that of Richard Gunnel, who was then the manager of the Fortune theatre; and another, that of William Cartwright, who was of the same company.

Note return to page 75 1“The names of the chiefe players at the Red Bull, called the players of the Revells. Robert Lee, Richard Perkings, Ellis Woorth, Thomas Basse, John Blany, John Cumber, William Robbins.” Ibidem.

Note return to page 76 2“The chiefe of them at the Phœnix. Christopher Beeston, Joseph More, Eliard Swanson, Andrew Cane, Curtis Grevill, William Shurlock, Anthony Turner.” Ibidem. Eliard Swanston in 1624 joined the company at Blackfriars. That part of the leaf which contained the list of the king's servants, and the performers at the Curtain is mouldered away.

Note return to page 77 3It has been repeated again and again that Prynne enumerates seventeen playhouses in London in his time; but this is a mistake; he expressly says that there were only six, (see his Epistle Dedicatory) and the office-book of Sir Henry Herbert confirms his assertion. Mr. Dodsley and others have fallen into this mistake of supposing there were seventeen play-houses open at one time in London; into which they were led by the continuator of Stowe, who mentions that between 1570 and 1630 seventeen playhouses were built, in which number, however, he includes five inns turned into play-houses, and St. Paul's singing-school. He does not say that they were all open at the same time.—A late writer carries the matter still further, and asserts that it appears from Rymer's MS. in the Museum that there were twenty-three playhouses open at one time in London!

Note return to page 78 4“These are to signify unto your lordship his majesties pleasure, that you cause to be delivered unto his majesties players whose names follow, viz. John Hemmings, John Lowen, Joseph Taylor, Richard Robinson, John Shank, Robert Benfield, Richard Sharp, Eliard Swanson, Thomas Pollard, Anthony Smith, Thomas Hobbes, William Pen, George Vernon, and James Horne, to each of them the several allowance of foure yardes of bastard scarlet for a cloake, and a quarter of a yard of crimson velvet for the capes, it being the usual allowance graunted unto them by his majesty every second yeare, and due at Easter last past. For the doing whereof theis shall be your warrant. May 6th, 1629.” MS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office.

Note return to page 79 5Wright, in his Hist. Histrion. informs us, that the theatre in Blackfriars, the Cockpit, and that in Salisbury Court, were exactly alike both in form and size. The smallness of the latter is ascertained by these lines in an epilogue to Tottenham Court, a comedy by Nabbes, which was acted there; “When others' fill'd rooms with neglect disdain ye, “My little house with thanks shall entertain ye.”

Note return to page 80 6“All the city looked like a private play-house, when the windows are clapt downe, as if some nocturnal and dismal tragedy were presently to be acted.” Decker's Seven Deadly Sinnes of London, 1696. See also Historia Histrionica.

Note return to page 81 7Many pieces were performed by them in this theatre before 1580. Sometimes they performed entire pieces; at others, they represented such young characters as are found in many of our poet's plays. Thus we find Nat. Field, John Underwood, and William Ostler among the children of the Revels, who represented several of Ben Jonson's comedies at the Blackfriars in the earlier part of King James's reign, and also in the list of the actors of our author's plays prefixed to the first folio, published in 1623. They had then become men. Lily's Campaspe was acted at the theatre in Blackfriars in 1584, and The Case is Altered, by Ben Jonson, was printed in 1609, as acted by the children of Black-friers. Some of the children of the Revels also acted occasionally at the theatre in Whitefriars; for we find A Woman's a Weathercock performed by them at that last theatre in 1612. Probably a certain number of these children were appropriated to each of these theatres, and instructed by the elder performers in their art; by which means this young troop became a promptuary of actors. In a manuscript in the Inner Temple, No. 515, vol. vii. entitled “A booke conteyning several particulars with relation to the king's servants, petitions, warrants, bills, &c. and supposed to be a copy of some part of the Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold's book in or about the year 1622,” I find “A warrant to the signet-office (dated July 8th, 1622,) for a privie seale for his majesties licensing of Robert Lee, Richard Perkins, Ellis Woorth, Thomas Basse, John Blany, John Cumber, and William Robbins, late comedians of Queen Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise of playing comedies, histories, interludes, morals, pastorals, stageplaies, and such like, as well for the sollace and pleasure of his majestie, as for the honest recreation of such as shall desire to see them; to be called by the name of The Children of the Revels;—and to be drawne in such a manner and forme as hath been used in other lycenses of that kinde.” These very persons, we have seen, were the company of the Revels in 1622, and were then become men. That the Blackfriars was in the possession of a company of boys in 1604, appears from the following passage in Father Hubbard's Tales, or the Ant and Nightingale, by T. M. quarto, 1604: “He [a lawyer] embraced one young gentleman, (I thinke for a foole) and gave him many ryotous instructions how to carry him selfe, which he was prompter to take then the other to put into him told him he must acquaint him selfe with many gallants of the Innes of Court and keep ranke with those that spend most, always wearing a bountifull disposition about him, lustie and liberall; his lodging must be about the Strand in any case being remote from the handicraft cent of the cittie; his eating must be in some famous taverne, as the Horne, the Myter, or the Mermaide; and then after dinner he must venture beyond sea, that is, in a choise payre of noblemens oares to the Bank side, where he must sit out the breaking up of a comedie, or the first act of a tragedie; or rather if his humour so serve him, to call in at the Blackfriars, where he should see a neaste of boyes able to ravish a man.”

Note return to page 82 8“1623. Ex occasu domûs scenicæ apud Black-friers, Londini, 81 personæ spectabiles necantur.” Camdeni Annales ab anno 1603 ad annum 1623, 4to. 1691, p. 82. That this writer was misinformed, appears from an old tract, printed in the same year in which the accident happened, entitled, A Word of Comfort, or a Discourse concerning the late Lamentable Accident of the Fall of a Room at a Catholick Sermon in the Black-friers, London, whereby about four-score persons were oppressed, 4to. 1623. See also verses prefixed to a play called The Queen, published by Alexander Goughe, (probably the son of Robert Goughe, one of the actors in Shakspeare's Company) in 1653: “&lblank; we dare not say— “&lblank; that Blackfriers we heare, which in this age “Fell, when it was a church, not when a stage; “Or that the puritans that once dwelt there, “Prayed and thriv'd, though the play-house were so near.” Camden had a paralytick stroke on the 18th of August, 1623, and died on the 9th of November following. The above-mentioned accident happened on the 24th of October; which accounts for his inaccuracy. The room which fell, was an upper room in Hunsdon-House, in which the French Ambassador then dwelt. See Stowe's Chron. p. 1035, edit. 1631.

Note return to page 83 9“Non longe ab uno horum theatrorum, quæ omnia lignea sunt, ad Thamesin navis est regia, quæ duo egregia habet conclavia,” &c. Itin. p. 132. By navis regia he means the royal barge called the Gallyfoist. See the South View of London, as it appeared in 1599.

Note return to page 84 1See “The Suit of the Watermen against the Players,” in the Works of Taylor the Water Poet, p. 171.

Note return to page 85 2In the long Antwerp View of London in the Pepysian Library at Cambridge, is a representation of the Globe theatre, from which a drawing was made by the Rev. Mr. Henley, and transmitted to Mr. Steevens. From that drawing this cut was made.

Note return to page 86 3The Globe, we learn from Wright's Historia Histrionica, was nearly of the same size as the Fortune, which has been already described.

Note return to page 87 4Historia Histrionica, 8vo. 1699, p. 7.

Note return to page 88 5So, in The Curtain-Drawer of the World, 1612: “Each play-house advanceth his flagge in the aire, whither quickly at the waving thereof are summoned whole troops of men, women, and children.”—Again, in A Mad World, my Masters, a comedy by Middleton, 1608: “&lblank; the hair about the hat is as good as a flag upon the pole, at a common play-house, to waft company.” See a South View of the City of London as it appeared in 1599, in which are representations of the Globe and Swan theatres. From the words, “a common play-house,” in the passage last quoted, we may be led to suppose that flags were not displayed on the roof of Blackfriars, and the other private playhouses. This custom perhaps took its rise from a misconception of a line in Ovid: Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro &lblank;. which Heywood, in a tract published in 1612, thus translates: “In those days from the marble house did waive “No sail, no silken flag, or ensign brave.” “From the roof (says the same author, describing a Roman amphitheatre,) grew a loover or turret of exceeding altitude, from which an ensign of silk waved continually;—pendebant vela theatro.”—The misinterpretation might, however, have arisen from the English custom.

Note return to page 89 6“'Tis Lent in your cheeks;—the flag is down.” A Mad World, my Masters, a comedy, by Middleton, 1608. Again, in Earle's Characters, 7th edit. 1638: “Shrove-tuesday hee [a player] feares as much as the bawdes, and Lent is more dangerous to him than the butchers.”

Note return to page 90 7“[Received] of the King's players for a lenten dispensation, the other companys promising to doe as muche, 44s. March 23, 1616. “Of John Hemminges, in the name of the four companys, for toleration in the holy-dayes, 44s. January 29, 1618.” Extracts from the office-book of Sir George Buc. MSS. Herbert. These dispensations did not extend to the sermon-days, as they were then called; that is, Wednesday and Friday in each week. After Sir Henry Herbert became possessed of the office of Master of the Revels, fees for permission to perform in Lent appear to have been constantly paid by each of the theatres. The managers however did not always perform plays during that season. Some of the theatres, particularly the Red Bull and the Fortune, were then let to prize-fighters, tumblers, and rope-dancers, who sometimes added a Masque to the other exhibitions. These facts are ascertained by the following entries: “1622. 21 Martii. For a prise at the Red-Bull, for the howse; the fencers would give nothing. 10s.” MSS. Astley. “From Mr. Gunnel, [Manager of the Fortune,] in the name of the dancers of the ropes for Lent, this 15 March, 1624. £1. 0. 0. “From Mr. Gunnel, to allowe of a Masque for the dancers of the ropes, this 19 March, 1624. £2. 0. 0.” We see here, by the way, that Microcosmus, which was exhibited in 1637, (was not, as Dr. Burney supposes in his ingenious History of Musick, vol. iii. p. 485,) the first masque exhibited on the publick stage. “From Mr. Blagrave, in the name of the Cockpit company, for this Lent, this 30th March, 1624. £2. 0. 0.” “March 20, 1626. From Mr. Hemminges, for this Lent allowanse, £2. 0. 0.” MSS. Herbert. Prynne takes notice of this relaxation in his Histriomastix, 4to. 1633: “There are none so addicted to stage-playes, but when they go unto places where they cannot have them, or when as they are suppressed by publike authority, (as in times of pestilence, and in Lent, till now of late,) can well subsist without them.” P. 784.

Note return to page 91 8“After these,” (says Heywood, speaking of the buildings at Rome, appropriated to scenick exhibitions,) “they composed others, but differing in form from the theatre or ampitheatre, and every such was called circus; the frame globe-like, and merely round.” Apology for Actors, 1612. See also our author's prologue to King Henry V.: “&lblank; or may we cram “Within this wooden O,” &c. But as we find in the prologue to Marston's Antonio's Revenge, which was acted by the Children of Paul's in 1602: “If any spirit breathes within this round &lblank;.” no inference respecting the denomination of the Globe can be drawn from this expression.

Note return to page 92 9Stowe informs us, that “the allowed Stewhouses [antecedent to the year 1545] had signes on their frontes towards the Thames, not hanged out, but painted on the walles; as a Boares Head, The Cross Keyes, The Gunne, The Castle, The Crane, The Cardinal's Hat, The Bell, The Swanne,” &c. Survey of London, 4to. 1603, p. 409. The houses which continued to carry on the same trade after the ancient and privileged edifices had been put down, probably were distinguished by the old signs; and the sign of the Globe, which theatre was in their neighbourhood, was perhaps, in imitation of them, painted on its wall.

Note return to page 93 1The following account of this accident is given by Sir Henry Wotton, in a letter dated July 2, 1613, Reliq. Wotton, p. 425, edit. 1685: “Now to let matters of state sleepe, I will entertain you at the present with what happened this week at the Banks side. The Kings players had a new play called All is true, representing some principal pieces of the reign of Henry the Eighth, which was set forth with many extraordinary circumstances of pomp and majesty, even to the matting of the stage; the knights of the order with their Georges and Garter, the guards with their embroidered coats, and the like: sufficient in truth within a while to make greatness very familiar, if not ridiculous. Now King Henry making a Masque at the Cardinal Wolsey's house, and certain cannons being shot off at his entry, some of the paper or other stuff, wherwith one of them was stopped, did light on the thatch, where being thought at first but an idle smoak, and their eyes more attentive to the show, it kindled inwardly, and ran round like a train, consuming within less than an hour the whole house to the very ground. This was the fatal period of that virtuous fabrick, wherein yet nothing did perish but wood and straw, and a few forsaken cloaks; only one man had his breeches set on fire, that would perhaps have broyled him, if he had not by the benefit of a provident wit, put it out with bottle ale.” From a letter of Mr. John Chamberlaine's to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated July 8, 1613, in which this accident is likewise mentioned, we learn that this theatre had only two doors. “The burning of the Globe or playhouse on the Bankside on St. Peter's day cannot escape you; which fell out by a peal of chambers, (that I know not upon what occasion were to be used in the play,) the tampin or stopple of one of them lighting in the thatch that cover'd the house, burn'd it down to the ground in less than two hours, with a dwelling-house adjoyning; and it was a great marvaile and fair grace of God that the people had so little harm, having but two narrow doors to get out.” Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 469. Not a single life was lost. In 1613 was entered on the Stationers' books A doleful Ballad of the general Conflagration of the famous Theatre on the Bankside, called the Globe. I have never met with it.

Note return to page 94 2See Taylor's Skuller, p. 31, Ep. xxii.: “As gold is better that's in fier try'd,   “So is the Bank-side Globe, that late was burn'd; “For where before it had a thatched hide,   “Now to a stately theator 'tis turn'd.” See also Stowe's Chronicle, p. 1003.

Note return to page 95 3The Globe theatre being contiguous to the Bear Garden, when the sports of the latter were over, the same spectators probably resorted to the former. The audiences at the Bull and the Fortune were, it may be presumed, of a class still inferior to that of the Globe. The latter, being the theatre of his majesty's servants, must necessarily have had a superior degree of reputation. At all of them, however, it appears, that noise and shew were what chiefly attracted an audience. Our author speaks in Hamlet of berattling the common [i. e. the publick] theatres.” See also A Prologue spoken by a company of players who had seceded from the Fortune, p. 79, n. 6; from which we learn that the performers at that theatre, “to split the ears of groundlings,” used “to tear a passion to tatters.” [This circumstance is farther confirmed by a passage in Gayton's Notes on Don Quixote, 1654, p. 24: “I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had alwayes a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible teare-throats), and made their lines proportionable to their compasse, which were sesquipedales, a foot and a halfe.” Todd.] In some verses addressed by Thomas Carew to Mr. [afterwards Sir William] D'Avenant, “Upon his excellent play, The Just Italian,” 1630, I find a similar character of the Bull theatre: “Now noise prevails; and he is tax'd for drowth “Of wit, that with the cry spends not his mouth &lblank;. “&lblank; thy strong fancies, raptures of the brain “Dress'd in poetick flames, they entertain “As a bold impious reach; for they'll still slight “All that exceeds Red Bull and Cockpit flight. “These are the men in crowded heaps that throng “To that adulterate stage, where not a tongue “Of the untun'd kennel can a line repeat “Of serious sense: but like lips meet like meat: “Whilst the true brood of actors, that alone “Keep natural unstrain'd action in her throne, “Behold their benches bare, though they rehearse “The terser Beaumont's or great Jonson's verse.“ The true brood of actors were the performers at Blackfriars, where The Just Italian was acted. See also The Careless Shepherdess, represented at Salisbury Court, 4to. 1656: “And I will hasten to the money-box, “And take my shilling out again;— “I'll go to the Bull, or Fortune, and there see “A play for two-pence, and a jig to boot.”

Note return to page 96 4In the printed play these words are omitted; the want of which renders the prologue perfectly unintelligible. The comedy was performed for the first time at the Globe, June 1, 1640.

Note return to page 97 5The common people stood in the Globe theatre, in that part of the house which we now call the pit; which being lower than the stage, Shirley calls them understanders. In the private playhouses, it appears from the subsequent lines, there were seats in the pit. Ben Jonson has the same quibble: “&lblank; the understanding gentlemen of the ground here.”

Note return to page 98 6Wright.

Note return to page 99 7His account is confirmed by a passage in an old pamphlet, entitled Holland's Leaguer, 4to. 1632: “She was most taken with the report of three famous amphytheators, which stood so neere situated, that her eye might take view of them from her lowest turret. One was the Continent of the World, because halfe the yeere a world of beauties and brave spirits resorted unto it. The other was a building of excellent Hope; and though wild beasts and gladiators did most possesse it,” &c.

Note return to page 100 8King Lear, in the title-page of the original edition, printed in 1608, is said to have been performed by his majesties servants, playing usually at the Globe on the Bankside.—See also the licence granted by King James in 1603; “&lblank; and the said comedies, tragedies, &c.—to shew—as well within their now usual house called the Globe &lblank;.” No mention is made of their theatre in Blackfriars; from which circumstance I suspect that antecedent to that time our poet's company played only at the Globe, and purchased the Blackfriars theatre afterwards. In the licence granted by King Charles the First to John Heminge and his associates in the year 1625, they are authorised to exhibit plays, &c. “as well within these two their most usual houses called the Globe in the county of Surrey, and their private houses situate within the precinct of the Blackfryers,—as also,” &c. Had they possessed the Blackfriars theatre in 1603, it would probably have been mentioned in the former licence. In the following year they certainly had possession of it, for Marston's Malcontent was acted there in 1604.

Note return to page 101 9See The Works of Taylor the Water Poet, p. 171, edit. 1630.

Note return to page 102 1Fleckno, in his Short Discourse of the English Stage, published in 1664, says, some remains of these ancient theatres were at that day to be seen in the inn-yards of the Cross-keys in Gracechurch Street, and the Bull in Bishopsgate Street. In the seventeen playhouses erected between the years 1570 and 1630, the continuator of Stowe's Chronicle reckons “five innes or common osteries turned into play-houses.”

Note return to page 103 2See a prologue to If This Be Not a Good Play, the Devil Is In It, quoted in p. 74, n. 9. These rooms appear to have been sometimes employed, in the infancy of the stage, for the purpose of gallantry. “These plays, (says Strype in his additions to Stowe's Survey,) being commonly acted on sundays and festivals, the churches were forsaken, and the play-houses thronged. Great inns were used for this purpose, which had secret chambers and places as well as open stages and galleries. Here maids and good citizens' children were inveigled and allured to private unmeet contracts.” He is speaking of the year 1574.

Note return to page 104 3The word—room, I believe, had anciently no other signification than—place. So, in St. Luke, xiv. l: “And he put a parable to those which were bidden, when he marked how they chose out the chief rooms; saying unto them, “When thou art bidden of any man to a wedding, sit not down in the highest room, lest a man more honourable than thou be bidden of him; “And he that bade thee and him, come and say to thee, Give this man place, and thou begin with shame to take the lowest room.” Steevens. The galleries of some of the old inns in London, at this day, conduct to several apartments, which were certainly well adapted to the purposes mentioned by Strype. That room was sometimes used in its modern meaning, may be shown by a passage in Henry IV. Part II. vol. xvii. p. 138: “My lord, I found the Prince in the next room.” Boswell.

Note return to page 105 4“In the play-houses at London, it is the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde, and to carry their eye through every gallery; then like unto ravens, when they spy the carion, thither they flye, and press as near to the fairest as they can.” Plays confuted in Five several Actions, by Stephen Gosson, 1580. Again, in Decker's Guls Hornebooke, 1609: “The stage, like time, will bring you to most perfect light, and lay you open; neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the scar-crowes in the yard hoot at you, hiss at you, spit at you.” So, in the prologue to an old comedy called The Hog Has Lost His Pearl, 1614: “We may be pelted off for what we know, “With apples, eggs, or stones, from those below.” See also the prologue to The Doubtful Heir, ante, p. 69: “&lblank; and what you most delight in, “Grave understanders &lblank;.”

Note return to page 106 5The pit Dr. Percy supposed to have received its name from one of the playhouses having been formerly a cock-pit. This account of the term, however, seems to be somewhat questionable. The place where the seats are ranged in St. Mary's at Cambridge, is still called the pit; and no one can suspect that venerable fabrick of having ever been a cock-pit, or that the phrase was borrowed from a playhouse to be applied to a church. A pit is a place low in its relative situation, and such is the middle part of a theatre. Shakspeare himself uses cock-pit to express a small confined situation, without any particular reference: “&lblank; Can this cock-pit hold “The vasty fields of France,—or may we cram, “Within this wooden O, the very casques “That did affright the air at Agincourt?”

Note return to page 107 6See an old collection of tales, entitled, Wits, Fits, and Fancies, 4to. 1595: “When the great man had read the actors letter, he presently, in answere to it, took a sheet of paper, and folding sixpence in it, sealed it, subscribed it, and sent it to his brother; intimating thereby, that though his brother had vowed not in seven years to see him, yet he for his sixpence could come and see him upon the stage at his pleasure.” So, in the Induction to The Magnetick Lady, by Ben Jonson, which was first represented in October, 1632: “Not the fæces or grounds of your people, that sit in the oblique caves and wedges of your house, your sinful sixpenny mechanicks.” See below, Verses addressed to Fletcher on his Faithful Shepherdess. That there were sixpenny places at the Blackfriars playhouse, appears from the epilogue to Mayne's City Match, which was acted at that theatre in 1637, being licensed on the 17th of November, in that year: “Not that he fears his name can suffer wrack “From them, who sixpence pay, and sixpence crack; “To such he wrote not, though some parts have been “So like here, that they to themselves came in.”

Note return to page 108 7So, in Wit Without Money, by Fletcher: “&lblank; break in at plays like prentices for three a groat, and crack nuts with the scholars in penny rooms again.” Again, in Decker's Guls Hornebooke, 1609: “Your groundling and gallery commoner buys his sport by the penny.” Again, in Humours Ordinarie, where a Man may be very Merrie and exceeding well used for his Sixpence, no date: “Will you stand spending your invention's treasure “To teach stage-parrots speak for penny pleasure?”

Note return to page 109 8“Pay thy two-pence to a player, in this gallery you may sit by a harlot.” Bell-man's Night-Walk, by Decker, 1616. Again, in the prologue to The Woman-hater, by Beaumont and Fletcher, 1607: “&lblank; to the utter discomfiture of all two-penny gallery men.” It appears from a passage in The Roaring Girl, a comedy by Middleton and Decker, 1611, that there was a two-penny gallery in The Fortune playhouse: “One of them is Nip; I took him once at the two-penny gallery at The Fortune.” See also above, p. 68, n. 3.

Note return to page 110 9The boxes in the theatre at Blackfriars, were probably small, and appear to have been enclosed in the same manner as at present. See a letter from Mr. Garrard, dated January 5, 1635, Straff. Letters, vol. i. p. 511: “A little pique happened betwixt the duke of Lenox and the lord chamberlain, about a box at a new play in the Blackfriars, of which the duke had got the key; which if it had come to be debated betwixt them, as it was once intended, some heat or perhaps other inconvenience might have happened.” In The Globe and the other publick theatres, the boxes were of considerable size. See the prologue to If This Be Not a Good Play, the Devil is in it, by Decker, acted at the Red Bull: “&lblank; Give me that man, “Who, when the plague of an imposthum'd brains, “Breaking out, infects a theatre, and hotly reigns, “Killing the hearers' hearts, that the vast rooms “Stand empty, like so many dead men's tombs, “Can call the banish'd auditor home,” &c. He seems to be here describing his antagonist Ben Jonson, whose plays were generally performed to a thin audience. See Verses on our author, by Leonard Digges, vol. ii.

Note return to page 111 1“If he have but twelvepence in his purse, he will give it for the best room in a playhouse.” Sir Thomas Overbury's Characters, 1614. So, in the prologue to our author's King Henry VIII.: “&lblank; Those that come to see “Only a shew or two, and so agree “The play may pass, if they be still and willing, “I'll undertake may see away their shilling “In two short hours.” Again, in a copy of Verses prefixed to Massinger's Bondman, 1624: “Reader, if you have disburs'd a shilling “To see this worthy story &lblank;.” Again, in the Guls Hornebooke, 1609: “At a new play you take up the twelvepenny room next the stage, because the lords and you may seem to be hail fellow well met.” So late as in the year 1658, we find the following advertisement at the end of a piece called The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru, by Sir William D'Avenant: “Notwithstanding the great expence necessary to scenes and other ornaments, in this entertainment, there is good provision made of places for a shilling, and it shall certainly begin at three in the afternoon.” In The Scornful Lady, which was acted by the children of the Revels at Blackfriars, and printed in 1616, one-and-six-penny places are mentioned.

Note return to page 112 2See the prologue to The Queen of Arragon, a tragedy by Habington, acted at Blackfriars in May, 1640: “Ere we begin, that no man may repent “Two shillings and his time, the author sent “The prologue, with the errors of his play, “That who will may take his money, and away.” Again, in the epilogue to Maine's City Match, acted at Blackfriars, in November, 1637: “To them who call't reproof, to make a face, “Who think they judge, when they frown i' the wrong place, “Who, if they speake not ill o' the poet, doubt “They loose by the play, nor have their two shillings out, “He says,” &c.

Note return to page 113 3See Wit Without Money, a comedy, acted at The Phœnix in Drury Lane, before 1620: “And who extoll'd you into the half-crown boxe, “Where you might sit and muster all the beauties.” In the playhouse called The Hope on the Bankside, there were five different-priced seats, from sixpence to half a crown. See the Induction to Bartholomew Fair, by Ben Jonson, 1614.

Note return to page 114 4So, in A Mad World My Masters, by Middleton, 1608: “The actors have been found in a morning in less compass than their stage, though it were ne'er so full of gentlemen.” See also, p. 78, n. 2.

Note return to page 115 5“&lblank; to fair attire the stage “Helps much; for if our other audience see “You on the stage depart, before we end, “Our wits go with you all, and we are fools.” Prologue to All Fools, a comedy, acted at Blackfriars, 1605. “By sitting on the stage, you have a sign'd patent to engrosse the whole commoditie of censure; may lawfully presume to b girder, and stand at the helm to steer the passage of scen Guls Hornebooke, 1609: See also the preface to the first folio edition of our author's works: “&lblank; And though you be a magistrate of wit, and sit on the stage at Blackfriars to arraigne plays dailie &lblank;.”

Note return to page 116 6“Being on your feet, sneake not away like a coward, but salute all your gentle acquaintance that are spred either on the rushes or on stooles about you; and draw what troope you can rom the stage after you.” Decker's Guls Hornebooke, 1609. So also, in Fletcher's Queen of Corinth: “I would not yet be pointed at as he is, “For the fine courtier, the woman's man, “That tells my lady stories, dissolves riddles, “Ushers her to her coach, lies at her feet “At solemn masques.” From a passage in King Henry IV. Part I. it may be presumed that this was no uncommon practice in private assemblies also: “She bids you on the wanton rushes lay you down, “And rest your gentle head upon her lap, “And she will sing the song that pleaseth you.” This accounts for Hamlet's sitting on the ground at Ophelia's feet, during the representation of the play before the King and court of Denmark. Our author has only placed the young prince in the same situation in which probably his patrons Essex and Southampton were often seen at the feet of some celebrated beauty. What some chose from economy, gallantry might have recommended to others.

Note return to page 117 7“By sitting on the stage, you may with small cost purchase the deere acquaintance of the boyes, have a good stool for sixpence &lblank;.” Guls Hornbooke. Again, ibidem: “Present not your selfe on the stage, (especially at a new play,) until the quaking prologue is ready to enter; for then it is time, as though you were one of the properties, or that you dropt of [i. e. off] the hangings, to creep from behind the arras, with your tripos, or three-legged stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted between a fore-finger and thumbe, in the other.”

Note return to page 118 8“These are the most worne and most in fashion “Amongst the bever gallants, the stone-riders, “The private stage's audience, the twelvepenny-stoole gentlemen.” The Roaring Girl, a comedy, by Middleton and Decker, 1611. So, in the Induction to Marston's Malcontent, 1604: “By God's slid if you had, I would have given you but sixpence for your stool.” This, therefore, was the lowest rate; and the price of the most commodious stools on the stage was a shilling.

Note return to page 119 9“When young Rogero goes to see a play, “His pleasure's is, you place him on the stage, “The better to demonstrate his array, “And how he sits attended by his page, “That only serves to fill those pipes with smoke, “For which he pawned hath his riding-cloak?” Springes for Woodcocks, by Henry Parrot, 1613. Again, in Skialetheia, a collection of Epigrams and Satires, 1598: “See you him yonder who sits o'er the stage, “With the tobacco-pipe now at his mouth?” This, however, was accounted “a custom more honoured in the breach than the observance,” as appears from a satirical epigram by Sir John Davies, 1598: “Who dares affirm that Sylla dares not fight? “He that dares take tobacco on the stage; “Dares man a whoore at noon-day through the street; “Dares dance in Paul's,” &c.

Note return to page 120 1See the Induction to Marston's Malcontent, 1604, which was acted by his majesty's servants at Blackfriars: “Tyreman. Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here. “Sly. Why, we may sit upon the stage at the private house. Thou dost not take me for a country gentleman, dost? Doest thou think I fear hissing? Let them that have stale suits, sit in the galleries, hiss at me &lblank;.” See also, The Roaring Girl, by Middleton: “&lblank; the private stage's audience &lblank;.” Ante, p. 77, n. 8.

Note return to page 121 2“On the very rushes where the comedy is to daunce, yea, and under the state of Cambyses himselfe, must our feather'd estridge, like a piece of ordnance, he planted valiantly, because impudently, beating down the mews and hisses of the opposed rascality.” Decker's Guls Hornebooke.

Note return to page 122 3See also, Ben Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour, 1600: “'Fore God—, sweet lady, believe it, I do honour the meanest rush in this chamber for your love.”

Note return to page 123 4See p. 67, n. 1.

Note return to page 124 5The epilogue to Tancred and Gismund, a tragedy, 1592, concludes thus: “Now draw the curtaines, for our scene is done.” Again, in Lady Alimony, 1659: “Be your stage-curtains artificially drawn, and so covertly shrowded, that the squint-eyed groundling may not peep in.” See also a stage-direction in The First Day's Entertainment at Rutland House, by Declamation and Musick, after the Manner of the Ancients, by Sir William D'Avenant, 1658: “The song ended, the curtains are drawn open again, and the epilogue enters.”

Note return to page 125 6See A Prologue upon the removing of the late Fortune Players to the Bull, by J. Tatham; Fancies Theatre, 1610: “Here gentlemen our anchor's fixt; and we, “Disdaining Fortune's mutability, “Expect your kind acceptance; then we'll sing, “(Protected by your smiles, our ever-spring,) “As pleasant as if we had still possest “Our lawful portion out of Fortune's breast. “Only we would request you to forbear “Your wonted custom, banding tile and pear “Against our curtains, to allure us forth:— “I pray, take notice, these are of more worth; “Pure Naples silk, not worsted.—We have ne'er “An actor here has mouth enough to tear “Language by the ears. This forlorn hope shall be “By us refin'd from such gross injury; “And then let your judicious loves advance “Us to our merits, them to their ignorance.”

Note return to page 126 7See Nabbes's Covent Garden, a comedy, 1639: “Enter Dorothy and Susan in the balcone.” So, in The Virgin Martyr, by Massinger and Decker, 1622: “They whispering below, Enter above, Sapritius;—with him Artemia the princess, Theophilus, Spungius, and Hircius.” And these five personages speak from their elevated situation during the whole scene. Again, in Marston's Fawne, 1606: “Whilst the act [i. e. the musick between one act and another] is a playing, Hercules and Tiberio enters; Tiberio climbs the tree, and is received above by Dulcimel, Philocalia and a priest: Hercules stays beneath.” See also the early quarto edition of our author's Romeo and Juliet, where we meet—“Enter Romeo and Juliet, aloft.” So, in The Taming of a Shrew (not Shakspeare's play): “Enter aloft the drunkard.”—Almost the whole of the dialogue in that play between the tinker and his attendants, appears to have been spoken in this balcony. In Middleton's Family of Love, 1608, signat. B 2, b. it is called the upper stage.

Note return to page 127 8This appears from a stage-direction in Massinger's Emperor of the East, 1632: “The curtaines drawn above: Theodosius and his eunuchs discovered.” Again, in King Henry VIII.: “Let them alone, and draw the curtain close.” Henry here speaks from the balcony.

Note return to page 128 9“Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or private playhouse stand to receive the afternoons rent, let our gallant, having paid it, presently advance himself to the throne of the stage. I mean not into the lord's roome, which is now but the stages suburbs. No, those boxes,—by the iniquity of custom, conspiracy of waiting-women, and gentlemen-ushers, that there sweat together, and the covetous sharers,—are contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new satten is, there dambd, by being smother'd to death in darkness.” Decker's Guls Hornebooke, 1609. So, in the prologue to an old comedy, of which I have lost the title: “The private box took up at a new play, “For me and my retinue; a fresh habit “Of a fashion never seen before, to draw “The gallants' eyes, that sit upon the stage.” See also Epigrams by Sir John Davies, no date, but printed at Middleburgh, about 1598: “Rufus, the courtier, at the theatre,   “Leaving the best and most conspicuous place, “Doth either to the stage himself transfer,   “Or through a grate doth shew his double face, “For the clamorous fry of innes of court,   “Fills up the private roomes of greater price; “And such a place where all may have resort,   “He is his singularity doth despise.” It is not very easy to ascertain the precise situation of these private boxes. A print prefixed to Kirkman's Drolls, 1673, induces me to think that they were at each side of the stage-balcony.

Note return to page 129 1Defence of Poesy, 1595, signat. H 4.

Note return to page 130 2That painted scenes were used, at least in the University of Oxford, and consequently that the word scene had existence, may be proved by the following stage-direction annexed to the Prologue to &grT;&grE;&grX;&grN;&grO;&grG;&grA;&grM;&grI;&grA;, &c. by Barton Holiday, 1618: “Here the upper part of the scene opened; when straight appear'd an heaven, &c.—they descended in order within the scene whiles the Musike plaid.’ Steevens.

Note return to page 131 3Leland. Collect. vol. ii. pp. 631, 646, edit. 1770. See also, p. 639: “The same day, Aug. 28, after supper, about nine of the clock, they began to act the tragedy of Ajax Flagellifer, wherein the stage varied three times. They had all goodly antique apparell, but for all that, it was not acted so well by many degrees as I have seen it in Cambridge. The King was very wearie before he came thither, but much more wearied by it, and spoke many words of dislike.”

Note return to page 132 4Florio, who appears to have diligently studied our customs, illustrating his explanations on many occasions by English proverbs, sayings, local descriptions, &c. in his Italian Dictionary, 1598, defines Scena, in these words: “A scene of a comedie, or tragedie. Also a stage in a theatre, or playhouse, whereon they play; a skaffold, a pavillion, or fore part of a theatre, where players make them readie, being trimmed with hangings, out of which they enter upon the stage. Used also for a comedie or tragedie. Also a place where one doth shew and set forth himselfe to the world.” In his second edition, published in 1611, instead of the words, “A scene of a comedie or tragedie,” we find— “Any one scene or entrance of a comedie or tragedie,” which more precisely ascertains his meaning. In Cotgrave's French and English Dictionary, printed in 1611, the word scene is not found, and if it had existed either in France or England, (in the sense in which we are now considering it,) it would probably have been found. From the word falot, the definition of which I shall have occasion to quote hereafter, the writer seems to have been not unacquainted with the English stage. Bullokar, who was a physician, published an English Expositor in the year in which Shakspeare died. From his definition likewise it appears, that a moveable painted scene was then unknown in our theatres. He defines Scene. “A play, a comedy, a tragedy, or the division of a play into certain parts. In old time it signified a place covered with boughes, or the room where the players made them readie.” Minsheu's large English Dictionary, which he calls A Guide to the Tongues, was published in the following year, 1617, and there Scene is nothing more than “a theatre.” Nay, even so late as in the year 1656, when Cockeram's English Dictionary, or Interpreter of Hard English Words was published, Scene is only said to be “the division of a play into certain parts.” Had our English theatres in the time of Shakspeare been furnished with moveable scenes, painted in perspective, can it be supposed that all these writers should have been ignorant of it? It is observable that Coryate, in his Crudities, 4to. 1611, when he is boasting of the superior splendour of the English theatres, compared with those of Venice, makes no mention of scenes. “I was at one of their playhouses, where I saw a comedie. The house is very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately playhouses in England: neither can their actors compare with us, for apparel, shows, and musicke.” Crudities, p. 247. It is also worthy of remark, that Mr. Chamberlaine, when he is speaking of the fate of the performers at the Fortune theatre, when it was burnt down in 1621, laments that “their apparel and play-books were lost, whereby those poor companions were quite undone;” but says not a word of scenes. See also Sir Henry Wotton's letter on the burning of the Globe, in 1613, p. 67, n. 1. Malone. That scenes, and the word—scene, were used in 1618, may be proved from the following marginal note to the prologue to Barton Holiday's &grT;&grE;&grX;&grN;&grO;&grG;&grA;&grM;&grI;&grA;, published in that year: “Here the upper part of the scene open'd; when straight appear'd an Heaven, and all the pure arts sitting, &c.—they descended in order within the scene, while the musike plaid.” A similar note is appended to the epilogue, concluding thus: “and then the Heaven closed.” I seize this opportunity to observe, that little deference is due to the authority of ancient Dictionaries, which usually content themselves with allotting a single sense to a word, without attention to its different shades of meaning. Steevens.

Note return to page 133 5Letter from Sir Dudley Carleton, to Mr. Winwood, London, Jan. 1604. [i. e. 1604–5,] Winwood's Memorials, ii. 43. This letter contains so curious a trait of our British Solomon, that I cannot forbear transcribing another passage from it, though foreign to our present subject: “On Saint John's day we had the marriage of Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan performed at Whitehall, with all the honour could be done a great favourite. The court was great, and for that day put on the best bravery.— At night there was a Mask in the hall, which for conceit and fashion was suitable to the occasion. The presents of plate and other things given by the noblemen [to the bride and bridegroom] were valued at 2,500l.; but that which made it a good marriage, was a gift of the king's of 500l. land, for the bride's jointure. They were lodged in the council-chamber, where the king in his shirt and night-gown gave them a reveille-matin before they were up, and spent a good time in or upon the bed, choose which you will believe. No ceremony was omitted of bridecakes, points, garters, and gloves, which have been ever since the livery of the court; and at night there was sewing in the sheet, casting of the bride's left hose, with many other petty sorceries.” Our poet has been censured for indelicacy of language, particularly in Hamlet's conversation with Ophelia, during the representation of the play before the court of Denmark; but unjustly, for he undoubtedly represented the manners and conversation of his own day faithfully. What the decorum of those times was, even in the highest class, may be conjectured from another passage in the same letter: “The night's work [the night of the queen's masque] was concluded with a banquet in the great chamber, which was so furiously assaulted, that down went tables and tressels, before one bit was touched.”—Such was the court of King James the First.

Note return to page 134 6If in our author's time the publick stage had been changed, or in other words, had the Globe and Blackfriars playhouse been furnished with scenes, would they have created so much admiration at a royal entertainment in 1636, twenty years after his death?

Note return to page 135 7Hist. et Antiq. Oxon. l. i. p. 344.

Note return to page 136 8“My present purpose,” says this writer, “is not so much to describe this dramatick piece, [The Second Maiden's Tragedy, written in 1610 or 1611,] as to show that it bears abundant testimony to the use of scenery, and the richness of the habits then worn. These particulars will be sufficiently exemplified by the following speeches, and stage-directions: “Enter the Tyrant agen at a farder door, which opened brings him to the tomb, where the lady lies buried. The Toombe here discovered, richlie set forthe.” Some lines are then quoted from the same piece, of which the following are those which alone are material to the present point: “Tyrant. —Softlee, softlee;— “The vaults e'en chide our steps with murmuring sounds. “&lblank; All thy still strength, “Thow grey-eyde monument, shall not keep her from us. “Strike, villaines, thoe the echo raile us all “Into ridiculous deafnes; pierce the jawes “Of this could ponderous creature.— “O, the moone rises: What reflection “Is throwne around this sanctified buildinge! “E'en in a twinkling how the monuments glitter, “As if Death's pallaces were all massie sylver, “And scorn'd the name of marble!” “It is probable, (adds this writer) that such directions and speeches should have been hazarded, unless at the same time they could be supported and countenanced by corresponding scenery? “I shall add two more of the stage-directions from this tragedy. —‘On a sodayne in a kinde of noyse like a wynde, the dores clattering, the toombestone flies open, and a great light appears in the midst of the toombe: his lady, as went owt, standing in it before hym all in white, stuck with jewells, and a great crucifix on her breast.’ Again: ‘They bring the body in a chayre, drest up in black velvet, which setts off the paillnes of the hands and face, and a faire chayne of pearle cross the breast, and the crucifix above it,’ &c. “Let us for the future, Mr. Baldwin, be told with less confidence of the want of proper scenes and dresses in our ancient theatres.”—Letter in The St. James's Chronicle, May, 1780. To all this I have only to say, that it never has been asserted, at least by me, that in Shakspeare's time a tomb was not represented on the stage. The monument of the Capulets was perhaps represented in Romeo and Juliet, and a wooden structure might have been used for this purpose in that and other plays; of which, when the door is once opened, and a proper quantity of lamps, false stones, and black cloth displayed, the poet might be as luxuriant as he pleased in describing the surrounding invisible marble monuments. This writer, it should seem, was thinking of the epigram on Butler the poet: we ask for scenes, and he gives us only a stone.

Note return to page 137 9“Of whyche the lyke thyng is used to be shewed now adays in stage-playes, when some god or some saynt is made to appere forth of a cloude: and succoureth the parties which seemed to be towardes some great danger, through the Soudan's crueltie.” The author's marginal abridgement of his text is—“The lyke manner used nowe at our dayes in stage-playes.” Acolastus, a comedy, by T. Palsgrave, chaplain to King Henry VIII. 1540.

Note return to page 138 1See Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, acted at the Globe and Blackfriars, and printed in 1623: “Here is discovered behind a traverse the artificial figures of Antonio and his children, appearing as if they were dead.” In The Devil's Charter, a tragedy, 1607, the following stage-direction is found: “Alexander draweth [that is, draws open] the curtaine of his studie, where he discovereth the devill sitting in his pontificals.” Again, in Satiromastix, by Decker, 1602: “Horace sitting in his study, behind a curtaine, a candle by him burning, books lying confusedly,” &c. In Marston's What You Will, a comedy, 1607, the following stage-direction still more decisively proves this point: “Enter a Schoole-maister,—draws [i. e. draws open] the curtains behind, with Battus, Nows, Slip, Nathaniel, and Holifernes Pippo, school-boyes, sitting with bookes in their handes.” Again, in Albovine, by Sir William D'Avenant, 1629: “He drawes the Arras, and discovers Albovine, Rhodolinda, Valdaura, dead in chaires.” Again, in The Woman in The Moon, by Lily, 1597: “They draw the curtains from before Nature's shop, where stands an image clad, and some unclad. They bring forth the cloathed image.” Again, in Romeo and Juliet, 1597, Juliet, after she has swallowed the sleepy potion, is ordered to “throw herselfe on the bed, within the curtaines.” As soon as Juliet has fallen on the bed, the curtains being still open, the Nurse enters, then old Capulet and his Lady, then the Musicians; and all on the same spot. If they could have exhibited a bed-chamber, and then could have substituted any other room for it, would they have suffered the musicians and the Nurse's servant to have carried on a ludicrous dialogue in one where Juliet was supposed to be lying dead?

Note return to page 139 2See these stage-directions in the first folio.

Note return to page 140 3“Why I descend into this bed of death &lblank;.” Romeo and Juliet, Act V. So, in The Tragical Hystory of Romeus and Juliet, 1562: “And then our Romeus, the vault-stone, set up-right, “Descended downe, and in his hand he bore the candle-light.” Juliet, however, after her recovery, speaks and dies upon the stage. If, therefore, the exhibition was such as has been now supposed, Romeo must have brought her up in his arms from the vault beneath the stage, after he had killed Paris, and then addressed her—“O my love, my wife,” &c.

Note return to page 141 4See vol. xix. p. 471, n. 1.

Note return to page 142 5“In your imagination hold “This stage, the ship, upon whose deck “The sea-tost Pericles appears to speak.”

Note return to page 143 6An ordinance for the suppressing of all stage plays and interludes, was enacted Feb. 13, 1647–8, and Oliver and his Saints seem to have been very diligent in enforcing it. From Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 332, we learn that Captain Bethan was appointed (13 Dec. 1648,) Provost Martial, “with power to seize upon all ballad-singers, and to suppress stage-plays.” “20 Dec. 1649. Some stage-players in Saint John's-street [the Red Bull theatre was in this street,] were apprehended by troopers, their cloaths taken away, and themselves carried to prison.” Ibidem, p. 419. “Jan. 1655. [1655–6.] Players taken in Newcastle, and whipt for rogues.” Ibid. 619. “Sept. 4, 1656. Sir William D'Avenant printed his Opera, notwithstanding the nicety of the times.” Ibid. p. 639.

Note return to page 144 7Fleckno, in the preface to his comedy entitled Demoiselles a-la-Mode, 1667, observes, that “one Italian scene with four doors will do” for the representation.

Note return to page 145 8In “The Publick Intelligencer, communicating the chief occurrences and proceedings within the dominions of England, Scotland, and Wales, from Monday, December 20, to Monday, December 27, 1658,” I find the following notice taken of D'Avenant's exhibition by the new Protector, Richard: “Whitehall, December 23. “A course is ordered for taking into consideration the Opera, shewed at the Cockpitt in Drury Lane, and the persons to whom it stands referred, are to send for the poet and actors, and to inform themselves of the nature of the work, and to examine by what authority the same is exposed to publick view; and they are also to take the best information they can, concerning the acting of stage-playes, and upon the whole to make report,” &c. The Saints were equally averse to every other species of festivity as well as the Opera, and considered holidays, the common prayer-book, and a play-book, as equally pernicious; for in the same paper I find this notification: “It was ordered by his Highness the Lord Protector and the Council, that effectual letters be written to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, and to the Justices of peace for Westminster and the liberties thereof, Middlesex and Borough of Southwark, to use their endeavour for abolishing the use of the festivals of Christmas, Easter, and other feasts called holydaies; as also for preventing the use of the common prayer-book.”

Note return to page 146 9i. e. approve.

Note return to page 147 1This explains what Dryden means in his prologue to The Rival Ladies, quoted above, where, with scenes and the other novelties introduced after the Restoration, he mentions dance. A dance by a boy was not uncommon in Shakspeare's time; but such dances as were exhibited at the Duke's and King's theatre, which are here called dramatick dances, were unknown. The following prologue to Tunbridge Wells, acted at the duke's theatre, and printed in 1678, is more diffuse upon this subject, and confirms what has been stated in the text: “The old English stage, confin'd to plot and sense, “Did hold abroad some small intelligence; “But since the invasion of the foreign scene, “Jack-pudding farce, and thundering machine, “Dainties to your grave ancestors unknown, “Who never dislik'd wit because their own, “There's not a player but is turn'd a scout, “And every scribbler sends his envoys out, “To fetch from Paris, Venice, or from Rome, “Fantastick fopperies, to please at home. “And that each act may rise to your desire, “Devils and witches must each scene inspire; “Wit rowls in waves, and showers down in fire. “With what strange ease a play may now be writ! “When the best half's compos'd by painting it, “And that in the air or dance lies all the wit. “True sense or plot would fooleries appear “Faults, I suppose, you seldom meet with here, “For 'tis no mode to profit by the ear. “Your souls, we know, are seated in your eyes; “An actress in a cloud's a strange surprise, “And you ne'er pay'd treble prices to be wise.” The French theatre, as we learn from Scaliger, was not furnished with scenes, or even with the ornaments of tapestry, in the year 1561. See Scaliger. Poetices, folio, 1561, lib. i. c. xxi. Both it, however, and the Italian stage, appear to have had the decoration of scenery before the English. In 1638 was published at Ravenna—Pratica di Fabbricar Scene e Machine Ne'teatri, di Nicola Sabbatini da Pesaro. With respect to the French stage, see D'Avenant's prologue to The Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes, 1663: “&lblank; many travellers here as judges come, “From Paris, Florence, Venice, and from Rome; “Who will describe, when any scene we draw, “By each of ours all that they ever saw: “Those praising for extensive breadth and height, “An inward distance to deceive the sight.” It is said in the Life of Betterton, that “he was sent to Paris by King Charles the Second to take a view of the French theatre, that he might better judge of what might contribute to the improvement of our own.” He went to Paris probably in the year 1666, when both the London theatres were shut.

Note return to page 148 2“Shakspeare, (who, as I have heard, was a much better poet than player,) Burbage, Hemmings, and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the town; but in my time, before the wars, Lowin used to act Falstaffe,” &c.—“Though the town was then not much more than half so populous as now, yet then the prices were small, (there being no scenes,) and better order kept among the company that came.” Historia Histrionica, 8vo. 1699. This Essay is in the form of a dialogue between Trueman, an old cavalier, and Lovewit, his friend. The account of the old stage, which is given by the Cavalier, Wright probably derived from his father, who was born in 1611, and was himself a dramatick writer.

Note return to page 149 3See Mr. Steevens's Shakspeare, 1785, King John, p. 56, n. 7.

Note return to page 150 4And so do all the other dramatick writers of his time. So, in Heywood's Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntington, 1601: “&lblank; I only mean &lblank; “Myself in person to present some scenes “Of tragick matter, or perchance of mirth.” Again, in the prologue to Ram-Alley, or Merry Tricks, a comedy, 1611: “But if conceit, with quick-turn'd sceanes,— “May win your favours &lblank;.” Again, in the prologue to The Late Lancashire Witches, 1634: “&lblank; we are forc'd from our own nation “To ground the scene that's now in agitation.” Again, in the prologue to Shirley's School of Compliments, 1629: “&lblank; This play is “The first fruits of a muse, that before this “Never saluted audience, nor doth meane “To swear himself a factor for the scene.” Again, in the prologue to Hannibal and Scipio, 1637: “The places sometimes chang'd too for the scene, “Which is translated as the musick plays,” &c. Here translating a scene means just the same as shifting a scene in King Henry V. I forbear to add more instances, though almost every one of our old plays would furnish me with many.

Note return to page 151 5All the writers on the ancient English stage that I have met with, concur with those quoted in the text on this subject: “Now for the difference betwixt our theatres and those of former times,” (says Fleckno, who lived near enough the time to be accurately informed,) “they were but plain and simple, with no other scenes nor decorations of the stages, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed with rushes; with their habits accordingly.” Short Discourse of the English Stage, 1664. In a subsequent passage indeed he adds, “For scenes and machines, they are no new invention; our masques, and some of our playes, in former times, (though not so ordinary,) having had as good or rather better, than any we have now.”—To reconcile this passage with the foregoing, the author must be supposed to speak here, not of the exhibitions at the publick theatres, but of masques and private plays, performed either at court or at noblemen's houses. He does not say, “some of our theatres,”—but, “our masques, and some of our playes, having had,” &c. We have already seen that Love's Mistress or the Queen's Masque was exhibited with scenes at Denmark-house in 1636. In the reign of King Charles I. the performance of plays at court, and at private houses, seems to have been very common; and gentlemen went to great expence in these exhibitions. See a letter from Mr. Garrard to Lord Stratford, dated Feb. 7, 1637; Stratford's Letters, vol. ii. p. 150: “Two of the king's servants, privy-chamber men both, have writ each of them a play, Sir John Sutlin [Suckling,] and Will. Barclay, which have been acted in court, and at the Blackfriars, with much applause. Sutlin's play cost three or four hundred pounds setting out: eight or ten suits of new clothes he gave the players: an unheard-of prodigality.” The play on which Sir John Suckling expended this large sum, was Aglaura. To the authority of Fleckno may be added that of Edward Phillips, who, in his Theatrum Poetarum, 1674, [article, D'Avenant,] praises the poet for “the great fluency of his wit and fancy, especially for what he wrote for the English stage, of which, having laid the foundation before by his musical dramas, when the usual plays were not suffered to be acted, he was the first reviver and improver, by painted scenes.” Wright also, who was well acquainted with the history of our ancient stage, and had certainly conversed with many persons who had seen theatrical performances before the civil wars, expressly says, as I have observed above, that “scenes were first introduced by Sir William D'Avenant, on the publick stage, at the Duke's old theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-fields.”—“Presently after the Restoration,” this writer informs us, “the king's players acted publickly at the Red Bull for some time, and then removed to a new-built playhouse in Vere-street, by Clare-market. There they continued for a year or two, and then removed to the theatre-royal in Drurylane, where they first made use of scenes, which had been a little before introduced upon the publick stage by Sir William D'Avenant at the Duke's old theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-fields, but afterwards very much improved, with the addition of curious machines, by Mr. Betterton, at the new theatre in Dorset Gardens, to the great expence and continual charge of the players.” Historia Histrionica, 8vo. 1699, p. 10. Wright calls it the Duke's old theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, though in fact in 1663 it was a new building, because when he wrote, it had become old, and a new theatre had been built in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields in 1695. He is here speaking of plays and players, and therefore makes no account of the musical entertainments exhibited by D'Avenant a few years before at Rutland House, and at the Cock-pit in Drury Lane, in which a little attempt at scenery had been made. In those pieces, I believe, no stage-player performed.

Note return to page 152 6I subjoin the sentiments of Mr. Steevens, who differs with me in opinion on this subject; observing only that in general the passages to which he alludes, prove only that our author's plays were not exhibited without the aid of machinery, which is not denied; and that not a single passage is quoted, which proves that a moveable painted scene was employed in any of his plays in his theatre. The lines quoted from The Staple of News, at the bottom of p. 105, must have been transcribed from some incorrect edition; for the original copy, printed in 1631, reads— scene, not scenes; a variation of some importance. The words— “the various shifting of their scene,” denote, in my apprehension, nothing more than frequent change of place in the progress of the drama: and even if that were not the case, and these words were used in the modern sense, they would not prove that scenes were employed on the stage in Shakspeare's time, for The Staple of News was not exhibited till March, 1625–6. “It must be acknowledged,” says Mr. Steevens, “that little more is advanced on the occasion, than is fairly supported by the testimony of contemporary writers. “Were we, however, to reason on such a part of the subject as is now before us, some suspicions might arise, that where machinery was discovered, the less complicated adjunct of scenes was scarcely wanting. When the column is found standing, no one will suppose but that it was once accompanied by its usual entablature. If this inference be natural, little impropriety can be complained of in one of the stage-directions above-mentioned. Where the bed is introduced, the scene of a bed-chamber (a thing too common to deserve description) would of course be at hand. Neither should any great stress be laid on the words of Sir Philip Sidney. Are we not still obliged to receive the stage alternately as a garden, as an ocean, as a range of rocks, or as a cavern? With all our modern advantages, so much of vraisemblance is wanting in a theatre, that the apologies which Shakspeare offers for scenical deficiency, are still in some degree needful; and be it always remembered, that Sir Philip Sidney has not positively declared that no painted scenes were in use. Who that mentions the present stage, would think it necessary to dwell on the article of scenery, unless it were peculiarly striking and magnificent? Sir Philip has not spoken of stage-habits, and are we therefore to suppose that none were worn? Besides, between the time when Sir Philip wrote his Defence of Poesy, and the period at which the plays of Shakspeare were presented, the stage in all probability had received much additional embellishment. Let me repeat, that if in 1529 (the date of Acolastus) machinery* [Subnote: *What happy deceptions could be produced by the aid of framework and painted canvas, we may learn from Holinshed, and yet more ancient historians. The pageants and tournaments at the beginning of Henry VIIIth's reign very frequently required that the castles of imaginary beings should be exhibited. Of such contrivances some descriptions remain. These extempore buildings afforded a natural introduction to scenery on the stage.] is known to have existed, in 1592 (when Shakspeare commenced a play-wright) a greater number of ornaments might naturally be expected, as it is usual for one improvement to be soon followed by another. That the plays of Shakspeare were exhibited with the aid of machinery, the following stage-directions, copied from the folio 1623, will abundantly prove. In The Tempest, Ariel is said to enter ‘like a harpey, claps his wings on the table, and with a quaint device the banquet vanishes.’ In a subsequent scene of the same play, Juno ‘descends;’ and in Cymbeline, Jupiter ‘descends likewise, in thunder and lightning, sitting upon an eagle.’ In Macbeth, ‘the cauldron sinks, and the apparitions rise.’ It may be added, that the dialogue of Shakspeare has such perpetual reference to objects supposed visible to the audience, that the want of scenery could not have failed to render many of the descriptions uttered by his speakers absurd and laughable.—Macduff examines the outside of Inverness castle with such minuteness, that he distinguishes even the nests which the martins had built under the projecting parts of its roof. —Romeo, standing in a garden, points to the tops of fruit-trees gilded by the moon.—The prologue-speaker to The Second Part of King Henry IV. expressly shows the spectators ‘this worm-eaten hold of ragged stone,’ in which Northumberland ‘was lodged.’ Iachimo takes the most exact inventory of every article in Imogen's bedchamber, from the silk and silver of which her tapestry was wrought, down to the Cupids that support her andirons. Had not the inside of this apartment, with its proper furniture, been represented, how ridiculous must the action of Iachimo have appeared! He must have stood looking out of the room for the particulars supposed to be visible within it. In one of the parts of King Henry VI. a cannon is discharged against a tower; and conversations are held in almost every scene from different walls, turrets, and battlements. Nor is my belief in ancient scenery entirely founded on conjecture. In the folio edition of Shakspeare's plays, 1623, the following traces of it are preserved. In King John: ‘Enter before Angiers, Philip king of France,’ &c.—‘Enter a citizen upon the walls.—‘Enter the herald of France with trumpets to the gates.’—‘Enter Arthur on the walls.’—‘In King Henry V.; ‘Enter the king,’ &c. with scaling ladders, at Harfleur.’—‘Enter the king with all his train before the gates.’ In King Henry VI. ‘Enter to the protector at the Tower gates,’ &c.—‘Enter Salisbury and Talbot on the walls.’ —‘The French leap over the walls in their shirts.’—‘Enter Pucelle on the top of the tower, thrusting out a torch burning.’— ‘Enter Lord Scales upon the tower, walking. Then enter two or three citizens below.’—‘Enter King and Queen and Somerset on the terrace.’—‘Enter three watchmen to guard the King's tent.’ In Coriolanus: ‘Marcius follows them to the gates, and is shut in.’ In Timon: ‘Enter Timon in the woods* [Subnote: *Apemantus must have pointed to the scenes as he spoke the followings lines: “&lblank; shame not these woods, “By putting on the cunning of a carper.” Again: “&lblank; will these moist trees “That have outliv'd the eagle,” &c. A piece of old tapestry must have been regarded as a poor substitute for these towering shades.] .’—‘Enter Timon from his cave.’ In Julius Cæsar: ‘Enter Brutus in his orchard,’ &c. &c.—In short, without characteristick discriminations of place, the historical dramas of Shakspeare in particular, would have been wrapped in tenfold confusion and obscurity; nor could the spectator have felt the poet's power, or accompanied his rapid transitions from one situation to another, without such guides as painted canvas could only supply. The audience would with difficulty have received the catastrophe of Romeo and Juliet as natural and affecting, unless the deception was confirmed to them by the appearance of a tomb. The managers who could raise ghosts, bid the cauldron sink into the earth, and then exhibit a train of royal phantoms in Macbeth, could with less difficulty supply the flat paintings of a cavern or a grove. The artists who can put the dragons of Medea in motion, can more easily represent the clouds through which they are to pass. But for these, or such assistances, the spectator, like Hamlet's mother, must have bent his gaze on mortifying vacancy; and with the guest invited by the Barmecide, in the Arabian tale, must have furnished from his own imagination the entertainment of which his eyes were solicited to partake. “It should likewise be remembered, that the intervention of civil war would easily occasion many customs of our early theatres to be silently forgotten. The times when Wright and Downes produced their respective narratives, were by no means times of exactness or curiosity. What they heard might have been heard imperfectly; it might have been unskilfully related; or their own memories might have deceived them: Ad nos vix tenuis famæ perlabitur aura. “One assertion made by the latter of these writers, is chronologically disproved. We may remark, likewise, that in private theatres, a part of the audience was admitted on the stage, but that this licence was refused in the publick playhouses. To what circumstance shall we impute this difference between the customs of the one and the other? Perhaps the private theatres had no scenes, the publick had; and a crouded stage would prevent them from being commodiously beheld, or conveniently shifted* [Subnote: *To shift a scene is at least a phrase employed by Shakspeare himself in King Henry V.: “&lblank; and not till then “Unto Southampton do we shift our scene.” and by Ben Jonson, yet more appositely, in The Staple of News: “Lic. Have you no news o' the stage? “Tho. O yes; “There is a legacy left to the king's players, “Both for their various shifting of the scenes, “And dexterous change of their persons to all shapes “And all disguises,” &c.] . The fresh pictures mentioned by Ben Jonson in the Induction to his Cynthia's Revels, might be properly introduced to cover old tapestry; for to hang pictures over faded arras, was then and is still sufficiently common in antiquated mansions, such as those in which the scenes of dramatick writers are often laid. That Shakspeare himself was no stranger to the magick of theatrical ornaments, may be inferred from a passage in which he alludes to the scenery of pageants, the fashionable shows of his time: “Sometimes we see a cloud that's dragonish, “A vapour sometimes like a lion, a bear, “A towred citadel, a pendent rock, “A forked mountain, or blue promontory “With trees upon't, that nod unto the world, “And mock our eyes with air;—these thou hast seen, “They are black Vesper's pageants* [Subnote: *After a pageant had passed through the streets, the characters that composed it were assembled in some hall or other spacious apartment, where they delivered their respective speeches, and were finally set out to view with the advantages of proper scenery and decoration.] .” Antony and Cleopatra. “To conclude, the richest and most expensive scenes had been introduced to dress up those spurious children of the Muse called Masques; nor have we sufficient reason for believing that Tragedy, her legitimate offspring, continued to be exposed in rags, while appendages more suitable to her dignity were known to be within the reach of our ancient managers. Shakspeare, Burbage, and Condell must have had frequent opportunities of being acquainted with the mode in which both masques, tragedies, and comedies were represented in the inns of court, the halls of noblemen, and in the palace itself.”

Note return to page 153 7“Sir Crack, I am none of your fresh pictures, that use to beautify the decayed old arras, in a publick theatre.” Induction to Cynthia's Revels, by Ben Jonson, 1601. Again, in the address to the reader, before the New Inn, speaking of the fastidious impertinents that were present at the first day of its performance, he says, “As the stage-furniture or arras-clothes, they were there; as spectators, away: for the faces in the hangings, and they, beheld alike.”

Note return to page 154 8In the Induction to an old tragedy, called A Warning for Fair Women, 1599, three personages are introduced, under the names of Tragedy, Comedy, and History. After some contest for superiority, Tragedy prevails; and History and Comedy retire with these words: “Hist. Look, Comedie, I mark'd it not till now, “The stage is hung with blacke, and I perceive “The auditors prepar'd for tragedie. “Com. Nay then, I see she shall be entertain'd. “These ornaments beseem not thee and me; “Then Tragedie, kill them to-day with sorrow, “We'll make them laugh with mirthful jests to-morrow.” So, in Marston's Insatiate Countess, 1613: “The stage of heaven is hung with solemn black, “A time best fitting to act tragedies.” Again, in Daniel's Civil Warres, book v. 1602: “Let her be made the sable stage, whereon “Shall first be acted bloody tragedies.” Again, in King Henry VI. Part I.: “Hung be the heavens with black,” &c. Again, more appositely, in The Rape of Lucrece, 1594: “Black stage for tragedies, and murthers fell.”

Note return to page 155 9“What child is there, that coming to a play and seeing Thebes written upon an old door, doth believe that it is Thebes?” Defence of Poesie, by Sir Philip Sidney. Signat. G. 1595. When D'Avenant introduced scenes on the publick stage, this ancient practice was still followed. See his Introduction to his Siege of Rhodes, 1656: “In the middle of the freese was a compartment, wherein was written—Rhodes.”

Note return to page 156 1“Here—with some fine conveyance, Pleasure shall appeare from beneathe.” All for Money, 1578. So, in Marston's Antonio's Revenge, 1602: “Enter Balurdo from under the stage.” In the fourth Act of Macbeth several apparitions arise from beneath the stage, and again descend.—The cauldron likewise sinks: “Why sinks that cauldron, and what noise is this?” In The Roaring Girl, a comedy, by Middleton and Decker, 1611, there is a character called Trap-door.

Note return to page 157 3Apology for Actors, 1612. Signat. D.

Note return to page 158 4Spanish Tragedy, 1610, Act IV. Signat. L: “Enter Hieronimo. He knocks up the curtain. “Enter the duke of Castile. “Cast. How now Hieronimo, where's your fellows, “That you take all this pains? “Hiero. O, sir, it is for the author's credit “To look that all things may go well. “But, good my lord, let me entreat your grace, “To give the king the copy of the play “This is the argument of what we shew. “Cast. I will, Hieronimo. “Hiero. Let me entreat your grace, that when “The train are past into the gallery, “You would vouchsafe to throw me down the key. “Cast. I will, Hieronimo. “Enter Balthazar, with a chair. “Hiero. Well done, Balthazar; hang up the tilt: “Our scene is Rhodes. What, is your beard on?” Afterwards the tragedy of Solyman and Perseda is exhibited before the King of Spain, the Duke of Castile, &c.

Note return to page 159 5“Some like, if the wax lights be new that day.”

Note return to page 160 6Fleckno in 1664, complains of the bad lighting of the stage, even at that time: “Of this curious art [scenery] the Italians (this latter age) are the greatest masters; the French good proficients; and we in England only scholars and learners yet, having proceeded no farther than to bare painting, and not arrived to the stupendous wonders of your great ingeniers; especially not knowing yet how to place our lights, for the more advantage and illuminating of the scenes.” Short Discourse of the English Stage.

Note return to page 161 7See Cotgrave's French Dictionary, 1611, in v. Falot: “A cresset light, (such as they use in playhouses,) made of ropes wreathed, pitched, and put into small and open cages of iron.” The Watchmen of London carried cressets fixed on poles till 1539 (and perhaps later). See Stowe's Survey, p. 160, edit. 1618.

Note return to page 162 7An actor, who wrote a pamphlet against Mr. Pope, soon after the publication of his edition of Shakspeare, says, he could prove that they belonged to several different companies. It appears from the MS. Register of Lord Stanhope, treasurer of the chamber to King James I. that Joseph Taylor, in 1613, was at the head of a distinct company from that of Heminges called the Lady Elizabeth's servants, who then acted at The Hope on the Bankside. He was probably, however, before that period, of the King's Company, of which afterwards he was a principal ornament. Some of the players too, whose names are prefixed to the first folio edition of our author, were dead in the year 1600, or soon after; and others there enumerated, might have appeared at a subsequent period, to supply their loss. See The Catalogue of Actors, post.

Note return to page 163 8In the Induction to Marston's Antonio and Mellida, 1602, Piero asks Alberto what part he acts. He replies, “the necessity of the play forceth me to act two parts.” See also the Dramatis Personæ of many of our ancient plays; and below, p. 116, n. 6.

Note return to page 164 9“And so our scene must to the battle fly, “Where, O for pity! we shall much disgrace “With four or five most vile and ragged foils, “Right ill dispos'd, in brawl ridiculous, “The name of Agincourt.” King Henry V. Act IV.

Note return to page 165 1“Much like to some of the players that come to the scaffold with drumme and trumpet, to proffer skirmish, and when they have sounded alarme, off go the pieces, to encounter a shadow, or conquer a paper monster.” Schoole of Abuse, by Stephen Gosson, 1579. So, in The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke, and the Death of good King Henrie the Sixt, 1600: “Alarmes to the battaile. —York flies; then the chambers be discharged; then enter the king,” &c.

Note return to page 166 2Come, let's bethink ourselves, what may be found “To deceive time with, till the second sound.” Notes from Black-fryars, by H. Fitz-Jeoffery, 1617. See also the Address to the readers, prefixed to Decker's Satiromastix, a comedy, 1602: “Instead of the trumpets sounding thrice before the play begin,” &c.

Note return to page 167 3See the prologue to Hannibal and Scipio, a tragedy, 1637: “The places sometimes chang'd too for the scene, “Which is translated, as the musick plays “Betwixt the acts.” The practice appears to have prevailed in the infancy of our stage. See the concluding lines of the second Act of Gammer Gurton's Needle, 1575: “In the towne will I, my frendes to vysit there, “And hether straight again, to see the end of this gere: “In the mean time, felowes, pipe upp your fiddles, I say take them, “And let your freyndes here such mirth as ye can make them.” It has been thought by some that our author's dramas were exhibited without any pauses, in an unbroken continuity of scenes. But this appears to be a mistake. In a copy of Romeo and Juliet, 1599, now before me, which certainly belonged to the playhouse, the endings of the acts are marked in the margin; and directions are given for musick to be played between each act. The marginal directions in this copy appear to be of a very old date, one of them being of the ancient style and hand—“Playe musicke.”

Note return to page 168 4See the stage-directions in Marston's Sophonisba, acted at Blackfriars theatre, in 1606: “The ladies draw the curtains about Sophonisba;—the cornets and organs playing loud full musicke for the act. Signat. B 4. “Organ mixt with recorders, for this act. Signat. D 2. “Organs, viols, and voices, play for this act. Signat. E 2. “A base lute and a treble viol play for this act.” Signat. F 2.

Note return to page 169 5In the last scene of Massinger's City Madam, which was first acted at Blackfriars, May 25, 1632, Orpheus is introduced chanting those ravishing strains with which he moved— “Charon and Cerberus, to give him way “To fetch from hell his lost Eurydice.” The following stage-direction, which is found in the preceding scene, supports what has been suggested above, concerning the station of the musicians in our ancient theatres: “Musicians come down, [i. e. are to come down,] to make ready for the song at Arras.” This song was to be sung behind the arras.

Note return to page 170 6“For a warrant to the Musitions of the king's company, this 9th of April, 1627,—£1. 0. 0.” MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 171 7In a warrant of protection now before me, signed by Sir Henry Herbert, and dated from the Office of the Revels, Dec. 27, 1624, Nicholas Underhill, Robert Pallant, John Rhodes, and seventeen others, are mentioned as being “all imployed by the kings Ma.ties servants in theire quallity of playinge as musitions, and other necessary attendants.”

Note return to page 172 8See vol. iii. p. 376.

Note return to page 173 9“And now that I have vaulted up so hye, “Above the stage-rayles of this earthen globe, “I must turn actor.” Black Booke, 4to. 1604. See also D'Avenant's Playhouse to be Let: “Mousieur, you may draw up your troop of forces “Within the pales.”

Note return to page 174 1See the first direction in The Tempest, altered by D'Avenant and Dryden, and acted at the Duke's Theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, in 1667: “The front of the stage is opened, and the band of twenty-four violins, with the harpsicals and theorbos, which accompany the voices, are placed between the pit and the stage.” If this had not been a novel regulation, the direction would have been unnecessary. Cotgrave, in his Dictionary, 1611, following the idea of ancient Rome, defines Orchestre, “The senators' or noblemens' places in a theatre, between the stage and the common seats. Also the stage itself.” If musicians had set in this place, when he wrote, or the term orchestre, in its present sense, had been then known, there is reason to believe that he would have noticed it. See his interpretation of Falot, above, in p. 109, n. 7. The word orchestre is not found in Minsheu's Dict. nor Bullokar's Expositor. In Cockeram's Interpreter of Hard Words, 1655, it is defined a scaffold.

Note return to page 175 2“Present not your selfe on the stage, (especially at a new play) untill the quaking prologue hath by rubbing got cullor into his cheeks, and is ready to give the trumpets their cue, that he's upon the point to enter.” Decker's Gul's Hornebook, 1609.

Note return to page 176 3See the Induction to Cynthia's Revels, 1601: “1. Child. Pray you, away; why children what do you mean? “2. Child. Marry, that you should not speak the prologue. “1. Child. Sir, I plead possession of the cloak. Gentlemen, your suffrages, for God's sake.” So, in the prologue to The Coronation, by Shirley, 1640: “Since 'tis become the title of our play, “A woman once in a coronation may “With pardon speak the prologue, give as free “A welcome to the theatre, as he “That with a little beard, a long black cloak, “With a starch'd face and supple leg, hath spoke “Before the plays this twelvemonth, let me then “Present a welcome to these gentlemen.” Again, in the prologue to The Woman-Hater, by Beaumont and Fletcher, 1607: “Gentlemen, inductions are out of date, and a prologue in verse is as stale as a black velvet cloake and a bay garlande.”

Note return to page 177 4See Hamlet, Act III. Sc. II.: “O, it offends me to the soul, to hear a robustious periwig-pated fellow tear a passion to tatters.” So, in Every Woman in her Humour, 1609: “As none wear hoods but monks and ladies,—and feathers but fore-horses, &c. none periwigs but players and pictures.”

Note return to page 178 5In Hall's Virgidemiarum, 1597, lib. iii. sat. 5, the fashion of wearing periwigs is ridiculed as a novel and fantastick custom: “Late travailing along in London way, “Mee met, as seem'd by his disguis'd array, “A lustie courtier, whose curled head “With abron locks was fairly furnished; “I him saluted in our lavish wise; “He answers my untimely courtesies. “His bonnet veil'd—or ever he could think, “The unruly winde blowes off his periwinke. “He lights and runs, and quickly hath him sped, “To overtake his over-running head.— “Is't not sweet pride, when men their crownes must shade “With that which jerks the hams of every jade; “Or floor-strow'd locks from off the barber's shears? “But waxen crownes well gree with borrowed haires.”

Note return to page 179 6“&lblank; partly (says he) to supply the want of players, when there were more parts than there were persons.”

Note return to page 180 7In A Midsummer-Night's Dream, Flute objects to his playing a woman's part, because he has “a beard a coming.” But his friend Quince tells him, “that's all one; you shall play it in a mask, and you may speak as small as you will.”

Note return to page 181 8“In our assemblies at playes in London, (says Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, signat. C.) you shall see such heaving and shoving, such ytching and should'ring to sitte by women, such care for their garments, that they be not trode on; such eyes to their lappes, that no chippes light in them; such pillows to their backes, that they take no hurte; such masking in their ears, I know not what; such giving them pippins to pass the time; such playing at foot-saunte without cardes; such licking, such toying, such smiling, such winking, such manning them home when the sports are ended, that it is a right comedie to mark their behaviour.” [Masking, in the quotation from Gosson, must mean whispering secretly, although, I confess, I can produce no authority for such a use of the word. Boswell.] So also, the prologue to Marston's Fawne, 1606: “&lblank; nor doth he hope to win “Your laud or hand with that most common sin “Of vulgar pens, rank bawdry, that smells “Even through your masques, usque ad nauseam.” Again, in his Scourge of Villanie, 1599: “&lblank; Disguised Messaline, “I'll teare thy maske, and bare thee to the eyne “Of hissing boyes, if to the theatres “I find thee once more come for lecherers.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Verses, addressed to Fletcher on his Faithful Shepherdess: “The wise and many-headed bench that sits “Upon the life and death of plays and wits, “Compos'd of gamester, captain, knight, knights man, “Lady or pusil, that wears maske or fan, “Velvet or taffata cap, rank'd in the dark “With the shops foreman, or some such brave sparke, “(That may judge for his six-pence) had, before “They saw it half, damn'd thy whole play.” After the Restoration, masks, I believe, were chiefly worn in the theatre, by women of the town. Wright complains of the great number of masks in his time: “Of late the play-houses are so extremely pestered with vizard-masks and their trade, (occasioning continual quarrels and abuse,) that many of the more civilized part of the town are uneasy in the company, and shun the theatre as they would a house of scandal.” Hist. Histrion. 1669, p. 6. Ladies of unblemished character, however, wore masks in the boxes, in the time of Congreve. In the epilogue to Durfey's comedy called The Old Mode and the New, (no date,) the speaker points to the masks in the side boxes: but I am not sure whether what are now [1790] called the Balconies were not meant.

Note return to page 182 9“I assure you, sir, we are not so officiously befriended by him, [the author,] as to have his presence in the tiring-house, to prompt us aloud, stamp at the book-holder, swear for our properties, curse the poor tire-man, rayle the musicke out of tune,” &c. Induction to Cynthia's Revels, 1601.

Note return to page 183 1See the Induction to Ben Jonson's Staple of News, acted by the king's servants, 1625: “O Curiosity, you come to see who wears the new suit to-day; whose clothes are best pen'd, whatever the part be; which actor has the best leg and foot; what king plays without cuffs, and his queen without gloves: who rides post in stockings, and dances in boots.” It is, however, one of Prynne's arguments against the stage, in the invective which he published about eight years after the date of this piece, that “the ordinary theatrical interludes were usually acted in over-costly, effeminate, fantastick, and gawdy apparel.” Histriomast. p. 216. But little credit is to be given to that voluminous zealot, on a question of this kind. As the frequenters of the theatre were little better than incarnate devils, and the musick in churches the bleating of brute beasts, so a piece of coarse stuff trimmed with tinsel was probably in his opinion a most splendid and ungodly dress.

Note return to page 184 2Pierce Penniless his Supplication to the Devil, 4to. 1592.

Note return to page 185 3Histriomastix, 4to. 1633, p. 179.

Note return to page 186 4Theatrum Triumphans, 8vo. 1670, p. 16. Martin Luther's comment on this text is as follows: “Hic non prohibetur quin ad vitandum periculum, aut ludendum joco, vel ad fallendum hostes mulier possit gerere arma viri, et vir uti veste muliebri; sed ut serio et usitato habitu talia non fiant, ut decora utrique sexui servetur dignitas.” And the learned Jesuit, Lorin, concurs with him: “Dissimulatio vestis potest interdum sine peccato fieri, vel ad representandam comice tragiceve personam, vel ad effugiendum periculum, vel in casu simili.” Ibid. p. 19.

Note return to page 187 5Histriomastix, p. 414. He there calls it only an attempt, but in a former page (215) he says, “they have now their female players in Italy and other foreigne parts, as they had such French women actors in a play not long since personated in Blackfriers playhouse, to which there was great resort.” In the margin he adds—“in Michaelmas terme, 1629.” His account is confirmed by Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book, in which I find the following notice of this exhibition: “For the allowinge of a French company to playe a farse at Blackfryers, this 4 of November, 1639,—2l. 0s. 0d.” The same company attempted an exhibition both at the Red Bull and the Fortune theatres, as appears from the following entries: “For allowinge of the Frenche [company] at the Red Bull for a daye, 22 Novemb. 1629,—[2l. 0s. 0d.] “For allowinge of a Frenche companie att the Fortune to play one afternoone, this 14 Day of Decemb. 1629,—1l. 0s. 0d. “I should have had another peece, but in respect of their ill fortune, I was content to bestow a peece back.” MS. Herbert. Prynne, in conformity to the absurd notions which have been stated in the text, inserted in his Index these words: “Women actors notorious whores:” by which he so highly offended the King and Queen, that he was tried in the Star-chamber, and sentenced to be imprisoned for life, fined 5000l. expelled Lincoln's Inn, disbarred and disqualified to practise the law, degraded of his degree in the University, to be set on the pillory, his ears cut off, and his book burnt by the common hangman, “which rigorous sentence,” says Whitelocke, “was as rigorously executed.” I quote these words as given by Dr. Burney from Whitelocke's Manuscript. It is remarkable that in his printed Memorials, the word rigorous is omitted; from which there is reason to believe that the editor in 1682 took some liberties with the manuscript from which that book was printed. The words there are, “&lblank; which sentence was as severely executed.” In p. 708 of Prynne's book is the following note, the insertion of which probably incensed their majesties, who often performed in the court-masques, not less than what has been already mentioned: “It is infamous in this author's judgment [Dion Cassius] for emperors or persons of quality to dance upon a stage, or act a play.”

Note return to page 188 6In the Office-book of Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, I find a warrant for payment of 10l. “to Josias Floridor for himselfe and the rest of the French players, for a tragedy by them acted before his Majestie in Dec. last.” Dated Jan. 8, 1635–6. Their house had been licensed, April 18, 1635. I find also “10l. paid to John Navarro for himself and the rest of the company of Spanish players, for a play presented before his majestie, Dec. 23, 1635. We have already seen that Henrietta Maria had a precedent for introducing the comedians of her own country into England, King Henry the Seventh having likewise had a company of French players. Sir Henry Herbert's manuscript furnishes us with the following notices on this subject: “On tuesday night the 17 of February, 1634, [1634–5,] a Frenche company of players, being approved of by the queene at her house too nights before, and commended by her majesty to the kinge, were admitted to the Cockpitt in Whitehall, and there presented the king and queene with a Frenche comedy called Melise, with good approbation: for which play the king gives them ten pounds. “This day being Friday, and the 20 of the same monthe, the kinge tould mee his pleasure, and commanded mee to give order that this Frenche company should playe the too sermon daies in the weeke, during their time of playinge in Lent, and in the house of Drury-lane, where the queenes players usually playe. “The kings pleasure I signifyed to Mr. Beeston, [the Manager of Drury-lane theatre,] the same day, who obeyd readily. “The house-keepers are to give them by promise the benefit of their interest for the two days of the first weeke. “They had the benefitt of playinge on the sermon daies, and gott two hundred pounds at least; besides many rich clothes were given them. “They had freely to themselves the whole weeke before the weeke before Easter, which I obtaynd of the king for them. “The 4 Aprill, on Easter monday, they playd the Trompeur puny, with better approbation than the other. “On Wensday night the 16 Aprill, 1635, the French playd Alcimedor with good approbation.” In a marginal note Sir Henry Herbert adds, “The Frenche offered mee a present of 10l.; but I refused itt, and did them many other curtesys, gratis, to render the queene my mistris an acceptable service.” It appears from a subsequent passage, that in the following month a theatre was erected expressly for this troop of comedians. “A warrant granted to Josias D'Aunay, Hurfries de Lau, and others, for to act playes at a new house in Drury-lane, during pleasure, ye 5 may, 1635. “The king was pleased to commande my Lord Chamberlain to direct his warrant to Monsieur Le Fevure, to give him a power to contract with the Frenchemen for to builde a playhouse in the manage-house, which was done accordinglye by my advise and allowance.” “Thes Frenchmen,” Sir Henry adds in the margin, “were commended unto mee by the queene, and have passed through my handes, gratis.” They did not, however, pass quite free, for from a subsequent entry it appears, that “they gave Blagrave [Sir Henry's deputy] three pounds for his paines.” In the following December the French pastoral of Florimene was acted at court by the young ladies who attended the Queen from France. “The pastorall of Florimene, (says Sir Henry) with the description of the sceanes and interludes, as it was sent mee by Mr. Inigo Jones, I allowed for the press, this 14 of Decemb. 1635. The pastorall is in French, and 'tis the argument only, put into English, that I have allowed to be printed. “Le pastorale de Florimene fust representé devant le roy et la royne, le prince Charles, et le prince Palatin, le 21 Decem. jour de St. Thomas, par les filles Françoise de la royne, et firent tres bien, dans la grande sale de Whitehall, aux depens de la royne.” MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 189 7Coryate's Crudities, 4to. 1611, p. 247. I have found no ground for this writer's assertion, that female performers had appeared on the English stage before he wrote.

Note return to page 190 8De fals. leg. tom. ii. p. 199, edit. Taylor.

Note return to page 191 9See also Lucian, de Salt. II. 285, edit. Hemsterhusli: “Because (says that lively writer) at first you preferred tragedy and comedy and vagrant fidlers and singing to the harpe, before dancing, calling them truly exercises, and therefore commendable, let us, I pray, compare them severally with dancing. Where, if it please you, we will pass the pipe and harpe as parts and instruments of dancing, and consider tragedy as it is; first, according to its propertyes and dress. What a deformed and frightfull sight is it, to see a man raised to a prodigious length, stalking upon exalted buskins, his face disguised with a grimme vizard, widely gaping, as if he meant to devour the spectators? I forbear to speake of his stuft brests, and fore-bellyes, which make an adventitious and artificial corpulency, lest his unnatural length should carry disproportion to his slendernesse: as also his clamour from within, when he breakes open and unlockes himselfe; when he howles iambicks, and most ridiculously sings his own sufferings, and renders himself by his very tone odious. For as for the rest, they are inventions of ancient poets. Yet as long as he personates only some Andromache and Hecuba, his singing is tolerable. But for a Hercules to enter dolefully singing, and to forget himself, and neither to regard his lyons skynne, nor clubbe, must needs appear to any judging man a solecisme. And whereas you dislike that in dancing men should act women; this is a reprehension, which holds for tragedies and comedyes too, in which are more womens parts, then mens.” Dialogue on Dancing, translated by Jasper Mayne, folio, 1664.

Note return to page 192 1Histrio in terra Græcia fuit fama celebri, qui gestus et vocis claritudine et venustate cæteris antestabat. Nomen fuisse aiunt Polum; tragœdias poetarum nobilium scite atque asseverate actitavit. Is Polus unice amatum filium morte amisit. Eum luctum quum satis visus est eluxisse, rediit ad quæstum artis. In eo tempore Athenis Electram Sophoclis acturus, gestare urnam quasi cum Oresti ossibus debebat. Ita compositum fabulæ argumentum est, ut veluti fratris reliquias ferens Electra comploret commiseraturque interitum ejus, qui per vim extinctus existimatur. Igitur Polus lugubri habitu Electræ indutus ossa atque urnam a sepulchro tulit filii, et quasi Oresti amplexus opplevit omnia non simulachris neque imitamentis, sed luctu atque lamentis veris et spirantibus. Itaque quum agi fabula videretur, dolor accitus est.” Aul. Gel. lib. vii. c. v. Olivet in a note on one of Cicero's Letters to Atticus, (l. iv. c. xv.) mentions a similar anecdote of a mime called Seia, for which he quotes the authority of Plutarch; but no such person is mentioned by that writer. Seia, according to Olivet, performed the part of Andromache. I suspect he meant to cite Petrarch.—Seia probably represented Andromache in a tragick pantomime.

Note return to page 193 2Epistol. ad Atticum, lib. iv. c. xv.

Note return to page 194 3Non magis audivit quam Fusius ebrius olim, Cum Ilionam edormit, Catienis mille ducentis, Mater te appello, clamantibus. Sat. lib. ii. sat. iii. Compare Cicero, Tusculan. i. 44.

Note return to page 195 4&lblank; satis est equitem mihi plaudere, ut audax Contemptis aliis explosa Arbuscula dixit. Lib. i. sat. x.

Note return to page 196 5In eclog. x.

Note return to page 197 6Sunt Mimi, ut ait Claudianus, qui lætis salibus facete risum movent; Pantomimi vero, ut idem ait, “nutu manibusque loquaces.” Vet. Schol.

Note return to page 198 7Epistol. ad Atticum, l. iv. c. xv.

Note return to page 199 8Sueton. in Nerone, c. xxi.

Note return to page 200 9Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. viii. c. xlviii.

Note return to page 201 1Xiphilini Vitel. p. 209, edit. H. Stephani, folio, 1592.

Note return to page 202 2See the list of plays belonging to the Red Bull, in a subsequent page, ad ann. 1660.

Note return to page 203 3Mrs. Saunderson (afterwards Mrs. Betterton) played Juliet, Ophelia, and, I believe, Cordelia. It should seem from the 22d line of the Epilogue spoken on the occasion, that the lady who performed Desdemona was an unmarried woman. Mrs. Hughs was married. The principal unmarried actress in the King's company appears to have been Mrs. Marshall, who is said to have been afterwards seduced under a pretence of marriage by Aubrey de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and who might have been the original female performer of Desdemona. At that time every unmarried woman bore the title of Mistress. It is said in a book of no authority, (Curl's History of the Stage,) and has been repeated in various other compilations, that Mrs. Norris, the mother of the celebrated comedian known by the name of Jubilee Dicky, was the first actress who appeared on the English stage: but this is highly improbable. Mrs. Norris, who was in D'Avenant's Company, certainly had appeared in 1662, but she was probably not young; for she played Goody Fells, in Town Shifts, a comedy acted in 1671, and the Nurse, in Reformation, acted in 1675.

Note return to page 204 4A Royal Harbour of Loyal Poesie, by Thomas Jordan, no date, but printed, I believe, in 1662. Jordan was an actor as well as a poet.

Note return to page 205 5See also the Prologue to The Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes, (acted in April, 1662,) which was spoken by a woman: “Hope little from our poet's wither'd wit, “From infant players, scarce grown puppets yet; “Hope from our women less, whose bashful fear “Wonder'd to see me dare to enter here: “Each took her leave, and wish'd my danger past, “And though I come back safe an undisgrac'd, “Yet when they spy the wits here, then I doubt “No Amazon can make them venture out; “Though I advis'd them not to fear you much, “For I presume not half of you are such.”

Note return to page 206 6In a Prologue to a play represented before King Charles the Second very soon after his Restoration, of which I know not the title, are these lines, from which it appears that some young men acted the parts of women in that piece: “&lblank; we are sorry “We should this night attend on so much glory “With such weak worth; or your clear sight engage “To view the remnants of a ruin'd stage: “For doubting we should never play again, “We have play'd all our women into men; “That are of such large size for flesh and bones, “They'll rather be taken for amazons “Than tender maids; but your mercy doth please “Daily to pass by as great faults as these: “If this be pardon'd, we shall henceforth bring “Better oblations to my lord the king.” A Royal Arbour, &c. p. 12. The author of Historia Histrionica says, that Major Mohun played Bellamente in Shirley's Love Cruelty, after the Restoration; and Cibber mentions, that Kynaston told him he had played the part of Evadne in The Maid's Tragedy, at the same period, with success. The apology made to King Charles the Second for a play not beginning in due time, (“that the queen was not shaved,”) is well known. The queen is said (but on no good authority) to have been Kynaston.

Note return to page 207 7Roscius Anglicanus, p. 19.

Note return to page 208 8In the following year she married Mr. Betterton, and not in 1670, as is erroneously asserted in the Biographia Britannica. She acted by the name of Mrs. Betterton, in The Slighted Maid, in 1663.

Note return to page 209 9Heywood's History of Women, 1624.

Note return to page 210 1In Brome's Antipodes, which was performed at the theatre in Salisbury Court, in 1638, a by-play, as he calls it, is represented in his comedy; a word, for the application of which we are indebted to this writer, there being no other term in our language that I know of, which so properly expresses that species of interlude which we find in our poet's Hamlet and some other pieces. The actors in this by-play being called together by Lord Letoy, he gives them some instructions concerning their mode of acting, which prove that the clowns in Shakspeare's time frequently held a dialogue with the audience: “Let. &lblank; Go; be ready.— “But you, sir, are incorrigible, and “Take licence to yourself to add unto “Your parts your own free fancy; and sometimes “To alter or diminish what the writer “With care and skill compos'd, and when you are “To speak to your co-actors in the scene, “You hold interlocution with the audients. “Bip. That is a way, my lord, hath been allow'd “On elder stages to move mirth and laughter. “Let. Yes, in the days of Tarleton and Kempe, “Before the stage was purg'd from barbarism, “And brought to the perfection it now shines with. “Then fools and jesters spent their wit, because “The poets were wise enough to save their own “For profitabler uses.”

Note return to page 211 2Howes's edition of Stowe's Chronicle, 1631, p. 698. See also Gabriel Harvey's Four Letters, 4to. 1592, p. 9: “Who in London hath not heard of—his fond disguisinge of a Master of Artes with ruffianly haire, unseemely apparell, and more unseemely company; his vaineglorious and Thrasonicall bravery; his piperly extemporising and Tarletonizing?” &c.

Note return to page 212 3Kinde-Hartes Dream, by Henry Chettle, 4to. no date, but published in Dec. 1592.

Note return to page 213 4This appears to have been formerly a common sarcasm. There is a tradition yet preserved in Stratford, of Shakspeare's comparing the carbuncled face of a drunken blacksmith to a maple. The blacksmith accosted him, as he was leaning over a mercer's door, with “Now, Mr. Shakspeare, tell me, if you can, “The difference between a youth and a young man.” to which our poet immediately replied, “Thou son of fire, with thy face like a maple, “The same difference as between a scalded and a coddled apple.” This anecdote was related near fifty years ago to a gentleman at Stratford by a person then above eighty years of age, whose father might have been contemporary with Shakspeare. It is observable that a similar imagery may be traced in The Comedy of Errors: “Though now this grained face of mine be hid,” &c. The bark of the maple is uncommonly rough, and the grain of one of the sorts of this tree (according to Evelyn) is “undulated and crisped into variety of curls.”

Note return to page 214 5Roper's Life and Death of More, 8vo. 1716, p. 3.

Note return to page 215 6“I remember I was once at a play in the country, where, as Tarlton's use was, the play being done, every one so pleased to throw up his theame: amongst all the rest one was read to this effect, word by word: “Tarlton, I am one of thy friends, and none of thy foes. “Then I pr'ythee tell how thou cam'st by thy flat nose,” &c. To this challenge Tarleton immediately replied in four lines of loose verse. Tarlton's Jeasts, 4to. 1611.

Note return to page 216 7“Out upon them, [the players] they spoile our trade,—they open our crosse-biting, our conny-catching, our traines, our traps, our gins, our snares, our subtilties; for no sooner have we a tricke of deceipt, but they make it common, singing gigs, and making jeasts of us, that every boy can point out our houses as they passe by.” Kind-Hartes Dreame, Signat. E 3. b. See also Pierce Pennilesse, &c. 1592: “&lblank; like the queint comedians of our time, “That when the play is done, do fall to rhime,” &c. So, in A Strange Horse-race, by Thomas Decker, 1613: “Now as after the cleare stream hath glided away in his owne current, the bottom is muddy and troubled; and as I have often seen after the finishing of some worthy tragedy or catastrophe in the open theatres, that the sceane, after the epilogue, hath been more black, about a nasty bawdy jigge, then the most horrid scene in the play was; the stinkards speaking all things, yet no man understanding any thing; a mutiny being amongst them, yet none in danger; no tumult, and yet no quietness; no mischiefe begotten, and yet mischiefe borne; the swiftness of such a torrent, the more it overwhelms, breeding the more pleasure; so after these worthies and conquerors had left the field, another race was ready to begin, at which, though the persons in it were nothing equal to the former, yet the shoutes and noyse at these was as great, if not greater.” The following lines in Hall's Satires, 1597, seem also to allude to the same custom: “One higher pitch'd, doth set his soaring thought “On crowned kings, that fortune hath low brought, “Or some upreared high-aspiring swaine, “As it might be, the Turkish Tamburlaine. “Then weeneth he his base drink-drowned spright “Rapt to the three-fold loft of heaven hight, “When he conceives upon his fained stage “The stalking steps of his great personage; “Graced with huff-cap termes and thund'ring threats, “That his poor hearers' hayre quite upright sets. “Such soone as some brave-minded hungrie youth “Sees fitly frame to his wide-strained mouth, “He vaunts his voyce upon an hyred stage, “With high-set steps, and princely carriage;— “There if he can with termes Italianate, “Big-sounding sentences, and words of state, “Faire patch me up his pure iambick verse, “He ravishes the gazing scaffolders.— “Now least such frightful showes of fortunes fall, “And bloudy tyrants' rage, should chance appall “The dead-struck audience, midst the silent rout “Comes leaping in a selfe-misformed lout, “And laughes, and grins, and frames his mimick face, “And justles straight into the princes place: “Then doth the theatre echo all aloud “With gladsome noyse of that applauding croud, “A goodly hoch-poch, when vile russetings “Are matcht with monarchs and with mighty kings!” &c. The entertainments here alluded to were probably “the fond and frivolous jestures,” described in the Preface to Marlowe's Tamburlaine, 1590, which the printer says, he omitted, “as farre unmeete for the matter, though they have been of some vaine conceited fondlings greatly gaped at, what times they were shewed upon the stage in their graced deformities.” It should seem from D'Avenant's Prologue to The Wits, when acted at the Duke's theatre, in 1662, that this species of entertainment was not even then entirely disused: “So country jigs and farces, mixt among “Heroick scenes, make plays continue long.” Blount, in his Glossographia, 1681, 5th edit. defines a farce, “A fond and dissolute play or comedy. Also the jig at the end of an interlude, wherein some pretty knavery is acted.” Kempe's Jigg of the Kitchen-stuffe-woman, and Philips his Jigg of the Slyppers, were entered on the Stationers' books in 1595; but I know not whether they were printed. There is, I believe, no jig now extant in print. [In The Hog hath lost his Pearl, 1614, Haddet, a poet, informs a player that he has written something for him: “A small matter! You'll find it worth Meg of Westminster although it be but a bare jig.” He afterwards quotes two lines from his jig, which are as follows: “And you that delight in trulls and minions, “Come buy my four ropes of hard Sir Thomas's onions.” On the Spanish stage they had, and I believe have still, a slight interlude called Bayle, which means literally a jig. Boswell.]

Note return to page 217 8Carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum, Mox etiam agrestes Satyros nudavit, et asper Incolumi gravitate jocum tentavit, eo quod Illecebris erat et gratâ novitate morandus Spectator, functusque sacris, et potus et exlex. Hor. De Arte Poetica.

Note return to page 218 9Urbicus exodio risum movet Atellanæ Gestibus Autonoes &lblank;.” Juv. Sat. vi. 71. “Exodiarius in fine ludorum apud veteres intrabat, quod ridiculus foret; ut quicquid lacrymarum atque tristitiæ coegissent et tragicis affectibus, hujus spectaculi risus detergeret.” Vet. Schol. “As an old commentator on Juvenal affirms, the Exodiarii, which were singers and dancers, entered to entertain the people with light songs and mimical gestures, that they might not go away oppressed with melancholy from these sacred pieces of the theatre.” Dryden's Dedication to his translation of Juvenal. See also Liv. lib. vii. c. ii. Others contend that the Exodia did not solely signify the songs, &c. at the conclusion of the play, but those also which were sung in the middle of the piece; and that they were so called, because they were introduced &gre;&grc;&gro;&grd;&gri;&grk;&grwc;&grst;, that is, incidentally, and unconnected with the principal entertainment. Of this kind undoubtedly were the &gre;&grm;&grb;&gro;&grl;&gra; or episodes, introduced between the acts, as the &gre;&gri;&grs;&gro;&grd;&gri;&gra; were the songs sung at the opening of the play. The Atellan interludes were so called from Atella, a town in Italy, from which they were introduced to Rome: and in process of time they were acted sometimes in the middle, and sometimes at the end of more serious pieces. These, as we learn from one of Cicero's letters, gave way about the time of Julius Cæsar's death to the Mimes, which consisted of a grosser and more licentious pleasantry than the Atellan interludes. “Nunc venio,” says Cicero, “ad jocationes tuas, cum tu secundúm Oenomaum Accii, non ut olim solebat, Atellanum, sed ut nunc fit, mimum introduxisti.” Epist. ad Fam. ix. 16. The Atellan interludes, however, were not wholly disused after the introduction of the Mimes; as is ascertained by a passage in Suetonius's Life of Nero, c. xxxix: “Mirum et vel præcipue notabile inter hæc fuit, nihil eum patientius quam maledicta et convitia hominum tulisse; neque in ullos leniorem quam qui se dictis ante aut carminibus lacessissent, extitisse.—Transeuntem eum Isidorus Cynicus in publico clara voce corripuerat, quod Nauplii mala bene cantitaret, sua bona male disponeret. Et Datus Atellanarum histrio, in cantico quodam, &grur;&grg;&gria;&gra;&gri;&grn;&gre; &grp;&graa;&grt;&gre;&grr;, &grus;&grg;&gri;&gra;&gria;&grn;&gre; &grm;&grhc;&grt;&gre;&grr;, ita demonstraverat, ut bibentem natantemque faceret, exitum scilicet Claudii Agrippinæque significans; et in novissima clausula, Orcus vobis ducit pedes, senatum gestu notaret. Histrionem et philosophum Nero nihil amplius quam urbe Italiaque submovit, vel contemptu omnis infamiæ, vel ne fatendo dolorem irritaret ingenia.” See also Galb. c. xiii. I do not find that the ancient French theatre had any exhibition exactly corresponding with this, for their Sottie rather resembled the Atellan farces, in their original state, when they were performed as a distinct exhibition, unmixed with any other interlude. An extract given by Mr. Warton from an old Art of Poetry, published in 1548, furnishes us with this account of it: “The French farce contains nothing of the Latin comedy. It has neither acts nor scenes; which would serve only to introduce a tedious prolixity: for the true subject of the French farce or Sottie is every sort of foolery, which has a tendency to provoke laughter.—The subject of the Greek and Latin comedy was totally different from every thing on the French stage; for it had more morality than drollery, and often as much truth as fiction. Our Moralities hold a place indifferently between tragedy and comedy, but our farces are really what the Romans called Mimes or Priapees, the intended end and effect of which was excessive laughter, and on that account they admitted all kind of licentiousness as our farces do at present. In the mean time their pleasantry does not derive much advantage from rhymes, however flowing, of eight syllables.” Hist. of Eng. Poetry, vol. iii. p. 350. Scaliger expressly mentions the two species of drama above described, as the popular entertainments of France in his time. “Sunto igitur duo genera, quæ etiam vicatim et oppidatim per universam Galliam mirificis artificibus, circumferuntur; Morale, et Ridiculum.” Poetices, lib. i. c. x. p. 17, edit. 1561.

Note return to page 219 1The exact conformity between our Clown and the Exodiarii and Emboliariæ of the Roman stage is ascertained, not only by what I have stated in the text, but by our author's contemporary Philemon Holland, by whom that passage in Pliny which is referred to in a former page,—“Lucceïa mima centum annis in scena pronuntiavit. Galeria Copiola, emboliaria, reducta est in scenam, —annum centessimum quartum agens,”—is thus translated: “Lucceia, a common Vice in a play, followed the stage, and acted thereupon 100 yeeres. Such another Vice, that plaied the foole, and made sporte betweene whiles in interludes, named Galeria Copiola, was brought to act on the stage,—when she was in the 104th yeere of her age.”

Note return to page 220 2The Yorkshire Tragedy, or All's One, indeed appears to have been one of four pieces that were represented on the same day; and Fletcher has also a piece called Four Plays in One; but probably these were either exhibited on some particular occasion, or were ineffectual efforts to introduce a new species of amusement; for we do not find any other instances of the same kind.

Note return to page 221 3In 1663, as I learn from Sir Henry Herbert's MSS. Sir William D'Avenant produced The Playhouse to be Let. The fifth act of this heterogeneous piece is a mock tragedy, founded on the actions of Cæsar, Anthony, and Cleopatra. This, Langbaine says, used to be acted at the theatre in Dorset Garden, (which was not opened till November, 1671,) after the tragedy of Pompey, written by Mrs. Catharine Philips; and was, I believe, the first farce that appeared on the English stage. In 1677, The Cheats of Scapin was performed, as a second piece, after Titus and Berenice, a play of three acts, in order to furnish out an exhibition of the usual length: and about the same time farces were produced by Duffet, Tate, and others.

Note return to page 222 4“For the eye, besides the beautie of the houses and the stages, [the devil] sendeth in garish apparell, masques, vaulting, tumbling, dauncing of gigges, galiardes, morisces, hobby-horses, shewing of juggling castes, nothing forgot, that might serve to set out the matter with pompe, or ravish the beholders with variety of pleasure.” Playes confuted in five Actions. By Stephen Gosson, signat. E.

Note return to page 223 5See Beaumont's Verses to Fletcher on his Faithful Shepherdess: “Nor want there those, who, as the boy does dance “Between the acts, will censure the whole play.” So also, in Sir John Davies's Epigrams, no date, but printed in 1598: “For as we see at all the play-house doores, “When ended is the play, the dance, and song, “A thousand townsmen,” &c. Hentzner observes, that the dances, when he was in London in 1598, were accompanied with exquisite musick. See the passage quoted from his Itinerary, in p. 56, n. 7. That in the stage-dances boys in the dress of women sometimes joined, appears to me probable from Prynne's invective against the theatre: “Stage-playes,” says he, “by our own modern experience are commonly attended with mixt effeminate amorous dancing.” Histriomastix, p. 259. From the same author we learn that songs were frequently sung between the acts. “By our own moderne experience there is nothing more frequent in all our stage-playes then amorous pastoral or obscene lascivious love-songs, most melodiously chanted out upon the stage betweene each several action; both to supply that chasme or vacant interim which the tyring-house takes up in changing the actors' robes, to fit them for some other part in the ensuing scene,—as likewise to please the itching eares, if not to inflame the outrageous lusts, of lewde spectators.” Ibidem, p. 262. In another place the author quotes the following passage from Eusebius: “What seeth he who runnes to play-houses? Diabolical songes, dancing wenches, or, that I may speake more truely, girles tossed up and downe with the furies of the devil.” [“A good description (adds Prynne) of our dancing females.”] “For what doth this danceresse? She most impudently uncovers her head, which Paul hath commanded to be always covered; she turnes about her necke the wrong way; she throweth aboute her haire hither and thither. Even these things verily are done by her whom the Devill hath possessed.” Ibidem, p. 534. It does not appear whether the puritanical writer of this treatise alludes in the observation inserted in crotchets to boys dancing on the stage in women's clothes, or to female dancers in private houses. The subject immediately before him should rather lead to the former interpretation. Women certainly did not dance on the stage in his time.

Note return to page 224 6See p. 123, n. 9.

Note return to page 225 7“Dans le ballet de Triomphe de l' Amour en 1621, on vit pour la premiere fois de danseuses sur le theatre de l'Opera: auparavant c'etoient deux, quatre, six, ou huit danseurs qu'on habilloit en femmes.” Oeuvres de M. De Saint-Foix, tom. iii. p. 416.

Note return to page 226 8So, in Fitz-Jeoffery's Satires, 1617: “Ye worthy worthies! none else, might I chuse, “Doe I desire my poesie peruse, “For to save charges ere the play begin, “Or when the lord of liberty comes in.” Again, in a Satire at the conclusion of The Mastive, or young Whelpe of the old Dogge,—Epigrams and Satires, printed by Thomas Creede: [The author is speaking of those who will probably purchase his book.] “Last comes my scoffing friend, of scowring wit, “Who thinks his judgement 'bove all arts doth sit. “He buys the booke, and hastes him to the play; “Where when he comes and reads, ‘here's stuff,’ doth say: “Because the lookers on may hold him wise, “He laughes at what he likes, and then will rise, “And takes tobacco; then about will looke, “And more dislike the play than of the booke; “At length is vext he should with charge be drawne “For such slight sights to lay a sute to pawne.”

Note return to page 227 9“Before the play begins, fall to cardes.” Guls Hornebook, 1609.

Note return to page 228 1See The Woman-Hater, a comedy, by Beaumont and Fletcher, 1607: “There is no poet acquainted with more shakings and quakings towards the latter end of his new play, when he's in that case that he stands peeping between the curtains, so fearfully, that a bottle of ale cannot be opened, but that he thinks somebody hisses.”

Note return to page 229 2“Now, sir, I am one of your gentle auditors, that am come in; —I have my three sorts of tobacco in my pocket; my light by me; —and thus I begin.” Induction to Cynthia's Revels, by Ben Jonson, 1601. So, in Bartholomew Fair, 1614: “He looks like a fellow that I have seen accommodate gentlemen with tobacco at our theatres.” Again, in Decker's Guls Hornebook: “By sitting on the stage, you may with small cost purchase the deare acquaintance of the boyes; have a good stool for sixpence;—get your match lighted,” &c.

Note return to page 230 3“&lblank; Pr'ythee, what's the play? “&lblank; I'll see't, and sit it out whate'er.— “Had Fate fore-read me in a crowd to die; “To be made adder-deaf with pippin-cry.” Notes from Black-fryers, by H. Fitz-Jeoffery, 1617.

Note return to page 231 4In a note on a passage in Gosson's Schoole of Abuse, 1579: “Instead of pomegranates they give them pippins,” &c. quoted by Prynne, he informs us, “Now they offer them [the female part of the audience] the tobacco-pipe, which was then unknowne.” Histriomastrix, p. 363.

Note return to page 232 5See the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, a comedy, 1604: “I am one that hath seen this play often, and can give them [Heminge, Burbage, &c.] intelligence for their action; I have most of the jests here in my table-book.” So, in the Prologue to Hannibal and Scipio, 1637: “&lblank; Nor shall he in plush, “That from the poet's labours, in the pit “Informs himself, for the exercise of his wit “At taverns, gather notes.”— Again, in the prologue to The Woman-Hater, a comedy, 1607: “If there be any lurking among you in corners, with table-books, who have some hopes to find matter to feed his malice on, let them clasp them up, and slink away, or stay and be converted.” Again, in Every Man in his Humour, 1601: “But to such, wherever they sit concealed, let them know, the author defies them and their writing-tables.”

Note return to page 233 6See A Mad World, my Masters, a comedy, by Middleton, 1608: “Some sherry for my lord's players there, sirrah; why this will be a true feast;—a right Mitre supper;—a play and all.” The night before the insurrection of the gallant and unfortunate Earl of Essex, the play of King Henry IV. (not Shakspeare's piece) was acted at his house.

Note return to page 234 7See the notes on the Epilogue to The Second Part of King Henry IV. vol. xviii. p. 242, n. 1.

Note return to page 235 8See Cambyses, a tragedy, by Thomas Preston; Locrine, 1595; and King Henry IV. Part II.

Note return to page 236 9“Fuscus doth rise at ten, and at eleven “He goes to Gyls, where he doth eat till one, “Then sees a play.” Epigrams, by Sir John Davies, no date, but printed about 1598. Others, however, were actuated by a stronger curiosity, and, in order to secure good places, went to the theatre without their dinner. See the Prologue to The Unfortunate Lovers, by Sir William D'Avenant, first performed at Blackfriars, in April, 1638: “&lblank; You are grown excessive proud, “Since ten times more of wit than was allow'd “Your silly ancestors in twenty year, “You think in two short hours to swallow here. “For they to theatres were pleas'd to come, “Ere they had din'd, to take up the best room; “There sat on benches not adorn'd with mats, “And graciously did vail their high-crown'd hats “To every half-dress'd player, as he still “Through hangings peep'd, to see the galleries fill. “Good easy-judging souls, with what delight “They would expect a jig or target-fight! “A furious tale of Troy, which they ne'er thought “Was weakly writ, if it were strongly fought; “Laugh'd at a clinch, the shadow of a jest, “And cry'd—a passing good one, I protest.” From the foregoing lines it appears that, anciently, places were not taken in the best rooms or boxes, before the representation. Soon after the Restoration, this practice was established. See a prologue to a revived play, in Covent Garden Drollery, 1672: “Hence 'tis, that at new plays you come so soon, “Like bridegrooms hot to go to bed ere noon: “Or if you are detain'd some little space, “The stinking footman's sent to keep your place, “But if a play's reviv'd, you stay and dine, “And drink till three, and then come dropping in.” Though Sir John Davies, in the passage above quoted, mentions one o'clock as the hour at which plays commenced, the time of beginning the entertainment about eleven years afterwards (1609) seems to have been later; for Decker in his Guls Hornebooke makes his gallant go to the ordinary at two o'clock, and thence to the play. When Ben Jonson's Magnetick Lady was acted (in 1632,) plays appear to have been over at five o'clock. They probably at that time did not begin till between two and three o'clock.

Note return to page 237 1See p. 144, n. 9. See also the Prologue to King Henry VIII. and that to Romeo and Juliet.

Note return to page 238 2See the Demoiselles a la Mode, by Fleckno, 1667: “1 Actor. Hark you, hark you, whither away so fast? “2 Actor. Why, to the theatre, 'tis past three o'clock, and the play is ready to begin.” See also note 9, above. After the Restoration, (we are told by old Mr. Cibber,) it was a frequent practice of the ladies of quality, to carry Mr. Kynaston the actor, in his female dress, after the play, in their coaches to Hyde-Park.

Note return to page 239 3See The Epilogue to The She Gallants, printed in that year.

Note return to page 240 4“These, [the players] because they are allowed to play every Sunday, make four or five Sundays, at least, every week.” Schoole of Abuse, 1579. “In former times, (says Strype in his Additions to Stowe's Survey of London,) ingenious tradesmen and gentlemen's servants would sometimes gather a company of themselves, and learn interludes, to expose vice, or to represent the noble actions of our ancestors. These they played at festivals, in private houses, at weddings, or other entertainments. But in process of time it became an occupation, and these plays being commonly acted on Sundays and other festivals, the churches were forsaken, and the playhouses thronged.” [The Hog hath Lost His Pearl, 1612, was performed by apprentices; but as it was supposed to be a satire on the Lord Mayor, the actors were sent to prison. See Dodsley's Collection, 1780, vol. vi. p. 377. Boswell.] See also A Sermon preached at Paules Crosse on St. Bartholomew Day, being the 24. of August, 1578, By John Stockwood: —“Will not a fylthie playe with the blast of a trumpette sooner call thyther [to the country] a thousande, than an houres tolling of a bell bring to a sermon a hundred? Nay, even heere in the citie, without it be at this place, and some other certain ordinarie audience, where shall you find a reasonable company? Whereas if you resort to the Theatre, the Curtaine, and other places of playes in the citie, you shall on the Lord's day have these places, with many other that I can reckon, so full as possible they can throng.” See also Stubbes's Anatomie of Abuses, 1583, in pref.; and The Mirrour of Magistrates for Cities, 1584, p. 24.

Note return to page 241 5P. 47, n. 2.

Note return to page 242 6Peck's Memoirs of Cromwell, No. iv. p. 15.

Note return to page 243 7This is ascertained by the following account of “Revels and Playes performed and acted at Christmas in the court at Whitehall, 1622;” for the preservation of which we are indebted to Sir John Astley, then Master of the Revels: “Upon St. Steevens daye at night The Spanish Curate was acted by the kings players. “Upon St. Johns daye at night was acted The Beggars Bush by the kings players. “Upon Childermas daye no playe. “Upon the Sonday following The Pilgrim was acted by the kings players. “Upon New-years day at night The Alchemist was acted by the kings players. “Upon Twelfe night, the Masque being put off, the play called A Vowe and a Good One was acted by the princes servants. “Upon Sonday, being the 19th of January, the Princes Masque appointed for Twelfe daye, was performed. The speeches and songs composed by Mr. Ben. Johnson, and the scene made by Mr. Inigo Jones, which was three tymes changed during the tyme of the masque: where in the first that was discovered was a prospective of Whitehall, with the Banqueting House; the second was the Masquers in a cloud; and the third a forrest. The French embassador was present. “The Antemasques of tumblers and jugglers. “The Prince did leade the measures with the French embassadors wife. “The measures, braules, corrantos, and galliards being ended, the Masquers with the ladyes did daunce 2 contrey daunces, namely The Soldiers Marche, and Huff Hamukin, where the French Embassadors wife and Mademoysala St. Luke did [daunce]. “At Candlemas Malvolio was acted at court, by the kings servants. “At Shrovetide, the king being at Newmarket, and the prince out of England, there was neyther masque nor play, nor any other kind of Revells held at court.” MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 244 8In the Refutation of the Apologie for Actors, by J. G. quarto 1615, it is asked, “If plays do so much good, why are they not suffered on the Sabbath, a day select whereon to do good?” From hence it appears, that plays were not permitted to be publickly acted on Sundays in the time of James I. Yet Beard, in his Theatre of God's Judgment, p. 212, edit. 1631, tells us, that in the year 1607, “at a towne in Bedfordshire called Risley, the floore of a chamber wherein many were gathered together to see a stage-play on the sabbath day fell downe.” But this was a private exhibition.—From a passage also in Prynne's Histriomastix, p. 243, it appears that plays had been sometimes represented on Sundays in the time of James the First, though the practice was then not common. “Dancing therefore on the Lords day is an unlawful pastime punishable by the statute 1 Caroli. c. 1. which intended to suppresse dancing on the lords day, as well as beare-bayting, bull-bayting, enterludes and common playes, which were not so rife, so common, as dancing, when this law was first enacted.” It is uncertain whether this writer here alludes to publick or private exhibitions.

Note return to page 245 9May, in his History of the Parliament of England, 1646, taking a review of the conduct of King Charles and his ministers from 1628 to 1640, mentions that plays were usually represented at court on Sundays during that period. There were during this period similar exhibitions on Sundays elsewhere as well as at court, notwithstanding the statute made in the beginning of this reign: but whether they were permitted then in the publick theatres, I am unable to ascertain. Prynne, in his Histriomastix, p. 645, has the following passage: “Neither will it hereupon follow, that we may dance, dice, see masques or plays on Lords-day nights (as too many do,) because the Lords day is then ended,” &c.: and in p. 717, he insinuates that the statute 3 Car. i. c. 4, (which prohibited the exhibition of any interlude or stage-play on the Lords-day,) was not very strictly enforced: “If it were as diligently executed as it was piously enacted, it would suppresse many great abuses, that are yet continuing among us, to God's dishonour and good christians' grief in too many places of our kingdom; which our justices, our inferiour magistrates, might soon reforme, would they but set themselves seriously about it, as some here and there have done.” See also Withers's Britaines Remembrancer, Canto vi. p. 197, b. edit. 1628: “And seldom have they leisure for a play, “Or masque, except upon God's holiday.” In John Spencer's Discourses upon diverse Petitions, &c. 4to. 1641, (as I learn from Oldys's manuscript notes on Langbaine,) it is said, that “John Wilson, a cunning musician, contrived a curious comedy, which being acted on a Sunday night after that John bishop of Lincoln had consecrated the earl of Cleaveland's sumptuous chapel, the said John Spencer (newly made the bishop's commissary general) did present the said bishop at Huntingdon for suffering the said comedy to be acted in his house on a Sunday, though it was nine o'clock at night; also Sir Sydney Montacute and his lady, Sir Thomas Hadley and his lady, Master Wilson, and others, actors of the same; and because they did not appear, he sentenced the bishop to build a school at Eaton, and endow it with 20l. a year for a master; Sir Sydney Montacute to give five pounds and five coats to five poor women, and his lady five pounds and five gowns to five poor widows; and the censure, (says he,) stands yet unrepealed.”

Note return to page 246 1“A pipe there, sirrah; no sophisticate: “Villaine, the best;—whate'er you prize it at. “Tell yonder lady with the yellow fan, “I shall be proud to usher her anon; “My coach stands ready &lblank;.” Notes from Black-friars, 1617. The author is describing the behaviour of a gallant at the Blackfriars theatre.

Note return to page 247 3See the induction to Cynthia's Revels, 1601: “Besides, they could wish, your poets would leave to be promoters of other men's jests, and to way-lay all the stale apothegms or old books they can hear of, in print or otherwise, to farce their scenes withal:— again, that feeding their friends with nothing of their own but what they have twice or thrice cook'd, they should not wantonly give out, how soon they had drest it, nor how many coaches came to carry away the broken meat, besides hobby-horses, and foot-cloth nags.” “By this time,” (says Decker, describing an ordinary,) “the parings of fruit and cheese are in the voyder, cardes and dice lie stinking in the fire, the guests are all up, the guilt rapiers ready to be hanged, the French lacquey and Irish footboy shrugging at the doores, with their masters' hobby horses, to ride to the new play;—that's the randevous, thither they are gallopt in post; let us take a paire of oares and row lustily after them.” Guls Hornebooke, 4to. 1609.

Note return to page 248 3In the year 1613, the Company of Watermen petitioned his majesty, “that the players might not be permitted to have a playhouse in London or in Middlesex, within four miles of the city on that side of the Thames.” From Taylor's True Cause of the Watermen's Suit concerning Players, and the Reasons that their playing on London Side, is their [i. e. the Watermen's] extreme Hindrance, we learn, that the theatres on the Bankside in Southwark were once so numerous, and the custom of going thither by water so general, that many thousand watermen were supported by it.—As the book is not common, and the passage contains some anecdotes relative to the stage at that time, I shall transcribe it: “Afterwards,” [i. e. as I conjecture, about the year 1596,] says Taylor, who was employed as an advocate in behalf of the watermen, “the players began to play on the Bankside, and to leave playing in London and Middlesex, for the most part. Then there went such great concourse of people by water, that the small number of watermen remaining at home [the majority being employed in the Spanish war] were not able to carry them, by reason of the court, the tearms, the players, and other employments. So that we were inforced and encouraged, hoping that this golden stirring world would have lasted ever, to take and entertaine men and boyes, which boyes are grown men, and keepers of houses; so that the number of watermen, and those that live and are maintained by them, and by the only labour of the oare and scull, betwixt the bridge of Windsor and Gravesend, cannot be fewer than forty thousand; the cause of the greater halfe of which multitude hath bene the players playing on the Bankside; for I have known three companies, besides the bear-baiting, at once there; to wit, the Globe, the Rose, and the Swan. “And now it hath pleased God in this peaceful time, [from 1604 to 1613,] that there is no employment at the sea, as it hath bene accustomed, so that all those great numbers of men remaines at home: and the players have all (except the king's men) left their usual residency on the Bankside, and doe play in Middlesex, far remote from the Thames; so that every day in the weeke they do draw unto them three or four thousand people, that were used to spend their monies by water.” “His majesties players did exhibit a petition against us, in which they said, that our suit was unreasonable, and that we might as justly remove the Exchange, the walkes in Paules, or Moorfields, to the Bankside, for our profits, as to confine them.” The affair appears never to have been decided. “Some (says Taylor) have reported that I took bribes of the players, to let the suit fall, and to that purpose I had a supper of them, at The Cardinal's Hat, on the Bankside.” Works of Taylor the Water Poet, p. 171, edit. 1633.

Note return to page 249 5See an epilogue to a vacation-play at the Globe, by Sir William D'Avenant; Works, p. 245: “For your own sakes, poor souls, you had not best “Believe my fury was so much supprest “I' the heat of the last scene, as now you may “Boldly and safely too cry down our play; “For if you dare but murmur one false note, “Here in the house, or going to take boat; “By heaven I'll mow you off with my long sword, “Yeoman and squire, knight, lady, and her lord.” So, in The Gul's Hornbook, 1609: “If you can either for love or money, provide your selfe a lodging by the water-side; —it adds a kind of state to you to be carried from thence to the staiers of your playhouse.”

Note return to page 250 6See a letter from Mr. Garrard to Lord Strafford, dated Jan. 9, 1633–4; Strafford's Letters, vol. i. p. 175: “Here hath been an order of the lords of the council hung up in a table near Paul's and the Black-fryars, to command all that resort to the playhouse there, to send away their coaches, and to disperse abroad in Paul's Church-yard, Carter Lane, the Conduit in Fleet Street, and other places, and not to return to fetch their company; but they must trot a-foot to find their coaches:—'twas kept very strictly for two or three weeks, but now, I think, it is disordered again.”—It should, however, be remembered, that this was written above forty years after Shakspeare's first acquaintance with the theatre. Coaches, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, were possessed but by very few. They were not in ordinary use till after the year 1605. See Stowe's Annals, p. 867. In A Pleasant Dialogue between Coach and Sedan, 4to. 1636, it is said, that “the first coach that was seen in England was that presented to Queen Elizabeth by the Earl of Arundel, in which she went from Somerset-House to St. Paule's Crosse, to hear a sermon on the victory obtained against the Spaniards in 1588.” “I wonder in my heart, (says the writer, who was born in 1578,) why our nobilitie cannot in faire weather walke the streets as they were wont; as I have seene the Earles of Shrewsbury, Darbie, Sussex, Cumberland, Essex, &c.—besides those inimitable presidents of courage and valour, Sir Frances Drake, Sir P. Sydney, Sir Martin Forbisher, &c. with a number of others,— when a coach was almost as rare as an elephant.” Even when the above mentioned order was made, there were no hackney coaches. These, as appears from another letter in the same collection, were established a few months afterwards. “I cannot (says Mr. Garrard) omit to mention any new thing that comes up amongst us, though never so trivial. Here is one captain Bailey; he hath been a sea-captain, but now lives on the land, about this city, where he tries experiments. He hath erected, according to his ability, some four hackney coaches, put his men in livery, and appointed them to stand at the May-pole in the Strand, giving them instructions at what rates to carry men into several parts of the town, where all day they may be had. Other hackney-men seeing this way, they flocked to the same place, and perform their journeys at the same rate. So that sometimes there is twenty of them together, which disperse up and down, that they and others are to be had every where, as water-men are to be had by the water-side. Every body is much pleased with it. For whereas, before, coaches could not be had but at great rates, now a man may have one much cheaper.” This letter is dated April 1, 1634.—Strafford's Letters, vol. i. p. 227. A few months afterwards hackney chairs were introduced: “Here is also another project for carrying people up and down in close chairs, for the sole doing whereof, Sir Sander Duncombe, a traveller, now a pensioner, hath obtained a patent from the king, and hath forty or fifty making ready for use.” Ibid. p. 336. This species of conveyance had been used long before in Italy, from whence probably this traveller introduced it. See Florio's Italian Dictionary, 1598, in v. Carrivola: “A kinde of chaire covered, used in Italie for to carrie men up and downe by porters, unseene of anie bodie.” In his second edition, 1611, he defines it, “A kind of covered chaire used in Italy, wherein men and women are carried by porters upon their shoulders.”

Note return to page 251 7In an epigram by Sir John Davies, persons of an inferior rank are ridiculed for presuming to imitate noblemen and gentlemen in riding to the theatre: “Faustus, nor lord, nor knight, nor wise, nor old,   “To every place about the town doth ride; “He rides into the fields, plays to behold;   “He rides to take boat at the water-side.” Epigrams, printed at Middleburg, about 1598.

Note return to page 252 8See Taylor's Suit of the Watermen, &c. Works, p. 171: “But my love is such to them, [the players,] that whereas they do but play once a day, I could be content they should play twice or thrice a day. The players have all (except the King's men,) left their usual residency on the Bankside, and doe play in Middlesex far remote from the Thames, so that every day in the week they do draw unto them three or four thousand people.” Ibidem. In 1598, Hentzner says, plays were performed in the theatres which were then open, almost every day. “Sunt porro Londini extra urbem theatra aliquot, in quibus histriones Angli comœdias et tragœdias singulis fere diebus in magna hominum frequentia agunt.” Itin. 4to. 1598.

Note return to page 253 9In D'Avenant's Works we find “an Epilogue to a vacation play at the Globe.” See also the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to Andromache, a tragedy acted at the Duke's theatre, in 1675: “This play happening to be in my hands in the long vacation, a time when the playhouses are willing to catch at any reed to save themselves from sinking, to do the house a kindness, and to serve the gentleman who it seemed was desirous to see it on the stage, I willingly perused it.—The play deserved a better liking than it found; and had it been acted in the good well meaning times, when the Cid, Heraclius, and other French playes met with such applause, this would have passed very well; but since our audiences have tasted so plentifully the firm English wit, these thin regalios will not down.”

Note return to page 254 1“They use to set up their billes upon posts some certaine days before, to admonish the people to make resort to their theatres, that they may thereby be the better furnished, and the people prepared to fill their purses with their treasures.” Treatise against Idleness, vaine Playes and Interludes, bl. l. (no date.) The antiquity of this custom likewise appears from a story recorded by Taylor the Water Poet, under the head of Wit and Mirth, 30. “Master Field, the player, riding up Fleet-street a great pace, a gentleman called him, and asked him, what play was played that day. He being angry to be staied on so frivolous a demand, answered, that he might see what play was plaied upon every poste. I cry you mercy, said the gentleman, I tooke you for a poste, you rode so fast.” Taylor's Works, p. 183. Ames, in his History of Printing, p. 342, says that James Roberts [who published some of our author's dramas] printed bills for the players. It appears from the following entry on the Stationers' books, that even the right of printing play-bills was at one time made a subject of monopoly: “Oct. 1587. John Charlewoode.] Lycensed to him by the whole consent of the assistants, the onlye ymprinting of all manner of billes for players. Provided that if any trouble arise herebye, then Charlewoode to beare the charges.”

Note return to page 255 2This practice did not commence till the beginning of the present century. I have seen a play-bill printed in the year 1697, which expressed only the titles of the two pieces that were to be exhibited, and the time when they were to be represented. Notices of plays to be performed on a future day, similar to those now daily published, first appeared in the original edition of the Spectators in 1711. In these early theatrical advertisements our author is always styled the immortal Shakspeare. Hence Pope: “Shakspeare, whom you and every play-house bill “Style the divine, the matchless, what you will &lblank;.”

Note return to page 256 3Since the first edition of this essay I have found strong reason to believe that the former was the case. Nashe, in the second edition of his Supplication to the Devil, 4to. 1592, complains that the printer had prefixed a pompous title to the first impression of his pamphlet, (published in the same year,) which he was much ashamed of, and rejected for one more simple. “Cut off,” says he to his printer, “that long-tayld title, and let mee not in the fore-front of my booke make a tedious mountebanks oration to the reader.” The printer's title, with which Nashe was displeased, is as follows: “Pierce Pennilesse his Supplication to the Divell, describing the over-spreading of Vice and suppression of Vertue. Pleasantly interlaced with variable delights, and pathetically intermixt with conceipted reproofes. Written by Thomas Nashe, Gent. 1592.” There is a striking resemblance between this and the titles prefixed to some of the copies of our author's plays, which are given at length in the next note. In the title-page of our author's Merry Wives of Windsor, 4to. 1602, (see the next note,) Sir Hugh is called the Welsh knight; a mistake into which Shakspeare could not have fallen. Instead of the spurious title above given, Nashe in his second edition, printed apparently under his own inspection, (by Abel Jeffes, for John Busbie,) calls his book only—Pierce Pennilesse his Supplication to the Divell.

Note return to page 257 4The titles of the following plays may serve to justify what is here advanced: “The most excellent Historie of the Merchant of Venice. With the extreame crueltie of Shylocke the Jewe towards the sayd Merchant, in cutting a just pound of his flesh, and obtayning of Portia by the choyse of three caskets. As it hath been diverse times acted by the Lord Chamberlaine his Servants. Written by William Shakespeare, 1600.” “Mr. William Shak-speare his True Chronicle Historie of the Life and Death of King Lear, and his three Daughters. With the unfortunate life of Edgar, Sonne and heire to the Earle of Gloster, and his sullen and assumed humor of Tom of Bedlam: As it was played before the Kings Majestie at Whitehall upon S. Stephens Night in Christmass Hollidayes. By his Majesties Servants playing usually at the Globe on the Bank-side. 1608.” A most Pleasant and Excellent Conceited Comedie of Syr John Falstaffe, and the Merry Wives of Windsor. Entermixed with sundrie variable and pleasing Humors of Sir Hugh, the Welsh Knight, Justice Shallow, and his wise cousin, Mr. Slender. With the Swaggering Vaine of ancient Pistoll, and Corporal Nym. By William Shakespeare. As it hath been divers times aeted by the Right Honourable my Lord Chamberlaines Servants; both before her Majestie and elsewhere. 1602.” “The History of Henrie the Fourth; With the Battel at Shrewsburie, betweene the King and Lord Henrie Percy, surnamed Henry Hot-spur of the North. With the humorous conceits of Sir John Falstaffe. Newly corrected by W. Shakspeare. 1598.” The Tragedie of King Richard The Third. Containing his treacherous Plots against his brother Clarence: The pitiful Murther of his innocent Nephews; his tiranous usurpation: with the whole course of his detested Life, and most deserved Death. As it hath been lately acted by the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlaine his Servants. By William Shakespeare. 1597.” “The late and much-admired Play, called Pericles, Prince of Tyre. With the true Relation of the whole Historie, adventures, and fortunes, of the said Prince: As also, the no less strange and worthy accidents in the Birth and Life of his Daughter Mariana. As it hath been divers and sundry times acted by his Majesties Servants at the Globe on the Bank-side. By William Shakespeare. 1609.”

Note return to page 258 5Gildon's Comparison between the Stages, 1702, p. 9.

Note return to page 259 6See The Play-house to be Let: “Players. —There is an old tradition, “That in the times of mighty Tamberlane, “Of conjuring Faustus and the Beauchamps bold, “You poets us'd to have the second day; “This shall be ours, sir, and to-morrow yours. “Poet. I'll take my venture; 'tis agreed.”

Note return to page 260 7“It is not praise is sought for now, but pence, “Though dropp'd from greasy-apron'd audience. “Clapp'd may he be with thunder, that plucks bays “With such foul hands, and with squint eyes doth gaze “On Pallas' shield, not caring, so he gains “A cram'd third day, what filth drops from his brains!” Prologue to If this be not a good Play, the Devil's in't, 1612. Yet the following passages intimate, that the poet at a subsequent period had some interest in the second day's exhibition: “Whether their sold scenes be dislik'd or hit, “Are cares for them who eat by the stage and wit; “He's one whose unbought muse did never fear, “An empty second day, or a thin share.” Prologue to The City Match, a comedy, by J. Mayne, acted at Blackfriars in 1639. So, in the prologue to The Sophy, by Sir John Denham, acted at Blackfriars in 1642: “&lblank; Gentlemen, if you dislike the play, “Pray make no words on't till the second day “Or third be past; for we would have you know it, “The loss willl fall on us, not on the poet, “For he writes not for money &lblank;.” In other cases, then, it may be presumed, the loss, either of the second or third day, did affect the author. Since the above was written, I have learned from Sir Henry Herbert's office-book, that between the year 1625 and 1641, benefits were on the second day of representation.

Note return to page 261 8“But which amongst you is there to be found, “Will take his third day's pawn, for fifty pound?” Epilogue to Caius Marius, 1680.

Note return to page 262 9“I must make my boast, though with the most acknowledging respect of the favours of the fair sex—in so visibly promoting my interest on those days chiefly, (the third and the sixth,) when I had the tenderest relation to the welfare of my play.” Southerne's Dedication to Sir Anthony Love, a comedy, 1691. Hence Pope: “May Tom, whom heaven sent down to raise “The price of prologues and of plays,” &c. It should seem, however, to have been some time before this custom was uniformly established; for the author of The Treacherous Brothers, acted in 1696, had only one benefit: “See't but three dayes, and fill the house, the last, “He shall not trouble you again in haste.” Epilogue.

Note return to page 263 1On the representation of The Constant Couple, which was performed fifty-three times in the year 1700. Farquhar, on account of the extraordinary success of that play, is said by one of his biographers to have been allowed by the managers the profits of four representations.

Note return to page 264 2“Let this play live; then we stand bravely fixt! “But let none come his third day, nor the sixth.” Epilogue to The Island Princess, 1701. “But should this fail, at least our author prays, “A truce may be concluded for six days.” Epilogue to The Perplex'd Lovers, 1712. In the preface to The Humours of the Army, printed in the following year, the author says, “It would be impertinent to go about to justify the play, because a prodigious full third night and a very good sixth are prevailing arguments in its behalf.”

Note return to page 265 3Cibber, in his Dedication to Ximena, or the Heroick Daughter, printed in 1719, talks of bad plays lingering through six nights. At that time, therefore, the poets certainly had but two benefits.

Note return to page 266 4Southerne, by this practice, is said to have gained seven hundred pounds by one play.

Note return to page 267 5“Whereas William Bieston, gent. governor of the kings and queenes young company of players at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, has represented unto his majesty that the several playes hereafter mentioned, viz. Wit without Money: The Night-Walkers: The Knight of the Burning Pestle: Fathers owne Sonne: Cupids Revenge: The Bondman: The Renegado: A new Way to pay Debts: The Great Duke of Florence: The Maid of Honour: The Traytor: The Example: The Young Admiral: The Opportunity: A Witty Fayre One: Loves Cruelty: The Wedding: The Maids Revenge: The Lady of Pleasure: The Schoole of Complement: The Grateful Servant: The Coronation: Hide Parke: Philip Chabot, Admiral of France: A Mad Couple Well Met: All's Lost by Lust: The Changeling: A Fayre Quarrel: The Spanish Gipsie: The World: The Sunnes Darling: Loves Sacrifice: 'Tis Pity She's a Whore: George a Greene: Loves Mistress: The Cunning Lovers: The Rape of Lucrece: A Trick to Cheat the Divell: A Foole and her Maydenhead soone parted: King John and Matilda: A City Night-cap: The Bloody Banquet: Cupids Revenge: The Conceited Duke: and Appius and Virginia, doe all and every of them properly and of right belong to the sayd house, and consequently that they are all in his propriety. And to the end that any other companies of actors in or about London shall not presume to act any of them to the prejudice of him the sayd William Bieston and his company, his majesty hath signified his royal pleasure unto mee, thereby requiring mee to declare soe much to all other companies of actors hereby concernable, that they are not any wayes to intermeddle with or act any of the above-mentioned playes. Whereof I require all masters and governours of play-houses, and all others whom it may concerne, to take notice, and to forbeare to impeach the said William Bieston in the premises, as they tender his majesties displeasure, and will answer the contempt. Given, &c. Aug. 10, 1639.” MS. in the Lord Chamberlain's office, entitled in the margin, Cockpit playes appropried.

Note return to page 268 6Sometimes, however, an author, after having sold his piece to the theatre, either published it, or suffered it to be printed; but this appears to have been considered as dishonest. See the preface to Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1638: “I had rather subscribe in that to their weak censure, than, by seeking to avoid the imputation of weakness, to incur a great suspicion of honesty; for though some have used a double sale of their labours, first to the stage, and after to the presse,” &c. How careful the proprietors were to guard against the publication of the plays which they had purchased, appears from the following admonition, directed to the Stationers' Company in the year 1637, by Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then Lord Chamberlain: “After my hearty commendations.—Whereas complaint was heretofore presented to my dear brother and predecessor, by his majesties servants, the players, that some of the company of printers and stationers had procured, published, and printed, diverse of their books of comedyes and tragedyes, chronicle historyes, and the like, which they had (for the special service of his majestye and for their own use) bought and provided at very dear and high rates. By means whereof, not only they themselves had much prejudice, but the books much corruption, to the injury and disgrace of the authors. And thereupon the master and wardens of the company of printers and stationers were advised by my brother to take notice thereof, and to take order for the stay of any further impression of any of the playes or interludes of his majesties servants without their consents: which being a caution given with such respect, and grounded on such weighty reasons, both for his majesties service and the particular interest of the players, and soe agreeable to common justice and that indifferent measure which every man would look for in his own particular, it might have been presumed that they would have needed no further order or direction in the business, notwithstanding which, I am informed that some copies of playes belonging to the king and queenes servants, the players, and purchased by them at dear rates, having been lately stollen or gotten from them by indirect means, are now attempted to be printed; which, if it should be suffered, would directly tend to their apparent detriment and prejudice, and to the disenabling them to do their majesties service: for prevention and redresse whereof, it is desired that order be given and entered by the master and wardens of the company of printers and stationers, that if any playes be already entered, or shall hereafter be brought unto the hall to be entered for printing, that notice thereof be given to the king and queenes servants, the players, and an enquiry made of them to whom they do belong; and that none bee suffered to be printed untill the assent of their majesties' said servants be made appear to the Master and Wardens of the company of printers and stationers, by some certificate in writing under the hands of John Lowen, and Joseph Taylor, for the kings servants, and of Christopher Beeston for the king and queenes young company, or of such other persons as shall from time to time have the direction of these companies; which is a course that can be hurtfull unto none but such as are about unjustly to peravayle themselves of others' goods, without respect of order or good governement; which I am confident you will be careful to avoyd, and therefore I recommend it to your special care. And if you shall have need of any further authority or power either from his majestye or the counsell-table, the better to enable you in the execution thereof, upon notice given to mee either by yourselves or the players, I will endeavour to apply that further remedy thereto, which shall be requisite. And soe I bidd you very heartily farewell, and rest “Your very loving friend, P, and M. “June 10, 1637. “To the Master and Wardens of the Company of Printers and Stationers.”

Note return to page 269 7“One only thing affects me; to think, that scenes invented merely to be spoken, should be inforcively published to be read; and that the least hurt I can receive, is, to do myself the wrong. But since others otherwise would do me more, the least inconvenience is to be accepted: I have therefore myself set forth this comedie.” Marston's Preface to The Malecontent, 1604.

Note return to page 270 8See The Defence of Coneycatching, 1592: “Master R. G. [Robert Greene] would it not make you blush—if you sold Orlando Furioso to the queenes players for twenty nobles, and when they were in the country, sold the same play to Lord Admirals men, for as much more? Was not this plain coneycatching, M. G.?” Oldys, in one of his manuscripts, says, that Shakspeare received but five pounds for his Hamlet; whether from the players who first acted it, or the printer or bookseller who first published it, is not distinguished. I do not believe he had any good authority for this assertion. In the latter end of the last century, it should seem, an author did not usually receive more from his bookseller for a dramatick performance than 20l. or 25l.; for Dryden, in a letter to his son, written about the year 1698, mentions, that the whole emoluments which he expected from a new play that he was about to produce, would not exceed one hundred pounds. Otway and Lee got but that sum by Venice Preserved, The Orphan, Theodosius, and Alexander the Great; as Gildon, their contemporary, informs us. The profits of the third night were probably seventy pounds; the dedication produced either five or ten guineas, according to the munificence of the patron; and the rest arose from the sale of the copy. Southerne, however, in consequence of the extraordinary success of his Fatal Marriage in 1694, sold the copy of that piece for thirty-six pounds, as appears from a letter which has been kindly communicated to me by my friend, the Right Hon.ble Mr. Windham, and which, as it contains some new stage anecdotes, I shall print entire. This letter has been lately found by Mr. Windham among his father's papers, at Felbrigge, in Norfolk; but, the signature being wanting, by whom it was written has not been ascertained: London, March the 22, 1693–4. “Dear Sir, “I received but 10 days since the favour of your obliging letter, dated January the last, for which I return you a thousand thanks, I wish my scribbling could be diverting to you, I should oftner trouble you with my letters; but there is hardly any thing now to make it acceptable to you, but an account of our winter diversions, and chiefly of the new plays which have been the entertainment of the town. “The first that was acted was Mr. Congreve's, called The Double Dealer. It has fared with that play, as it generally does with beauties officiously cried up; the mighty expectation which was raised of it made it sink, even beneath its own merit. The character of The Double Dealer is artfully writt, but the action being but single, and confined within the rules of true comedy, it could not please the generality of our audience, who relish nothing but variety, and think any thing dull and heavy which does not border upon farce.—The criticks were severe upon this play, which gave the author occasion to lash 'em in his Epistle Dedicatory, in so defying or hectoring a style, that it was counted rude even by his best friends; so that 'tis generally thought he has done his business, and lost himself: a thing he owes to Mr. Dryden's treacherous friendship, who being jealous of the applause he had gott by his Old Batchelour, deluded him into a foolish imitation of his own way of writing angry prefaces. “The 2d play is Mr. Dryden's, called Love Triumphant, or Nature will prevail. It is a tragi-comedy, but in my opinion one of the worst he ever writt, if not the very worst; the comical part descends beneath the style and shew of a Bartholomew-fair droll. It was damn'd by the universal cry of the town, nemine contradicente, but the conceited poet. He says in his prologue, that this is the last the town must expect from him; he had done himself a kindness had he taken his leave before. “The 3d is Mr. Southern's, call'd The Fatal Marriage, or the Innocent Adultery. It is not only the best that author ever writt, but is generally admired for one of the greatest ornaments of the stage, and the most entertaining play has appeared upon it these 7 years. The plot is taken from Mrs. Behn's novel, called The Unhappy Vow-Breaker. I never saw Mrs. Barry act with so much passion as she does in it; I could not forbear being moved even to tears to see her act. Never was poet better rewarded or incouraged by the town; for besides an extraordinary full house, which brought him about 140l. 50 noblemen, among whom my lord Winchelsea was one, gave him guineas apiece, and the printer 36l. for his copy. “This kind usage will encourage desponding minor poets, and vex huffing Dryden and Congreve to madness. “We had another new play yesterday, called The Ambitious Slave, or a Generous Revenge. Elkanah Settle is the author of it, and the success is answerable to his reputation. I never saw a piece so wretched, nor worse contrived. He pretends 'tis a Persian story, but not one body in the whole audience could make any thing of it; 'tis a mere babel, and will sink for ever. The poor poet, seeing the house would not act it for him, and give him the benefit of the third day, made a present of it to the women in the house, who act it, but without profit or incouragement. In 1707 the common price of the copy-right of a play was fifty pounds; though in that year Lintot the bookseller gave Edmund Smith sixty guineas for his Phædra and Hippolitus. In 1715, Sir Richard Steele sold Mr. Addison's comedy, called The Drummer, to J. Tonson for fifty pounds: and in 1721, Dr. Young received the same price for his tragedy of The Revenge. Two years before, however, (1719,) Southerne, who seems to have understood author-craft better than any of his contemporaries, sold his Spartan Dame for the extraordinary sum of 120l.; and in 1726 Lintot paid the celebrated plagiary, James Moore Smyth, one hundred guineas for a comedy entitled The Rival Modes. From that time, this appears to have been the customary price for several years; but of late, (though rarely) one hundred and fifty pounds have been given for a new play. The finest tragick poet of the present age, Mr. Jephson, received that price for two of his admirable tragedies.

Note return to page 271 9See the preface to the quarto edition of Troilus and Cressida, 1609: “Had I time, I would comment upon it, though it needs not, for so much as will make you think your testerne well bestowed, but for so much worth as even poor I know to be stuft in it,” &c. See also the preface to Randolph's Jealous Lovers, a comedy, 1632: “Courteous reader, I beg thy pardon, if I put thee to the expence of a sixpence, and the loss of half an hour.”

Note return to page 272 1“I did determine not to have dedicated my play to any body, because forty shillings I care not for; and above, few or none will bestow on these matters.” Dedication to A Woman's a Weathercock, a comedy, by N. Field, 1612. See also the author's Epistle Popular, prefixed to Cynthia's Revenge, 1613: “Thus do our pie-bald naturalists depend upon poor wages, gape after the drunken harvest of forty shillings, and shame the worthy benefactors of Helicon.” Soon after the Revolution, five, and sometimes ten, guineas seems to have been the customary present on these occasions. In the time of George the First, it appears from one of Swift's Letters that twenty guineas were usually presented to an author for this piece of flattery,

Note return to page 273 2This may be collected from the following verses by J. Mayne, to the memory of Ben Jonson: “He that writes well, writes quick, since the rule's true, “Nothing is slowly done, that's always new; “So when thy Fox had ten times acted been, “Each day was first, but that 'twas cheaper seen.”

Note return to page 274 3See the last line of the Prologue to Tunbridge Wells, 1672, quoted in p. 96, n. 1.

Note return to page 275 4Downes, speaking of The Squire of Alsatia, acted in 1688, says, “the poet received for his third day in the house in Drury Lane at single prices, 130l. which was the greatest receipt they ever had at single prices.” Hence it appears, that the prices were sometimes raised; and after the Restoration the additional prices were, I believe, demanded during what is called, in the language of the theatre, the first run of a new piece. At least this was the case in the present century. See the Epilogue to Hecuba, a tragedy, 1726: “What, a new play, without new scenes and cloaths! “Without a friendly party from the Rose! “And what against a run still prepossesses, “'Twas on the bills put up at common prices.” See also the Epilogue to Love at First Sight: “Wax tapers, gawdy cloaths, rais'd prices too, “Yet even the play thus garnish'd would not do.” In 1702 the prices of admission were in a fluctuating state. “The people,” says Gildon, “never were in a better humour for plays, nor were the houses ever so crowded, though the rates have run very high, sometimes to a scandalous excess; never did printed plays rise to such a price,—never were so many poets preferred as in the last ten years.” Comparison between the two Stages, 1702. The price of a printed play about that time rose to eighteen-pence.

Note return to page 276 5See Verses by J. Stephens, “to his worthy friend,” H. Fitz-Jeoffery, on his Notes from Black-fryers, 1617: “&lblank; I must, “Though it be a player's vice to be unjust “To verse not yielding coyne, let players know, “They cannot recompence your labour, though “They grace you with a chayre upon the stage, “And take no money of you nor your page.” So, in The Play-house to be Let, by Sir W. D'Avenant: “Poet. Do you set up for yourselves, and profess wit, “Without help of your authors? Take heed, sirs, “You'll get few customers. “Housekeeper. Yes, we shall have the poets. “Poet. 'Tis because they pay nothing for their entrance.”

Note return to page 277 6“Whereas William Pen, Thomas Hobbes, William Trigg, William Patrick, Richard Baxter, Alexander Gough, William Hart, and Richard Hawley, together with ten more or thereabouts of their fellows, his majesties comedians, and of the regular company of players in the Blackfryers, London, are commaunded to attend his majestie, and be nigh about the court this summer progress, in readiness, when they shall be called upon to act before his majestie: for the better enabling and encouraging them whereunto, his majesty is graciously pleased that they shall, as well before his majesties setting forth on his maine progresse, as in all that time, and after, till they shall have occasion to returne homewards, have all freedome and liberty to repayre unto all towns corporate, mercate townes, and other, where they shall thinke fitt, and there in their common halls, mootehalls, school-houses, or other convenient roomes, act playes, comedyes, and interludes, without any lett, hinderance, or molestation whatsoever, (behaving themselves civilly.) And herein it is his majesties pleasure, and he does expect, that in all places where they come, they be treated and entertayned with such due respect and courtesie as may become his majesties loyal and loving subjects towards his servants. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seale at arms. Dated at Whitehall, the 17th of May, 1636. “To all Mayors, &c. P. and M.” MS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office. This is entitled in the margin—A Player's Pass. William Hart, whose name occurs in the foregoing list, and who undoubtedly was the eldest son of Joan Hart, our poet's sister, is mentioned in another warrant, with ten others, as a dependant on the players,—“employed by his Majesties servants of the Blackfryers, and of special use unto them, both on the stage and otherwise.” This paper having escaped my memory, when a former part of this work [edit. 1790] was printing, I suggested that Michael Hart, our poet's youngest nephew, was probably the father of Charles Hart, the celebrated tragedian; but without doubt his father was William, (the elder brother of Michael,) who, we find, settled in London, and was an actor. It is highly probable that he left Stratford before his uncle Shakspeare's death, at which time he was sixteen years old; and in consequence of that connection found an easy introduction to the stage. He probably married in the year 1625, and his son Charles was, I suppose, born in 1626. Before the accession of Charles the First, the christian name of Charles was so uncommon, that it scarcely ever occurs in our early parish-registers. Charles Hart was a Lieutenant under Sir Thomas Dallison in Prince Rupert's regiment, and fought at the battle of Edgehill, at which time, according to my supposition, he was but seventeen years old; but such early exertions were not at that time uncommon. William Hart, who has given occasion to the present note, died in 1639, and was buried at his native town of Stratford on the 28th of March in that year.

Note return to page 278 7“The 13 May, 1634, the Queene was at Blackfryers, to see Messengers playe.”—The play which her majesty honoured with her presence was The Tragedy of Cleander, which had been produced on the 7th of the same month, and is now lost, with many other pieces of the same writer.

Note return to page 279 8“Whereas by virtue of his majesties letters patent, bearing date the 16th of June, 1625, made and graunted in confirmation of diverse warrants and privy seales unto you formerly directed in the time of our late soveraigne King James, you are authorized (amongst other things) to make payment for playes acted before his majesty and the queene. Theis are to pray and require you, out of his majesties treasure in your charge, to pay or cause to be payed unto John Lowing, in the behalfe of himselfe and the rest of the company his majesties players, the sum of two hundred and sixty pounds; that is to say, twenty pounds apiece for four playes acted at Hampton Court, in respect and consideration of the travaile and expence of the whole company in dyet and lodging during the time of their attendance there; and the like somme of twenty pounds for one other play which was acted in the day-time at Whitehall, by meanes whereof the players lost the benefit of their house for that day; and ten pounds apiece for sixteen other playes acted before his majestie and the queene at severall times, between the 30th of Sept. and 21st of Feb. last past. As it may appeare by the annexed schedule. “And theis, &c. March 17, 1630–1.” MS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office.

Note return to page 280 9The custom of expressing disapprobation of a play, and interrupting the drama, by the noise of catcals, or at least by imitating the tones of a cat, is probably as ancient as Shakspeare's time; for Decker in his Guls Hornebook, counsels the gallant, if he wishes to disgrace the poet, “to whew at the children's action, to whistle at the songs, and mew at the passionate speeches.” See also the Induction to The Isle of Gulls, a comedy, 1606: “Either see it all or none; for 'tis grown into a custom at plays, if any one rise, (especially of any fashionable sort,) about what serious business soever, the rest, thinking it in dislike of the play, (though he never thinks it,) cry—‘mew,—by Jesus, vile,’—and leave the poor heartless children to speak their epilogue to the empty seats.”

Note return to page 281 1Sejanus, Catiline, and The New Inn. Of the two former, Jonson's Ghost is thus made to speak in an epilogue to Every Man in his Humour, written by Lord Buckhurst, about the middle of the last century: “Hold, and give way, for I myself will speak: “Can you encourage so much insolence, “And add new faults still to the great offence “Your ancestors so rashly did commit, “Against the mighty powers of art and wit, “When they condemn'd those noble works of mine, “Sejanus, and my best-lov'd Catiline?” The title-page of The New Inn, is a sufficient proof of its condemnation. Another piece of this writer does not seem to have met with a very favourable reception; for Mr. Drummond of Hawthornden (Jonson's friend) informs us, that “when the play of The Silent Woman was first acted, there were found verses, after, on the stage, against him, [the author,] concluding, that that play was well named The Silent Woman, because there was never one man to say plaudite to it.” Drummond's Works, fol. p. 226.

Note return to page 282 2The term, as well as the practice, is ancient. See the epilogue to The Unfortunate Lovers, by Sir W. D'Avenant, 1643: “&lblank; our poet &lblank; “&lblank; will never wish to see us thrive, “If by an humble epilogue we strive “To court from you that privilege to-day, “Which you so long have had, to damn a play.”

Note return to page 283 3See in p. 116, (n. 8,) Verses addressed to Fletcher on his Faithful Shepherdess.

Note return to page 284 4See the epistle prefixed to the first edition of The Knight of the Burning Pestle, in 1613.

Note return to page 285 5Cibber says in his Apology, p. 96: “Mrs. Barry was the first person whose merit was distinguished by the indulgence of having an annual benefit-play, which was granted to her alone, if I mistake not, first in King James's time; and which became not common to others, till the division of this company, after the death of King William's Queen Mary.” But in this as in many other facts he is inaccurate; for it appears from an agreement entered into by Dr. D'Avenant, Charles Hart, Thomas Betterton, and others, dated October 14, 1681, that the actors had then benefits. By this agreement, five shillings, apiece, were to be paid to Hart and Kynaston the players, “for every day there shall be any tragedies or comedies or other representations acted at the Duke's theatre in Salisbury-court, or wherever the company shall act, during the respective lives of the said Charles Hart and Edward Kynaston, excepting the days the young men or young women play for their own profit only.” Gildon's Life of Betterton, p. 8.

Note return to page 286 6“Tucca. Fare thee well, my honest penny-biter: commend me to seven shares and a half, and remember to-morrow.—If you lack a service, you shall play in my name, rascals; [alluding to the custom of actors calling themselves the servants of certain noblemen,] but you shall buy your own cloth, and I'll have two shares for my countenance.” Poetaster, 1602.

Note return to page 287 7“Would not this, sir, and a forest of feathers, (if the rest of my fortunes turn Turk with me,) with two Provencial roses on my razed shoes, get me a fellowship in a cry of players, sir?” “Hor. Half a share. “Ham. A whole share, I.” Hamlet, Act III. Sc. II. In a poem entitled I Would and I Would Not, by B. N. [Nicholas Breton,] 1614, the writer makes a player utter a wish to possess five shares in every play; but I do not believe that any performer derived so great an emolument from the stage, unless he were also a proprietor. The speaker seems to wish for excellence that was never yet attained, (to be able to act every part that was ever written,) that he might gain an emolument superior to any then acquired by the most popular and successful actor: “I would I were a player, and could act   “As many partes as came upon a stage, “And in my braine could make a full compact   “Of all that passeth betwixt youth and age; “That I might have five shares in every play, “And let them laugh that bear the bell away.” The actors were treated with less respect than at present, being sometimes interrupted during their performance, on account of supposed personalities; for the same author adds— “And yet I would not; for then do I feare,   “If I should gall some goose-cap with my speech, “That he would freat, and fume, and chafe, and swear,   “As if some flea had bit him by the breech; “And in some passion or strange agonie “Disturb both mee and all the companie.” On some occasions application was made by individuals to the Master of the Revels, to restrain this licentiousness of the stage; as appears from the following note: “Octob. 1633. Exception was taken by Mr. Sewster to the second part of The Citty Shuffler, which gave me occasion to stay the play, till the company [of Salisbury Court] had given him satisfaction; which was done the next day, and under his hande he did certifye mee that he was satisfyed.” MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 288 8In an indenture tripartite, dated December 31, 1666, (which I have seen) between Thomas Killigrew and Henry Killigrew, his son and heir, of the first part, Thomas Porter, Esq. of the second part, and Sir John Sayer and Dame Catharine Sayer, his wife, of the third part, it is recited, (inter alia,) that the profits arising by acting of plays, masques, &c. then performed by the company of actors called the king and queen's players, were by agreement amongst themselves and Thomas Killigrew, divided into twelve shares and three quarters, and that Thomas Killigrew was to have two full shares and three quarters. And by agreement between Henry and Thomas, Henry was to have four pounds per week, out of the two shares of Thomas, except such weeks when the players did not act. In 1682, when the two companies united, the profits of acting, we are told by Colley Cibber, were divided into twenty shares, ten of which went to the proprietors or patentees, and the other moiety to the actors, in different divisions proportioned to their merit.

Note return to page 289 9Wright says in his Historia Histrionica that he had been assured by an old actor, that “for several years next after the Restoration every whole sharer in Mr. Hart's company, [that is, the King's servants,] got 1000l. per ann.” But his informer was undoubtedly mistaken, as is proved by the petition or memorial printed below, (see n. 1,) and by Sir Henry Herbert's statement of Thomas Killigrew's profits. If every whole sharer had got 1000l. per ann. then the annual receipts must have been near 13,000l. In 1743, after Mr. Garrick had appeared, the theatre of Drury Lane did not receive more than 15,000l. per ann.

Note return to page 290 1Gildon, in his Laws of Poetry, 8vo. 1721, observes, that “after the Restoration, when the two houses struggled for the favour of the town, the taking poets were secured to either house by a sort of retaining fee, which seldom or never amounted to more than forty shillings a week, nor was that of any long continuance.” He appears to have under-rated their profits; but the fact to which he alludes is incontestably proved by the following paper, which remained long in the hands of the Killigrew family, and is now [1790] in the possession of Mr. Reed of Staple Inn, by whom it was obligingly communicated to me some years ago. The superscription is lost, but it was probably addressed to the Lord Chamberlain, or the King, about the year 1678: “Whereas upon Mr. Dryden's binding himself to write three playes a yeere, hee the said Mr. Dryden was admitted and continued as a sharer in the king's playhouse for diverse years, and received for his share and a quarter three or four hundred pounds, communibus annis; but though he received the moneys, we received not the playes, not one in a yeare. After which, the house being burnt, the company in building another, contracted great debts, so that shares fell much short of what they were formerly. Thereupon Mr. Dryden complaining to the company of his want of proffit, the company was so kind to him that they not only did not presse him for the playes which he so engaged to write for them, and for which he was paid beforehand, but they did also at his earnest request give him a third day for his last new play called All for Love; and at the receipt of the money of the said third day, he acknowledged it as a guift, and a particular kindnesse of the company. Yet notwithstanding this kind proceeding, Mr. Dryden has now, jointly with Mr. Lee, (who was in pension with us to the last day of our playing, and shall continue,) written a play called Oedipus, and given it to the Duke's company, contrary to his said agreement, his promise, and all gratitude, to the great prejudice and almost undoing of the company, they being the only poets remaining to us. Mr. Crowne, being under the like agreement with the duke's house, writt a play called The Destruction of Jerusalem, and being forced by their refusall of it, to bring it to us, the said company compelled us, after the studying of it, and a vast expence in scenes and cloaths, to buy off their clayme, by paying all the pension he had received from them, amounting to one hundred and twelve pounds paid by the king's company, besides near forty pounds he the said Mr. Crowne paid out of his owne pocket. “These things considered, if notwithstanding Mr. Dryden's said agreement, promise, and moneys freely given him for his said last new play, and the many titles we have to his writings, this play be judged away from us, we must submit. (Signed)“Charles Killigrew. “Charles Hart. “Rich. Burt. “Cardell Goodman. “Mic. Mohun.” It has been thought very extraordinary that Dryden should enter into a contract to produce three new plays every year; and undoubtedly that any poet should formally stipulate that his genius should be thus productive, is extraordinary. But the exertion itself was in the last age not uncommon. In ten years, from the death of Beaumont in 1615 to the year 1625, I have good reason to believe that Fletcher produced near thirty plays. Massinger between 1628 and 1638 brought out nearly the same number; and Shirley in fifteen years furnished various theatres with forty plays. Thomas Heywood was still more prolifick. [It appears moreover from the paper itself, quoted above, that Dryden did not perform this contract, and Mr. Malone, in his Life of that poet, p. 77, informs us, that in seven years he had written only ten plays; and in sixteen years no more than eighteen. Boswell.]

Note return to page 291 2These articles will be found in a subsequent page.

Note return to page 292 3 1628. May 25, [the play not named,]—4l. 15s. 0d. “The benefitt of the winters day, being the second daye of an old play called The Custome of the Cuntrye, came to 17l. 10s. 0d. this 22 of Nov. 1628. From the Kinges company att the Blackfryers. 1629. “The benefitt of the summers day from the kinges company being brought mee by Blagrave, upon the play of The Prophetess, comes to, this 21 of July, 1629,—6l. 7s. 0d. 1629. “The benefitt of the winters day from the kinges company being brought mee by Blagrave, upon the play of The Moor of Venise, comes, this 22 of Nov. 1629, unto—9l. 16s. 0d. 1630. [No play this summer on account of the plague.] “Received of Mr. Taylor and Lowins, in the name of their company, for the benefitt of my winter day, upon the second day of Ben Jonson's play of Every Man in his Humour, this 18 day of February, 1630, [1630–31]—12l. 4s. 0d. 1631. “Received of Mr. Shanke, in the name of the kings company, for the benefitt of their summer day, upon ye second daye of Richard ye Seconde, at the Globe, this 12 of June, 1631,—5l. 6s. 6d. 1632. “Received of Mr. Blagrave, in the name of the kings company, for the benefitt of my winter day, taken upon The Alchemiste, this 1 of Decemb. 1631,—13l. 0s. 0d. 1632. “Received for the summer day of the kings company ye 6 Novemb. 1631,—1l. 5s. 0d. 1632. “Received for the winter day upon The Wild Goose Chase, ye same day,—15l. 0s. 0d. 1633. “R. of ye kings company, for my summers day, by Blagrave, the 6 of June 1633, ye somme of—4l. 10s. 0d.” I likewise find the following entry in this book: “Received of Mr. Benfielde, in the name of the kings company, for a gratuity for ther liberty gaind unto them of playinge, upon the cessation of the plague, this 10 of June, 1631,— 3l. 10s. 0d.”—“This (Sir Henry Herbert adds) was taken upon Pericles at the Globe.” In a copy of a play called A Game at Chess, 1624, which was formerly in possession of Thomas Pearson, Esq. is the following memorandum in an old hand: “After nine days, wherein I have heard some of the actors say they took fifteen hundred pounds, the Spanish faction, being prevalent, got it suppressed, and the author, Mr. Thomas Middleton, committed to prison.” According to this statement, they received above 166l. 12s. on each performance. The foregoing extracts show, that there is not even a semblance of truth in this story. In the year 1685, when the London theatres were much enlarged, and the prices of admission greatly increased, Shadwell received by his third day on the representation of The Squire of Alsatia, only 130l. which Downes the prompter says was the greatest receipt had been ever taken at Drury Lane playhouse at single prices. Roscius Anglicanus, p. 41. The use of Arabick figures has often occasioned very gross errors to pass current in the world. I suppose the utmost receipt from the performance of Middleton's play for nine days, (if it was performed so often,) could not amount to more than one hundred and fifty pounds. To the sum of 150l. which perhaps this old actor had seen as the profit made by this play, his fancy or his negligence added a cipher, and thus made fifteen hundred pounds. The play of Holland's Leaguer was acted six days successively at Salisbury Court, in December, 1631, and yet Sir Henry Herbert received on account of the six representations but one pound nineteen shillings, in virtue of the ninth share which he possessed as one of the proprietors of that house. Supposing there were twenty-one shares divided among the actors, the piece, though performed with such extraordinary success, did not produce more than six pounds ten shillings each night, exclusive of the occasional nightly charges already mentioned.

Note return to page 293 4“The verye hyerlings of some of our plaiers, [i. e. men occasionally hired by the night] says Stephen Gosson in the year 1579, which stand at reversion of vis. by the weeke, jet under gentlemen's noses in sutes of silke.” Schoole of Abuse, p. 22. Hart, the celebrated tragedian, after the Restoration, had but three pounds a week as an actor, that is, about ninety pounds a year; for the acting season did not, I believe, at that time exceed thirty weeks; but he had besides, as a proprietor, six shillings and three pence every day on which there was any performance at the king's theatre, which produced about 56l. 5s. more. Betterton even at the beginning of the present century, had not more than five pounds a week.

Note return to page 294 5See his Will in a subsequent page.

Note return to page 295 6Sir George Buc. This writer, as I have already observed, wrote an express treatise concerning the English stage, which was never printed, and, I fear, is now irrecoverably lost. As he was a friend of Sir Robert Cotton, I hoped to have found the manuscript in the Cottonian library, but was disappointed. “Of this art.” [the dramatick] says Sir George, “have written largely Petrus Victorius, &c. as it were in vaine for me to say any thing of the art, besides that I have written thereof a particular treatise.” The Third University of England, printed originally in 1615, and re-printed at the end of Howe's edition of Stowe's Annals, folio, 1631, p. 1082. It is singular that a similar work on the Roman stage, written by Suetonius, (De Spectaculis et Certaminibus Romanorum,) has also perished. Some little account of their scenery, and of the separation of the mimes and pantomimes from comedies, in which they were originally introduced, are the only particulars of this treatise that have been preserved; for which we are indebted to Servius, and Diomedes the grammarian. The latter fragment is curious, as it exhibits an early proof of that competition and jealousy, which, from the first rise of the stage to the present time, has disturbed the peace of the theatres: “Latinæ vero comœdiæ chorum non habent, sed duobus tantum membris constant, diverbio, et cantico. Primis autem temporibus, ut asserit Tranquillus, omnia quæ in scena versantur, in comœdia agebantur. Nam Pantomimus et Pithaules et Choraules in comœdia canebant. Sed quia non poterant omnia simul apud omnes artifices pariter excellere, si qui erant inter actores comœdiarum pro facultate et arte potiores, principatum sibi artificii vindicabant. Sic factum est, ut nolentibus cedere Mimis in artificio suo cœteris, separatio fieret reliquorum. Nam dum potiores inferioribus, qui in omni ergasterio erant, servire dedignabantur, seipsos a comœdia separaverunt: ac sic factum est, ut, exemplo semel sumpto, unusquisque artis suæ rem exequi cæperit, neque in comœdiam venire.” Grammaticæ Linguæ Auctores Antiqui, Putschii, p. 489, Hanov. 1605. I have said in a former page, that I believed Sir George Buc died soon after the year 1622, and I have since found my conjecture confirmed. He died, as I learn from one of Sir Henry Herbert's papers, on the 20th of September, 1623.

Note return to page 296 1When this Essay was first published, some particulars relating to Shakspeare himself were here inserted; but they will now be found incorporated with his Life, vol. ii. Boswell.

Note return to page 297 2In writing this performer's name I have followed the spelling used by his brother, who was a witness to his will; but the name ought rather to be Burbidge, (as it often formerly was,) being manifestly an abbreviation or corruption of Borough-bridge. [Mr. Chalmers has, I think, stated very good grounds for supposing this opinion to be erroneous, and that Burbadge was a corruption of Boar's badge. See his observations on this subject in a following page. Boswell.]

Note return to page 298 3“1619, Martii 9. Richardus Burbadge, alter Roscius, obiit.” Regni regis Jacobi I. Annalium Apparatus, 4to. 1691.

Note return to page 299 3In Jonson's Masque of Christmas, 1616, Burbadge and Heminges are both mentioned as managers: “I could ha' had money enough for him, an I would ha' been tempted, and ha' let him out by the week to the king's players: Master Burbadge hath been about and about with me, and so has old Mr. Heminge too; they ha' need of him.”

Note return to page 300 4I did not till lately discover that there is an original picture of this admired actor in Dulwich College, or his portrait should have been engraved for this work [edit. 1790.] However, the defect will very speedily be remedied by Mr. Sylvester Harding, the ingenious artist whom I employed to make a copy of the picture of Lowin at Oxford, which he executed with perfect fidelity; and who means to give the publick in twenty numbers, at a very moderate price, not only all such portraits as can be found, of the actors who personated the principal characters in our author's plays, while he was on the stage, but also an assemblage of genuine heads of the real personages represented in them; together with various views of the different places in which the scene of his historical dramas is placed. Each plate will be of the same size as that of Lowin, so as to suit the present edition.

Note return to page 301 5Answer to Pope, 1729.

Note return to page 302 6Among Mr. Malone's collections for this Essay, is a copy of a grant, or rather confirmation, of arms to John Heminges. I know not if he had satisfied himself that this was the person of whom he is here giving an account. If it were so, the above account of his birth and family must be erroneous. I annex the instrument alluded to. Boswell. “TO ALL AND SINGULAR Persons as well Nobles and others to whom theis Presents shall come Sir Will&mbar; Segar Knight alias Garter Principall King of Armes sendeth his due Salutacions and Greeting: Know Yee that whereas aunciently from the begyning yt hath byn a Custome in all Countryes and Co&mbar;on Wealthes well governed that the Use and bearing of certeyn Markes in Shieldes (co&mbar;only called Armes) have byn and are the only signes, and demonstracions either of Prowesse and valoure atchyved in times of Warre, or for good lyfe and civill Conversation frequented and used in tymes of Peace, being diversly distributed according to the Deserts of the Persons demeriting the same: Amonge the which Nomber I find John Hemings of London Gent. of long tyme Servant to Queen Elizabeth of happie Memory, also to King James hir Royal Successor and to King Charles his Sonne now raigning which John was Sonne and Heire of George Hemings of Draytwiche in the Countye of Worcester Gent: whoe did beare for his auncient Coat Armour Ore on a Cheveron Sable three Phayons of the first between three Lions Heads arrashed of the second langued Gueles And for his Creast or Cognisance On a Healme the Chappeau of Asure double indented Ermine a Lion jacent of the same langued and enarmed, mantled and doubled, as in the Margent are depicted All which Armes and Creast I the said Garter by virtue and power of mine Office confirm allow and establish unto the said John Hemings and his Hieres for ever and that it shall be lawfull for him and them to use beare and shewe forthe the same at all tymes and in all places at his and theire free liberty and “In Witness whereof I the said Garter Principall King of Arms have hereunto sett my hand and Seale of Office the second day of March in the fourthe yeare of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles by the Grace of God King of Greate Brittayne France and Ireland Defender of the Fayth Anno Domini 1628. “(Signed,) “Will&mbar;. Segar, Garter. “The above is a true Copy from the Register of Nobility & gentry, volume i. 392, now remaining in the College of Arms, London. “Geo. Nayler, York Herald, “Genealogist of the Bath, “2d Nov. 1811.”

Note return to page 303 6MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 304 7That he and Condell had ceased to act in the year 1623, is ascertained by a passage in their Address “to the great varietie of readers,” prefixed to our poet's plays. “Read him therefore, and againe, and againe: and if then you do not like him, surely you are in some manifest danger not to understand him. And so we leave you to other of his friends, whom if you need, can be your guides.” i. e. their fellow-comedians, who still continued on the stage, and, by representing our author's plays, could elucidate them, and thus serve as guides to the publick.

Note return to page 305 8MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 306 9Cuthbert Burbadge, brother to the actor.

Note return to page 307 8See it given, with a description, in a subsequent part of this volume. Boswell.

Note return to page 308 1See p. 131, n. 1.

Note return to page 309 2See The Returne from Parnassus, a comedy, 1606: “Indeed, M. Kempe, you are very famous, but that is as well for workes in print as your part in cue.” Kempe's New Jigg of the Kitchenstuff Woman was entered on the books of the Stationers' Company in 1595; and in the same year was licensed to Thomas Gosson, “Kempes New Jigge betwixt a Souldier and a Miser and Sym the Clowne.” Sept. 7, 1593, was entered on the Stationers' books, by R. Jones, “A comedie entitled A Knack How to Know a Knave, newly set forth, as it hath been sundrye tymes plaied by Ned Allen and his company, with Kempes applauded merryment of The Men of Gotham.” In the Bodleian Library, among the books given to it by Robert Burton, is the following tract, bound up with a few others of the same size, in a quarto volume marked L, 62d. art.: “Kemps nine daies wonder performed in a daunce from London to Norwich. Containing the pleasure, paines and kind entertainment of William Kemp between London and that city, in his late morrice. Wherein is somewhat set downe worth note; to reprooue the slaunders spred of him: many things merry, nothing hurtfull. Written by himselfe, to satisfie his friends.” (Lond. E. A. for Nicholas Ling. 1600. b. l.)—With a wooden cut of Kempe as a morris-dancer, preceded by a fellow with a pipe and drum, whom he (in the book) calls Thomas Slye, his taberer. It is dedicated to “The true ennobled lady, and most bountifull mistris, mistris Anne Fitton, mayde of honour to the most sacred mayde royall queene Elizabeth.”

Note return to page 310 3“Tush, tush, Tarleton, Kempe, nor Singer, nor all the litter of fooles that now come drawling behind them, never played the clownes part more naturally than the arrantest sot of you all.” Guls Hornebooke, 1609.

Note return to page 311 4“&lblank; what meanes Singer then, “And Pope, the clowne, to speak so borish, when “They counterfaite the clownes upon the stage?” Humours Ordinarie, where a Man may be verie merie and exceeding well used for Sixpence. (No date.)

Note return to page 312 5Heywood's Apology for Actors.

Note return to page 313 1He was probably bound apprentice to Peter Saunderson, grocer.

Note return to page 314 7Heywood's Apology for Actors.

Note return to page 315 8This date, which the engraver of the annexed portrait [i. e. in Mr. Malone's edition, 1790,] has inadvertently omitted, is— “1640, Ætat. 64.”

Note return to page 316 9Histor. Histrion. and Roscius Anglicanus. [This is questioned by Mr. Malone himself, in a note on Hamlet, vol. vii. p, 510, n. 4. Boswell.]

Note return to page 317 1So the MS. though afterwards Sir Henry Herbert calls it “friday the 18th.”

Note return to page 318 2In the margin here Sir Henry Herbert has added this note: “'Tis entered here for a remembrance against their disorders.”

Note return to page 319 3Histor. Histrion. p. 10.

Note return to page 320 4“To honest, gamesome, Robert Armine, “Who tickles the spleene like a harmless vermin.” “Armine, what shall I say of thee, but this, “Thou art a fool and knave; both?—fie, I miss, “And wrong thee much; sith thou indeed art neither, “Although in shew thou playest both together.”

Note return to page 321 5See Cynthia's Revels, 1601, in which they both acted.

Note return to page 322 6In a former edition of this Essay I had expressed a doubt whether the author and actor were not two different persons, but a document which will be found among Henslowe's MSS. has satisfied me that I was in an errour, and has led me to adopt Mr. Gifford's opinion, that they were one and the same.

Note return to page 323 6Hist. Histrion.

Note return to page 324 7Taylor's name does not occur in the list of actors printed by Jonson at the end of Volpone.

Note return to page 325 8MS. Vertue.

Note return to page 326 9“He is one, who now the stage is down, acts the parasite's part at table; and, since Taylor's death, none can play Mosca so well as he.” Character of one who imitates the good Companion another Way. In the edition of Fleckno's Characters, printed in 1665, he says, “this character was written in 1654.” Taylor was alive in 1652, having published The Wild Goose Chase in that year.

Note return to page 327 1MS. formerly in the collection of the Marquis of Lansdown.

Note return to page 328 2Hist. Histrion. p. 8.

Note return to page 329 3“For the kings company. Shankes Ordinarie, written by Shankes himselfe, this 16 March, 1623,—1l. 0s. 0d.” MS. Herbert.

Note return to page 330 4In The Third Part of King Henry VI. p. 158, first folio, the following stage-direction is found: “Enter Sinklo and Humphrey.” In the old play in quarto, entitled The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke, “Enter two Keepers.”

Note return to page 331 5He was one of the children of the Revels. See the Dramatis Personæ of Ben Jonson's Silent Woman.

Note return to page 332 6Dramatis Personæ of Every Man in his Humour.

Note return to page 333 7Warton's Milton, p. 432.

Note return to page 334 8P. 197, n. 2.

Note return to page 335 9In a former edition I had said, on the authority of Mr. Oldys, that “Edward Alleyn, the player, mentions in his Diary, that he once had so slender an audience in his theatre called the Fortune, that the whole receipt of the house amounted to no more than three pounds and some odd shillings.” But I have since seen Alleyn's Diary, (which was then mislaid,) and I find Mr. Oldys was mistaken. The memorandum on which the intelligence conveyed by the Librarian of Dulwich College to that Antiquary was founded, is as follows, “Oct. 1617, I went to the Red Bull, and rd. for The Younger Brother but 3l. 6s. 4d.” It appears from one of Lord Bacon's Letters dated August 18, 1618, that Alleyn had in that year left the stage. “Alleyn that was the player,” he calls him. The money therefore which he mentions to have received for the play of The Younger Brother, must have been the produce of the second day's representation, in consequence of his having sold the property of that piece to the sharers in the Red Bull theatre, or being in some way entitled to a benefit from it. Alleyn's own playhouse, the Fortune, was then open, but I imagine he had sold off his property in it to a kinsman, one Thomas Allen, an actor likewise. In his Diary, he frequently mentions his going from Dulwich to London after dinner, and supping with him and some of “the Fortune's men.” From this MS. I expected to have learned several particulars relative to our ancient stage; but unluckily the Diary does not commence till the year 1617, (at which time he had retired to his College, at Dulwich,) and contains no theatrical intelligence whatsoever except the article already quoted.

Note return to page 336 1“&lblank; For what a foul “And inexcusable fault it is, (that whole “Volume of plays being almost every one “After the death of Beaumont writ,) that none “Would certifie them so much?” Verses addressed by Sir Aston Cokain to Mr. Charles Cotton. See also his verses addressed to Mr. Humphry Moseley and Mr. Humphry Robinson: “In the large book of playes you late did print “In Beaumont and in Fletcher's name, why in't “Did you not justice? give to each his due? “For Beaumont of those many writ in few; “And Massinger in other few; the main “Being sole issues of sweet Fletcher's brain.”

Note return to page 337 2A Manuscript copy of this play is now before me, marked 1613.

Note return to page 338 3“The worst play that ere I saw,” says the writer in a marginal note.

Note return to page 339 4This play in a late entry on the Stationers' books was ascribed by a fraudulent bookseller to Shakspeare.

Note return to page 340 5Massinger's Duke of Millaine and Virgin Martyr were printed in 1623. It appears from the office-book of Sir Henry Herbert, that his other plays were produced in the following order: The Bondman, Dec. 3, 1623. Acted at the Cockpit in Drury Lane. The Renegado, or the Gentleman of Venice, April 17, 1624. Acted at the Cockpit. The Parliament of Love, Nov. 3, 1624. Acted at the Cockpit, Of this play the last four Acts are yet extant in manuscript. The Spanish Viceroy, acted in 1624. This play is lost. The Roman Actor, October 11, 1626. Acted by the king's company. The Judge, June 6, 1627. Acted by the king's company, This play is lost. The Great Duke was licensed for the Queen's Servants, July 5, 1627. This was, I apprehend, The Great Duke of Florence, which was acted by that company. The Honour of Women was licensed May 6, 1628. I suspect that this was the original name of The Maid of Honour, which was printed in 1631, though not entered for the stage in Sir Henry Herbert's book. The Picture, June 8, 1629. Acted by the king's company. Minerva's Sacrifice, Nov. 3, 1629. Acted by the king's company. This play is lost. The Emperor of the East, March 11, 1630–31. Acted by the king's company. Believe as you list, May 7, 1631. Acted by the king's company. This play is lost. The Unfortunate Piety, June 13, 1631. Acted by the king's company. This play is lost. The Fatal Dowry does not appear to have been licensed for the stage under that title, but was printed in 1632. It was acted by the king's company. The City Madam, May 25, 1632, acted by the king's company. A new Way to pay old Debts does not appear to have been licensed for the stage, but was printed in Nov. 1632. The Guardian was licensed Octob. 31, 1633. Acted by the king's company. The Tragedy of Cleander, May 7, 1634. Acted by the king's company. This play is lost. A Very Woman, June 6, 1634. Acted by the king's company. The Orator, Jan. 10, 1634–5. Acted by the king's company. This play is lost. The Bashful Lover, May 9, 1636. Acted by the king's company. The King and the Subject, June 5, 1638. Acted by the same company. This title, Sir Henry Herbert says, was changed. I suspect it was new named The Tyrant. The play is lost. Alexius, or the Chaste Lover, Sept. 25, 1639. Acted by the king's company. The Fair Anchoress of Pausilippo, Jan. 26, 1639–40. Acted by the king's company. Several other pieces by this author were formerly in possession of John Warburton, Esq. Somerset Herald, but I know not when they were written. Their titles are, Antonio and Vallia, The Woman's Plot, Philenzo and Hippolita, Taste and Welcome. [Mr. Gifford excludes Antonio and Vallia from the list of Massinger's plays; and mentions others which were destroyed by Mr. Warburton's servant. Boswell.]

Note return to page 341 6The book-keeper of Blackfriars' playhouse. The date of this piece of Ben Jonson has hitherto been unascertained. Immediately after this entry is another, which accounts for the defect of several leaves in the edition of Lord Brooke's Poems, 1633: “Received from Henry Seyle for allowinge a booke of verses of my lord Brooks, entitled Religion, Humane Learning, Warr, and Honor, this 17 of October 1632, in mony. 1l. 0s. 0d. in books to the value of 1l. 4s. 0d.”—In all the published copies twenty leaves on the subject of Religion, are wanting, having been cancelled, probably, by the order of Archbishop Laud. The subsequent entry ascertains the date of Cowley's earliest production: “More of Seyle, for allowinge of two other small peeces of verses for the press, done by a boy of this town called Cowley, at the same time, 0l. 10s. 0d.”

Note return to page 342 7Such of the plays of Shirley as were registered by Sir Henry Herbert, were licensed in the following order: Love Tricks, with Complements, Feb. 10, 1624–5. Mayds Revenge, Feb. 9, 1625–6. The Brothers, Nov. 4, 1626. The Witty Fair One, Octob, 3, 1628. The Faithful Servant, Nov. 3, 1629. The Traytor, May 4, 1631. The Duke, May 17, 1631. Loves Cruelty, Nov. 14, 1631. The Changes, Jan 10, 1631–2. Hyde Park, April 20, 1632. The Ball, Nov. 16, 1632. The Bewties, Jan. 21, 1632–3. The Young Admiral, July 3, 1633. The Gamester, Nov. 11, 1633. The Example, June 24, 1634. The Opportunity, Nov. 29, 1634. The Coronation, Feb. 6, 1634–5. Chabot, Admiral of France, April 29, 1635. The Lady of Pleasure, Oct. 15, 1635. The Duke's Mistress, Jan. 18, 1635–6. The Royal Master, April 23, 1638. The Gentleman of Venise, Octob. 30, 1629. Rosania, June 1, 1640. The Impostor, Nov. 10, 1640. The Politique Father, May 26, 1641. The Cardinall, Nov. 25, 1641. The Sisters, April 26, 1642.

Note return to page 343 8This is a mistake. It should be the 16th of November. She was born Nov. 16, 1609.

Note return to page 344 9In the margin the writer adds—“The first ould play sent mee to be perused by the K. players.”

Note return to page 345 1In a tract of the present age, we are told that Charles the Second being reprimanded by one of his courtiers for frequently introducing profane oaths in his discourse, defended himself by saying, “Your martyr swore twice more than ever I did.” See the Reverend Mr. Watson's Apology for his conduct on Jan. 30, 8vo. 1756, p. 34.

Note return to page 346 2In a former page the following entry is found: “For a play of Fletchers corrected by Sherley, called The Night Walkers, the 11 May, 1633, £2. 0. 0. For the queen's players.”

Note return to page 347 3i. e. the woman who had the care of the hall belonging to the Middle Temple.

Note return to page 348 4The Proxy, or Love's Aftergame, was produced at the theatre at Salisbury Court, November 24, 1634.

Note return to page 349 6It appears from another paper that his men were soldiers.

Note return to page 350 7This is the indorsement, written in Sir Henry Herbert's own hand.

Note return to page 351 8i. e. the playhouse in Salisbury Court.

Note return to page 352 9The date inserted by Sir Henry Herbert.

Note return to page 353 1The words in Italick characters were added by Sir Henry Herbert's own hand.

Note return to page 354 2Michael Mohun, William Cartwright, and Walter Clun, did not sign.

Note return to page 355 3This celebrated actor continued on the stage fifty years, and died intestate in April, 1710. No person appears to have administered to him. Such was his extreme modesty, that not long before his death “he confessed that he was yet learning to be an actor.” His wife survived him two years. By her last will, which was made March 10, 1711–12, and proved in the following month, she bequeathed to Mrs. Mary Head, her sister, and to two other persons, 20l. apiece, “to be paid out of the arrears of the pension which her Majesty had been graciously pleased to grant her;” to Mrs. Anne Betterton, Mr. Wilks, Mr. Dent, Mr. Dogget, and Mrs. Bracegirdle, twenty shillings each for rings, and to her residuary legatee, Mrs. Frances Williamson, the wife of &lblank; Williamson, “her dearly beloved husband's picture.” Mrs. Mary Head must have been Mr. Betterton's sister; for Mrs. Betterton's own name was Mary.

Note return to page 356 4i. e. men hired occasionally by the night: in modern language, supernumeraries.

Note return to page 357 5From a paper which Sir Henry Herbert has intitled “A Breviat” of matters to be proved on this trial, it appears that he was possessed of the Office-books of his predecessors, Mr. Tilney and Sir George Buc; for, among other points of which proof was intended to be produced, he states, that “Several plays were allowed by Mr. Tilney in 1598, which is 62 years since: “As Sir William Longsword Allowed to be acted in 1598. See the bookes. “As The Fair Maid of London Allowed to be acted in 1598. See the bookes. “As Richard Cordelion Allowed to be acted in 1598. See the bookes. King and no King, allowed to be acted in 1611, and the same to be printed. Hogg Hath Lost its Pearle, and hundreds more. Allowed by Sir George Buck.”

Note return to page 358 6It is extraordinary, that the Master of the Revels should have ventured to state fifty pounds as the produce of each of the benefits given him by the king's company. We have seen (p. 176) that at an average they did not produce nine pounds each, and after a trial of some years he compounded with that company for the certain sum of ten pounds for his winter's day, and the like sum for his summer benefit.

Note return to page 359 7This poem Sir William D'Avenant suppressed, for it does not appear in his works.

Note return to page 360 8On the back of this paper Sir Henry Herbert has written— “Copy of the Articles sealed and delivered the 5th June, 62, between Sir H. H. and Thomas Killegrew. Bonds of 5000l. for the performance of covenants.”

Note return to page 361 1I suppose this means Bussy D' Ambois, by Chapman. Boswell.

Note return to page 362 9Mr. Warton informs me, that “it appears by Aubrey's letters that this Life of Davenant was sent to Wood, and drawn up at his request.”

Note return to page 363 1Over was, he has written seem'd.

Note return to page 364 2These words are half obliterated.

Note return to page 365 3Over this word is written encircled.

Note return to page 366 1These lines are inaccurately quoted by memory from Certain Verses written by several of the Author's Friends, to be re-printed with the Second Edition of Gondibert, 1653.

Note return to page 367 2Mr. Warton observes to me, that “Aubrey does not say here, that Milton (with the two aldermen) was instrumental in saving D'Avenant's Life. Dr. Johnson is puzzled on what authority to fix this anecdote. Life of Milton, p. 181, 8vo. edit. I believe that anecdote was first retailed in print by Wood, Ath. Oxon. ii. 412.”

Note return to page 368 3Here we have another and a decisive confirmation of what has been stated in a former page on the subject of scenes. See p. 81, et seq.

Note return to page 369 4It is now a tennis-court again , upon the building of the Duke's house, in Dorset Garden. Aubrey.

Note return to page 370 4The following plays, written by Sir William D'Avenant, were licensed by the Master of the Revels in the following order: The Cruel Brother, Jan. 12, 1626–7. The Colonel, July 22, 1629. The Just Italian, Octob. 2, 1629. The Wits, Jan. 19, 1633–4. Love and Honour, Nov. 20, 1634. News of Plymouth, Aug. 1, 1635. Platonick Lovers, Nov. 16, 1635. Britannia Triumphans, licensed for press, Jan. 8, 1637. Unfortunate Lovers, April 16, 1638. Fair Favourite, Nov. 17, 1638. The Spanish Lovers, Nov. 30, 1639. This piece is probably the play which in his works is called The Distresses. Love and Honour was originally called The Courage of Love. It was afterwards named by Sir Henry Herbert, at D'Avenant's request, The Nonpareilles, or the Matchless Maids. In 1668 was published Sir William D'Avenant's Voyage to the other World, with his Adventures in the Poet's Elizium, written by Richard Flecknoe, which I subjoin to the memoirs of that poet. Consisting only of a single sheet, the greater part of the impression has probably perished, for I have never met with a second copy of this piece: “Sir William D'Avenant being dead, not a poet would afford him so much as an elegie; whether because he sought to make a monopoly of the art, or strove to become rich in spite of Minerva: it being with poets as with mushrooms, which grow onely on barren ground, inrich the soyl once, and then degenerate; onely one, more humane than the rest, accompany'd him to his grave with this eulogium: “‘Now Davenant's dead, the stage will mourn, “‘And all to barbarism turn; “‘Since he it was, this later age, “‘Who chiefly civiliz'd the stage. “‘Great was his wit, his fancy great, “‘As e'er was any poet's yet; “‘And more advantage none e'er made “‘O' th' wit and fancy which he had. “‘Not onely Dedalus' arts he knew, “‘But even Prometheus's too; “‘And living machins made of men, “‘As well as dead ones, for the scene. “‘And if the stage or theatre be “‘A little world, 'twas chiefly he, “‘That, Atlas-like, supported it, “‘By force of industry and wit. “‘All this, and more, be did beside, “‘Which, having perfected, he dy'd: “‘If he may properly be said “‘To die, whose fame will ne'er be dead.’” “Another went further yet, and using the privilege of your antient poets, who with allmost as much certainty as your divines, can tell all that passes in the other world, did thus relate his voyage thither, and all his adventures in the poet's elyzium. “As every one at the instant of their deaths, have passports given them for some place or other, he had his for the poet's elyzium; which not without much difficulty he obtained from the officers of Parnassus: for when he alledg'd, he was an heroick poet, they ask'd him why he did not continue it? when he said he was a dramatick too, they ask'd him why he left it off, and onely studied to get money; like him who sold his horse to buy him provender: and finally, when he added, he was poet laureate, they laugh'd, and said, bayes was never more cheap than now; and that since Petrarch's time, none had ever been legitimately crown'd. “Nor had he less difficulty with Charon, who hearing he was rich, thought to make booty of him, and ask'd an extraordinary price for his passage over: but coming to payment, he found he was so poor, as he was ready to turn him back agen, he having hardly so much as his naulum, or the price of every ordinary passenger. “Being arriv'd, they were all much amaz'd to see him there, they having never heard of his being dead, neither by their weekly gazets, nor cryers of verses and pamphlets up and down; (as common a trade there, almost as it is here:) nor was he less amaz'd than they, to find never a poet there, antient nor modern, whom in some sort or other he had not disoblig'd by his discommendations; as Homer, Virgil, Tasso, Spencer, and especially Ben. Johnson; contrary to Plinies rule, never to discommend any of the same profession with our selves: ‘for either they are better or worse than you (says he); if better, if they be not worthy commendations, you much less; if worse, if they be worth commendations, you much more: so every ways advantagious 'tis for us to commend others.’ Nay, even Shakespear, whom he thought to have found his greatest friend, was as much offended with him as any of the rest, for so spoiling and mangling of his plays. But he who most vext and tormented him, was his old antagonist Jack Donne, who mock'd him a hundred passages out of Gondibert; and after a world of other railing and spightful language (at which the doctor was excellent) so exasperated the knight, at last, as they fell together by the ears: when but imagine “‘What tearing noses had been there, “‘Had they but noses to tear* [Subnote: *John Donne, the eldest son of Donne the poet, was a Civilian. He is said to have met with a misfortune similar to that of D'Avenant.] .’” “Mean time the comick poets make a ring about them, as boys do when they hiss dogs together by the ears; till at last they were separated by Pluto's officers, as diligent to keep the peace and part the fray, as your Italian Sbirri, or Spanish Alguazilo; and so they drag'd them both away, the doctor to the stocks, for raising tumult and disturbances in hell, and the knight to the tribunal, where Minos, Æacus, and Rhadamanthus were to sit in judgement on him, with Momus the common accuser of the court. “Here being arriv'd, and silence commanded, they askd him his quality and profession: to whom he answer'd he was a Poet-laureate, who for poetry in general had not his fellow alive, and had left none to equal him now he was dead: and for eloquence, “How never any hyperbolies “Were higher, or farther stretch'd than his; “Nor ever comparisons again “Made things compar'd more clear and plain. Then for his plays or dramatick poetry. “How that of The Unfortunate Lovers “The depth of tragedy discovers: “In's Love and Honour you might see “The height of tragecomedy; “And for his Wits, the comick fire “In none yet ever flam'd up higher: “But coming to his Siege of Rhodes, “It outwent all the rest by odds; “And somewhat's in't, that does out-do “Both th' antients and the moderns too. “To which Momus answered: that though they were never so good, it became not him to commend them as he did; that there were faults enough to be found in them; and that he had mar'd more good plays, than ever he had made; that all his wit lay in hyperbolies and comparisons, which, when accessory, were commendable enough, but when principal, deserved no great commendations: that his muse was none of the nine, onely a mungril, or by-blow of Parnassus, and her beauty rather sophisticate than natural; that he offer'd at learning and philosophy, but as pullen and stubble geese offer'd to fly, who after they had fluttered up a while, at length came fluttering down as fast agen; that he was with his high-sounding words, but like empty hogs-heads, the higher they sounded the emptier still they were; and that, finally, he so perplex'd himself and readers with parenthesis on parenthesis, as, just as in a wilderness or labyrinth, all sense was lost in them. “As for his life and manners, they would not examine those, since 'twas suppos'd they were licentious enough; only he wou'd say, “He was a good companion for “The rich, but ill one for the poor; “On whom he look'd so, you'd believe “He walk'd with a face negative: “Whilst he must be a lord at least, “For whom he'd smile or break a jeast. “And though this and much more, was exaggerated against him by Momus, yet the judges were so favourable to him, because he had left the muses for Pluto, as they condemned him onely to live in Pluto's court, to make him and Proserpina merry with his facetious jeasts and stories; with whom in short time he became so gracious, by complying with their humours, and now and then dressing a dish or two of meat for them* [Subnote: *This seems to allude to a fact then well known. D'Avenant was probably admitted to the private suppers of Charles the Second.] , as they joyn'd him in patent with Momus, and made him superintendent of all their sports and recreations; so as, onely changing place and persons, he is now in as good condition as he was before; and lives the same life there, as he did here. “POSTCRIPT. “To the Actors of the Theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields. “I promised you a sight of what I had written of Sir William D'Avenant, and now behold it here: by it you will perceive how much they abused you, who told you it was such an abusive thing. If you like it not take heed hereafter how you disoblige him, who can not onely write for you, but against you too. “Rich. Flecknoe.”

Note return to page 371 5The building scenes, &c. of that theatre cost 5000l. according to a statement given in a petition presented to Queen Anne about the year 1709, by Charles D'Avenant, Charles Killegrew, Christopher Rich, and others.

Note return to page 372 6From the preface to Settle's Fatal Love, 1680, it should seem that he had then retired from the stage, perhaps in the preceding year: for in the prologue to The Ambitious Statesman, 1679, are these lines, evidently alluding to him and Mr. Mohun: “The time's neglect and maladies have thrown “The two great pillars of our playhouse down.” Charles Hart, who, I believe, was our poet's great nephew, is said to have been Nell Gwin's first lover, and was the most celebrated tragedian of his time. “What Mr. Hart delivers, (says Rymer,) every one takes upon content; their eyes are prepossessed and charmed by his action before aught of the poet's can approach their ears; and to the most wretched of characters he gives a lustre and brilliant, which dazzles the sight, that the deformites in the poetry cannot be perceived.” “Were I a poet, (says another contemporary writer, say a Fletcher, a Shakspeare, I would quit my own title to immortality, so that one actor might never die. This I may modestly say of him, (nor is it my particular opinion, but the sense of all mankind,) that the best tragedies on the English stage have received their lustre from Mr. Hart's performance; that he has left such an impression behind him, that no less than the interval of an age can make them appear again with half their majesty from any second hand.” In a pamphlet entitled The Life of the late Famous Comedian, J. Hayns, 8vo. 1701, a characteristick trait of our poet's kinsman is preserved: “About this time [1673] there happened a small pick between Mr. Hart and Jo, upon the account of his late negociation in France* [Subnote: *Soon after the theatre in Drury Lane was burnt down, Jan. 1671–2, Hayns had been sent to Paris by Mr. Hart and Mr. Killigrew, to examine the machinery employed in the French Operas.] , and there spending the company so much money to so little purpose, or, as I may more properly say, to no purpose at all. “There happened to be one night a play acted called Catiline's Conspiracy, wherein there was wanting a great number of senators. Now Mr. Hart, being chief of the house, would oblige Jo to dress for one of these senators, although his salary, being 50s. per week, freed him from any such obligation. “But Mr. Hart, as I said before, being sole governour of the playhouse, and at a small variance with Jo, commands it, and the other must obey. “Jo, being vexed at the slight Mr. Hart had put upon him, found out this method of being revenged on him. He gets a Scaramouch dress, a large full ruff, makes himself whiskers from ear to ear, puts on his head a long Merry Andrew's cap, a short pipe in his mouth, a little three-legged stool in his hand; and in this manner follows Mr. Hart on the stage, sets himself down behind him, and begins to smoke his pipe, laugh, and point at him. Which comical figure put all the house in an uproar, some laughing, some clapping, and some hollaing. Now Mr. Hart, as those who knew him can aver, was a man of that exactness and grandeur on the stage, that let what would happen, he'd never discompose himself, or mind any thing but what he then represented; and had a scene fallen behind him, he would not at that time look back, to have seen what was the matter; which Jo knowing, remained still smoaking: the audience continued laughing, Mr. Hart acting, and wondering at this unusual occasion of their mirth; sometimes thinking it some disturbance in the house, again that it might be something amiss in his dress: at last turning himself toward the scenes, he discovered Jo in the aforesaid posture; whereupon he immediately goes off the stage, swearing he would never set foot on it again, unless Jo was immediately turned out of doors, which was no sooner spoke, but put in practice.”

Note return to page 373 7“The tragedy of Macbeth, altered by Sir William D'Avenant, being drest in all its finery, as new clothes, new scenes, machines, as flyings for the witches, with all the singing and dancing in it, (the first composed by Mr. Lock, the other by Mr. Channel and Mr. Joseph Priest,) it being all excellently performed, being in the nature of an opera, it recompenced double the expence: it proves still a lasting play.” Roscius Anglicanus, p. 33, 8vo. 1708. “In 1673, The Tempest, or the Inchanted Island, made into an opera by Mr. Shadwell, having all new in it, as scenes, machines; one scene painted with myriads of aerial spirits, and another flying away, with a table furnished out with fruits, sweatmeats, and all sorts of viands, just when duke Trinculo and his company were going to dinner; all things were performed in it so admirably well, that not any succeeding opera got more money.” Ibidem, p. 34.

Note return to page 374 8King Richard II. and King Lear were produced by Tate in 1681, before the union of the two companies; and Coriolanus, under the title of The Ingratitude of a Common wealth, in 1682. In the same year appeared Durfey's alteration of Cymbeline, under the title of The Injured Princess.

Note return to page 375 9In the theatrical advertisement, Feb. 6, 1738, King Richard II. (which was then produced at Covent Garden,) was said not to have been acted for forty years.

Note return to page 376 1On the revival of this play in 1720, it was announced as not having been acted for twenty years; but the piece which had been performed in the year 1700, was not Shakspeare's, but Gildon's.

Note return to page 377 2This was by Aaron Hill. Reed.

Note return to page 378 3King Henry VI. altered from Shakspeare by Theophilus Cibber, was performed by a summer company at Drury Lane, July 5, 1723; but it met with no success, being represented only once.

Note return to page 379 3It is clear from subsequent entries made by Mr. Henslowe that the sums in the margin opposite to each play, were not the total receipts of the house, but what he received as a proprietor from either half or the whole of the galleries, which appear to have been appropriated to him to reimburse him for expences incurred in dresses, copies, &c. for the theatre. The profit derived from the rooms or boxes, &c. was divided among such of the players as possessed shares. In a subsequent page I find— “Here I begynne to receive the whole galleryes from this day, being 29 of July, 1598.” At the bottom of the account, which ends Oct. 13, 1599, is this note: “Received with the company of my lord of Nottinghams men, to this place, being the 13 of October, 1599, and yt doth apeare that I have received of the deate which they owe unto me, iij hundred fiftie and eyght pounds.” Again: “Here I begane to receive the galleryes agayne, which they received, begynninge at Mihellmas weeke, being the 6 of October, 1599, as followeth: Again: “My lord of Pembrokes men beganne to playe at the Rose, the 28 of October, 1600, as followeth: s. d. “R. at licke unto licke, 11. 6. “R. at Raderick &lblank; v. &wblank;.” Five shillings could not possibly have been the total receipt of the house, and therefore must have been that which the proprietor received on his separate account.

Note return to page 380 4Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay, by Robert Greene.

Note return to page 381 5In a subsequent entry called Mulamulluco. The play meant was probably The Battle of Alcazar. See the first speech: “This bave barbarian lord, Muly Mulocco,” &c.

Note return to page 382 6Orlando Furioso, by Robert Greene, printed in 1599.

Note return to page 383 7In the Dissertation on the Three Parts of King Henry VI. In conjectured that the piece which we now call The First Part of King Henry VI. was, when first performed, called The Play of King Henry VI. We find here that such was the fact. This play, which I am confident was not originally the production of Shakspeare, but of another poet, was extremely popular, being represented in this season between March 3 and June 19, [1592] no less than thirteen times. Hence Nashe in a pamphlet published in this year, speaks of ten thousand spectators that had seen it. See Dissertation, &c. vol. xviii. p. 564.

Note return to page 384 8Afterwards written Byndo.

Note return to page 385 9This could not have been the piece called All's One, or Four Plays in One, of which The Yorkshire Tragedy made a part, because the fact on which that piece is founded happened in 1605.

Note return to page 386 1The Looking Glass for London and England, by Robert Greene and Thomas Lodge, printed in 1598.

Note return to page 387 2Probably The Destruction of Jerusalem, by Dr. Thomas Legge. See Wood's Fast. Oxon, vol. i. p. 133.

Note return to page 388 3Printed in 1594.

Note return to page 389 4Probably The Massacre of Paris, by Christopher Marlowe.

Note return to page 390 5In consequence of the great plague in the year 1593, all theatrical entertainments were forbid.

Note return to page 391 6This play is printed.

Note return to page 392 7This piece should seem to have been written by the Tinker in The Taming of the Shrew, who talks of Richard Conqueror.

Note return to page 393 8This play was printed in 1599.

Note return to page 394 9The manager of this theatre, who appears to have been extremely illiterate, has made the same mistake in the play of Titus and Vespasian. There can be no doubt that this was the original piece, before our poet touched it. At the second representation Mr. Henslowe's share was forty shillings; at the third, the same sum.

Note return to page 395 1This old play was entered on the Stationers' books in the following year, and published in 1605; but the bookseller, that it might be mistaken for Shakspeare's, took care not to mention by whose servants it had been performed.

Note return to page 396 2Five other old plays wee represented, whose titles have been already given.

Note return to page 397 3Two other old plays, whose titles have been already given, on the 14th and 15th of May.

Note return to page 398 4Howes in his Continuation of Stowe's Chronicle, 1631, mentions among the seventeen theatres which had been built within sixty years, “one in former time at Newington Butts.”

Note return to page 399 5Hester and Ahasuerus.

Note return to page 400 6In the Essay on the Order of Shakspeare's plays, I have stated my opinion, that there was a play on the subject of Hamlet, prior to our author's; and here we have a full confirmation of that conjecture. It cannot be supposed that our poet's play should have been performed but once in the time of this account, and that Mr. Henslowe should have drawn from such a piece but the sum of eight shillings, when his share in several other plays came to three and sometimes four pounds. It is clear that not one of our author's plays was played at Newington Butts; if one had been performed, we should certainly have found more. The old Hamlet had been on the stage before 1589; and to the performance of the Ghost in this piece in the summer of 1594, without doubt it is, that Dr. Lodge alludes, in his Wit's Miserie, &c. 4to. 1596, when he speaks of “a foul lubber, who looks as pale as the vizard of the ghost, who cried so miserably at the theatre, Hamlet, revenge.”

Note return to page 401 7The play which preceded Shakspeare's. It was printed in 1607. There is a slight variation between the titles; our poet's piece being called The Taming of the Shrew.

Note return to page 402 8The Guise. It is afterwards called The Massacre, i. e. The Massacre of Paris, by Christopher Marlowe.

Note return to page 403 9Q. Julius Cæsar.

Note return to page 404 2Q.—of Candia.

Note return to page 405 3Tasso's Melancholy. “I rather spited than pitied him, (says old Montagne,) when I saw him at Ferrara, in so piteous a plight, that he survived himselfe, mis-acknowledging both himselfe and his labours, which, unwitting to him even to his face, have been published both uncorrected and maimed.” Florio's translation, 1603.

Note return to page 406 4Probably Peele's play, entitled Mahomet and Hiren, the fair Greek. See vol. xvii. p. 83, n. 9.

Note return to page 407 5Palamon and Arcite. On this old play The Two Noble Kinsmen was probably founded.

Note return to page 408 6Dr. Faustus, by Christopher Marlowe.

Note return to page 409 7A Knack to know an Honest Man. This play was printed in 1596.

Note return to page 410 8Stephen Gosson mentions a play entitled The History of Cæsar and Pompey, which was acted before 1580.

Note return to page 411 9The maw was a game at cards. The play is afterwards called The seut [suit] at mawe.

Note return to page 412 1This also was a game at cards.

Note return to page 413 2Seleo is afterwards written Selyo, and the play is in a subsequent entry called Olempo and Hengens.

Note return to page 414 3Hercules, written by Martin Slaughter.

Note return to page 415 4Probably on the subject of Shakspeare's play.

Note return to page 416 5This piece was entered in the Stationers' books, by Humphrey Moseley, June 29, 1660, as the production of Philip Massinger.

Note return to page 417 6Probably Peeles play, entitled The Famous Chronicle of King Edward I. sirnamed Edward Long-shankes, printed in 1593.

Note return to page 418 7Afterwards called A Toy to please Chaste Ladies.

Note return to page 419 8I suppose, the play entitled The Famous Victories of King Henry V. containing the Honourable Battel of Agincourt, 1598; in which may be found the rude outlines of our poet's two parts of King Henry IV. and King Henry V.

Note return to page 420 9Pythagoras, written by Martin Slaughter.

Note return to page 421 1By Thomas Dekker. This play is printed.

Note return to page 422 2By George Chapman. Printed in 1598.

Note return to page 423 3Phocas, by Martin Slaughter.

Note return to page 424 4This play was printed in black letter in 1605.

Note return to page 425 5The sums received by Mr. Henslowe from this place are ranged in five columns, in such a manner as to furnish no precise information.

Note return to page 426 6Perhaps Ben Jonson's Every man in his Humour. It will appear hereafter that he had money dealings with Mr. Henslowe, the manager of this theatre, and that he wrote for him. The play might have been afterwards purchased from this company by the Lord Chamberlain's Servants, by whom it was acted in 1598.

Note return to page 427 7This could not have been the play already mentioned, because in that Henry does not die; nor could it have been Shakspeare's play.

Note return to page 428 8Afterwards written—Baselia.

Note return to page 429 9This piece was performed a second time on the 28th of July, when this account was closed.

Note return to page 430 1I suspect that these were the limbs of Aaron the Moor, in Titus Andronicus, who in the original play was probably tortured on the stage. This ancient exhibition was so much approved of by Ravenscroft, that he introduced it in his play.—In The Battle of Alcazar there is also a Moor, whose dead body is brought on the stage, but not in a dislocated state.

Note return to page 431 2In the play called Maw.

Note return to page 432 3&lblank; one Hell-mouth.] If the reader wishes to know how this article of scenery was represented, he may consult two views of it among the Ectypa Varia, &c. ære olim insculpta, studio et cura Thomæ Hearne &c. 1737, viz. Adam moritur et transit ad infernum pro uno pomo: and Jesus Christus resurgens a mortuis spoliat infernum. See also note on Macbeth, Act I. Sc. III. Steevens.

Note return to page 433 4Here we have the only attempt which this Inventory furnishes of any thing like scenery, and it was undoubtedly the ne plus ultra of those days. To exhibit a sun or moon, the art of perspective was not necessary.

Note return to page 434 5The Jew of Malta.

Note return to page 435 6“The best for comedy amongst us bee, Edward Earle of Oxforde, Doctor Gager of Oxforde, Maister Rowleye, once a rare scholler of learned Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, Maister Edwardes, one of her Majesties chappell, eloquent and witty John Lilly, Lodge, Gascoyne, Greene, Shakspeare, Thomas Nashe. Anthony Mundye our best plotter, Chapman, Porter, Wilson, Hathway, and Henry Chettle.” Wits Treasury, being the Second Part of Wits Common Wealth, by Francis Meres, 1598, p. 283. The latter writer, Henry Chettle, is the person whose testimony with respect to our poet's merit as an actor, I have produced in the Life of Shakspeare. Chettle, it appears from this document, wrote singly, or in conjunction with others, not less than thirty plays, of which five only are now extant; one of which (Hofman's Tragedy) he wrote singly, and four in which he had coadjutors.

Note return to page 436 7In the following month I find this entry: “Lent unto the company, the 4 of Febreary 1598, to discharge Mr. Dicker owt of the cownter in the powltrey, the some of fortie shillinges, I say dd [delivered] to Thomas Downton, xxxxs.”

Note return to page 437 8In a subsequent page is the following entry: “Lent unto Robarte Shawe, the 18 of Novemb. 1598, to lend unto Mr. Cheattle, upon the mending of The First Part of Robart Hoode, the sum of xs.” And afterwards—“For mending of Robin Rood for the corte.” This piece and its second part have hitherto, on the authority of Kirkman, been falsely ascribed to Thomas Heywood.

Note return to page 438 9Printed in 1616, under the title of Englishmen for my Money, or a Woman will have her Will.

Note return to page 439 1The only notice of this poet that I have met with, except what is contained in these sheets, is the following: “Lent unto Robert Shawe, the 10 of Marche, 1596, [1600] to lend Mr. Haughton out of the clynke, the some of xs.”

Note return to page 440 2Perhaps The Valiant Welchman, printed in 1615.

Note return to page 441 3There was a play on this subject written by R. Davenport, and acted by the king's company in 1624: as appears by Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript. Perhaps it was only the old play new modelled. It was afterwards (1660) entered on the Stationers' books by a knavish bookseller and ascribed to Shakspeare. Subjoined to the account of this play is the following article: “Lent at that time unto the company, for to spend at the reading of that boocke at the sonne [Sun] in new Fish Street, vs.”

Note return to page 442 4“Lent unto Thomas Dowton the 11 of April 1598, to bye tafitie to macke a rochet for the bishoppe in earle Goodwine, xxiiijs.”

Note return to page 443 5I suppose a play on the subject of King Richard II.

Note return to page 444 6“Lent unto the company, the 16th of Maye, 1598, to buye v boockes of martin Slather, called 2 ptes of Hercolus, & focas, & pethagores, and alyxander and lodieck, which last boocke he hath not yet delyvered, the some of vii li.” He afterward received 20s. more on delivering the play last named.—He was a player, and one of the Lord Admiral's Servants. These plays, we have already seen, had been acted some years before. It appears from various entries in this book, that the price of an old play, when transferred from one theatre to another, was two pounds.

Note return to page 445 7I find in a subsequent page, “Lent unto Sam. Rowley, the 12 of Desember, 1598, to bye divers thinges for to macke cottes for gyants in Brute, the some of xxs.”

Note return to page 446 8Thomas Heywood had written for the stage in 1596, for in another page I find—“Octob. 14, 1596. Lent unto them [the Lord Admiral's Servants] for Hawodes booke, xxxs.” From another entry in the same page it appears that Fletcher wrote for the stage so early as in the year 1596. “Octob. 14, 1596. Lent unto Martyne, [Martin Slaughter,] to fetch Fleatcher, vis.” Again, ibidem: “Gave the company to give Fleatcher, and the have promised me payment,—xxs.”—Heywood was in the year 1598 an hireling, by which name all the players who were not sharers, were determinated. They received a certain sum by the week. In Mr. Henslowe's book the following article occurs: “Memorandum, that this 25 of Marche, 1598, Thomas Hawoode came and hiered him sealfe with me as a convenanted servante far ij yeares, by the receveing of ij syngell pence, according to the statute of Winchester, and to beginne at the daye above written, and not to playe any wher publicke abowt lundon, not whille these ij yeares be expired, but in my howse. Yf he do, then he doth forfett unto me by the receiving of the iid. fortie powndes. And witness to this, Anthony Monday, William Borne, Gabriel Spencer, Thomas Dowton, Robert Shawe, Richard Jones, Richard Alleyn.” William Borne, alias Bird, a dramatick poet, whose name frequently occurs in this manuscript, was likewise an hireling, as is ascertained by a memorandum, worth transcribing on another account: “Memorandum, that the 10 of august, 1597, Wm. Borne came and ofered him sealfe to come and play with my lord admiralles men at my house called by the name of the Rose, setewate one [on] the banck, after this order followinge. He hath received of me ijd. upon and [an] assumsett to forfett unto me a hundreth marckes, of lafull money of Ingland, yf he do not performe thes thinges following; that is, presentley after libertie beinge granted for playinge, to come & to playe with my lorde admiralles men at my howsse aforesayd, & not in any other howsse publick abowt london, for the space of iij yeares being imediatly after this restraynt is receiled by the lordes counsell, which restraynt is by the menes of playinge The Jeyle of Dooges, [Isle of Dogs.] Yf he do not, then he forfetts this assumpset afore, or ells not. Witness to this E. Alleyn & Robsone.” This stipend of an hireling is ascertained by the following memorandum: “Memorandum, that the 17 of Jewley 1597, I heayred Thomas Hearne with ij pence for to serve me ij yeares in the qualetie of playenge, for five shillinges a weeck for one yeare, and vis. viiid. for the other yere, which he hath convenanted hime sealfe to serve me, & not to depart from my company till thes ij yeares is ended. Witness to this, John Synger, James Donston, Thomas Towne.

Note return to page 447 9The note relative to this play is worth preserving. “Lent unto Hrey Porter, at the request of the company, in earnest of his booke called ij merey wemen of abington, the some of forty shellengs, and for the resayte of that money he gave me his faythfull promise that I should have alle his bookes which he writte ether him selfe or with any other, which some was dd. [delivered] the 28th of febreary, 1590.”—The spelling of the word— receipt here shewes how words of that kind were pronounced in our author's age.

Note return to page 448 1For this piece the poet received eight pounds. The common price was six pounds.

Note return to page 449 2Here and above, (see Damon and Pythias) we have additional instances of old plays being re-written. There was a dramatick piece by Lord Buckhurst and Thomas Norton, with the title of Ferrex and Porrex, printed in 1570. Damon and Pythias, by Richard Edwards, was printed in 1582.

Note return to page 450 3This play appears to have been sometimes called Thomas Strowde, and sometimes The Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green. See the title-page of that play.

Note return to page 451 4“Paid unto John Daye, at the apoyntment of the company, the 2 of maye, 1601, after the playing of the 2 pte of Strowde, the some of xs.”

Note return to page 452 5“Layd out at the apoyntment of my sone and the company, unto harey chettle, for the alterynge of the booke of carnowile Wollsey, the 28 of June, 1601, the some of xxs.” I suspect, this play was not written originally by Chettle.

Note return to page 453 6So called in one place; in another The First Part of Cardinal Wolsey. It was not produced till some months after the play written or altered by Chettle. Thirty-eight pounds were expended in the dresses, &c. for Chettel's play; of which sum twenty-five shillings were paid “for velvet and mackynge of the doctors gowne.” The two parts of Cardinal Wolsey were performed by the Earl of Worcester's servants.

Note return to page 454 7This author was likewise a player, and in the same situation with Heywood, as appears from the following entry: “Memorandum, that the 16 of november, 1598, I hired Charles Massey and Samuel Rowley, for a year and as much as to sraftide, [Shrovetide] begenynge at the day above written, after the statute of Winchester, with ij singell pence; and forther they have covenanted with me to playe in my howsse and in no other howsse (dewringe the time) publick but in mine: yf they do withowt my consent to forfitt unto me xxxxlb. a pece. Witness Thomas Dowton, Robert Shawe, Edw. Jubey.”

Note return to page 455 8“Lent unto Thomas Downton, the 18th of may, [1602] to bye maskynge antycke sewts for the 2 parte of Carnowlle Wollsey, the some of iiijlb. vs.”—“27 of may, to bye Wm. Somers cotte, and other thinges, the some of iiijlb.”

Note return to page 456 9Probably The Fair Maid of Bristol, printed in 1605.

Note return to page 457 1Perhaps the play afterwards called The Puritan Widow.

Note return to page 458 2Probably his play called The Mayor of Queenborough.

Note return to page 459 3The Albici were a people of Gaul, mentioned by Cæsar de Bello Civili, lib. i. c. 34; they may possibly be meant here, but how they were to form the subject of a play I know not. Boswell.

Note return to page 460 4This play was printed in 1631.

Note return to page 461 5In the collection of Mr. Rhodes, there is a copy of Sir John Oldcastle, printed in 1600 for the same bookseller, in which the name of Shakspeare does not appear. Boswell.

Note return to page 462 6That this second part of Sir John Oldcastle was performed on the stage, as well as the former, is ascertained by the following entry: “Dd. [delivered] unto the littel taylor, at the apoynment of Robert Shawe, the 12 of marche, 1599, [1600,] to macke thinges for the 2 pte of owldcastell, some of xxxs.”

Note return to page 463 7See the Dissertation on the Three Parts of King Henry VI. in vol. xviii.

Note return to page 464 7These three words are so blotted, that they can only be guessed at. I find in the next page—“Lent unto Mr. Birde, Thomas Downton, and William Jube, the 2 of September, 1599, to paye in full payment for a boocke called the lamentable tragedie of Pegge of Plymouth, the some of vi lb.” which should seem to be the same play; but six pounds was the full price of a play, and the authors are different.—Bird, Downton, and Jubey, were all actors.

Note return to page 465 8The Spanish Tragedy, written by Thomas Kyd, is meant, which was frequently called Jeronymo, though the former part of this play expressly bore that name. See the title-page to the edition of The Spanish Tragedy in 1610, where these new additions are particularly mentioned. Jonson himself alludes to them in his Cynthia's Revels, 1602: “Another swears down all that are about him, that the old Hieronymo, as it was at first acted, was the only best and judiciously penned play in Europe.”—Mr. Hawkins, when he republished this piece in 1773, printed most of Jonson's additions to it, at the bottom of the page, as “foisted in by the players.”

Note return to page 466 9What we now call the Boxes.

Note return to page 467 1Perhaps the rooms over the boxes; what we now call Balconies.

Note return to page 468 2The open area in the centre

Note return to page 469 3See Four Letters and certain Sonnets, [by Gabriel Harvey] 1592, p. 29: “&lblank; doubtless it will prove some dainty devise, queintly contrived by way of humble supplication to the high and mightie Prince of darknesse; not dunsically botched up, but right formally conveyed, according to the style and tenour of Tarleton's president, his famous play of the Seaven Deadly Sinnes; which most dealy [f. deadly] but lively playe I might have seen in London, and was verie gently invited thereunto at Oxford by Tarleton himselfe; of whom I merrily demaunding, which of the seaven was his own deadlie sinne, he bluntly answered, after this manner; By G&wblank; the sinne of other gentlemen, lechery.” Tarleton's Repentance and his Farewell to his Frendes in his Sickness, a little before his Death, was entered on the Stationers' books in October, 1589; so that the play of The Seven Deadly Sins must have been produced in or before that year. The Seven Deadly Sins had been very early personified, and introduced by Dunbar, a Scottish writer, (who flourished about 1470) in a poem entitled The Daunce. In this piece they are described as presenting a mask or mummery, with the newest gambols just imported from France. In an anonymous poem called The Kalender of Shepherds, printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1497, are also described the Seven Visions, or the punishments in hell of The Seven Deadly Sins. See Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. ii. p. 197, 272. Malone.

Note return to page 470 4“If we present a foreign history, the subject is so intended, that in the lives of Romans, Grecians, or others, the vertues of our countrymen are extolled, or their vices reproved.—We present Alexander killing his friend in his rage, to reprove rashness; Mydas choaked with gold, to tax covetousness; Nero against tyranny; Sardanapalus against luxury; Ninus against ambition.” —Heywood's Apology for Actors, 1610. Malone.

Note return to page 471 5See the foregoing note. Malone.

Note return to page 472 6The Tragedy of Ninus and Semiramis, the first Monarchs of the World, was entered on the Stationers' books, May 10, 1595. See also note 4. Malone.

Note return to page 473 7There appears to have been an ancient play on this subject. “Art thou proud? Our scene presents thee with the fall of Phaeton; Narcissus pining in the love of his shadow; ambitious Haman now calling himself a god, and by and by thrust headlong among the devils.” Pride and ambition seem to have been used as synonymous terms. Apology for Actors. Malone.

Note return to page 474 *The word Platt seems to have been used here in the sense of platform. See Sir John Oldcastle, 1600: “There is the plat-form, and their hands, my lord, “Each severally subscribed to the same.” It is still used at the theatres, in the same sense. Malone.

Note return to page 475 †The part of Will Foole (an appellation that perhaps took its rise from Will. Summers, fool to K. Henry VIII.) was, probably, performed originally by Tarleton, the writer of this piece. In the present plat it appears to have been represented by another actor. This paper, therefore, it is to be presumed, was not written out before 1589, in which year Tarleton died. All the other characters, however, might have been represented by the actors here enumerated before Tarleton's death. If the person who in this plat is distinguished by his Christian name only [Will], was our author, as seems probable, this circumstance may assist us in our conjectures concerning the time of his first introduction to the theatre. Itys, whom I suppose him to have represented, was, according to the fable, but twelve years old, when he was murdered by his mother. In the present exhibition the author might not think it necessary to follow the mythological story so exactly. If Itys was represented by a young man, it was probably thought sufficient. According to Mr. Rowe, Shakspeare's acquaintance with the stage began a few years after he was married, perhaps about the year 1585. Supposing that he continued in the theatre for a year or two, in obscurity, in 1587, (being then twenty-three years old,) he might with sufficient propriety have represented the character of Itys, with whose supposed age, it is probable, few of the audience were precisely acquainted. Shakspeare, being once in possession of the part, might have continued to act it, to the period when the above plat is supposed to have been written out. Malone.

Note return to page 476 8On the outside of the cover is written, “The Book and Platt,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 477 9Our ancient audiences were no strangers to the established catalogue of mortal offences. Claudio, in Measure for Measure, declares to Isabella that of the deadly seven his sin was the least. Spenser, in his Fairy Queen, canto iv. has personified them all; and the Jesuits, in the time of Shakspeare, pretended to cast them out in the shape of those animals that most resembled them. See King Lear, vol. x. p. 154, n. 9. Steevens.

Note return to page 478 1&lblank; moralized &lblank;] In Randolph's Muse's Looking-Glass, where two Puritans are made spectators of a play, a player, to reconcile them in some degree to a theatre, promises to moralize the plot; and one of them answers, “&lblank; that moralizing “I do approve: it may be for instruction.” Again, Mrs. Flowerdew, one of the characters, says, “Pray, Sir, continue the moralizing.” The old registers of the Stationers' afford numerous instances of this custom, which was encouraged by the increase of puritanism. Steevens.

Note return to page 479 2&lblank; Tereus.] Some tragedy on this subject most probably had existed in the time of Shakspeare, who seldom alludes to fables with which his audience were not as well acquainted as himself. In Cymbeline he observes that Imogen had been reading the tale of Tereus, where Philomel, &c. An allusion to the same story occurs again in Titus Andronicus. A Latin tragedy entitled Progne was acted at Oxford when Queen Elizabeth was there in 1566. See Wood's Hist. Ant. Un. Oxon. lib. i. p. 287, col. 2. Heywood, in his Apology for Actors, 1610, has the following passage, from which we may suppose that some tragedy written on the story of Sardanapalus was once in possession of the stage. “Art thou inclined to lust? Behold the fall of the Tarquins in The Rape of Lucrece; the guerdon of luxury in the death of Sardanapalus,” &c. See also note 1, p. 350. Steevens.

Note return to page 480 3I am led to this supposition by observing that Lord Buckhurst's Gorboduc could by no means furnish such dialogue as many of these situations would require; nor does the succession of scenes, enumerated above, by any means correspond with that of the same tragedy. Steevens.

Note return to page 481 4From this paper we may infer, with some degree of certainty, that the following characters were represented by the following actors* [Subnote: *The names marked with an asterisk occur in the list of original performers in the plays of Shakspeare. Steevens.] :

Note return to page 482 †This performer, and Kit, i. e. Christopher Beeston, who appears in this exhibition as an attendant Lord, belonged to the same company as Burbage, Condell, &c. See B. Jonson's Every Man in his Humour. Malone.

Note return to page 483 ‡This name will serve to confirm Mr. Tyrwhitt's supposition in a note to The Taming of the Shrew, vol. v. p. 367, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 484 5The loss of a number of such early plays is perhaps to be lamented only as far as they would have served to throw light on the comick dialogue of Shakspeare, which, (as I suspect,) is in some places darkened by our want of acquaintance with ridiculous scenes at which his allusions, during his own time, might have been both obviously and successfully pointed: for as Dr. Johnson, in his comprehensive preface, has observed, “Whatever advantages our author might once derive from personal allusions, local customs, or temporary opinions, have for many years been lost; and every topick of merriment, or motive of sorrow, which the modes of artificial life afforded him, now only obscure the scenes which they once illuminated.” Steevens.

Note return to page 485 6Tamar Cam is probably meant for Timur Cham, or Tamerlane. There is a play ascribed to Marlowe, in two parts, entitled Tamburlaine the Great; but it does not correspond either in the names or incidents with the drama mentioned in the Plott. Mr. Malone conjectured that Tamburlaine the Great was either written wholly or in part by Nashe, from the following passage in The Blacke Book, 4to. 1604: “The spindle-shanke spyder which shewed like great leachers with little legs, went stealing over his (Nashes) head, as if they had been conning of Tamburlaine.” It is possible, however, that there might have been two plays on this subject, as we find, in p. 324, that there were two on that of Ferrex and Porrex. Boswell.

Note return to page 486 6No. I. The dead Man's Fortune. 1. Burbage. 2. Darlowe. 3. Robert Lee. 4. B. Sam. 5. Tyreman. Not one of the foregoing names occurs in the two following dramas. No. II. Tamar Cam. 1. Allen*. 2. Dick Jubie*. 3. Mr. Towne*. 4. Mr. Sam*. 5. Mr. Charles. 6. W. Cartwright. 7. Mr. Denyghten. 8. Tho. Marbeck. 9. W. Parr. 10. Tho. Parsons. 11. George. 12. H. Jeffs. 13. A Jeffs. 14. Mr. Burne. 15. Mr. Singer‡ [Subnote: ‡Singer.: Perhaps he was author of a dramatick entertainment entitled Singer's Voluntary. See p. 328. Other memoranda of several of these actors will be found in preceding pages, among Mr. Malone's notes to his Additions. Steevens.]. 16. Jack Jones. 17. Jack Gregory. 18. Mr. Denyghten's little Boy. 19. Gedion. 20. Gibbs. 21. Little Will. 22. Tho. Rowley. 23. Rester. 24. Old Browne. 25. Ned Browne. 26. Jeames. 27. Gil's Boy. 28. Will Barne. 29. The red-faced fellow. No. III. Frederick and Basilea. 1. Richard Allen*. 2. Dick Jubie*. 3. Mr. Towne*. 4. Mr. Sam*. 5. Mr. Charles*. 6. Dick. 7. Black Dick. 8. Mr. Dunstan. 9. Griffen. 10. Tho. Hunt. 11. Will. 12. Mr. Martyn. 13. Ed. Dutton. 14. Ledbeter. 15. Pig. 16. E. Dutton's Boy. The plays No. II. and III. have no performers in common, except such as are distinguished by asterisks. Steevens.

Note return to page 487 *&lblank; the panteloun,] I have met with no earlier example of the appearance of Pantaloon, as a specifick character, on our stage. Steevens.

Note return to page 488 †&lblank; the pantaloun & pescode with spectakles.] This direction cannot fail to remind the reader of a celebrated passage in As You Like It: “&lblank; the lean and slipper'd pantaloon, “With spectacles on nose, &lblank;.” Perhaps Shakspeare alludes to this personage, as habited, in his own time. Steevens.

Note return to page 489 ‡&lblank; Burbage.] Of the three Plotts this appears, from many circumstances, to be the most ancient: and if by the Burbage here introduced was meant the celebrated tragedian of that name, he must have acted in the present play before he had risen to excellence, or he would scarcely have condescended to perform so trivial a character as that of a Messenger. As the MS. however, has rarely any stops for our guides, it is not always easy to discover the precise arrangement it was designed to ascertain. Steevens.

Note return to page 490 *&lblank;Assinico:] i.e. Assinego. This is evidently the Clown or Fool of the piece. For the signification of the term see vol. viii. p.284, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 491 †&lblank; Ascalon:] A spirit of this name, appears also in the oldest copy of King Henry VI. Part II. See vol. xviii. p. 197. n. 1. Steevens.

Note return to page 492 ‡Enter Chorus.] After the entry of this Chorus, the following scene was added and subsequently erased, a line being drawn through it: Enter Otanes and Palmeda: Jack Jones to them. 2 spirrits: Exeunt. Steevens.

Note return to page 493 §&lblank;the red fast fellow.] We may suppose this to have been a supernumerary hireling, and that his christian and surname were alike unknown to the prompter, whose office it was to draw up both the present, the foregoing, and the following paper. Steevens.

Note return to page 494 W. Parr is here erased in the MS. but no other person set down in his room. Steevens

Note return to page 495 *Pigg.] The name of this actor may possibly overturn Mr. Malone's conjecture, that, in pp. 310, 313, and 315, by Pygge, was meant—Pysche; who perhaps, at so early a period, had not been introduced on the stage. Besides, the representative of this goddess could never have required “a red sewt of cloth, layd with whitt lace,” “a damask gowne,” “a harcoller tafitie sewte,” “a white tafitie sewte,” “a littell gacket,” &c. These different clothes were evidently designed for the use of an actor who (like Pigg) appeared in a variety of characters. Steevens.

Note return to page 496 †Gatherers.] Without assistance from the play of which this is the Plott, the denomination—gatherers is, perhaps, inexplicable. Steevens.

Note return to page 497 ‡Epilogus &c.] Mr. Allen appears, in this instance, to have maintained his consequence as a manager, taking both Prologue and Epilogue to his own share. N. B. The names of the actors, in this and the foregoing papers are not always so arranged as to correspond with the characters represented. Steevens.

Note return to page 498 8May 1572 to Oct. 1573.

Note return to page 499 9May 1572 to Feb. 1573.

Note return to page 500 1To Feb. 1574.

Note return to page 501 2Wanting in Books of Account.

Note return to page 502 2Wanting in Books of Account.

Note return to page 503 2Wanting in Books of Account.

Note return to page 504 3Wanting in the Books of Account, 17th Nov. 1571, to the 17th Nov. 1574.

Note return to page 505 3Wanting in the Books of Account, 17th Nov. 1571, to the 17th Nov. 1574.

Note return to page 506 3Wanting in the Books of Account, 17th Nov. 1571, to the 17th Nov. 1574.

Note return to page 507 4This play is mentioned by Heywood in his Apology for Actors, 4to. 1612.

Note return to page 508 5It appears from subsequent accounts that several plays were rehearsed before the Master of the Revels, at St. John's or Whitehall, previous to the exhibition before the Queen, and out of these he selected such as he thought best to be performed before her Majesty. Hence we find in the items of expence, charges on the rehearsal of some plays before the Master, which never were exhibited before the Queen.

Note return to page 509 6I have in general only noticed such articles in these books as seemed to me likely to throw light on the state of the stage at this period. A few others are inserted to ascertain the price of coals, wool, &c. in the time of Queen Elizabeth.

Note return to page 510 7It appears from the book of Sir Thomas Heneage, Treasurer of the Chamber to Queen Elizabeth, from 1 Nov. 1586, to 1 Nov. 1587, that Thomas Gyles was master of the children of St. Paul's school at that time.

Note return to page 511 1The play represented, it appears, was Theagines and Chariclea.

Note return to page 512 3This Robert Moorer is before called “Thappotecary.” At this time therefore the same person carried on both trades.

Note return to page 513 4William Hunnis was master of the children of the Queen's chapel. See a List of his Works in Tanner, Bill. Brit. and Warton's Hist. of P. iii. 180.

Note return to page 514 1Sic.

Note return to page 515 2The Cynocephali were a nation of India having the head of a dog. See Pliny, and Bulwer's Artificiall Changling, p. 17. Boswell.

Note return to page 516 3See note 2 in the preceding page. Boswell.

Note return to page 517 1Sic in MS.

Note return to page 518 2In the language of that time, this mask, with its companion, was called a Double Mask.

Note return to page 519 8Sic in MS.

Note return to page 520 5Sic in MS.

Note return to page 521 5Sic in MS.

Note return to page 522 6Sic in MS.

Note return to page 523 6Sic in MS.

Note return to page 524 7Sic.

Note return to page 525 7Sic.

Note return to page 526 7Sic.

Note return to page 527 7Sic.

Note return to page 528 7Sic.

Note return to page 529 6Sic.

Note return to page 530 7Sic.

Note return to page 531 7Sic.

Note return to page 532 7Sic.

Note return to page 533 7Sic.

Note return to page 534 8This piece is highly praised by Sir John Harrington in the Preface to his translation of Ariosto.

Note return to page 535 9Sic.

Note return to page 536 1Probably, an interlude written by George Ferrers. See Warton's Hist. of Poetry, vol. iii. p. 212, and p. 293. Boswell.

Note return to page 537 8There is no account from March 1582–3, to Oct. 1584. On New Year's Day, 1583–4, was performed Alexander and Campaspe, by Jn. Lily, as appears by the title page of the first edition of that play.

Note return to page 538 7Warton's Hist, of Poetry, vol. ii. f. 7.

Note return to page 539 8Household Ordinances, pub. by the Ant. Soc. 1790, p. 124, —“Justs, and tournaments, were a court recreation, in former days, at solemn times, and lasted to the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. In April 1560, were great justs at Westminster, and running at the tilt.” [Strype's Stow, vol. i. p. 300.] This observation might have been extended, perhaps, to the end of that reign: For, I find a payment, on the 29th of November, 1601, “unto George Johnson, keeper of the Spring-garden, of 6l. for a scaffold, which he had erected against the park-wall, in the tilt-yard; and which was taken for the use of the Countie Egmound, to see the tilters.” [Council Regr.]

Note return to page 540 9Stow's Hist. of London, edit. 1754, vol. i. p. 304.

Note return to page 541 134–5 Hen. VIII. ch. 1.

Note return to page 542 2Henry VIII placed on his household establishment eight players of interludes, at 3l. 6s. 8d. each, yearly. This number, and salary, continued to the reign of James I. The eight players could only present a drama of a very simple and imperfect form.

Note return to page 543 3See p. 43. Henry VII. who was not apt to put his hand in his pocket, gave, as charity to the players, that begged by the way, 6shs. 8d. There were, in his reign, not only players, in London, but, Frensh players.

Note return to page 544 4I here print this document, which has been mistated, and misrepresented, from the collection “Of suche proclamacions, as have been sette furthe by the Kynge's Majestie,” and imprinted by Richard Grafton, in 1550:— “Forasmuche, as a greate n&obar;ber of those, that be common plaiers of enterludes and plaies, as well within the citie of London, as els where, within the realme, do for the moste part plaie suche interludes, as contain matter, tending to sedicion, and contempnyng of sundery good orders & lawes, whereupon are growen, and daily are like to growe, and ensue muche disquiet, diuisi&obar;, tumultes, & uprores in this realme the Kynges Majestie, by the advise and consent of his derest uncle, Edward duke of Somerset, gouernour of his persone, and protector of his realmes dominions and subiectes, and the rest of his highnes priuie counsall, straightly chargeth and commaundeth, al and euery his majestes subiectes, of whatsoever state, order, or degree thei bee, that fr&obar; the ix daie of this present moneth of August, untill the feaste of all Sainctes nexte commyng, thei ne any of them, openly or secretly, plaie in the English tongue, any kinde of interlude, plaie, dialogue, or other matter set furthe in forme of plaie, in any place, publique or priuate, within this realme up&obar; pain that whosoever shall plaie in Englishe any suche play, interlude, dialogue, or other matter, shall suffre imprisonment, & further punishm&ebar;t, at the pleasure of his majestie. For the better execution whereof, his majestie, by the saide aduise and consent, straightly chargeth and comma&ubar;deth, all and singular maiors, sherifes, bailifes, constables, hedborowes, tithyng men, justices of peace, and al other his majesties hed officers in al ye partes throughout the realme, to geve order and speciall heede, that this proclamacion be in all behalfes, well and truely kept and obserued, as thei and every of them, t&ebar;der his highnes pleasure, and will auoyde his indignacion.” “The proclamation being but temporary, did not take down, but only clear the stage, for a time, (says Fuller;) reformed enterludes (as they term them) being afterward permitted: Yea, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, scripture plaies were acted even in the church it self, which, in my opinion, the more pious, the more profane, stooping faith to fancy, and abating the majestie of God's word. Such pageants might inform, not edifie, though indulged the ignorance of that age: For, though children may be played into learning, all must be wrought into religion, by ordinances of divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious, as the end is secret.” [Church Hist. Cent. xvi. p. 392.] “It appears, (says Mr. Malone,) from the proclamation [of Edward the VIth] that the favourers of Popery about that time had levelled several dramatick invectives against Archbishop Cranmer, and the doctrines of the Reformers.” See p. 32, n. 6. Yet, we see, that the proclamation does not bear him out in his assertion.

Note return to page 545 5In the council-register, appears the following order:—“At Greenwich, 10th June 1552, It was this day ordered, That the Lord Treasurer should send for the poet, which is in the Tower for making plays, and to deliver him.”

Note return to page 546 6A letter was written from the privy council, on the 21st June, 1551, to the Marquis of Dorset; “signifying licence to be granted, for to have his players play only in his lordships presence.” [Council-regr.]

Note return to page 547 7On the 12th Janry. 1547, a warrant was issued for 60l. 8s. 10d. to Sir Thomas Darcy, for pikes, lances, and other necessaries, for the Triumph, at Shrove-tide; and for weapons at Twelf-tide. [Council-regr.]

Note return to page 548 8A warrant was issued, on the 30th of November, 1552, to pay George Ferrys, being appointed to be Lord of the Pastimes, in the King's Majesties house, this Christmas 100l. towards the necessary charges. [Council-regr.] Stow says, that he so pleasantly behaved himself, the King had great delight in his pastimes. George Ferrers, who, we see, was called Ferrys, died in 1579. There is an accurate account of him in Warton's Hist. of Poetry, vol. iii. p. 213.

Note return to page 549 9A letter was written, on the 28th Ja&nbar;ry 1552–3, to Sir Thomas Cawerden, the master of the revels, to furnish William Baldwin, who was appointed to set forth a play, before the King, upon Candlemas-day, at night, with all necessaries.

Note return to page 550 1In 1547, the establishment consisted of Hugh Woudehous, marshal; of John Abbes, Robert Stouchy, Hugh Grene, and Robert Norman, mynstrels; whose wages amounted to each fifty marks a year. [Council-register.]

Note return to page 551 2A warrant was issued on the 14th June 1548, to pay Richard Atkinson, in recompence of forty marks yearly, that he had of the King's Majestie for singing before him. [Council-register.]

Note return to page 552 3The privy council wrote to Lord Rich, on the 14th of February 1555–6, “that where [as] there is a stage play appointed to be played this Shrovetide at Hatfield-Bradock, in Essex, his Lordship is willed to stay the same, and to examine, who should be the players, what the effect of the play is, with such other circumstances as he shall think meet, and to signify the same hither.” Inquiry soon found, however, that neither the play, nor the players were very dangerous. And, on the 19th of the same month, a letter of thanks was written by the privy council “to the Lord Rich for his travel in staying the stage play; and requiring him for that he knoweth the players to be honest householders and quiet persons, to set them again at liberty, and to have special care to stop the like occasions of assembling the people hereafter.”

Note return to page 553 4See the letter from the privy council to the president of the north, dated the 30th of April 1556, in Strype's Mem. vol. iii. appx. 185; and Lodge's Illust. vol. i. p. 212. In the subsequent year, the orders, which were sent to the north, were issued to every other shire. A letter of thanks was written by the privy council, on the 11th of July, 1557, to the Lord Rich, touching the players; and signifying to his Lordship “that order was given in the star-chamber openly to the justices of the peace of every shire, this last term, that they should suffer no players, whatsoever the matter was, to play, especially this summer, which order his Lordship is willed to observe, and to cause them that shall enterprize the contrary to be punished.”—A similar letter was written on the same day, to the justices of the peace for the county of Essex; “signifying, that as they were admonished this last term in the star-chamber, it is thought strange, that they haue not accordingly accomplished the same.” [Council-register.]

Note return to page 554 5The privy council, on the 27th of June 1557, wrote a letter to “John Fuller, the Mayor of Canterbury, of thanks for his diligence, in the apprehending and committing of the players to ward, whom he is willed to keep so, until he shall receive further orders from hence. And in the mean [time] their lewd play-book is committed to the consideration of the King's and Queen's Majesty's learned council, who are willed to declare what the same waieth unto in the law; whereupon he shall receive further order from hence, touching the said players.” On the 11th of August, 1557, another letter was sent “to the mayor and aldermen of Canterbury, with the lewd play-book, sent hither by them, and the examinations also of the players thereof, which they are willed to consider, and to follow the order hereof signified unto them, which was, that upon understanding what the law was, touching the said lewd play, they should thereupon proceed against the players forthwith, according to the same, and the qualities of their offences; which order, they are willed to follow, without delay.” [Council register of those dates.]

Note return to page 555 6A letter was written by the privy council, on the 4th June, 1557, to the Lord Mayor of London, “That where [as] there were yesterday certain naughty plays played in London (as the Lords here are informed). He is willed both to make search for the said players; and having found them, to send them to the commissioners for religion, to be by them further ordered. And also to take order, that no play be made henceforth within the city, except the same be first seen and allowed and the players authorised.”—On the 5th of September 1557, the privy-council wrote a letter to the Lord Mayor of London,—“To give order forthwith, that some of his officers do forthwith repair to the Boar's-head, without Aldgate, where, the Lords are informed a lewd play, called A Sack Full of News, shall be played this day: The players thereof, he is willed, to apprehend, and to commit to ward, until he shall hear further from hence; and to take their play-book from them, and to send the same hither.” The Lord Mayor appears to have punctually obeyed. And, on the morrow, the privy council wrote another letter to the same magistrate: “willing him to set at liberty the players, by him apprehended, by order rom hence yesterday, and to give them and all other players throughout the city, in commandment and charge, not to play any plays, but between the feasts of All-saints and Shrovetide, and then only, such as are seen and allowed by the Ordinary.” [Council-register of those dates.]

Note return to page 556 7From a document, in the paper office, it appears, that Queen Elizabeth had such an establishment of musicians, and players, as her father had made:— [Table: 1Kb] l. s. d. Musicians; as Trumpeters, Luters, Harpers, Singers, Rebecks, Vialls, Sagbutts, Bagpipes, Mynstrels, Domeslads, Flutes, Players on Instruments, Makers of Instruments; Salarys yearly 200 &wblank; &wblank; Players of Interludes 21 13 4

Note return to page 557 8“A Brief Estimat off all the c&abar;rges against Christmas and Candellmas ffor iij Plays at Wyndsor wth. thare necessaries and provicions ffor the Carages and Recarages of the same stuff and all ordinarie charges and allsoo for the conveyinge of the stuff in to the cleane ayre and save kepinge of the same in Anno Sexto Elizabeth. And allsoo in the same yeare the ixth. of June Repayringe and new makinge of thre Maskes with thare hole furniture and Divs devisses and a Castle ffor ladies and a harboure ffor Lords and thre Harrolds and iiij Trompetours too bringe in the Devise with the Men of Armes and showen at the Courtte of Richmond before the Qu&ebar;ns Matie. and the French Embassitours &c. And divs [divers] Eyrrings and Repayringe and Translatinge of sunderie garments ffor playes att Cristmas and Shroftid in Anno Septimo Elizabeth and many thinges m&ibar;&obar;nd [commissioned] and furneshed wch. ware nott sene and much stuff bought &c. [Table: 5Kb] l. s. d. 1563 Cristmas wages or dieats of the Officers & Tayllors Paynters Silkwemen m&ebar;ers [mercers] Lynen Drappers ppertie makers and other necessaries & provicions occupied and bought ffor the same 39 11 4 1563 Candellmas ffollowinge wages or dieats of the officers and Tayllors. Silkwemen m&ebar;ers [mercers] Skynars and ppertie makers and other necessaries and provicions 10 6 5 1564 Eyrringe [airing] and Repayringe in Aprill ffollowinge wages or dieats of the officers and Tayllors pvicions and necessaries and other ordinarie charges 8 5 6 1564 The ixt. of June Translattinge new makinge [Subnote: At Richmo Mons Gonvi] of thre maskes and other Devisses against the French Embassitours cominge to Richmond wages or dieats of the officers and Tayllors payntars workinge uppon the Castle and other devisses & m&ebar;ers [mercers] ffor sarsnet and other stuff and Lynen Drappars ffor canvas to cov&vab; [cover] yt withal and Silkwemen for ffrenge and tassalles to garnesh the old garments to make them seme fresh agayne and other pvicions and necessaries 87 9 6 1564 Erryinge [airing] Repayringe in Agust followinge wages or dieats of the officers & Tayllors. Silkwemen for ffrenge and tassells and other necessaries 11 18 4 1564 Erryinge [airing] in September followinge wages or dieats of the Officers and Tayllors. & other pvicions and necessaries 8 6 1564 Cristmas Anno Septimo Elizabeth wages [Subnote: Ed. Hayedy] or dieats of the Officers and Tayllors. payntars workinge divs [divers] Cities and Towns Carvers Silkewemen for frenge & tassells m&ebar;ers [mercers] ffor Sarsnett and other Stuff and Lynen Drappars for canvas to co&vab; [cover] divs. [divers] townes and howsses and other Devisses and Clowds for a Maske and a Showe and a playe by the Childerne of the Chaple ffor Rugge bumbayst an cottone ffor hosse and other pvicions and necessaries 87 7 8 Errynge [airing] in Ieneverey ffor cayrtene playes by the gramar skolle of Westmynster and the Childerne of Powles wages dieats of the Officers and Tayllors. Mercers and other provicions 8 6 8 1564 The 18th of Februerie wages or dieats of [Subnote: Sir Percival Hart's Sons] the Officers and Tayllors paynttars workinge uppon divs [divers] Cities and Towns and the Emperours Pallace & other Devisses carvars m&ebar;ers for sarsnett and other stuff & Lynen Drappars for canvas to co&vab; [cover] the Towns with all and other pvicions for a playe maid by Sir Percival Hartts Sones wt. a maske of huntars and di&vab; [divers] devisses and a Rocke or hill ffor the 9 Musses to singe uppon wth. a vayne of sarsnett drawn upp and downe before them &c 57 10 &wblank; 1564 Shroftid ffollowinge wages or dieats of the [Subnote: Gentillmen of the Innes of Court] Officers and Tayllors payntars workinge uppon the Townes and Charretts for the Goodesses and divrs. devisses as the Hevens [Subnote: Diana Pallas] and Clowds and foure masks too of them not occupied nor sene wth. thare hole furniture wch. be verie fayr and Riche off old stuff butt new garnished wth. frenge and tassells to seme new and divrs. showes made by the Gentillmen of Greys line m&ebar;ers [mercers] for sarsnett and other stuff Silkwemen for frenge and tasselles Lynen Drappers for canvas ppertie makers and other pvicions and necessaries 115 &wblank; 7 Eyrringe [airing] Repayringe in Aprill followinge and Translatinge of divrs. garments wth. thare provicions and necessaries for the same 10 8 3 444 10 11 It is to be remembered, that the marginal notes are in Lord Burleigh's hand; and that the Roman numerals of the original document are converted into Arabick numerals, for convenience.

Note return to page 558 9Warton's History of Poetry, vol. ii. p. 388–9.

Note return to page 559 1Ib. 390.

Note return to page 560 2Ib. vol. i. p. 206.

Note return to page 561 3Ib. vol. ii. p. 391.

Note return to page 562 4Id.

Note return to page 563 5Warton's History of Poetry, vol. ii. p. 391.

Note return to page 564 6In June, 1552, Richard Bower, the master of the King's children of the chapel, was authorised to take up as many children as he might think fit, to serve there from time to time. [Strype's Mem. vol. ii. p. 539.] Richard Bower, who had been master of the children of the chapel, under Henry the VIIIth, and Edward the VIth, was continued in that office, on the 30 Apr. 1559, with a salary of 40l. a year. [Rym. Fœd. tom. xv. p. 517.] Commissions issued in the 4th, 9th, and 39th of Elizabeth “to take up well singing boys, for furnishing the Queen's chapel.” [Lysons's Environs, vol. i. p. 92.]

Note return to page 565 7I here subjoin a chronological list of the several payments to those children, as the rewards of their performances, which were gleaned from the council registers: [Table: 6Kb] l. s. d. 10th Ja&nbar;ry 1562–3 Paid Sebastian Westcott, master of the children of Paul's 6 13 4 18th Ja&nbar;ry 1564–5 Paid Sebestian Westcott, master of the children of Paul's, for a play on Christmas last 6 13 4 12th Ja&nbar;ry 1566–7 Paid Sebastian Westcott, master of the children of Paul's, for two plays on Christmas last 13 6 8 13th Fe&bbar;ry 1566–7 Paid John Taylor, master of the children of Westminster, for a play on Shrovetide last 6 13 4 12th Ja&nbar;ry 1572–3 Paid Richard Ferraunt, master of the children of Windsor, for a play on St. John's day last 6 13 4 Do. Paid Sebastain Westcott, master of the children of Pauls, for a play on New years day last 6 13 4 Do. Paid John Honnys, Gent. master of the children of the chapel, for a play on Twelfth day last 6 13 4 29th Fe&bbar;ry 1572–3 Paid the master of the children of Westminster for a play on Shrove-tuesday last 6 13 4 10th Ja&nbar;ry 1573–4 Paid Sebastian Westcott, for a play at Christmas last 6 13 4 10th Ja&nbar;ry 1573–4 Paid Richard Ferraunt, for a play at Christmas last 6 13 4 29th Decr. 1575 Paid the master of the children of Windsor, for a play on St. John's day last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 7th Ja&nbar;ry 1575–6 Paid Sebastian [Westcott] master of the children of Paul's, for a play at Twelfth day last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 20th Do 1576–7 Paid the children of the chapel, for a play in Christmas holydays last 6 13 4 Do Paid the children of Pauls for a play in Christmas holydays last 6 13 4 And by way of reward 2l. 10. to each of them 5 &wblank; &wblank; 20th Fe&bbar;ry 1576–7 Paid the master of the children of Pauls 6 13 4 And by way of reward 5 marks. 16th Ja&nbar;ry 1578–9 Paid the children of Pauls Paid the children of the Chapel Warrants issued, but no sums mentioned. 12th March 1577–8 Paid Richard Ferraunt, master of the children of Windsor, for a play on Shrove Monday last 6 13 4 And by way of reward 3 6 8 25th Ja&nbar;ry 1579–80 Paid the master and children of the chapel 6 13 4 And by way of reward 3 6 3 25th Ja&nbar;ry 1579–80 Paid the master and children of Pauls 10 &wblank; &wblank; 30th Ja&nbar;ry 1580–1 Paid the master of the children of Pauls, for a play on Twelfth day 10 &wblank; &wblank; 13th Fe&bbar;ry 1580–1 Paid the master of the children of the chapel, for a play on Shrove Sunday last 6 13 4 And by way of reward 3 6 8 1st April 1582 Paid the master of the children of the chapel, for two plays on the last of December and Shrove-tuesday 20 marks. And by way of reward 20 nobles. 24th April 1582 Paid the children of Pauls, for a play on St. Stephen's day last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 9th April 1588 Paid Thomas Giles, master of the children of Pauls, for a play on Shrove Sunday 10 &wblank; &wblank; 23d March 1588–9 Paid Thomas Giles, master of the children of Pauls, for sundry plays in the Christmas holydays 30 &wblank; &wblank; 10th March 1589–90 Paid the master of the children of Pauls for three plays on Sunday after Christmas day, Newyears day, and Twelfth day 20 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of reward 10 &wblank; &wblank; 24th June 1601 Paid Edward Piers, master of the children of Pauls, for a play on Newyears day last 20 marks. And by way of reward 5 marks.

Note return to page 566 7[I know not where Mr. Chalmers could find authority for this assertion. Boswell.]

Note return to page 567 8The theatrical children were sometimes kidnapped, by rival masters, no doubt. One of the boys of Sebastian Westcott was, in this manner, carried away from him: And, on the 3d of December, 1575, the privy council wrote “a letter to the Master of the Rolls, and Mr. Doctor Wilson; that whereas one of Sebastion's boys, being one of his principall players is lately stolen, and conveyed, from him; they be required to examine such persons as Sebastian holdeth suspected, and to proceed with such as be found faulty according to law and the order of this realm.”

Note return to page 568 9The company, consisting of Robert Lee, Richard Perkins, Ellis Woorth, Thomas Basse, John Blany, John Cumber, and William Robins, who acted at The Red Bull, and had been the servants of Queen Anne, seem to have appropriated to themselves the name of The Company of the Revells. They obtained, in July, 1622, a patent, under the privy seal; authorizing them “to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise, of playing comedies and stage plays, to be called by the name of The Children of the Revels.” [See p. 61, n. 7.] Similar patents had been conferred in former years. Such a patent was granted under the great seal, on the 17th of July, 1615, to John Daniel, gentleman, one of the prince's servants. This authority was oppugned and resisted, it seems; and thereupon was issued, in April, 1618, the following Letter of Assistance, which was transcribed from a copy in the paper-office; and casts some new lights on the history of the stage:— “After our hearty commendations: Whereas it pleased his Majesty by his letters patents, under the great seal of England, bearing date the 17th day of July, in the 13th year of his Highness's reign [1615] to grant unto John Daniel, gent: (the prince his servant) authority to bring up a company of children and youths in the quality of playing interludes and stage plays. And wee are informed that notwithstanding his Majesty's pleasure therein that there are some who oppugne and resist the said authority in contempt of his Majesty's letters patents. In consideration whereof, and for the further effecting and performance of his Majesty's pleasure therein; wee have thought good to grant unto the said John Daniel these our Letters of assistance, thereby requiring you, and in his Majesty's name straightly charging and commanding you and every of you, not only quietly to permit and suffer Martin Slatier, John Edmonds, and Nathaniel Clay, (her Majesties servants) with their associates, the bearers hereof, to play as aforesaid (as her Majesty's servants of her royal chamber at Bristol) in all playhouses, town-halls, school-houses, and other places, convenient for that purpose, in all cities, universities, towns, and boroughs, within his Majesty's realms and dominions, freely, and peaceably, without any of your letts, troubles, or molestations: But as occasion shall be offered (they or any of them having to show his letters patents and a letter of assistance from the said John Daniel) to be likewise aiding and assisting unto them, they behaving themselves civilly and orderly, like good and honest subjects, and doing nothing therein contrary to the tenor of his Majesty's said letters patents, nor staying to play in any one place above fourteen days together, and the times of divine service on the sabbath days only excepted. Whereof fail you not at your perils:—Given at the court at Whitehall this [ April 1618.]” To all mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, and other his Majesty's officers and liege subjects to whom it may belong, or in any wise appertain.

Note return to page 569 1A chronological list of the various plays, which were presented by the theatrical children:— 1571 Edwards's Damon and Pithias; a comedy, before the Queen, by the children of her chapel. 1584 Peele's Arraynment of Paris; before the Queen, by the children of the chapel. 1584 Lyly's Alexander Campaspe and Diogenes; before the Queen, on Twelfth day at night, by her Majesty's children, and the children of Paul's. 1591 Lyly's Endimion, and the Man in the Moon; before the Queen, at Greenwich, on Candlemas day, at night, by the children of Paul's. 1591 Lyly's Sapho and Paho [Phaon]; before the Queen on Shrove Tuesday, by her Majesty's children, and the boys of Paul's. 1592 Lyly's Gallathea; before the Queen, at Greenwich, on Newyear day, at night, by the children of Paul's. 1594 Lyly's Mother Bombie; sundry times, by the children of Paul's. 1594 Marlowe and Nash's Dido Queen of Carthage; by the children of her Majesty's chapel. 1600 Lyly's The Maids Metamorphosis; by the children of Paul's. 1600 Ben Jonson's Cynthia's Revels, or The Fountaine of Self Love, by the children of the Queen's chapel. 1600 The Wisdom of Dr. Dodypoll; by the children of Powle's. 1601 Lyly's Love's Metamorphosis; first played by the children of Paul's; now by the children of the chapel. 1601 Ben Jonson's Poetaster; by the children of the Queen's chapel. 1601 Jack Drum's Entertainment, or Pasquil and Katherine, by the children of Powle's. 1602 Dekker's Satiromastix; or The Untrussing of the Humourous Poet; publickly acted by thr Lord Chamberlain's servants; and privately, by the children of Pauls. 1602 Marston's Antonio and Mellida; by the children of Paul's. 1602 Marston's Antonio's Revenge, by the children of Paul's. 1605 Chapman's Eastward Hoe; at Blackfriers, by the children of her Majesty's Revels. 1605 Marston's Dutch Courtezan; at Blackfryers, by the children of the Revels. 1606 Chapman's Monsieur D'Olive, by the children of Blackfryers. 1606 Marston's Parisitaster, or The Fawne; at Blackfryers, by the children of the Revels. 1606 Day's Isle of Gulls; at Blackfryers, by the children of the Revels. 1606 Sir Gyles Goosecappe Knight; by the children of the chapel. 1607 The Puritan, or The Widow of Watling Street; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Dekker's Westward Hoe; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Dekker's Northward Hoe; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Middleton's Phœnix; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Middleton's Michaelmas Term; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman Hater; by the children of Paul's. 1607 Cupid's Whirligig; by the children of the Revels. 1608 Middleton's Family of Love; by the children of his Majesty's Revels. 1608 Middleton's A Mad World my Masters; by the children of Paul's. 1608 Day's Humour out of Breath; by the children of the King's Revels. 1608 Day's Law Tricks, or Who would have Thought; by the children of the Revels. 1608 Machin's Dumbe Knight; by the children of the Revels. 1609 Armin's History of the Two Maids of More-clacke [Mortlake]; by the children of the King's Revels. 1610 Mason's Turk; by the children of the Revels. 1610 Sharpham's Fleire; at Blackfryers, by the children of the Revels. 1611 Barry's Ram Alley, or Merrie Tricks; by the children of the King's Revels. 1612 Field's Woman is a Weathercock; before the King, at Whitehall, and at Whitefryers, by the children of her Majesty's Revels. 1615 Beaumont's Cupid's Revenge; by the children of the Revels. 1620 May's Heire; by the company of the Revels. 1622 Markham's and Sampson's True Tragedy of Herod and Antipater; acted at the Red Bull, by the company of the Revels. 1633 Rowley's Match at Midnight; by the children of the Revels..

Note return to page 570 2A letter was written, on the 14th of July, 1573, by the privy council to the Lord Mayor of London, “to permit certain Italian players, to make show of an instrument of strange motions within the city.” This order was repeated on the 19th of the same month; the privy council marvelling that he did it not at their first request.—The instrument of strange motions was probably a theatrical automaton.—On the 13th of January, 1577–8, the privy council wrote to the Lord Mayor, “to give order, that one Drousiano, an Italian, a commedeante, and his company, may play within the city and liberties of the same, between that day, and the first week in Lent.”

Note return to page 571 3Strype's Stow, vol. i. p. 292–300.

Note return to page 572 4The council regist. of that date.

Note return to page 573 5A copy of the patent has been already printed, p. 48, by Mr. Steevens, who found it among the unpublished papers of Rhymer, in the British Museum. The next license, for acting generally, was granted by an open warrant, on the 29th of April, 1593, “to the plaiers, servants to the Earl of Sussex; authorizing them to exercise their quality of playing comedies and tragedies, in any county, city, town or corporation, not being within seven miles of London, where the infection is not, and in places convenient, and times fit.” [Council regr. of that date.]

Note return to page 574 6On the same day a passport was granted “to the players to go to London [from the court] and to be well used on their voyage” [journey].

Note return to page 575 7Stockwood's Sermon, 1578, quoted, p. 53, n. 9.

Note return to page 576 8A translation of the Geneva laws was published at London, in 1562: “Plays and games are forbidden,” says the code.

Note return to page 577 8Of this book, the whole of chapter the 7th was written to prove “that mynstrels are unworthy of the fellowship of townsmen; that puppet players are equally unworthy; that players were cast out of the church; that all dissolute playes ought to be forbidden.” Yet, he admits, “comical and tragical showes of schollers, in moral doctrines, to reproove vice, and extol virtue, to be very profitable.”

Note return to page 578 9Mr. Malone says this treatise was published about the year 1579; about the year 1580. I have two copies of Northbrooke's treatise, which prove, that it was published in 1579, as Herb. Typ. An. vol. ii. p. 951–1117, 1148, show, that it was licensed in 1578, and 1577.—Prynne asserts, that it was printed by authority, of which there seems to be no evidence. The notices of Northbrooke's treatise must be, therefore, referred to a period, antecedent to the year 1577.

Note return to page 579 1This is a mistake. The contest was carried on at Oxford. See Wood's Athenæ. Boswell.

Note return to page 580 2A letter of the same tenor, and date, was sent to the Vice Chancellor of Oxford. [Council register, 29th July, 1593.] The following is a copy of the letter from the privy council to the Vice Chancellor of Cambridge:— “Whereas the two universities of Cambridge and Oxford are the nurseries to bring up youth in the knowledge and fear of God, and in all manner of good learning and virtuous education, whereby after they may serve their prince and country in divers callings; for which respect especial care is to be had of those two universities, that all means may be used to further the bringing up of the youth that are bestowed there in all good learning, civil education, and honest means, whereby the state and common wealth may hereafter receive great good. And like causes to be used, that all such things as may illure and intice them to lewdness, folly and vicious manners, whereunto, the corruption of man's nature is more inclined, may in no wise be used or practised in those places, that are schools of learning and good nurture. We therefore as councellors of state to her Majesty, amongst other things concerning the good government of this realm, cannot but have a more especial regard of these principal places, being the fountain from whence learning and education doth flow, and so is derived into all other parts of the realm. And for that cause understanding, that common players do ordinarily resort to the university of Cambridge, there to recite interludes and plays, some of them being full of lewd example and most of vanity, besides the gathering together of multitudes of people, whereby is great occasion also of divers other inconveniences. Wee have thought good to require you the Vice Chancellor with the assistance of the heads of the colleges, to take special order that hereafter there may be no plays or interludes of common players be used or set forth either in the university, or in any place within the compass of five miles, and especially in the town of Chesterton being a village on the water side, nor any shows of unlawful games that are forbidden by the statutes of this realm. And for the better execution hereof you shall communicate these our letters to the mayor or mayors of the town of Cambridge for the time being, with the rest of the justices of the peace, within five miles of the said town, and that no other justices may give license to the contrary, who shall likewise by virtue hereof be required as well as you to see the tenor of these our letters, put in due execution, every one of you in your several jurisdictions. Moreover because we are informed, that there are divers inmates received into sundry houses in the town, whereby the town doth grow over burthened with people, being a thing dangerous in this time of infection, and that causeth the prices of victuals and all other things to be raised, and doth breed divers other inconveniences: You shall likewise, by virtue hereof if your own authority be not sufficient by your charter, confer with the mayor of the said town of Cambridge of the means, and to put the same in execution how this disorder may be redressed, and to foresee hereafter that the same be in no ways suffered. Lastly, where [as] the fair of Stourbridge is at hand, which is kept a mile out of the town, in respect of the great infection and visitation of the sickness in London at this present; you the vice chancellor shall give order as directed from us, to the mastres and heads of the colleges there, that during the time of the fair, the gates of the colleges may be kept shut, and that no scholars be permitted to repair thither.”

Note return to page 581 3On the 13th of March, 1578–9, the privy-council wrote to the Lord Mayor to suffer no plays to be acted, within his jurisdiction, during Lent, until it be after Easter. A similar letter was written, on the 11th of March, 1600–1; requiring the Lord Mayor, “not to fail in suppressing plays, within the city, and the liberties thereof, especially at Paules, and in the Blackfriers, during this time of Lent.”

Note return to page 582 4The privy council wrote to the justices of Surrey, on the 29th of October, 1587, “that whereas the inhabitants of Southwark had complained unto their Lordships, that the order sent down by their Lordships for the restraining of plaies and interludes, within the county on the Sabbath daies is not observed; and especiallie within the Libertie of the Clinke, and within the parish of St. Saviours, in Southwark; they are required to take such strict order, for the staying of the said disorder, as is alreadie taken by the Lord Mayor, within the libertie of the citie; so as the same be not hereafter suffered, at the times forbidden, in any place in that county.” A similar letter was written, on the same day, to the justices of Middlesex: Yet, Mr. Malone is of opinion, that the acting of plays on Sundays was not restrained till the reign of King James. [Mr. Malone's opinion is not accurately quoted. See p. 146. Boswell.]

Note return to page 583 5By 1 Ch. I. ch. i.

Note return to page 584 6The privy council, on the 25th of July, 1591, wrote from Greenwich, to the Lord Mayor of London, and to the justices of Middlesex, and Surrey:—“Whereas heretofore there hath been order taken to restrain the playing of interludes and plays on the Sabbath-day, notwithstanding the which, (as wee are informed) the same is neglected to the prophanation of this day; and all other days of the week in divers places the players do use to recite their plays to the great hurt and destruction of the game of bear-baiting, and like pastimes, which are maintained for her Majesty's pleasure, if occasion require: These shall be therefore to require you not only to take order hereafter, that there may no plays, interludes, or comedies be used or publickly made and shewed either on the Sundays, or on the Thursdays, because on the Thursdays, these other games usually have been always accustomed and practised. Whereof see you fail not hereafter to see this our order duly observed, for the avoiding inconveniences aforesaid.”

Note return to page 585 7The following is the proceeding of the privy council from their register of the 3d of December, 1581:—“Whereas certain Companies of Players heretofore using their common exercise of playing within and about the city of London, have of late in respect of the general infection within the city been restrained by their Lordships commandment from playing: the said players this day exhibited a petition unto their Lordships, humbly desiring, that as well in respect of their poor estates having no other means to sustain them, their wives and children, but their exercise of playing, and were only brought up from their youth in the practice and profession of musick and playing: as for that the sickness within the city were well slacked, so that no danger of infection could follow by the assemblies of people at their plays: It would please their Lordships therefore to grant them licence to use their said exercise of playing, as heretofore they had done. Their Lordships thereupon for the considerations aforesaid, as also for that they are to present certain plays before the Queen's Majesty for her solace in the Christmas-time now following, were contented to yield unto their said humble petition; and ordered that the Lord Mayor of the city of London should suffer and permit them to use and exercise their trade of playing in and about the city as they have heretofore [been] accustomed upon the week-days only, being holidays or other days so as they do forbear wholly to play on the Sabbath-day either in the forenoon or afternoon, which to do they are by this their Lordships order expressly denied and forbidden.”—On the 25th of April, 1582, the privy council wrote the Lord Mayor of London the following letter:— “That whereas heretofore for sundry good causes and considerations their Lordships have oftentimes given order for the restraining of plays in and about the city of London, and nevertheless of late, for honest recreation sake in respect that her Majesty sometimes taketh delight in these pastimes their Lordships think it not unfit having regard to the season of the year and the clearness of the city from infection to allow of certain companies of players to exercise their playing in London, partly to the end they might thereby attain to the more perfection and dexterity in that profession, the rather to content her Majesty, whereupon their Lordships permitted them to use their playing untill they should see to the contrary and foreseing that the same might be done without impeachment of the service of God, restrained them from playing on the Sabbath-day; And for as much as their Lordships suppose that their honest exercise of playing to be used on the holydays after evening-prayer as long as the season of the year may permit and may be without danger of the infection will not be offensive so that if care be had that their comedies and interludes be looked into, and that those which do contain matter that may breed corruption of manners and conversation among the people be forbidden. Whereunto their Lordships wish there be appointed some fit persons who may consider and allow of such plays only as be fit to yield honest recreation and no example of evil. Their Lordships pray his Lordship to revoke his late inhibition against their playing on the holydays, but that he do suffer them as well within the city as without to use their exercise of playing on the said holydays after evening prayer only, forbearing the Sabbath-day according to their Lordships said order, and when he shall find that the continuance of the same their exercise, by the increase of the sickness and infection, shall be dangerous, to certify their Lordships and they will presently take order accordingly.”

Note return to page 586 8William Hunnis republished in 1597, “Seven Sobs of a sorrowful Soul for Sin;” and, in the same year, he printed “A Handful of Honisuckles.”—We may here see another example how the same name was different spelt Honnys, and Hunnis.

Note return to page 587 9James Burbadge, who is more known as the father of Richard Burbadge, and Cuthbert Burbadge, than for his own performances, during the infancy of the theatre, lived long in Holywell Street. He had a daughter baptized, by the name of Alice, in the parish of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, on the 11th of March, 1576–7. He was buried there, as appears by the register, on the 2d of February, 1596–7. Helen Burbadge, widow, was buried in the same cœmetery, on the 8th of May, 1613; and was probably the relict of James Burbadge.

Note return to page 588 1[In Martin's Months Minde, 1589, Lanam is mentioned as a celebrated performer of fools; “Item, all my foolerie I bequeath to my good friend Lanam and his consort of whom I first had it.”] Marginal note by Mr. Malone.

Note return to page 589 2Thomas Pope, who is said to have played the part of a clown, died before the year 1600, adds Mr. Malone, p. 198. Yet, Pope made his will, which may be seen in the Prerogative-office, on the 22d of July, 1603; and which was proved on the 13th of February, 1603–4. He was plainly a man of property; who spoke familiarly, in his will, of his plate, and diamond-rings, which the players generally affected to possess. See this will in a future page.

Note return to page 590 2No earlier payment appears in the Council Books; because the Books from the 26th of June, 1582, to Feb. 19, 1585–6, are lost. The Queen's Company were formed in March, 1582–3, as appears from a memorandum by Mr. Tylney, Master of the Revells. Marginal note by Mr. Malone.

Note return to page 591 3Philip Henslowe was illiterate himself: yet, as he was the protector of Drayton and Dekker, of Ben Jonson, and Massinger, will never be forgotten in the annals of the stage. He rose from a low origin by prudent conduct. He married Agnes Woodward, widow, by whom he had no issue; at least none who survived him. It was by this marriage that he became connected with Edward Alleyn, the celebrated comedian; who married, on the 22d of October, 1592, Joan Woodward, the daughter of Henslowe's wife. About the epoch he connected himself with the stage. He was the proprietor of The Rose theatre, on the Bankside. Here the Lord Strange's company, the Lord Nottingham's company, and the Lord Pembroke's company, used to play, under his prudent management. He became a proprietor of the bear-garden. He was a vestryman of St. Saviour's parish, Southwark; where he lived, and died. Henslow had the honour, with other respectable parishioners, to be one of the patentees to whom King James granted his charter in favour of St. Saviour's. He made his will on the 1st of January, 1615–16; leaving his wife Agnes his executrix, and his son Mr. Edward Allen, Esq. one of the overseers of it. This fact explains how the account books of Henslow, which have illustrated so many obscure points, in theatrical matters, came to Dulwich college. He appears from his will, which may be seen in the prerogative-office, to have had, at the time of making it, no connection with playhouses, plays, or players. He devised the reversion of the Boar's-head, and the Bear-garden, to his godson Philip Henslow, the son of his brother William; nor did he forget his brother John, a waterman. The testator was buried, as appears from the register, in the chancel of St. Saviour's church, on the 10th of January, 1615–16. Edward Alleyn was born in 1566; and died in 1626, after an active life of uncommon celebrity; which has furnished ample matter for biographers to detail. Though he was a younger man than Shakspeare, he became distinguished as an actor, when that poet's dramas began to illumine the stage. From the epoch of his marriage, in 1592, he probably resided on The Bankside. Yet he built The Fortune playhouse, near Golden Lane, in St. Giles's, Cripplegate. On the 2d of March, 1607–8, Alleyn was chosen a vestryman of St. Saviour's; as Henslow was already of the same parish trust. He retired from the stage soon after the death of Henslow, in January, 1615–16. In 1619, he founded Dulwich college. He lived on till November, 1626, in the same course of prudent respectability: perfecting that great act of his life: visiting the good; and receiving the visits of the great. In the course of my theatrical researches, I have often observed, that charity is the last act of a player.

Note return to page 592 3We may learn from Birch's Life of Prince Henry, Appx. p. 455, the names of his players: Thomas Towne Thomas Downton William Byrde Samuel Rowley Edward Jubye Charles Massye Humphrey Jeffes Anthony Jeffes Edward Colbrande William Parre Richard Pryone William Stratford Francis Grace John Shanke.

Note return to page 593 41 James I. ch. vii.

Note return to page 594 5A chronological series of Queen Elizabeth's payments, for plays acted before her: [From the council-regrs.] [Table: 17Kb] l. s. d. On the 10th January 1562–3, to Lord Dudley's players, for a play, presented before her this Christmas 6 13 4 18th January 1564–5, to the Earl of Warwick's players for two plays, presented before her last Christmas 13 6 8 12th January 1572–3, to Lawrence Dutton, and his fellows, servants to Sir Robert Lane, Knight, for presenting a play before her on last St. Stephen's day, at night 6 13 4 29th February 1572–3, to Lawrence Dutton, and his fellows, for presenting a play before her on Shrove Sunday, at night. 13 6 8 7th January 1573–4, to the Earl of Leicester's players for two plays, presented before her 13 6 8 And by way of her Majesty's reward for their charges, &c. 6 13 4 10th January 1573–4, for two plays presented before her this Christmas, viz. To Lord Clinton's men 6 13 4 To William Elderton's 6 13 4 On the 22d February 1573–4, to the Earl of Leicester's players, for presenting a play before her the 21st instant 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 18th March 1573–4, to Richard Mouncaster, for two plays presented before her on Candlemas day, and Shrove-tuesday last 20 marks. And further for his charges 20 marks. 29th December 1575, to the Earl of Leicester's players, for presenting a play before her, on Candlemas-day, at night. 10 &wblank; &wblank; 2d January 1575–6, to the Earl of Warwick's players, for presenting two plays before her, on St. Stephen's day, and New year's day last, at night 20 &wblank; &wblank; 7th January 1575–6, to the Lord Chamberlain's players, for a play presented before her, on Candlemas-day, at night 10 &wblank; &wblank; 11th March 1575–6, to Richard Mouncaster, for presenting a play before her, on Shrove Sunday last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 11th March 1575–6, to Lawrence Dutton and John Dutton, servants to the Earl of Warwick, for presenting a play before her, on Shrove Monday last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 20th January 1576–7, for two plays presented before her, in the Christmas holydays last, viz. To the Earl of Warwick's players 6 13 4 To the Earl of Leicester's players 6 13 4 And to each of them by way of her Majesty's reward 10l. 20 &wblank; &wblank; 3d February 1576–7, to the Earl of Sussex's players, for a play presented before her, on Candlemas-day last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 10 &wblank; &wblank; 20th February 1576–7, for two plays presented before her, on Shrove Sunday, and Monday last; viz. To the Earl of Warwick's players 6 13 4 To the Lord Chamberlain's players 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward, to each of them—5 marks. On the 9th January 1577–8, to the Earl of Leicester's servants, for a play presented before her, in the Christmas holydays 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 9th January 1577–8, to Lord Howard's servants, for a play presented before her 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward. 3 6 8 14th March 1577–8, to the Lord Chamberlain's players, for a play on Candlemas-day last. 10 &wblank; &wblank; 16th January 1578–9, for four plays, presented before her Majesty, viz. One by the Lord Chamberlain's players. Two by the Earl of Leicester's players. One by the Earl of Warwick's players. 13th March 1578–9, to the Lord Chamberlain's players, for a play presented before her, on Shrove-tuesday 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 13th March 1578–9, to the Earl of Warwick's players, for a play presented before her, on Shrove Sunday 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 18th March 1578–9, to the Earl of Warwick's players, for a play that should have been played on Candlemas-day last. 6 13 4 25th January 1579–80, for four plays presented before her, including the reward to each of them, viz. To the Lord Chamberlain's players 10 &wblank; &wblank; To the Earl of Leicester's players 10 &wblank; &wblank; To the Earl of Warwick's players 10 &wblank; &wblank; To the Lord Straunge's tumblers 10 &wblank; &wblank; 23d February 1579–80, to the Lord Chamberlain's players, for a play presented before her, on Candlemas-day last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 23d February 1579–80, to the Lord Chamberlain's players, for presenting a play before her, on Shrove-tuesday last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 23d February 1579–80, to the Earl of Darby's player, for a play presented before her, on Sunday the 14th instant 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 On the 30th January 1580–1, to Ralph Bowes, master of her Majesty's game of Paris garden, for bringing the said game before her, on St. John's-day, at Christmas last 5 &wblank; &wblank; 20th January 1580–1, for three plays, presented before her, viz. To the Earl of Sussex's men for a play on St. John's day at night 10 &wblank; &wblank; To the Earl of Leicester's servants for a play on St. Stephen's day 10 &wblank; &wblank; To the Earl of Darby's men for a play on New year's day 10 &wblank; &wblank; 13th February 1580–1, to the Earl of Leicester's servants, for a play presented before her, on Shrove-tuesday 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 13th February 1580–1, to the Lord Chamberlain's servants, for a play presented before her, on Candlemas day last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 3 6 8 2d July 1581, to Edward Bowes, the master of her Majesty's game of Paris garden, for two representations of the said game before her, at Whitehall, on the 23d of April, and 1st of May last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 21st January 1581–2, to Edward Bowes, master of her Majesty's game of Paris garden, for presenting the said game before her, at Westminster, the 4th, 6th, 7th, and last day of December. 20 &wblank; &wblank; 21st January 1581–2, to the Lord Strange's servants, for sundry feats of activity, shewed before her on Childermas day last. 5 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of her Majesty's reward. 5 &wblank; &wblank; 6th March 1585–6, to her Majesty's players for a play presented before her, on Shrove Sunday. 10 &wblank; &wblank; 4th March 1587–8, to her Majesty's players, for three plays presented before her, at Christmas and Shrovetide. 20 &wblank; &wblank; 27th February 1588–9, to the Lord Admiral's players, for two interludes, presented before her Majesty, on the Sunday after Christmas day, and Shrove Sunday last. 20 &wblank; &wblank; On the 16th March 1588–9, to her Majesty's players, for two interludes presented before her, on St. Stephen's day, and Shrove Sunday 20 &wblank; &wblank; 10th March 1589–90, to the Lord Admiral's servants, for certain feats of activity, shewed before her, on the 23 December last 6 13 4 Also for a play presented before her, on Shrove-tuesday last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward. 6 13 4 15th March 1589–90, to John Dutton and John Lauhon [Lanhem] two of the Queen's players, for two interludes, shewed before her, on St. Stephen's day, and Shrove Sunday last 20 &wblank; &wblank; 5th March 1590–1, to her Majesty's players, for four interludes, presented before her, on St. Stephen's day, Sunday after Newyear's day, Twelfth day, and Shrove Sunday 26 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 13 6 8 5th March 1590–1, to the said players, for shewing an interlude before her, on New Year's day last 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward. 3 6 8 Do. to the Lord Admiral's servants, for two plays, presented before her, on St. John's day, and Shrove-tuesday last 13 6 8 And by way of her Majesty's reward 6 13 4 20th February 1591–2, to the Earl of Hertford's servants, for a play presented [orig. enacted] before her, on Twelfth night last 10 &wblank; &wblank; Do. to Lord Strange's servants, for six plays, presented before her, at Whitehall—viz.—St. John's Day; Innocent's Day; New Year's Day; Sunday after Twelfth Day; Shrove Sunday; and Shrove Tuesday 40 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of her Majesty's reward. 20 &wblank; &wblank; Do. to the Earl of Sussex's servants, for a play presented before her, on Sunday after New Year's day, the 2d of January last 10 &wblank; &wblank; 27th February 1591–2, to her Majesty's players, for a play presented by them before her, on St. Stephen's day last. 10 &wblank; &wblank; On the 7th March 1592–3, to Lord Strange's servants, for three plays presented before her Majesty at Hampton-court, viz. St. John's Night; New Year's Eve; and New Year's day 20 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of her Majesty's reward. 10 &wblank; &wblank; 11th March 1592–3, to the Earl of Pembroke's servants, for two plays presented before her Majesty at court, viz. on St. John's day, at night, and Twelfth day, at night 13 6 8 And by way of her Majesty's reward 6 13 4* [Subnote: *The hiatus here occurring is accounted for by the loss of the Council Books. Malone.] 27th November 1597, to John Hemings and Thomas Pope, servants to the Lord Chamberlain, for six interludes, presented before her Majesty, in the Christmas holydays last 40 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of her Majesty's reward. 20 &wblank; &wblank; 3d December 1598, to John Hemings and Thomas Pope, servants to the Lord Chamberlain, for four interludes, presented before her Majesty 26 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 13 6 8 Do. to Robert Shaw, and Thomas Downton, servants to the Earl of Nottingham, for two plays presented before her 13 6 8 And by way of her Majesty's reward 6 13 4 18th February 1599–100, to John Hemings, for three interludes, shewed before her, by the Lord Chamberlain's servants, viz. on St. Stephen's day, at night, Twelfth day, at night, and Shrove Sunday, at night 20 &wblank; &wblank; And by way of her Majesty's reward 10 &wblank; &wblank; Do. to John Shawe for two plays presented before her, by the Lord Admiral's servants, on St. John's day, and New Year's day 20 marks. And by way of her Majesty's reward 6 13 4 Do. to Robert Browne, for a play presented before her, by the Earl of Darby's servants, on Shrove-tuesday, at night 6 13 4 And by way of her Majesty's reward 5 marks. 11th March 1600–1, to John Hemings, for three interludes, presented by the Lord Chamberlain's servants, at Christmas last 30 &wblank; &wblank;

Note return to page 595 6The privy council on the 1st of August, 1577, wrote to Lord Wentworth, to the Master of the Rolls, and the Lieutenant of the Tower, “that for avoiding the sickness from the heat of the weather, they take immediate order, as the Lord Mayor had done within the city, that such players as do use to play without the city, within that county [Middlesex] as the Theatre, and such like, shall forbear any more to play until Michaelmas be past.”

Note return to page 596 7Stubbs's Anatomy of Abuses, 1583, sign. LV. Stubbs immediately subjoins, “For proof whereof, but marke the flocking and running to theatres and curtens, daylie and hourelie, night and daye, tyme and tyde, to see playes and enterludes, where such wanton gestures, such bawdie speaches; such laughing and fleering: such kissing and bussing: such clipping and culling: such winkinge and glancinge of wanton eyes, and the like is used, as is wonderful to behold.”—We may easily suppose, Stubbs did not so much design to draw a picture, as to daub a caracature.

Note return to page 597 8The letters of the privy council, dated the 11th of May, 1586; directing the theatres to be shut up, for preventing pestilence.

Note return to page 598 9The vestry of St. Saviour's, Southwark, where so many playhouses had been erected, thought fit to order, on the 19th of July, 1598, “That a petition shall be made to the bodye of the councell, concerning the playhouses in this parish; wherein the enormities shall be showed that comes thereby to the parish; and that in respect thereof they may be dismissed and put down from playing: And that iiij or ij of the churchwardens &c. shall present the cause with a collector of the Borough-side, and another of the Bankside.” As the playhouses were not put down, the same vestry tried to derive a profit from them, by tything them; and on the 28th of March, 1600, “It was ordered, that the churchwardens shall talk with the players for tithes for their playhouses, and for the rest of the new tanne houses, near thereabouts within the liberty of the Clinke, and for money for the poore according to the order taken before my Lords of Canterbury, London, and Mr of the Revels.” [These curious extracts were copied from the parish-register.]

Note return to page 599 1An order of the privy council for the restraint of the number of playhouses. [From the council-register of the 22d of June, 1600.] “Whereas divers complaints have been heretofore made unto the Lords and others of her Majesty's privy-council, of the manifold abuses and disorders that have grown and do continue by occasion of many houses, erected, and employed in, and about, the city of London, for common stage plays: And now very lately by reason of some complaints exhibited by sundry persons against the building of the like house in or near Golding lane, by one Edward Allen, a servant of the right ho&nbar;ble the Lord Admiral, the matter as well in generalty touching all the said houses for stage plays, and the use of playing, as in particular, concerning the said house now in hand to be built in or near Golding-lane, hath been brought into question and consultation among their Lordships. Forasmuch as it is manifestly known, and granted that the multitude of the said houses, and the mis-government of them, hath been and is daily occasion, of the idle, riotous, and dissolute living of great numbers of people, that leaving all such honest and painful course of life as they should follow, do meet and assemble there, and of many particular abuses and disorders that do thereupon ensue. And yet nevertheless it is considered that the use and exercise of such plays (not being evil in itself) may with a good order and moderations, be suffered in a well-governed state: And that her Majesty being pleased sometimes to take delight and recreation in the sight and hearing of them, some order is fit to be taken, for the allowance and maintenance of such persons as are thought meetest in that kind to yield her Majesty recreation and delight, and consequently of the houses that must serve for publick playing to keep them in exercise. To the end therefore that both the great abuses of the plays and playing-houses may be redressed, and yet the aforesaid use and moderation of them retained; The Lords and the rest of her Majesty's privy-council, with one and full consent have ordered in manner and form as followeth:— First—That there shall be about the city two houses and no more, allowed to serve for the use of the common stage plays; of the which houses, one shall be in Surrey, in that place which is commonly called the Bankside or thereabouts, and the other in Middlesex.—And for as much as their Lordships have been informed by Edmund Tilney Esqr. her Majesty's servant and Master of the Revels, that the house now in hand to be built by the said Edward Allen, is not intended to increase the number of the playhouses but to be instead of another (namely the Curtain) which is either to be ruined, and plucked down, or to be put to some other good use, as also that the situation thereof is meet and convenient for that purpose: It is likewise ordered, that the said house of Allen shall be allowed to be one of the two houses, and namely for the house to be allowed in Middlesex for the company of players belonging to the Lord Admiral, so as the house called the Curtain be (as it is pretended) either ruinated, or applied to some other good use. And for the other house to be allowed on Surrey side, whereas their Lordships are pleased to permit, to the company of players, that shall play there, to make their own choice, which they will have, of divers houses that are there, choosing one of them and no more. And the said company of players, being the servants of the Lord Chamberlain that are to play there, have made choice, of the house called the Globe; it is ordered, that the said house and none other shall be there allowed: And especially it is forbidden that any stage plays shall be played (as sometimes they have been) in any common inn for publick assembly in or near about the city. Secondly.—Forasmuch as these stage plays, by the multitude of houses and company of players have been so frequent not serving for recreation, but inviting and calling the people daily from their trade and work to mispend their time. It is likewise ordered, that the two several companies of players assigned unto the two houses allowed, may play each of them in their several house twice a week, and no oftener; and especially they shall refrain to play on the Sabbath-day, upon pain of imprisonment and further penalty: And that they shall forbear altogether in the time of Lent, and likewise at such time and times as any extraordinary sickness or infection of disease shall appear to be in or about the city. Thirdly—Because the orders will be of little force and effect unless they be duly put in execution, by those unto whom it appertaineth to see them executed: It is ordered that several copies of these orders shall be sent to the Lord Mayor of London, and to the justices of the peace of the counties of Middlesex, and Surrey, and that letters shall be written unto them from their Lordships, strictly charging them to see to the execution of the same, as well by committing to prison any owners of playhouses, and players, as shall disobey and resist these orders, as by any other good and lawful means that, in their discretion they shall find expedient, and to certify their Lordships from time to time as they shall see cause of their proceedings herein.”

Note return to page 600 2Council register of the 22d June, 1600.

Note return to page 601 3The following is a transcript of the letter to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, from the council register of the 31st of December, 1601: “We have received a letter from you, renewing a complaint of the great abuse and disorder within and about the city of London, by reason of the multitude of playhouses, and the inordinate resort and concourse of dissolute and idle people daily unto publick stage plays; for the which information, as wee do commend your Lordship because it betokeneth your care and desire to reform the disorders of the city: So wee must let you know, that we did much rather expect to understand that our order (set down and prescribed about a year and a half since for reformation of the said disorders upon the like complaint at that time) had been duly executed, than to find the same disorders and abuses so much increased as they are. The blame whereof, as we cannot but impute in great part to the justices of the peace or some of them in the counties of Middlesex, and Surrey, who had special direction and charge from us to see our said order executed, for the confines of the city, wherein the most part of those playhouses are situate: So wee do wish that it might appear unto us, that any thing hath been endeavoured by the predecessor of you the Lord Mayor, and by you the aldermen, for the redress of the said enormities, and for observation and execution of our said order within the city: We do therefore once again renew hereby our direction unto you (as we have done by our letters to the justices of Middlesex, and Surrey) concerning the observation of our former order, which wee do pray and require you to cause duly and diligently to be put in execution for all points thereof, and especially for the express and streight prohibition of any more playhouses, than those two that are mentioned and allowed in the said order: Charging and straitly commanding all such persons as are the owners of any of the houses used for stage plays within the city, not to permit any more public plays to be used, exercised, or showed from henceforth in their said houses: and to take bonds of them (if you shall find it needful) for the performance thereof, or if they shall refuse to enter into bonds, or to observe our said order, then to commit them to prison, untill they shall conform themselves thereunto: And so praying you, as yourself do make the complaint, and find the enormity, so to apply your best endeavour to the remedy of the abuse.”

Note return to page 602 4Council register of that date.

Note return to page 603 5Arnot's Edi&nab;. 71: “William the Lion, who died in 1212, gave to the citizens of Edinburgh a valley, on the road to Leith, for the special purpose of holding tournaments and other manly feats of arms.”

Note return to page 604 6Arnot's Edi&nab;. 77. In 1555, the parliament of Scotland passed an act “Anentis Robert Hude and Abbot of Un-reason;” whereby it was ordained, “that in all times cummyng, na maner of person be chosen Robert Hude, nor Little John, Abbot of Unreason, Queenis of May, nor otherwise, nouther in burgh, nor to Landwart.” [Skenes Actes, 1597, p. 150.] Those sports of the field were surely very harmless, perhaps salutary: But the moralities, which, at that very epoch, were set forth by Sir David Lyndsay, were certainly in the highest degree obscene in their representation, and immoral in their tendency.

Note return to page 605 7Id.

Note return to page 606 8Let no minute commentator remark the Scotticism of that good old English word, which is sometimes used by Shakspeare and Ben Jonson.

Note return to page 607 9Ib. 75.

Note return to page 608 1Lord Stirling's Works. [Lord Sterline's Tragedies were probably never acted. Malone.]

Note return to page 609 2“1445 April the 30th: The council and many of the gildbrethren for letting and stanching of divers enormities done in time bygone by the abbots of the burgh called of bone acorde [proposed] that in time coming they will giue no fees to no such abbots; and for this instant year they will haue no such abbot, but that the alderman for the time and any baillie he chuses to take with (joint til) him to supply that faute (want).” [MS. extracts from the city records of Aberdeen.] The Abbot of Bonne Acorde was, however, so agreeable to the people, that he continued long after to gratify them yearly with publick sports: And the fees which were objected to in 1445, were afterwards settled at ten merks a year. [City records, 7th August, 1486.]

Note return to page 610 3On the 22d of October, 1445, Thomas Lawson was received as a burgess of Aberdeen; a privilege which was lately granted him, when he was abbot of bonne acorde, for his expences laid out by him in a certain play [ludo] De ly Haliblude apud ly Windmill Hill. [Ms extracts from the city records, which were written, in those times, partly in low Latin, and partly in Norman French.]

Note return to page 611 4It appears from Leland's Collectanea, vol. iv. p. 300, as Mr. Malone has indeed remarked, that when the marriage of James the IVth with Margaret, the eldest daughter of Henry the VIIth, was celebrated at Edinburgh, in 1503: “after dynnar a moralitie was played by the said Master Inglishe and hys companyons, in the presence of the King and Qwene, and then daunces were daunced.” Yet, the historian of the stage seems not to have adverted, that Master Inglishe, and his companyons, with menstrells of musick, accompanied Margaret from Wyndsor-castle to Holyrood-house. [Ib. 267, 280, 289.] I have, however, shown from the evidence of records, the existence of similar plays, in Scotland, upwards of half a century before that memorable epoch.

Note return to page 612 5“By the General Assembly begun and holden at Edinburgh the 7th day of March 1574: “It is thoucht meit and concludit yat na clerk playes, comedies or tragedies be maid of ye cannonicall Scriptures alsweil new as auld on Sabboth day nor wark day in time coming. The contravenars hereof (if they be ministers) to be secludit fra yr function and if they be utheris to be punishit be ye discipline of ye kirk; and ordains an article to be given in to sick as sitts upon ye policie yat for uther playes comedies tragedies and utheris profaine playes as are not maid upon authentick pairtes of ye Scriptures, may be considerit before they be exponit publictlie and yat they be not played upon ye Sabboth dayes.” [From the MS. “Buik of the Universal Kirk of Scotland quhairin ye heides and conclusiones devysit be the ministers and commissioners of the particular kirks thairof are especially expressit and containit.”]

Note return to page 613 6An Account of Perth, 1796, p. 40, by the Rev. Mr. Scott, who quotes the old records for the facts.

Note return to page 614 7Archbishop Spottiswood gives the following account of that transaction: “In the end of the year [1599] happened some new jars betwixt the King and the ministers of Edinburgh; because of a company of English comedians, whom the King had licensed to play within the burgh. The ministers being offended with the liberty given them, did exclaim in their sermons against stage-players, their unruliness and immodest behaviour; and in their sessions made an act, prohibiting people to resort unto their plays, under pain of the church censures. The King, taking this to be a discharge of his licence, called the sessions before the council, and ordained them to annul their act, and not to restrain the people from going to these comedies: Which they promised, and accordingly performed; whereof publication was made the day after, and all that pleased permitted to repair unto the same, to the great offence of the ministers.” [History of the Church of Scotland, p. 457.] In this account, there seem to be implied two points; that King James did not send for the English comedians; and that there was not any company of Scottish comedians, in Scotland, during his reign.

Note return to page 615 8The Arte of English Poesie, 1519, p. 50.

Note return to page 616 9There is the following passage in Gilbert Dugdale's Time Triumphant, which was printed by R. B. [Robert Barker] in 1604, signr. B:—“Nay; see the bounty of our all kind soveraigne; not only to the indifferent of worth, and the worthy of honour, did He freely deal about these causes: But, to the mean gave grace; as taking to himself the late Lord Chamberlain's servants, now the King's acters; the Queen, taking to her the Earl of Worster's servants, that are now her acters; and the Prince, their sonne Henry, Prince of Wales, full of hope, took to him the Earl of Nottingham his servants, who are now his acters; so that of Lord's servants, they are now the servants of the King, Queen, and Prince.”

Note return to page 617 1[Fletcher was not one of the actors of Shakspeare's plays, nor is there any evidence to show that he was an actor at all. He might receive the appellation of fellow from being a partner in the property of the theatre. Malone.]

Note return to page 618 2The parish register records that event in the following manner: “1608, September 12th [was buried] Laurence Fletcher, a man, in the church.” I could not find, in the prerogative office, either a will of the deceased, or any administration to his estate.

Note return to page 619 3Aubrey has preserved a tradition which is extremely probable, that Shakspeare used to travel, once a year, from Stratford to London, and from London to Stratford: If this tradition be admitted as a fact, it would prove, with strong conviction, that he had his family at Stratford, and his business in London. If documents be produced to prove that one Shakspeare, a player, resided in St. Saviour's parish, Southwark, at the end of the sixteenth, or the beginning of the seventeenth, century; this evidence will not be conclusive proof of the settled residence of Shakspeare: For it is a fact as new as it is curious, that his brother Edmond, who was baptized on the 3d of May, 1580, became a player at The Globe; lived in St. Saviour's; and was buried in the church of that parish: the entry in the register being without a blur, “1607 December 31, [was buried] Edmond Shakespeare, a player, in the church;” there can be no dispute about the date, or the name, or the profession. It is remarkable, that the parish clerk, who scarcely ever mentions any other distinction of the deceased, than a man, or a woman, should, by I know not what inspiration, have recorded Edmond Shakspeare as a player. There were, consequently, two Shakspeares on the stage, during the same period; as there were two Burbadges, who were also brothers, and who acted on the same theatre. Mr. Malone has, indeed, remarked, that the burial of Edmond Shakspeare does not appear in the parish register of Stratford-upon-Avon. I have not been able to find any notice of Edmond Shakspeare, in the prerogative-office.

Note return to page 620 3Volume the Sixth; Part I.

Note return to page 621 4Mr. Malone says, “that the name of the top of the margin of the first sheet was probably written by the scrivener who drew the will.” The fact, however, is, that this name was written by the entering clerk, in the prerogative office, at the time; as the clerks of the present day assured me; pointing at the Te [testamentum] which is prefixed to the name: and showing the similarity of the hand writing of the probat. It is true, as Mr. Malone says, that the name of Shakspeare is subscribed on the margin of the first brief of his will; but he ought to have added, what is plainly the fact, that the name is subscribed on the margin, at the bottom of the sheet on the left hand corner; and was obviously there subscribed by the testator for want of room on the right hand corner of the sheet. There is no other ground for Mr. Malone's insinuation, that this signature was not made by Shakspeare, except that the three signatures to the will are very different in the manner, and spelling: But, all the genuine signatures of Shakspeare are dissimilar.

Note return to page 622 5Winifrid, the widow, afterwards became the wife of one Robinson, (Richard Robinson the actor, there are reasons to believe,) and, together with William Burbage, (so he signs his name,) son of Richard Burbage, by indenture bearing date the 15th of May, 1639, mortgaged certain premises in the parish of St. Leonard, Shoreditch, which had belonged to Richard Burbage and Cuthbert Burbage, for one hundred pounds. The original deed, with others relating to the same premisses, is in my possession. It may be here noticed, that Burbage, Heminges, and Cundall, each had a son named William, probably in compliment to Shakspeare. Reed.

Note return to page 623 6He was buried in the parish of St. Leonard's Shoreditch, as the register has recorded, on the 16th of March, 1618–19.—The same register hath entered the baptisms and burials of his children, as follows; and the register, by recording the truth, shows the inaccuracy of Mr. Malone's statement. See page 183. [Table: 1Kb] Names. Baptisms. Burials. 1. Richard 16th August 1607 2. Julia 2d January 1602–3 12th September 1608 3. Frances 16th September 1604 19th September 1604 4. Ann 8th August 1607 5. Winif yd 10th October 1613 14th October 1616 6. Julya 26th December 1614 15th August 1615 7. Sarah 5th August 1619 Sarah is entered in the register as “the daughter of Winifrid Burbadge, widow.”—The name of Julia was the name given by the father, not Juliet: The name of Juliet was afterwards imposed by the parish clerk, when he recorded the burial of the first Julia, on the 12th of September, 1608.—This fact proves, that Mr. Malone's observation, on this point, is groundless. Richard Burbadge had a brother Cuthbert, who did not rise to his eminence, as a comedian, but was much respected as a man. He also lived in Holywell Street, and was buried in the same parish, as appears by the register, on the 17th of October, 1636: His wife, Elizabeth, was buried in the same cemetery, on the 1st of October, 1636: And the grave-stone, which covered them, was removed when the new church of St. Leonards' was built. They had three children: James, who was buried in the same parish on the 15th of July, 1597; Walter, who was baptized on the 22d of June, 1595; and Elizabeth, who was baptized on the 30th of December, 1601; as the same register records.—In the parish-register, this celebrated name is spelt three different ways; Burbidge, Burbadge, and Burbege; but, most frequently Burbadge: in the register of the prerogative-office, it is written Burbeige; so little uniformity was there, in those times on this head; and so little foundation for criticism, on this point! In fact, the celebrated comedian subscribed his name Richard Burbadg, if we may determine from a single autograph, No. XIV. in plate ii. of Mr. Malone's Inquiry.

Note return to page 624 7Augustine Phillips's Will. In the Name of God Amen, the fourthe daie of May Anno Dm 1605 and in the yeres of the Reigne of Or Sourigne Lorde James by the Grace of God Kinge of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland Defenderr of the Faithe &c, that is to say of England Fraunce and Ireland the thirde, and of Scotland the Eighte and thirtith, I Augustine Phillipps of Mor,tlack in the County of Surrey Gent. beinge at this pte sick and weak in body, but of good and pfecte mynde and remembrance thanks be given unto Almighty God, do make ordeyne and dispose this my prte Testamt & last Will in mann and forme followinge, that is to say Firste and principally I comende my Soule into th'ands of Allmighty God my Maker Savior and Redeemer in whome and by the meritts of the second pson Jesus Christ I truste and believe assuredly to be saved and to have full cleire remission and forgiveness of my sinnes, and I comitt my body to be buried in the chauncell of the pishe Churche of Mortelack aforesaid, and after my body buryed and Funerall charge paide, Then I will that all suche Debts and Duetyes as I owe to any person or persons of Righte or in Conscience shal be truely paide, And that done then I will that all and singr my Goods Chattels plate Household stuffe Jewells reddy money and debts shal be devided by my Executrix and orseers of this my laste Will and Testamt into three equall and indefferente parts and porc&obar;ns whereof one equal parte I geve and bequeathe to Anne Phillipps my Loveinge Wife to her owne pr&obar;p use and behoufe, One other parte thereof to and amongeste my three eldeste daughters Maudlyne Phillipps, Rebecca Phillipps, and Anne Phillipps, equally amongste them to be devided porc&obar;n and porc&obar;n like, and to be paide and deliverd unto them as they and every of them shall accomplishe & come to their lawful ages of Twenty & one yeres, or at their daies of marriage, and ev'y of them to be others Heyre of their said pts and porc&obar;ns, yf any of them shall fortune to dye, before their said sevall ag' of twenty and one yeres or daies of marriage and th'other pte thereof I resrve to my selfe and to my Executrix to pforme my Legays hereafter followinge, Item I geve and bequeathe to the poore of the pishe of Mortlack aforesaide, Fyve pounds of lawfull money of England, to be distributed by the Churchwardens of the same pishe within twelve monethes after my decease, Item I geve and bequeathe to Agnes Bennett my loveinge mother during her naturall life, ev'y yere yerely the Some of Fyve pounds of lawfull Money of England, to be paid her at the four usuall feasts or termes in the yere by my Executrix, out of any parte and porc&obar;n resrved by this my prte Will, Item I geve to my Brothers Willm Webb and James Webb, yf they shall be lyevinge at my decease to eyther of them the Some of Tenne pounds a peece of lawful Money of England, to be paid unto them wthin three yeres after my decease, Item I geve and bequeathe to my Sister Elizabeth Goughe the Some of tenne pounds of lawfull Money of England to be paid her wthin One yere after my decease, Item I will and bequeathe unto Myles Borne and Phillipps Borne two Sounes of my Sister Margery Borne to eyther of them Tenne pounds a peece of lawfull Money of England to be paid unto them when they shall accomplishe the full age of Twenty and one yeres, Item I geve and bequeathe unto Tymothy Whithorne the Sum of Twentye pounds of lawfull Money of Englande to be paide unto him within one yere after my decease, Item I geve and bequeathe unto and amongste the hyred men of the Company wch. I am of, which shalbe at the tyme of my decease the Some of fyve pounds of lawfull Money of England to be equally distributed amongeste them, Item, I geve and bequeathe to my Fellowe Willm Shakespeare a thirty shillings peece in gould, To my Fellowe Henry Condell one other thirty shillinge peece in gould, To my Servaunte Christopher Beeston Thirty shillings in Gould, To my Fellowe Laurence Fletcher twenty shillings in Gould, To my Fellowe Robert Armyne twenty shillings in Gould, To my fellowe Richard Coweley twenty shillings in Gould, To my fellowe Alexander Cook twenty shillings in Gould, To my fellowe Nicholas Tooley twenty shillings in Gould, Item I geve to the Preacher wch. shall preache at my Funerall the Some of twenty shillings, Item I geve to Samuell Gilborne my late apprentice, the Some of Fortye shillings and my mouse colloured Velvit hose and a White Taffety Dublet a blacke taffety sute my purple Cloke Sword and Dagger and my Base Viall. Item I geve to James Sands my Apprentice the Some of Fortye shillings and a Citterne a Bandore and a Lute, to be paid and deliv&ebar;d unto him at the expirac&obar;n of his terme of yeres in his Indr. of Apprenticehood. Item my Will is that Elizabeth Phillips my youngest daughter shall have and quietlye enjoye for terme of her natural lyfe my House and Land in Mortelacke wch. I lately purchased to me, Anne my wife, and to the said Elizabeth for terme of Or. lives in full recompence and satisfaction of hir pte and porc&obar;n wch. she may in any wise chalenge or demand of in and to any of my Goods and Chattels whatsoever. —And I ordaine and make the said Anne Phillips my loving Wyfe sole Executrix of this my psent Testament and last Will provided alwaies that if the said Anne my Wyfe do at any tyme marrye after my decease, That then and from thenceforth shee shall cease to be any more or longer Executrix of this my last Will or any waies intermeddle wth. the same, And the said Anne to haive no pte or porc&obar;n of my Goods or Chattells to me or my Executors reserved or appointed by this my last Will and Testament, and that then and from thenceforth John Hemings Richard Burbage Wm Slye and Timothie Whithorne shal be fullie and whollie my Executors of this my last Will and Testament, as though the said Anne had never bin named, And of the execution of this my present Testament and laste Will I ordayne and make the said John Hemings Richard Burbage Wm Slye and Timothie Whithorne Overseers of this my prsent Testament and last Will and I bequeathe unto the said John Hemings Richard Burbage and Wm Slye to either of them my said Overseers for theire paines herein to be taken a boule of Silver of the value of fyve pounds a piece. In Witness whereof to this my prsent Testament and laste Will I the said Augustine Phillipes have put my hand and Seale the day and yeare above written— A: Phillips (LS). Sealed and dd by the said Augustine Phillipes as his last Will and Testament in the presence of us Robert Goffe, Wm Sheperd.— [This will was proved on the 13th of May, 1605, by Anne, the relict, and executrix; and on the 16th of May, 1607, by John Hemynges, under the condition mentioned in the will, by reason of the marriage of Anne, the widow, and executrix, before mentioned. —This will is written on two briefs, in two different hand writings: but the last brief only is signed by the testator.]

Note return to page 625 8The register of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, which records this marriage, also records the marriage of William Knell with Rebecca Edwards, on the 30th of January, 1585–6. William Knell did not long survive the celebration of this marriage, though the register does not record his burial: But, it does record the burial of a William Knell, on the 24th of September, 1578, who was probably, the celebrated actor; and the second William Knell, who married young Rebecca Edwards, may, possibly, have been his son, and also a player.

Note return to page 626 9The Council register of that date.

Note return to page 627 1She was buried, as the register of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, records, on the 2d of September, 1619.

Note return to page 628 2The will is published p. 191. William Hemings was baptized on the 3d of October, 1602; and was educated at Christ Church, Oxford, where he took the degree of Master of Arts, in 1628; and in March, 1682–3, he produced a comedy entitled The Coursing of the Hare, or The Madcap; and afterwards wrote The Fatal Contract, and The Jews Tragedy. The following table, which was formed from the parish register, will show more accurately than has yet been done, the births, and burials, of John Heminges's children; and will also correct the inaccuracies of Mr. Malone, both in the dates, and persons. He speaks of two daughters, whom the register does not record; Margaret, who is not mentioned by the register; and Beatrice, whom, I suspect, he has confounded with Beavis, a son; who was baptized in 1601:— [Table: 2Kb] Names. Baptisms. Burials. 1 Ales [who married John Atkins 11 February 1612–13] 1st November 1590 2 Mary 7th May 1592 9 August 1592 3 Judith 29th August 1593 4 Thomasyn 15th January 1594–5 5 Jone 2d May 1596 6 John 2d April 1598 17 June 1598 7 John 12th August 1599 8 Beavis (a son) 24th May 1601 9 William 3d October 1602 10 George 12th February 1603–4 11 Rebecca 4th February 1604–5 12 Elizabeth 6th March 1607–8 13 Mary 21st June 1611 23 July 1611

Note return to page 629 3The will of Cundall is published p. 200. John Heminges, and Cuthbert Burbadge, were two of the overseers of the will of Cundall. The following table, like the last, which was formed from the parish register, will show with more precision and accuracy than Mr. Malone has done, the births, and burials, of Henry Cundall's children; and will also correct the inaccuracies of Mr. Malone, both in the dates and persons:— [Table: 1Kb] Names. Baptisms. Burials. 1 Elizabeth 27 February 1598–9 11 April 1599 2 Ann 4 April 1601 26 July 1610 3 Richard 18 April 1602 4 Elizabeth 14 April 1603 22 April 1603 5 Elizabeth 26 October 1606 6 Mary 31 January 1607–8 7 Henry 6 May 1610 4 March 1629 8 William 26 May 1611 9 Edward 22 August 1614 23 August 1614 From the register, it thus appears, that Henry, and Elizabeth, Cundall, had nine children, instead of eight, as stated by Mr. Malone; that their son, Henry, was born in 1610, instead of 1600; and that five children survived Mr. Cundall, as he is distinguished in the register, instead of three; as mentioned by Mr. Malone.

Note return to page 630 4Enter William Sly; and a Tire-man; following with a stool:— “Tire-man. —Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here. “Sly. —Why; we may sit upon the stage, at the private house. Thou dos't not take me for a country gentleman; dos't think, I fear hissing? I'll hold my life, thou took'st me, for one of the players. “Tire-man. —No; Sir. “Sly —By God's-slid, if you had, I would not have given you six pence for your stool. Let them, that have stale suits, sit in the galleries. Hiss at me! He that will be laught out of a tavern, shall seldom feed well, or be drunk, in good company. Where's Harry Condell, Dick Burbage, and William Sly? Let me speak with some of them.” Sly goes on to swear most irreverently. True, indeed, as Colley Cibber would have apologized: Lowin reproves him, and carries him off the stage. But, the statute 3 James I. ch. xxi. prevented such apologies, by imposing proper penalties on all who should profanely use the name of God, in any play.

Note return to page 631 5P. 206.

Note return to page 632 6Brown and Saunder were both players; though they never rose to much distinction. Saunder played Videna, the Queen, in The Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns, and is confounded with Alexander [Saunders] Cooke, by Mr. Malone, who thus appears not to have known, that Saunder was a real actor, and a distinct person.

Note return to page 633 7It was not so much the hat, as the feather, which constituted the value of this legacy; feathers being then much worn, and in great request. Marston, in The Malecontent, ridiculed the fashion. When Sly is on the stage, acting the prologue to The Malecontent, he puts his feather in his pocket. Burbadge asks him: “Why do you conceal your feather, Sir?” Sly answers him: “Why! Do you think I'll have jests broken upon me, in the play, to be laughed at? This play hath beaten all young gallants out of the feathers. Blackfriars hath almost spoilt Blackfriars for feathers.”—It is to be remarked, that the Blackfriars district was remarkable, in those days, for being inhabited by feather-makers.

Note return to page 634 8It was executed in the presence of several women who could not sign their names, as witnesses.

Note return to page 635 9John, the bastard son of William Sly, the player, was buried in the parish of St. Giles's, Cripplegate; on the 4th of October, 1606, as appears by the register; which states, that John was base, and the son of the player.

Note return to page 636 1Robert Armin seems to have been in the service of Lord Chandois. In an address to Lady Mary Chandois, his widow, annexed to a narrative, 4to. bl. l. by his nephew Gilbert Dugdale, of a murder committed in the county of Chester, in 1604; he says, “We have many giddie pated poets, that coulde have published this report with more eloquence, but truth in plaine attire is the easier knowne: let fixion maske in Kendall greene. It is my qualitie to adde to the truth, truth; and not leasings to lyes. Your good honor knows Pincks poore hart, who in all my services to your late deceased kind lord, never savoured of flatterie or fixion: and therefore am now the bolder to present to your vertues the view of this late truth, desiring you so to thinke of it, that you may be an honourable mourner at these obsequies, and you shall no more doe then many more have doone. So with my tendered dutie, my true ensuing storie, and my ever wishing well, I do humbly commit your ladiship to the prison of heaven, wherein is perfect freedome. Your ladiships ever in duty and service, Robert Armin”. Reed.

Note return to page 637 2P. 207.

Note return to page 638 3The register calls him Richard Cowley, player. His wife Elizabeth was buried in the same cemetery, on the 28th of September, 1616. By her he had a son, Robert, who was baptized on the 7th of March, 1595–6; a son, Cuthbert, on the 8th of May, 1597; a son, Richard, on the 29th of April, 1599, who was buried on the 26th of February, 1603–4; and a daughter, Elizabeth, was baptized on the 2d of February, 1601–2.

Note return to page 639 4One of those associates, probably, and one of the actors of Shakspeare's characters was Richard Scarlet, player, who was buried, says the register, in St. Giles's Cripplegate, on the 23d of April, 1609. Yet he is not mentioned by the historian of our stage. Another of those associates was Samuel Gilburne, who is unknown, says Mr. Malone, [p. 211]. But, we know, that before May, 1605, Samuel Gilburne had served his apprenticehood, as a player, with Augustine Phillips; who bequeathed him “fortye shillings, and my mouse-coloured velvit hose, and a white taffety dublet, a black taffety sute, my purple cloke, sword and dagger, and my base violl.” And herein we may see the dress, and accompaniments, of Augustine Phillips. Christopher Beeston was also an actor at The Globe, and the representative of some of Shakspeare's characters. He was the servant of Augustine Phillips, in May, 1605, and was deemed worthy of a legacy of thirty shillings in gould. He became manager of the Cockpit theatre, in Drury Lane, in the year 1624, and continued in that station till his death, in 1638–9. I have not found his will in the prerogative-office, nor any administration to his estate. He was succeeded, as manager of the King and Queen's company in Drury Lane, on the 27th of June, 1640, by William D'Avenant, gentleman.

Note return to page 640 5The name of his wife is neither mentioned in his will, nor in the probat of it; when she was authorized, by the prerogative-court to act as executrix.

Note return to page 641 6The Will of Alexander Cooke, extracted from the register of the prerogative-court of Canterbury: It is now printed, as he pointed it himself: “In the Name of the Father the Sonne, and the holy Ghoste, I Alexander Cooke, sick of body, but in perfect minde, doe with mine owne hand write my last Will and Testament First I bequeathe my Soule into ye. hands of God my deer Saviour Jesus Christ who bought it and payd for it deerly wth. his bloud on ye. crosse next my body to ye. Earthe to be buryed after the maner of Christian buryall Item I do give and bequeath unto my Sonne Francis the Some of Fifty pounds to be delivered to him at the Age of One and twenty yeeres. Item I doe Give and bequeathe unto my Daughter Rebecca the Some of Fiftye pounds allso to be delivered to hir at the Age of Seaventeene years or at hir day of Mariage, which it shall please God to bring firste, which Somes of Money are bothe in One purse in my Cuberd Item I doe Give and Bequeathe unto the Childe which my Wife now goeth with, the Some of Fiftye pounds allso, which is in the hand of my fellowes as my share of the stock to be delivered if it be a boy, at one and twenty yeres, if a Girle, at Seaventeene, or day of Maryage, as before all whiche Somes of Moneyes, I doe intreate my Master Hemings, Mr Cundell, and Mr Frances Caper (for God's cause) to take into their hands, and see it saflye put into Grocers Hall, for the use and bringinge up of my poore Orphants Item I doe further give and bequeathe unto my Daughter Rebecca the Windowe cushens made of needle worke together withe ye. Window cloathe Court Cuboard Cloathe, and Chimneye Cloathe, being all bordered about with needle worke sutable, and Greene silke fringe If any of my children, dye ere they come to age, my will is yt the Survivers shall have there parte, equallye divided to ye. last. If all my Children dye ere they come to age, my will is that my Brother Ellis or his Children shall have One halfe of all, the other half to be thus divided, to my five sisters, or theire Children tenn pounds apeece amongst them, my Brother John's daughter other tenne pounds, ye. rest to my Wife if she live then, if not to Ellis and his, If my brother Ellis dye ere this, and leave no Childe of his body, my will is, it shall be all equally distributed amongst my Sisters and the Children of there bodys, only my Wive's parte reserved if she live: My Wife paying all charges of my buriall performing my Will in every poynte as I have set downe my will is she shall injoy and be my full and lawfull Executrix All my Goods, Chattels, Movables debbts, or whatsoever is mine in all the worlde &lslant;&lslant;&lslant; This is my last Will and Testament &lslant; In Witness whereof I have set to my hand January the third 1613: By me Allex: Cooke:” [This will was proved on the 4th of May, 1614, by the relict, whose name, however, is not mentioned in the probat.]

Note return to page 642 7Tooley bequeathed legacies to the sister and daughter of “my late Mr. [Master] Burbadge, deceased.” And he repeated this form of expression, which shows a grateful remembrance of his old master.

Note return to page 643 8Nicholas Tooley's Will, extracted from the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury. As it contains some unknown particulars of players, it may be regarded as curious:— In the Name of God Amen I Nicholas Tooley of London Gentleman being sicke in body but of perfect mynde and memorie praised be God therefore doe make and declare this my last Will and Testament in forme following that is to say First I comend my Soule into the hands of Almightie God the Father trusting and assuredlie beleeving that by the meritts of the precious death and passion of his only Sonne and my only Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ I shall obtain full and fre pdon and forgivenes of all my Sinnes and shall enjoy everlasting life in the Kingdom of Heaven amongst the elect Children of God My Bodie I committ to the Earth from whence yt came to be buried in decent manner at the discrecon of my Executors hereunder named My Worldlie substance I doe dispose of as followeth Impris I give unto my good friend Mr. Thomas Adams preacher of God's Word whome I doe entreate to preach my funerall Sermon the Some of tenn pounds Item I doe release and forgive unto my kinswoman Mary Cobb of London widdowe the Some of Fyve pounds wch she oweth me and I do give unto her the Some of fyve pounds more Item I do release and forgive unto her Sonne Peter Cobb the Some of Sixe pounds wch he oweth me Item I doe give unto her Sonne John Cobb the Some of Sixe pounds Item I do give unto her daughter Margarett Moseley the Some of Fyve pounds Item I doe give unto Mrs. Burbadge the Wife of my good friend Mr. Cutbert Burbadge (in whose house I do nowe lodge) as a remembrance of my love in respect of her motherlie care over me the Some of tenn pounds over and besides such Somes of Money as I shall owe unto her att my decease Item I do give unto her daughter Elizabeth Burbadge als Maxey the Some of tenn pounds To be payd unto her owne proper hands therewth all to buy her such thinges as she shall thinke most meete to weare in remembrance of me And my Will is that an acquittance under her only hand and Seal shal be a sufficient discharge in Lawe to my Executors for payment thereof to all intents purposes and construccons and as fully as if her pretended husband should make and seale the same wth her Item I give to Alice Walker the Sister of my late Mr. Burbadge deceased the Some of tenn pounds to be payd unto her owne proper hands therewth all to buy her such thinges as she shall thinke most meete to weare in remembrance of me And my will is that an acquittance under her only hand and Seale shal be a sufficient discharge in Lawe to my Executors for the payment thereof to all intents purposes and constructions and as fully as if her husband should make and seale the same wth her Item I give unto Sara Burbadge the daughter of my said late Mr. Richard Burbadge deceased the Some of twenty and nyne pounds and thirteen shillings wch is oweing unto me by Richard Robinson to be recouved detayned and disposed of by my Executors hereunder named until her marriage or age of twenty and one years (wch shall first and next happen) without any allowaunce to be made of use otherwise then as they in their discrecons shall think meete to allow unto her Item I give unto Mrs. Condell the wife of my good friend Mr. Henry Condell as a remembrance of my love the Sum of fyve pounds Item I give unto Elizabeth Condell the daughter of the said Henry Condell the Some of tenn pounds Item whereas I stand bound for Joseph Tayler as his surety for payment of Tenn pounds or thereabouts My will is that my Executors shall out of my Estate pay that debt for him and discharge him out of that Bond Item I do release and forgive unto John Underwood and Will&mbar; Ecclestone all such Somes of Money as they do severally owe unto me Item I do give and bequeath for and towards the pptuall reliefe of the poore people of the parishe of St. Leonard in Shoreditche in the Country of Midd under the Condicon hereunder expressed the Some of fourscore pounds To remayne as a stocke in the same parish and to be from tyme to tyme ymployed by the advise of the parson Churchwardens Overseers for the poore and Vestrymen of the prishe for the tyme being or the greater nomber of them In such sort as that on everie Sunday after Morninge prayer forever there may out of the encrease wch shall arrise by the ymployment thereof be distributed amongst the poorer sort of people of the same prishe Thirtie and two penny wheaten loaves for their reliefe provided allwaies and my will & mynd is that yf my said gift shalbe misimployed or neglected to be pformed in aine wise contrarie to the true meaning of this my Will Then & in such case I give and bequeath the same Legacie of Fourscore pounds for and towards the reliefe of the poore people of the prishe of St. Gyles wthout Cripplegate London to be imployed in that prishe in forme aforesaid Item I doe give and bequeath for and towards the ppetuall reliefe of the poore people of the said prishe of St. Giles without Cripplegate London under the condicon hereunder expressed the Some of twenty pounds To remayne as a stocke in the same prishe and to be from tyme to tyme ymployed by the advise of the Churchwardens Overseers for the poore and Vestrymen of the same prishe for the tyme being or the greater nomber of them in such sort as that on every Sunday after Morninge prayer forever there may be out of the ecrease wch shall arrise by the ymployment thereof be distributed amongst the poorer sort of people of the same prishe Eight penny wheaten loaves for their reliefe Provided alwaies and my will and mynd is that yf my said Gift shalbe misimployed or neglected to be pformed in anie wise contrarie to the true meaning of this my Will Then and in such case I give and bequeath the same legacie of twenty pounds for and towards the reliefe of the poorer people of the said prishe of St. Leonard in Shoreditche to be imployed in that prishe in forme aforesaid Item my will and mynd is and I doe hereby devise & appoynt that all and singuler the legacies bequeathed by this my will (for payment whereof no certaine tyme is otherwise limited) shalbe truly payd by my Executors hereunder named wthin the space of one yeare att the furthest next after my decease All the rest and residue of all and singular my Goods Chattels Leases Money Debtes and psonall Estate whatsoever and wheresoever (my debtes legacies and Funerall charges discharged) I doe fully and wholly give & bequeath unto my afore named loving friends Cuthbert Burbadge and Henry Condell to be equally dyvided betweene them pte and pte like And I doe make name and constitute the said Cuthbert Burbadge and Henry Condell the Executors of this my last Will and Testament And I doe hereby revoke & make voyd all former Wills Testaments Codicills Legacies Executors and bequests whatsoever by mee att any tyme heretofore made named given or appoynted willing and mynding that theis prdts only shall stand and be taken for my last Will and Testament and none other In witness whereof to this my last Will and Testament conteynynge foure Sheets of paper wth my name subscribed to everie sheete I have sett my Seale the third day of June 1623 And in the one and twentith yeare of the Raigne of or. Soveraigne Lord King James &c Nicholas Tooley Signed Sealed pronounced and declared by the said Nicolas Tooley the Testator as his last Will and Testament on the day and yeares above written in the prce of us the mke of Anne Asplin the marke of Mary + Cober the marke of Joane + Booth the mke of Agnes Dowson the mke of E. B Elizabeth Bolton the mke of + Faith Kempfall the mke of Isabel Stanley Hum; Dyson notary public and of me Ro: Dickens Srvt. unto the said Notary Memorandum that I Nicholas Wilkinson als Tooley of London Gentleman have on the day of the date of theis prets by the name of Nicholas Tooley of London Gentleman made my last Will and Testament in writing conteyninge foure sheetes of paper with my name subscribed to every sheete and sealed with my Seale and thereby have given and bequeathed divers psonall legacies to divers psons and for divers uses and therefore have made named and constituted my lovinge friends Cuthbert Burbadge and Henry Condell the Executors as thereby may more at large appeare nowe for the explacon cleering avoyding and determinacon of all such ambiguities doubtes scruples questions and variances about the validite of my said last Will as may arise happen or be moved after my decease by reason of omission of my name of Wilkinson therein I doe therefore by this my prete Codicil by the name of Nicholas Wilkinson als Tooley ratifie confirme and approve my last Will and everie gifte legacye and bequest therein expressed and the Executors therein named as fully and amply to all intents purposes and construcons as If I had byn so named in my said last Will any omission of my said name of Wilkinson in my said last Will or any scruple doubt question variance misinterpretacon cavill or misconstruccon whatsoever to be had moved made or inferred thereupon or thereby or any other matter cause or thinge whatsoever to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding And I doe hereby alsoe further declare that my Will mynd and meaning is that this my prdte Codicil shalbe by all Judges Magistrates and other psons in all Courts and other places and to all intents and purposes expounded construed deemed reputed and taken to be as pte and pcell of my said last Will and Testament As witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and Seal the thirde day of June 1623 and in the one and twentieth year of the Raigne of Or Soveraigne Lord King James &c Nicholas Wilkinson als Tooley (LS) Signed Sealed pronounced & declared by the said Nicholas Wilkinson als Tooley as a Codicil to be annexed unto his last Will and Testament on the daye and yeares above written in the presence of us Semon Drewe the mk of Isabell I S Stanley the mke of + Faith Kempfull Hum: Dyson Notary public and of me Ro: Dickens Srvant unto the said Notary.—[It was proved in the prerogative court, on the 17th of June, 1624, by Cuthbert Burbadge, and Henry Cundall.]

Note return to page 644 9The witty Nashe speaks of Kempe, in 1589, as the comical and conceited jestmonger, and vicegerent general to the ghost of Dicke Tarleton. [An Almond for a Parrot.]

Note return to page 645 1In the Cambridge comedy, called The Return from Parnassus, Kempe is introduced personally, and made to say: “I was once at a Comedy in Cambridge. and there I saw a parasite make faces and mouths of all sorts, on this fashion.”—The Cambridge wit, we see, considered Kempe as a proper comedian to raise laughter by making mouths on this fashion. When Burbadge has instructed a student how to act properly, and tells him:—“You will do well after a while;” Kempe takes up the student thus; “Now for you; methinks you should belong to my tuition; and your face, methinks, would be good for a foolish mayor, or a foolish justice of peace: mark me.”—And then, Kempe goes on, to represent a foolish mayor; making faces, for the instruction of the student.

Note return to page 646 2Braithwayte's Remains.

Note return to page 647 3The parish register merely states:—“1603, November 2d William Kempe, a man.” [was buried.] The stupidity of the parish clerk has thus left a slight doubt, who this man was. There was buried in the same cemetery, on the 19th of December, 1603, Mary Kempe, a woman; on the 13th of February, 1604–5, Cicelye Kempe, a child. There appears, however, in the parish register of St. Bartholomew, the Less, the marriage of William Kempe unto Annis Howard, on the 10th of February, 1605–6; but without any further notice of this couple, or their issue. On the other hand, none of the parish clerks, within the bills of mortality, have found the burial of any other William Kempe; though I offered them a suitable reward, for a diligent search. On the whole, it seems to me more than probable, that William Kempe, the successor of Tarleton, was carried off the stage by the plague of 1603. I have laughed, in the above page, at the decision of dogmatism on the mere authority of The Gul's Hornbook, with regard to the true date of the death of Kempe, which it is so difficult to ascertain; and which, after the most active inquiries, cannot be positively fixed. It is unnecessary to add, that if the death of Kempe, in 1603, be admitted as a fact, any document, which mentions him, as being alive, at a subsequent period, must be equally acknowledged to be spurious.

Note return to page 648 4On the 7th of September, 1593, there was entered in the Stationers' books, a Comedie entitled “A Knack how to know a Knave, newly set forthe as it has been sundrie times plaid by Ned Allen and his company, with Kempe's applauded merriment of The Men of Gotham.”—Kempe's New Jigg of the Kitchen-stuff Woman was entered in the Stationers' books, in 1595; and also “Kempe's New Jigg betwixt a Souldier and a Miser and Sym the Clowe.”—In 1600, there was published, “Kempe's Nine Days Wonder performed in a daunce from London to Norwich written by himselfe to satisfie his friends.” In those days, the word jigg signified a farce, as well as a daunce.

Note return to page 649 5The Scourge of Villanie, 1599, sig H. 3 b. This is Sir John Davis, the Attorney General of Ireland, who wrote the two celebrated poems, Nosce Teipsum; and the Orchestra, in praise of dancing. I observe, that Mr. Malone sometimes confounds Sir John Davis, with Davis, the epigrammatist, who was a very different person. [P. 78, 81.] Sir John Davis is the first of our poets who reasoned in rhime; yet the palm of logical poetry has been assigned, by Johnson, to Dryden; though the laureate of James II. can boast of nothing which is comparable to the Nosce Teipsum of Davis, for concatenation of argument, and subtilty of thought. [Mr. Chalmers, in correcting Mr. Malone, is himself in an error. The epigram quoted p. 81, was certainly written by Sir John Davis. Boswell.]

Note return to page 650 6An order was issued to that effect, on the 26th of September, 1615, in the following terms:— “Whereas complaint was made to this board by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of the city of London, That one Rosseter and others having obtained license under the great seal of England for the building of a playhouse have pulled down a great messuage in Puddle-wharf which was sometimes the house of Lady Sanclers within the precinct of the Blackfryers, are now erecting a new play-house in that place, to the great prejudice and inconvenience of the government of that city. Their Lordships thought fit to send for Rosseter, to bring in his letters patents which being seen and perused by the Lord Chief Justice of England [Coke.] For as much as the inconveniences urged by the Lord Mayor and aldermen were many and of some consequence to their government, and specially for that the said playhouse would join so near unto the church in Blackfryers as it would disturb and interrupt the congregation at divine service upon the week days. And that the Lord Chief Justice did deliver to their Lordships that the license granted to the said Rosseter, did extend to the building of a playhouse without the liberties of London, and not within the city. It was this day ordered by their Lordships, that there shall be no playhouse erected in that place, and that the Lord Mayor of London shall straitly prohibit and forbid the said Rosseter, and the rest of the patentees, and their workmen to proceed in the making and converting the said building into a playhouse: And if any of the patentees or their workmen shall proceed in their intended building contrary to this their Lordships inhibition, that then the Lord Mayor shall commit him or them so offending unto prison, and certify their Lordships of their contempt in that behalf. Of which, their Lordships order the said Rosseter and the rest to take notice and conform themselves accordingly, as they will answer to the contrary at their peril.”

Note return to page 651 7A letter was written, by the privy-council, to the Lord Mayor of London, on the 26th January, 1616–17, in the following terms:— “Whereas his Majesty is informed that notwithstanding divers commandments and prohibitions to the contrary, there be certain persons that go about to set up a playhouse in the Blackfryars, near unto his Majesty's Wardrobe, and for that purpose have lately erected and made fit a building which is almost if not fully finished: You shall understand that his Majesty hath this day expressly signified his pleasure, that the same shall be pulled down; so as it be made unfit for any such use. Whereof wee require your Lordship to take notice, and to cause it to be performed with all speed, and thereupon to certify us of your proceedings.”

Note return to page 652 8 Coms Journal, 23d June, 1648.

Note return to page 653 9The letter, which was written, on that occasion, is as follows: “It is not unknown unto you what tumultuous outrages were yesterday committed near unto the city of London in divers places, by a rowte of lewd and loose persons apprentices and others, especially in Lincoln's-inn fields and Drury-lane, where, in attempting to pull down a playhouse belonging to the Queen's Majesty's servants, there were divers persons slain and others hurt and wounded, the multitude there assembled being to the number of many thousands as we are credibly informed. Forasmuch as the example of so foul and insolent a disorder may prove of dangerous consequence if this should escape without sharp punishment of the principal offenders: Wee do therefore in his Majesty's name expressly require your Lordship, and the rest of the commissioners of Oyer and Terminer for the city of London and county of Middlesex, to take it presently into your care, to have a strict inquiry made for such as were of the company, as well apprentices or others, and forthwith to hold a special Sessions of Oyer and Terminer for that purpose, and there with severity to proceed against such as shall be found offenders as to law and justice appertaineth. And for that it was also observed that amongst this crew of apprentices there were an exceeding great multitude of vagrant rogues gathered together as there are always about this city ready for any mischief upon every occasion a great dishonour and scandal to the government. Wee are therefore to recommend that also unto you from his Majesty as a special charge, that you do think upon some course, and put it in execution presently for the dispatching of that sort of people and removing of them far from about the city of London and Westminster and the confines thereof, especially at this present, when his Majesty and a great part of his council are to be absent for so long a time. And as providence and discretion doth now needfully require, since this warning is given you, to have at all times hereafter an eye and watch upon the apprentices likewise, who by this experience and the like where the reins of liberty are given them, are found apt to run into many unsufferable insolencies. Touching all these points his Majesty will expect a strict and particular account frem you of your duties, whereof wee wish you may acquit yourselves as becometh you.” [The council-register of the 5th of March, 1616–17.]

Note return to page 654 1On the 11th of July, 1617, there issued a warrant for payment to certain players, for three stage plays, that were acted before his Majesty, in his journey to Scotland, such sums of money as is usual in the like kind.—The such sums were probably 10l. for each play. [Council-register.]

Note return to page 655 2In his Reliques of Ancient Poetry.

Note return to page 656 3In his Hist. of English Poetry.

Note return to page 657 4In his Supplement to the edit. of Shakspeare, 1778; and in the Proleg. to his edit. of Shakspeare, 1790; also in the present volume.

Note return to page 658 5Apology for the Believers, &c. 339.

Note return to page 659 6I lay before the reader a copy of this curious commission, from the unpublished papers of Rymer, in the British Museum. [Ayscough's Catalogue, No. 4625, p. 44.] “29th Jan. De Concessione ad vitam pro Waltero Fyshe. [Pat. 16, Eliz. p. 4, M 24.] “Elizabeth by the Grace of God &c. To all to whom &c. Greeting: “Wee lett you wytt that of our Grace especyall certeyne knowledge and mere mocion and in consideration of the good and faythful service heretofore donne unto us by our welbeloved Servaunte Walter Fyshe we have given and graunted and by theis presentes for us our heires and successors doe gyve and graunte unto the said Walter Fyshe thoffice of Yoman or Keeper of our Vestures or apparell of all and singular our Maskes Ravelles and Disguysings and also of the apparell and trappers of all and singuler our horses ordeyned and appoynted and hereafter to be ordeyned and appoynted for our Justes and Turneys and wee doe ordeyne constitute and make the same Walter Fyshe by theis presentes Yoman or keeper of our Vestures or apparell of all and singuler our Maskes Revelles and Disguysinges and also of the Apparell and Trappers of all and singuler our horses ordeyned and appoynted or hereafter to be ordeyned and appoynted for our Justes and Turneys To have holde occupye and enjoye the said office to the said Walter Fysshe and his sufficiente Deputie or Deputies for terme of the lyffe naturall of the said Walter Fysshe with the waiges and fees of sixpence sterling by the daye for the overseing and salfe kepeing of the same to be had and yerely perceaved of the Treasure of us our heires and successors at the receipte of th' exchequer of us our heires and Successors at Westminster by thandes of the Treasurer and Chamberlaynes of Us our heires and Successors ther for the tyme being at the feastes of th' annunciation of Our Lady and Saynt Michaell th' archaungell by evin porcions and further we give unto the said Walter Fysshe yerely during his said lyffe one liverye coate such as Yoman Officers of our household have of us to be yerely had and perceaved at our greate Wardrobe by the handes of the keeper or Clerke of the same for the tyme beinge and to have and enjoye one sufficient house or mancion to be assigned unto the said Walter Fysshe for the sure better and safe keping of our said Vestures Apparell and Trappers togeather with all manner commodities and advantages to the said Office to be dewe and accustomed or in any wise apperteyning in as large ample and benefyciall manner and forme as John Arnolde deceased or any other or others Yeomen kepers of all and singuler the premisses above mencyoned have had and enjoyed or of right ought to have and enjoye the same albeit expresse mencyon &c.—Teste Regina apud Westm. xxix Januarij. [Per breve de privato Sigillo.]”

Note return to page 660 7Apology, 354.

Note return to page 661 8Apology, 359.

Note return to page 662 9His own Life, in verse, p. 141, of his book entitled Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry. Tusser was carried by “friendship's lot” to St. Paul's, where he learned musick under John Redford, an excellent musician. [Id.] The celebrated Erasmus was a Child of the Choir in the Cathedral of Utrecht, till he was nine years of age: He was born in 1467, and died in 1536.

Note return to page 663 1Com. Jour. vol. i. 279. The fact is, that, as late as the accession of Charles the First, drummers were pressed for the army; as we may clearly see, in the Privy Council Registers.

Note return to page 664 2For a pedigree of the Burbadges, I owe a kindness to Francis Townsend, the Windsor Herald, who was so good as to inform me, that the same arms were allowed to Cuthbert, in 1634, as belonged to a very numerous family of Burbadges in Hertfordshire; a circumstance, from which a connection of family is inferred. Cuthbert sometimes spelt his name Burbage, as did the Burbages, of Herts. Mr. Malone spells the name Burbadge: “But, the name ought rather, (he adds,) to be written Burbidge, being manifestly a corruption of Boroughbridge.” [p. 182] The arms, however, of the Burbadges were three Boars heads; and their crest was a Boar's head. The heraldick conceit of the arms was plainly derived from the early notion that, the original name was Boar-bage. We thus perceive, that whatever name of that age we attempt to investigate, no uniformity of spelling can be found. We have always had badge, and badger, in our language, but not bage, I believe. It was said, that Helen Burbadge, widow, who was buried on the 8th of May, 1613, was probably the relict of James Burbadge. [Apology, 386.] We now see, distinctly, that he did marry Ellen Brayne, of London. Their daughter Alice, who was baptized on the 11th of March, 1576–7, and married one Walker, had a legacy from Nicholas Tooley of ten pounds by the name of “Alice Walker, the sister of my late Master Burbadge deceased.” In the same will, there is a legacy of ten pounds to Elizabeth Burbadge, alias Maxey: Now, it appears by the pedigree, which her father gave in to the College of Heralds, that she married for her first husband, Amias Maxey, Gentleman; by whom she had James Burbadge Maxey, who was adopted, by her father: for her second husband, she married George Bingley, one of the Auditors to King Charles the First.

Note return to page 665 3Kippis's Biog. Brit. vol. i. p. 150.

Note return to page 666 4In the opinion of Ben Jonson, who, with all his prejudices, must be allowed to have been a competent judge, Ned Alleyn was the greatest actor that had then appeared; or that would appear, according to Sir Richard Baker. Ben Jonson, who always supposed that his pen conferred immortality, addressed his 89th Epigram to Edward Alleyn: “And present worth in all dost so contract, “As others speake, but only thou dost act, “Wear this renowne: 'Tis just, that who did give “So many Poets life, by one should live!”

Note return to page 667 5In fact, it does appear, that Richard Burbadge had come out on the stage, as early as 1589; but in the inconsiderable part of a Messenger. [See the Platt, p. 318.] There is reason to suspect, that Shakspeare himself appeared as early, on the same stage, in as trivial a character. [p. 356, Platt I.]

Note return to page 668 6In the Apology, p. 391, it was said, on the authority of Mr. Malone, chiefly, that Edward Alleyn married Joan Woodward, the daughter of Henslow's wife. It appears, however, from the funeral certificate of this lady, in the College of Arms, by John Gifford, the Senior Fellow, and preacher of the College; and John Symon, the Schoolmaster thereof, and a Fellow, “that she was the Daughter of the Worshipful Philip Henslowe. Esq. one of the Sewers of his Majestie's Chamber.” On that occasion, the arms of Henslow were impaled with the arms of her husband. When Alleyn entered his pedigree at the visitation of the county of Surrey, in 1623, he gave exactly the same account of his wife. In a doubtful point, whether her name were Woodward, or Henslowe, the inference of the Heralds, from the impaling of the arms, ought to be decisive; that the wife of Alleyn was a Henslowe, and not a Woodward. Yet, it appears by the written declaration of Henslowe himself, that Edward Alleyn did marry Joan Woodward. [P. 295.] Thus difficult is it to ascertain a fact, even from satisfactory evidence; though the commentators, and criticks, demand demonstration, as the only proof, in the affairs of common life! In the pedigree of Edward Alleyn, he is called “Master of his Majesty's Game of Bulls and Bears, and Mastif dogs.”

Note return to page 669 7It appears by the parish register of St. Mary, Aldermanbury, that a William Knell was buried in the cemetery of that parish, on the 24th of September, 1578; that a William Knell married Rebecca Edwards, on the 30th January, 1585–6; that John Hemming married Rebecca Knell, widow, on the 10th of March, 1587–8. From these entries we may conclude that Knell, one of the great actors of that period, is the person to whom they relate.

Note return to page 670 8Robert Wilson was one of the Earl of Leicester's servants, to whom the theatrical license was granted, in 1574. A Robert Wilson made his Will on the 29th of January, 1576–7, which was proved on the 1st of February of the same year.

Note return to page 671 9Heywood's Apology.

Note return to page 672 1I here subjoin a copy of the Will of Pope, “Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury;” as it contains some theatrical particulars which the curious reader may wish to see; and as it exhibits Pope in a higher station than he has hitherto been supposed to have held: “In the name of God Amen the two and twenty of July in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred and three and the first year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King James I Thomas Pope of the parish of St. Saviour's Southwark in the County of Surry Gentleman being at this present in good and perfect health laude and praise be given to the Almighty God therefore do make ordain and declare this my pnte Testament and last Will in manner and form following that is to say First and principally I commend my Soul into the hands of Almighty God my Maker Saviour and Redeemer hoping and assuredly believing to be saved through the merits death and passion of my Saviour Jesus Christ and to enjoy eternal blessedness in the Kingdom of Heaven And my body I commit to the earth to be buried in Xtian burial in the church called St. Saviours where I now dwell And I give towards the setting up of some monument on me in the said Church and my Funeral Twenty pounds Item I give and bequeath to the poor of the Liberty where now I dwell thre pounds Item I give and bequeath unto Suzan Gasquine whom I have brought up ever since she was born the sum of one hundred pounds of lawful money of England and all my Household Stuff my Plate only excepted Item I will that the said Suzan Gasquine shall have the use and occupation of all that House or Tenement wherein I now dwell in the parish of St. Saviours aforesaid during her natural life if the Lease and Term of years which I have in the same shall so long continue and endure so as the said Suzan or her assigns do pay the one half of the Rent reserved by the lease to me thereof from time to time and at such time as is limited in by the same Lease amongst others made by Francis Langley Drax deceased and do also perform such Covenants touching the said Tenement as are to be done by force of the said Lease and if the said Suzan shall happen to die before the expiration of the said Term then I will that my Brother John Pope shall have the use and occupation of the said Tenement during the residue which at the time of the decease of the said Suzan shall be to come and unexpired of the said Term he doing for the same and paying from thenceforth as the said Suzan should or ought to have done if she had lived to the full end of the said Term Item I will and bequeath unto my Brother John Pope the Tenement adjoining to the east side of my said dwelling house wherein John Moden now dwelleth and during all such Term of years as I have to come and unexpired of and in the same by virtue of the Lease aforesaid so as the said John Pope and his Assigns during the continuance of the said Term do pay them half of the rent reserved by the said Lease from time to time and at such days and times as is limited by the same Lease and do perform such Covenants touching only the said Tenement to him my said Brother bequeathed as are to be done by force of the said Lease and also that my said Brother do within one month next after my decease enter into Bond of a reasonable sum of money to my Executors for payment of the said moiety or one half of the said Rent and performance of the Covenants touching the same Tenement as aforesaid according to my true meaning and intent in that behalf Item I will and devise unto Mary Clarke alias Wood all that Tenement adjoining to the west side of my said dwelling house wherein John Holland now dwelleth for and during the continuance of the Term of years which I have in the same (amongst others as aforesaid) by force or virtue of the said Lease to me made by the said Francis Langley to be by her holden and enjoyed from time to time free at any Rent to be paid for the same as long as she lives and after her decease I give and bequeath my Interest and Term of years then to come and unexpired of and in the said Tenement unto Thomas Bromley who was heretofore baptized in the parish of St. Andrew's Undershaft in London Item I give and bequeath to the said Marie Clark alias Wood and to the said Thomas Bromley as well all my part right title and interest which I have or ought to have of in and to all that Playhouse with the App&ubar;rts called the Curtein situated and being in Hallywell in the parish of St. Leonard's in Shoreditch in the County of Middlesex as also all my part Estate and Interest which I have or ought to have of in and to all that Playhouse with the App&ubar;rts called the Globe in the parish of St. Saviours in the County of Surry Item I give and bequeath to the said Thomas Bromley the sum of Fifty pounds and my Chayne of Gold being in value Thirty pounds and Ten shillings to be paid and delivered unto him at such time as he shall have accomplished his full age of one and twenty years provided in the mean time his Mother shall receive these Legacies in regard the use thereof may bring up the Boy putting in good security for delivering in the aforesaid Legacies at his full years of one and twenty and if the said Thomas shall happen to die and depart this mortal life before he shall have accomplished his said age of one and twenty years then I will give and bequeath the said sum of Fifty pounds and the said Cheyne of Gold unto the said Marie Clarke alias Wood to her own use Item I give and bequeath to the said Marie Clarke alias Wood the sum of Fifty pounds more provided always and my Will and Mind is that if the said Marie shall happen to die and depart this mortal life before the said Thomas Bromley then the said Fifty pounds shall remain to the said Thomas Bromley to be paid to him at such time as he shall accomplish the full age of one and twenty years. Item I give and bequeath to Agnes Web my Mother the sum of Twenty pounds of lawful money of England and to my Brother John Pope the sum of Twenty pounds and to my Brother William Pope other Twenty Pounds Item I give and bequeath to the Children of my said Bretheren of John and William Pope the sum of Ten pounds to be paid and distributed equal amongst the same Children part and part alike Item I give and bequeath to Robert Gough and John Edmans all my wearing apparel and all my arms to be equally divided between them Item I give and bequeath to my Cousin Thomas Owen Five pounds Item I give and bequeath to my loving Friend John Jackson one Ring with a square Diamond in it Item I give and bequeath to Marie Clarke alias Woode half my plate and to Suzan Gasquine the other half being equally divided between them Item I give and bequeath to Dorothie Clark Sister to Marie Clark alias Wood one Gold Ring with five opalls in it All the rest of my Rings I give to good Wife Willingson who is now the keeper of my house Item I give and bequeath unto my loving friend Bazell Nicholl Scrivenor the sum of Five pounds and to my neighbour and friend John Wrench the sum of Five pounds the residue of all my Goods Rights and Chattels not before bequeathed my Debts and Funeral charge being first satisfied I wholie give and bequeath to my Mother my Brothers and their Children to be equally divided between them And I do ordain and appoint my well beloved Friends Bazell Nicholl and John Wrench to be the Executors of this my last Will and Testament earnestly praying and desiring them to see the same performed in all things according to my true meaning therein And for because much of this Money is out upon Bonds I do limit for the performance of this my Will six Months And thus not doubting but they will perform the trust in this behalf by me in them reposed In Witness whereof I have set my hand and seal. (Signed) Thomas Pope. “Sealed in the presence of—John Wrench John Edmans.”

Note return to page 673 2The Overthrow of Stage Playes, 1599, without the name of the publisher, or the place. Sign. C 4.

Note return to page 674 3P. 337.

Note return to page 675 4Biog. Dram. l. v. 159.

Note return to page 676 5P. 220.

Note return to page 677 6The parish register expressly records, that Richard Robinson, a Player, was buried, on the 23d of March, 1646–7: So that there can be no doubt about the identity of the person.

Note return to page 678 7The license for this play stands thus, in Sir Henry Herbert's Register: For the King's Company; Shanke's Ordinary, written by Shankes himself, this 16th March, 1623.”

Note return to page 679 8Mr. Wright, in his Historia Histrionica, 1699, (See Dodsley's Old Plays, vol. xii. p. 344,) speaking of the early players of that century, says, “Most of them went into the King's army, and like good men and true served their old master, tho' in a different, yet in a more honourable capacity.” “This, however, was not the case with all, as will appear from the following anecdote of one of them, extracted from Perfect Diurnal, No. 20, Oct. 24, 1642: “This day there came three of the Lord General's Officers post from the Army to London, signifying that there was a great fight on Sunday last, and being brought to the Parliament, and examined, it appeared they were not sent from the Armie with any letters or otherwise, but in a cowardly manner run from their captains at the beginning of the fight, and had most basely possessed the people, both as they came away and at their coming to Towne, with many false rumours, giving forth in speeches that there were 20,000 men killed on both sides, and that there were not foure in all their companies escaped with life besides themselves, and many other strange wonders, though altogether false, it being rather conceived that their companys, like themselves, upon the beginning of the fight, very valiantly took their heels, and ran away. “And after further enquiry was made after these commanders, it was no wonder to heare their strange news, for they were Captaine Wilson, Lieut. Whitney, and one Shanks a player; an affidavit was offered to bee made that one of them said before he went out with the Earle of Essex, that he would take the Parliament's pay, but would never fight against any of the king's party; and the other two were very rude and insolent persons: whereupon the House ordered they should all three be committed to the Gatehouse, and brought to condigne punishment according to Martial Law for their base cowardlinesse.” Reed.

Note return to page 680 9P. 211.

Note return to page 681 1Apology, 422 to 461.

Note return to page 682 1By not knowing that there had been such a restraint on the number of playhouses, the learned Whalley supposed, that aukward stroke of the morose Jonson “to have been a slight gird at the practice of monopolies, now [then] growing into use.” [Whalley's edit. 2. v. 99.] It cannot be too often repeated, that one fact is worth a thousand pages of erudite conjecture.

Note return to page 683 2It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Official Register, that on the 1st of July, 1592, he granted a Confirmation of the King's Company's Patent to travel for a year. [Rhym. Fœd. 18 T. p. 120.]

Note return to page 684 3In Martin's Month's Minde, a scarce pamphlet, which was printed in 1589, without the name of the publisher, it was said, scoffingly: “And the other now wearie of our State mirth, that for a pennie may have far better by odds, at the Theater, and Curten, and any blind playing house, every day.”—This whimsical writer is supposed to have been Thom. Nash:—“And this hath made the young youths his [Martins] sons to chafe above measure especially with the players, whom saving their liveries (for indeed they are her Majesties men, and these not so much as her good subjects) they call rogues, for playing their enterludes; and asses, for travelling all day for a pennie.”—These extracts show better, than has yet been done, the number of the playhouses, and the price of admission to them, about the year 1589, being the æra, probably, of Shakspeare's acquaintance with the stage.

Note return to page 685 4Howe's Chronicle, 103–4.

Note return to page 686 5The admirers of the stage, and the lovers of truth, may be glad to peruse the document by which D'Avenant obliged himself to relinquish his purpose of building a playhouse in Fleet Street, which was copied from the original; and which was obligingly communicated by Mr. Craven Ord:— “This Indenture made the second day of October in the fifteenth yeare of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God of England, Scotland, France and Ireland King Defender of the faith, &c. Annoq Dm 1639. Between the said King's most excellent Maty of the first part and William D'Avenant of London Gent. of the other part. Whereas the said King's most excellent Maty by his highnes Letters patents under the great Seal of England bearing date the six and twentieth day of March last past before the date of theis presents Did give and graunt unto the said William D'Avenant his Heirs Executors Administrators and Assignes full power license and authority that he they and every of them by him, and themselves and by all and every such person or persons as he or they shall depute or appoint, and his and their labourers servants and workmen shall and may awfully quietly and peaceably frame erect new build and sett up upon a parcell of ground lying neere unto or behinde the three Kings ordinary in Fleete Streete in the pish of St. Dunstans in the West London, or in St. Brides London, or in either of them, or in any other ground in or about that place, or in the whole Streete aforesaid already allotted to him for that use or in any other place that is or hereafter shall be assigned and allotted out to the said William D'Avenant by the Right Honorble Thomas Earle of Arundle, and Surry Earle Marshall of England or any other His Mats Commissionrs for building for the time being in that behalfe a Theater or Playhouse wth necessary tyring and retyring roomes and other places convenient conteyning in the whole forty yards square at the most wherein plays musicall enterteynmts scenes or other the like presentments may be prsented by and under certaine provisors or condicons in the same conteyned as in and by the said Lres patents whereunto relacon being had more fully and at large it doth and may appeare: Now this indenture witnesseth and the said William D'Avenant doth by theis presents declare his Mats intent meaning at and upon the graunting of the said Licence was and is that he the said William D'Avenant his heires Executors Administrators nor Assignes should not frame build or sett up the said Theater or Playhouse in anie place inconvenient and that the said parcell of ground lying neere unto or behinde the Three Kings Ordinary in Fleet Streete in the said parish of St. Dunstan's in the West London, or in St. Brides London, or in either of them or in any other ground in or about that place or in the whole Streete aforesaid, And is sithence found inconvenient and unfitt for that purpose, therefore the said William D'Avenant doth for himselfe his Heires Executors Administrators and Assignes and every of them covenante promise and agree to and wth or said Soveraigne Lord the King his Heires and Successers That he the said William Davenant his Heires Executors Administrators nor Assignes shall not nor will not by vertue of the said License and Authority to him granted as aforesaid frame erect new build or sett up upon the said parcell of ground in Fleet Streete aforesaid or in any other part of Fleet Streete a Theater or Playhouse, nor will not frame, erect, new build or sett up upon any other parcell of ground lying in or neere the Citties or Suburbs of the Citties of London or Westmr any Theater or Playhouse unles the said place shall be first approved and allowed by warrant under His Mats signe manuell or by writing under the hand and seale of the said Right Honble Thomas Earle of Arundell and Surrey. In witness whereof to the one pt of this Indenture the said William D' Avenant hath sett his Hand and Seal the Day and Yeare first above written. William D'Avenant. L. S. Signed Sealed and Delived in the presence of Edw. Penruddoks, Michael Baker.

Note return to page 687 6Printed for Walbank, 1619, in 12mo.

Note return to page 688 7In a Letter from the House of Commons in England to the General Assembly of Scotland: Printed by Husband, in 1648.

Note return to page 689 1Life of Lorenzo de Medici, vol. i. p. 399, 8vo. 1806.

Note return to page 690 2Occasionally styled Hignet, or Heggenet.

Note return to page 691 3Malone's Hist. Account of the English Stage. See p. 14.

Note return to page 692 4Warton's Hist. English Poetry, i. 243.

Note return to page 693 5Life of Lorenzo de Medici, i. 399, note. (8vo. edit.)

Note return to page 694 6“Apud Dunestapliam (Gaufridus) expectans scholam Sancti Albani sibi repromissam, ubi quendam ludum de Sancta Katerina (quem miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a sacrista Sancti Albani, ut sibi Capæ Chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de Sancta Katerina.” Matt. Paris Vitæ Abbat. (fol. 1639) p. 56.—“Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, representationes miraculorum, quæ sancti coufessores operati sunt, seu representationes passionum, quibus claruit constantia matyrum.” Fitz-Stephens' Desc. London, by Pegge, p. 73.— Percy's Rel. Anc. Eng. Poetry, (4th edit.) vol. i. 134.—Warton's Hist. Eng. Poetry, vol. i. Dissert. 2.

Note return to page 695 7Vide Excerpta Antiqua, or a Collection of original MSS. by J. Croft, F. S. A. York, 1796, p. 105.

Note return to page 696 8Vide Walker's “Hist. and Crit. Essay on the revival of the Drama in Italy,” (8vo. Edinb. 1805), p. 6, and the authorities there quoted.

Note return to page 697 9Life of Lor. de Med. i. 400.

Note return to page 698 1Forsyth's Italy, 2d edit. p. 54.

Note return to page 699 2Schlegel's Lect. on Dram. Lit. I. 24.

Note return to page 700 3Reflexions Historiques et Critiques sur les differens Théâtres de l'Europe, 1738.

Note return to page 701 4Ibid. p. 91.

Note return to page 702 5Ibid. p. 93.

Note return to page 703 6Fabliaux ou Contes du XII. et du XIII. Siecle, (edit. 1781), tom. ii. p. 122.—“Ceux-ci sont suffisans pour prouver que l'époque de notre Théâtre remonte plus haut qu'on ne l'a cru jusqu'ici, et qu'au treizieme siecle nous avions déjà de Drames, et même des Drames dans plus d'un genre, puisque voilà une Pastorale, une Farce, deux Pieces dévotes, et deux Pieces morales. De ces trois derniers genres naquirent vraisemblablement les Misteres, les Farces et les Moralités du quinzieme siecle.”— “Il y aurait encore sur cette matiere intéressante quelques questions à faire. lo. Les Ménétiers qui rêprésentaient les Jeux en représentaient-ils plusieurs de suite, et plusieurs d'especes différentes? Je le crois. Ils se trouvaient intéressés à varier les plaisirs de leurs auditeurs; et j'ai déjà remarqué qu'à la fête que donna Philipe-le-Bel en 1313, il y eut une Farce et des Misteres, &c.” Fabliaux, ut sup. tom. ii. 151.

Note return to page 704 4Nouvel Abregé Chron. 157.

Note return to page 705 5We are told by L'Enfant that on the return of the Emperor Sigismond from England, in 1417, all ranks of people strove to give him public testimonies of their zeal and gratitude. “Les Anglois se signalerent entre les autres par un spectacle nouveau, ou au moins inusité jusqu' alors en Allemagne. Ce fut un comedie sacrée que les Evêques Anglois firent représenter devant l'Empereur le Dimanche 31 de Janvier, sur la naissance du Sauveur, sur l'arrivée des Mages, et sur le massacre des Innocens.” Hist. du Concile de Constance, par Jaques L'Enfant, Amst. 1714, liv. v. p. 440.

Note return to page 706 6Riccoboni admits, “Si le Théâtre Anglois n'a pas commencé aussi-tôt que les autres Théâtres, il parôit du moins qu'il les a suivis de près. La source des premieres représentations dramatiques en Angleterre, est la même que celle des Théâtres Italien, Espagnol, et François: je veux dire que leur origine nâit des Mimes des Latins, lorsqu'ils erroient comme des vagabonds par tous les pays, sans réserve et sans honte.” Reflexions, &c. p. 151.

Note return to page 707 7See Mr. Douce's note on the word Sir, vol. viii. p. 210.

Note return to page 708 8Harl. MSS. 1948, fol. 48. Lysons' Mag. Brit. Cheshire, p. 591.

Note return to page 709 9Ormerod's Hist. of Cheshire, iii. 443.

Note return to page 710 1“Senex obiit annos habens in Monachatu 64, circa Gregorii festum anno ab incarnato Messia 1363, Cestriæ in cænobio sepultus.” Balei Script. Illustr. majoris Brit. Catal. (Basil 1557) p. 462.—“Decrepita tandem senectute, Cestriæ in suo cænobio, postquam in monastica disciplina vixisset annos sexaginta quatuor, debitum naturæ persoluti, et requiescendi locum accepit, mense Martio, circa festum S. Gregorii Papæ, anno post partum Virginis 1377, regnante in Anglia Edvardo tertio.” Pitseus de illustribus Ang. Script. (Paris 1619) p. 517.

Note return to page 711 2Burnett's Specimens of English Prose Writers, i. 25.

Note return to page 712 3Robin Hood, Introd. lxxiv.

Note return to page 713 4Hist. of Cheshire, vol. i. 298. (n.) A most singular specimen of these plays is given in this valuable work, from the Wrightes Play “The Salutation and Nativity.” The present subject has been also investigated by Mr. Ormerod, with his accustomed talent and accuracy; but he admits the difficulty of appropriating these compositions to any particular writer or period.

Note return to page 714 5Hist. Eng. Poet. ii. 180, note.

Note return to page 715 6“The proclamation for Whitsone Playes, made by Wm Newall, Clarke of the Pentice, 24 H. 8. Wm Snead 2d year Maior. [Harl. MS. 2013]. “For as much as [of] ould tyme not only for ye augmentation and increes of the holy and catholick faith of our Saviour Jesu Christ and to exort the minds of comon people to good devotion and holsome doctrine thereof but also for the comonwelth and prosperity of this Citty a playe and declaration of divers storyes of ye bible beginning wth the Creation and fall of Lucifer, and ending wth the generall judgment of ye world, to be declared and played in the Whitsonne Weeke was devised and made by one Sr Henry Frances, somtyme Moonck of this monastrey dissolved, who obtayning and gat of Clemant then bushop of Rome a 1000 dayes of p'don and of the bushop of Chester at that tyme 40 dayes of pardon graunted from thenceforth to every person resorting in peaceable maner wth good devotion to heare and see ye sayd playes from tyme to tyme as oft as the shall be played within the sayd Citty (and that every &pab;son or &pab;sons disturbing the sayd playes in any maner wise to be accursed by the auctority of the sayd Pope Clemants bulls untill such tyme as he or they be absolved thereof) wch playes were devised to the honor of God by John Arnway then maior of this citty of Chester, his bretheren and whole cominalty thereof to be brought forth declared and played at the cost and charges of the craftesmen and occupations of the sayd Citty, which hitherunto have from tyme to tyme used and &pab;formed the same accordingly: Wherfore Mr Maior in the Kings name stra'tly chargeth and commandeth that every &pab;son and &pab;sons of what estate degree or condition soever he or they be, resorting to the sayd playes, do use themselves peaciblie without making any assault affray or other disturbance wherby the same playes shall be disturbed, and that no maner of &pab;son or &pab;sons, whosoever he or they be, do use or weare any unlawfull weapons within the &pab;cinct of the sayd Citty during the tyme of the sayd playes (not only upon paine of cursing by authority of the sayd Pope Clemants bulls, but also) upon payne of imprisonment of their bodyes, and making fine to the King at Mr Maiors pleasure.”

Note return to page 716 7Wales, (8vo. edit.) vol. i. 185.

Note return to page 717 8Mag. Brit. Cheshire, p. 590, note.

Note return to page 718 9The name of Sir Henry Fraunceys occurs in two agreements “between the Abbot and Convent of St. Werburgh, and the Rectors of Taxall and Gawsworth, which are severally dated 1377 and 1382.” In alluding to the age of the Chester Mysteries, Mr. Ormerod, to whose History of Cheshire I am now referring, proceeds to observe that “this confirmation of an important part of the tradition, added to the previous confirmations respecting the existence and time of Sir John Arneway, will to most minds go far towards establishing the entire story, relative to the high antiquity of these performances. Persons are mentioned in it of whom the narrator apparently knew nothing beyond what the tradition told, and when deeds and chronicles are recovered relative to the time mentioned, we find these very persons acting in the offices, time, and place, which the tradition asserted.” Hist. of Cheshire, iii. 443.

Note return to page 719 1In the library of R. Heber, Esq.

Note return to page 720 1Hist. Warwicksh. (edit. 1656) p. 116. Steevens, in his Continuation to Dugdale's Monast. i. 139, (Lond. 1722–23) has given some specimens of the Coventry Mysteries, from the MS. above referred to; and vide p. 539.

Note return to page 721 21571. “This year Whitsun-plays were played, and an inhibition was sent from the Archbishop to stay them, but it came too late.” Webb.—In Smith's Annals, the corresponding paragraph stands thus: “This year the maior would needs have the playes (commonly called Chester playes) to go forward, against the wills of the Bishops of Canterbury, York, and Chester.” Ormerod's Cheshire, i. 198. from King's Vale Royal.

Note return to page 722 3Hist. Eng. Poet. ii. 179. Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, ii. 431. (4to. edit.) Malone's Hist. Eng. Stage, ut sup. p. 33. Pennant's Wales, ut sup.

Note return to page 723 4Smith dates his facts one year later, 1575, from taking for his year the latter half of the mayoralty. Ormerod's Cheshire, i. 298. In the MS. of Archdeacon Rogers, before quoted, it is expressly stated that the performance in 1574 “was the laste tyme that the weare played—and we have all cause (continues the writer) to power out oure prayers before God, that neither wee nor oure posterities after us maye ever see the like abomination of desolation, with such a clowde of ignorance, to defile with so high a hand, the most sacred scriptures of God. But of the merseie of oure God, for the tyme of our ignorance he regarded it not.” From a Roll amongst the Parliamentary Registers of France, dated 9th Dec. 1541, the following singular argument appears for suppressing Religious Plays in that country: “Davantage y a plusieurs choses au Vieil Testament qu'il n'est expedient declarer au peuple, comme gens ignorans et imbecilles, qui pourroit prendre occasion de Judaiisme à faute d'intelligence.” Rymer's “Short View of Tragedy,” 1693, p. 177.

Note return to page 724 5Tywhitt's Chaucer, ii. 431.

Note return to page 725 6The Coventry Mysteries have come down to us in a purer state than those of Chester, and from their extreme curiosity, Mr. Sharp, of Coventry, has been induced to print, for distribution amongst his antiquarian friends, a very limited number of “The Pageant of the Company of Sheremen and Taylors,” which comprizes the Annunciation, Nativity, and Murder of the Innocents. To this he has subjoined the Songs that were introduced during the performance, and specimens of other pageants represented at different times in that City, when visited by Royalty.

Note return to page 726 7Of the Townley Mysteries some account may not be uninteresting. They are contained in a folio volume, fairly written upon vellum. The MS. was evidently transcribed in or about the reign of Edward IV. but the diction and orthography bear traces of a still earlier period. Had an equally genuine copy of the Chester Plays existed, a comparison between the two series of Mysteries, in the mode of dramatizing the same subjects, might have been satisfactorily instituted, and we should in that case have been enabled to fix with precision the relative degree of antiquity which they bear to each other. There are some remarkable peculiarities in the versification of the Townley Mysteries. It partakes in a greater or less degree of the alliterative style, that favourite ornament of our older writers; the Cæsura also is studiously preserved, and though requisite to divide the lines into hemistichs, it often throws the sense into utter confusion. There is occasionally a singular and complicated arrangement at the close of the second hemistich, in order to connect it with a following one, that must have rendered these compositions a trial of no little skill and patience to the author. Several of the lines are deccasyllabic; but no systematic rule has been followed in their construction. In the use of the double couplet, the writer probably took for his model Robert de Brunne, who partially employed it in his translation of Langtoft's Chronicle, and in the general arrangement of the stanza we trace some resemblance to a specimen given by Dr. Whitaker, in the preface to his edition of Peirs Plouhman, (p. xvii.) from the story of Susanna, which he considers a solitary specimen of that peculiar rhythm, and to be nearly as ancient as the celebrated work to which it is prefixed. THE MYSTERIES ARE THUS ENTITLED: 1. A Soliloquy by the Deity, (to which the following invocation is prefixed,) “In Dei no&ibar;e Amen assit principio s&ctilde;a Maria mea Wakefeld.” 2. Mactacio Abel. 3. Processus Noe cũ filiis. 4. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, &Pab;cessus pphetas. 5. Pharao. 6. Cesar Augustus. 7. Annunciacio. 8. Salutacĩo Elezabeth. 9. Pagina pastos. 10. Alia eosdem. 11. Oblacõ magos. 12. Fugacio Josep &usab; me ĩ egipm. 13. Magnus Herodes. 14. Purificacõ Me, 15. Joh&etilde;s bapt'. 16. C&obar;spiracõ &usab;t. 17. Coliphizacõ. 18. Flagellacio. 19. &Pab;cessus crucis. 20. Pcessus tal&ebar;tos. 21. Extraccõ aias ab inferna. 22. Resurreccõ d&nbar;i. 23. &Pab;egrini. 24. Thomas Indie. 25. Ascencio d&nbar;i etc. 26. Judiciũ. 27. Lazarus. 28. Suspencõ Jude.

Note return to page 727 8Canterbury Tales, v. 3538. (Tyrwhitt's edit. 4to, vol. i. 139.)

Note return to page 728 9“Sometime to shew his lightnesse and maistrie, “He plaieth Herode on a skaffold hie.” Ver. 3383.

Note return to page 729 1Hist. Eng. Poet. i. 242.

Note return to page 730 2“In pagentes set fourth, apparently to all eyne, “The Olde and Newe Testament with livelye comforte: “Interminglinge therewith, onely to make sporte, “Some things not warranted by any writ.”

Note return to page 731 3An outline of both plays will be found in Bibliothèque du Théàtre François depuis son origine (par le Duc de la Vallière). Dresden, 1768, vol. i. 58, 121.

Note return to page 732 4Macrobius is usually referred to as the authority for this anecdote. “Cum audivisset Augustus, inter pueros, quos in Syriâ Herodes rex Judæorum intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait, ‘Melius est Herodis porcum esse quam filium.’” Macrobii Saturnal. 1. 2. c. 4. See Taylor's Life of Christ, (8vo. edit.) vol. ii. 125.

Note return to page 733 5Hawkins on the Origin of the English Drama, vol. i. p. 3.

Note return to page 734 6Sir Kay, it will be remembered, was foster brother of King Arthur, and also seneschal of his feasts; “always boasting of his prowess, often fighting, and as often beaten.” See Way's Fabliaux, i. 203, (edit. 1815.)

Note return to page 735 7Rose's Partenopex de Blois, p. 145. In le Mystere de la Conception, &c. we are told “que l'auteur fait Hérode Payen; Cirinus, Gouverneur de Judée, Mahomeétan.” Bibl. du Theat. François, i. 59.

Note return to page 736 8Warton's Obs. on the Fairy Queen, vol. ii. 266. Percy's Reliques, i. 76. Ritson's Metrical Romances, iii. 258.

Note return to page 737 9Of their attractive influence we have abundant proofs; but the passages cited by Warton from Peirs Plouhman's Crede, and the Wife of Bath's Prologue, are sufficient evidence of the fact. Hist. Eng. Poet. i. 236.

Note return to page 738 1Percy's Reliques, ii. 285. A few mis-readings have been corrected by Mr. Douce, from the MS. in his possession, being the one referred to by Dr. Percy.

Note return to page 739 2Burney's Hist. Music, iv. 83.

Note return to page 740 3The Privy Council in the reign of Queen Mary, (30th April, 1556,) addressed a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, “President of the Counsell in the North,” (and which is briefly quoted by Mr. Malone at p. 44); stating that they had lately been informed “that certaine lewde psonnes, to the nombre of 6 or 7 in a company, naming themsellfs to be Servaunts unto Sir Frauncis Leek, and wearing his livery, and badge on theyr sleves, have wandered abowt those North partes, and represented certaine playes and enterludes, conteyning very naughty and seditious matter touching the King and Quene's Ma.ts, and the state of the realme, and to the slaunder of Christe's true and Catholik religion.” The performance of such playes is then prohibited, the Servants of Sir F. Leek are to be sought for, “and ordred according to theyr deserts,” and on any repetition of the offence to be “punished as vagabounds.” Lodge's Illustrations, i. 212.

Note return to page 741 4Amongst the Plays of Bale may be enumerated, “A brefe Comedy or Enterlude of Iohan Baptystes preachynge in the Wyldernesse.” [Harl. Miscel. i. 97] “A brefe Comedy or Enterlude concernynge the Temptacyon of our Lord and Saver Jesus Christ, by Sathan in the desart.” 1538. A copy of this rare piece is in the possession of Mr. Douce. “A Comedy concerning the three Laws of Nature, Moses, and Christ, &c. 1538.” “Two of Bale's Plays, God's Promises,” and “John the Baptist,” “were acted by young men at the Market Cross at Kilkenny, on a Sunday, in the year 1552.” (Vide Trans. Royal Irish Acad. ii. part 2. page 83.) The first, by his own account, was performed “with Organe-plainges and Songes very aptely.”

Note return to page 742 5Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, i. 23. (edit 1759.)

Note return to page 743 6Holland's Heroologia, p. 27.

Note return to page 744 7Mr. G. Ellis. Vide Preface to Way's Fabliaux, xxxvi. edit. 1815.

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