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“In the city of Gloucester the manner is, (as I think it is in other like corporations,) that when players of enterludes come to towne, they first attend the Mayor, to enforme him what noblemans servants they are, and so to get licence for their publike playing; and if the Mayor like the actors, or would shew respect to their lord and master, he appoints them to play their first play before himself, and the Alderman and Common-Counsell of the city; and that is called the Mayor's play: where every one that will, comes in without money, the Mayor giving the players a reward as hee thinks fit to shew respect unto them. At such a play, my father tooke me with him and made me stand between his leggs, as he sate upon one of the

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benches, where we saw and heard very well. The play was called The Cradle of Security2 note, wherein was personated a king or some great prince, with his courtiers of several kinds, among which three ladies were in special grace with him; and they keeping him in delights and pleasures, drew him from his graver counsellors, hearing of sermons, and listening to good councell and admonitions, that in the end they got him to lye down in a cradle upon the stage, where these three ladies joyning in a sweet song, rocked him asleepe, that he snorted againe; and in the mean time closely conveyed under the cloaths wherewithall he was covered, a vizard, like a swines snout, upon his face, with three wire chains fastened thereunto, the other end whereof being holden severally by those three ladies; who fall to singing againe, and then discovered his face that the spectators might see how they had transformed him, going on with their singing. Whilst all this was acting, there came forth of another doore at the farthest end of the stage, two old men; the one in blew, with a serjeant at armes his mace on his shoulder; the other in red, with a drawn sword in his hand, and leaning with the other hand upon the others shoulder; and so they went along with a soft pace round about by the skirt of the stage, till at last they came to the cradle, when all the court was in the greatest jollity; and then the foremost old man with his mace stroke a fearfull blow upon the cradle; wherewith all the courtiers, with the three ladies, and the vizard, all vanished; and the desolate prince starting up bare-faced, and finding himself thus sent for to judgement, made a lamentable complaint of his miserable case, and so was carried away by wicked spirits. This prince did personate

-- 30 --

in the Morall, the wicked of the world; the three ladies, Pride, Covetousness, and Luxury; the two old men, the end of the world, and the last judgement. This sight took such impression in me, that when I came towards mans estate, it was as fresh in my memory, as if I had seen it newly acted3 note.”

The writer of this book appears to have been born in the same year with our great poet (1564). Supposing him to have been seven or eight years old when he saw this interlude, the exhibition must have been in 1571 or 1572.

I am unable to ascertain when the first Morality appeared, but incline to think not sooner than the reign of King Edward the Fourth (1460). The publick pageants of the reign of King Henry the Sixth were uncommonly splendid4 note; and being then first enlivened by the introduction of speaking allegorical personages properly and characteristically habited, they naturally led the way to those personifications by which Moralities were distinguished from the simpler religious dramas called Mysteries. We must not, however, suppose, that, after Moralities were introduced, Mysteries ceased to be exhibited. We have already seen that a Mystery was represented before King Henry the Seventh, at Winchester, in 1487. Sixteen years afterwards, on the first Sunday after the marriage of his daughter with King James of Scotland, a Morality was performed5 note

. In the early

-- 31 --

part of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, they were perhaps performed indiscriminately; but Mysteries

-- 32 --

were probably seldom represented after the statute 34 and 35 Henry VIII. c. 1, which was made, as the preamble informs us, with a view that the kingdom should be purged and cleansed of all religious plays, interludes, rhymes, ballads, and songs, which are equally pestiferous and noysome to the commonweal. At this time both Moralities and Mysteries were made the vehicle of religious controversy; Bale's Comedy of the Three Laws of Nature, printed in 1538, (which in fact is a Mystery,) being a disguised satire against popery; as the Morality of Lusty Juventus was written expressly with the same view in the reign of King Edward the Sixth6 note. In that of

-- 33 --

his successor Queen Mary, Mysteries were again revived, as appendages to the papistical worship. “In the year 1556, (says Mr. Warton,) a goodly stage-play of the Passion of Christ was presented at the Grey-friars in London, on Corpus-Christi day, before the Lord-Mayor, the Privy-council, and many great estates of the realm. Strype also mentions, under the year 1577, a stage-play at the Grey-friers, of the Passion of Christ, on the day that war was proclaimed in London against France, and in honour of that occasion. On Saint Olave's day in the same year, the holiday of the church in Silver-street, which is dedicated to that saint, was kept with great solemnity. At eight of the clock at night, began a stage-play of goodly matter, being the miraculous history of the life of that saint, which continued four hours, and concluded with many religious songs7 note.” No Mysteries, I believe, were represented during the reign of Elizabeth, except such as were occasionally performed by those who were favourers of the popish religion8 note

,

-- 34 --

and those already mentioned, known by the name of the Chester Mysteries, which had been originally composed in 1328, were revived in the time of King Henry the Eighth, (1533,) and again performed at Chester in the year 1600. The last Mystery, I believe, ever represented in England, was that of Christ's Passion, in the reign of King James the First, which Prynne tells us was “performed at Elie-House in Holborne, when Gundomar lay there, on Good-friday at night, at which there were thousands present9 note.”

In France the representation of Mysteries was forbid in the year 1548, when the fraternity associated under the name of The Actors of our Saviour's Passion, who had received letters patent from King Charles the Sixth, in 1402, and had for near 150 years exhibited religious plays, built their new theatre on the site of the Duke of Burgundy's house; and were authorised by an arret of parliament to act, on condition that “they should meddle with none but profane subjects, such as are lawful and honest, and not represent any sacred Mysteries1 note.” Representations founded on holy writ continued to be exhibited in Italy till the year 1660, and the Mystery of Christ's Passion was represented at Vienna so lately as the early part of the present century.

Having thus occasionally mentioned foreign theatres, I take this opportunity to observe, that the stages of France, so lately as in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, were entirely unfurnished with scenery or any kind of decoration, and that the performers at that time remained on the stage the whole time of the exhibition; in which mode perhaps

-- 35 --

our Mysteries in England were represented. For this information we are indebted to the elder Scaliger, in whose Poeticks is the following curious passage: “Nunc in Gallia ita agunt fabulas, ut omnia in conspectu sint; UNIVERSUS APPARATUS dispositis sublimibus sedibus. Personæ ipsa nunquam discedunt: qui silent pro absentibus habentur. At enimvero perridiculum, ibi spectatorem videre te audire, et te videre teipsum non audire quæ alius coram te, de te loquatur; quasi ibi non sis, ubi es; cum tamen maxima poetæ vis sit, suspendere animos, atque eos facere semper expectantes. At hic tibi novum fit nihil; ut prius satietas subrepat, quam obrepat fames. Itaque recte objecit Æschylo Euripides apud Aristophanem in Ranis, quod Niobem et Achillem in scenam introduxisset capite co-operto; neque nunquam ullum verbum qui sint loquuti2 note

.” That is, “At present in France [about the year 1556] plays are represented in such a manner, that nothing is withdrawn from the view of the spectator. The whole apparatus of the theatre consists of some high seats ranged in proper order. The persons of the scene never depart during the representation: he who ceases to speak, is considered as if he were no longer on the stage. But in

-- 36 --

truth it is extremely ridiculous, that the spectator should see the actor listening, and yet he himself should not hear what one of his fellow-actors says concerning him, though in his own presence and within his hearing: as if he were absent, while he is present. It is the great object of the dramatick poet to keep the mind in a constant state of suspence and expectation. But in our theatres, there can be no novelty, no surprise: insomuch that the spectator is more likely to be satiated with what he has already seen, than to have any appetite for what is to come. Upon this ground it was, that Euripides objected to Æschylus, in The Frogs of Aristophanes, for having introduced Niobe and Achilles as mutes upon the scene, with a covering which entirely concealed their heads from the spectators.”

Another practice, equally extraordinary, is mentioned by Bulenger in his treatise on the Grecian and Roman theatres. In his time, so late as in the year 1600, all the actors employed in a dramatick piece came on the stage in a troop, before the play began, and presented themselves to the spectators, in order, says he, to raise the expectation of the audience. “Putem tamen (quod hodieque fit) omnes actores antequam singuli agerent, confestim et in turba in proscenium prodiisse, ut sui expectationem commoverent3 note.” I know not whether this was ever practised in England. Instead of raising, it should seem more likely to repress, expectation. I suppose, however, this writer conceived the audience would be amimated by the number of the characters, and that this display would operate on the gaping spectators like some of our modern enormous play-bills; in which the length of the show sometimes constitutes the principal merit of the entertainment.

-- 37 --

Mr. Warton observes that Moralities were become so fashionable a spectacle about the close of the reign of Henry the Seventh, that “John Rastall, a learned typographer, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, extended its province, which had been hitherto confined either to moral allegory, or to religion blended with buffoonery, and conceived a design of making it the vehicle of science and philosophy. With this view he published ‘A new Interlude and a mery, of the nature of the iiij Elements, declaring many proper points of philosophy naturall, and dyvers straunge landys, &c.’ In the cosmographical part of the play, in which the poet professes to treat of ‘dyvers straunge landys, and of the new-found landys,’ the tracts of America recently discovered, and the manners of the natives are described. The characters are, a Messenger, who speaks the prologue, Nature, Humanity, Studious Desire, Sensual Appetite, a Taverner, Experience, and Ignorance4 note




.”

ORIGIN OF TRAGEDY AND COMEDY.

As it is uncertain at what period of time the ancient Mysteries ceased to be represented as an ordinary spectacle for the amusement of the people, and Moralities were substituted in their room, it is equally difficult to ascertain the precise time when the latter gave way to a more legitimate theatrical exhibition. We know that Moralities were exhibited occasionally during the whole of the reign of Queen Elizabeth,

-- 38 --

and even in that of her successor, long after regular dramas had been presented on the scene5 note

; but I suspect that about the year 1570 (the 13th year of Queen Elizabeth) this species of drama began to lose much of its attraction, and gave way to something that had more the appearance of comedy and tragedy. Gammer Gurton's Needle, which was written by Mr. Still, (afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells,) in the 23d year of his age, and acted at Christ's College Cambridge, in 1566, is pointed out by the ingenious writer of the tract entitled Historia Histrionica, as the first piece “that looks like a regular comedy;” that is, the first play that was neither Mystery nor Morality, and in which some humour and discrimination of character may be found. In 1561–2, Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, and Thomas Norton, joined in writing the tragedy of Ferrex and Porrex, which was exhibited on the 18th of January in that

-- 39 --

year by the Students of the Inner Temple, before Queen Elizabeth at Whitehall. Neither of these pieces appears to have been acted on a publick theatre, nor was there at that time, I believe, any building in London constructed solely for the purpose of representing plays. Of the latter piece, which, as Mr. Warton has observed, is perhaps “the first specimen in our language of an heroick tale written in verse, and divided into acts and scenes, and cloathed in all the formalities of a regular tragedy,” a correct analysis may be found in The History of English Poetry6 note, and the play itself has been accurately reprinted in Dodsley's collection, 1780, vol. i.

It has been justly remarked by the same judicious writer, that the early practice of performing plays in schools and universities7 note

greatly contributed to the improvement of our drama. “While the people were amused with Skelton's Trial of Simony, Bale's God's Promises, and Christ's Descent into Hell, the scholars of the times were composing and acting plays on historical subjects, and in imitation of Plautus and Terence. Hence ideas of legitimate fable must have been imperceptibly derived to the popular and vernacular drama8 note.”

In confirmation of what has been suggested, it may be observed, that the principal dramatick writers,

-- 40 --

before Shakspeare appeared, were scholars. Greene, Lodge, Peele, Marlowe, Nashe, Lily, and Kyd, had all a regular university education. From whatever cause it may have arisen, the dramatick poetry about this period certainly assumed a better, though still an exceptionable, form. The example which had been furnished by Sackville was at length followed, and a great number of tragedies and historical plays was produced between the years 1570 and 1590; some of which are still extant, though by far the greater part is lost. This, I apprehend, was the great era of those bloody and bombastick pieces, which afforded subsequent writers perpetual topicks of ridicule: and during the same period were exhibited many Histories, or historical dramas, formed on our English Chronicles, and representing a series of events simply in the order of time in which they happened. Some have supposed that Shakspeare was the first dramatick poet that introduced this species of drama; but this is an undoubted error. I have elsewhere observed that every one of the subjects on which he constructed his historical plays, appears to have been dramatized, and brought upon the scene, before his time9 note

. The historical

-- 41 --

drama is by an elegant modern writer supposed to have owed its rise to the publication of The Mirrour for Magistrates, in which many of the most distinguished characters in English history are introduced, giving a poetical narrative of their own misfortunes1 note. Of this book three editions, with various alterations and improvements, were printed between 1563 and 1587.

At length (about the year 1591) the great luminary of the dramatick world blazed out, and our poet produced those plays which have now for two hundred years been the boast and admiration of his countrymen.

Our earliest dramas, as we have seen, were represented

-- 42 --

in churches or near them by ecclesiastics: but at a very early period, I believe, we had regular and established players, who obtained a livelihood by their art. So early as in the year 1378, as has been already noticed, the singing boys of St. Paul's represented to the King, that they had been at a considerable expence in preparing a stage representation at Christmas. These, however, cannot properly be called comedians, nor am I able to point out the time when the profession of a player became common and established. It has been supposed that the license granted by Queen Elizabeth to James Burbage and others, in 1574, was the first regular license ever granted to comedians in England; but this is a mistake, for Heywood informs us that similar licenses had been granted by her father King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary. Stowe records, that “when King Edward the Fourth would shew himself in state to the view of the people, he repaired to his palace at St. John's where he was accustomed to see the City Actors2 note.” In two books in the Remembrancer's-office in the Exchequer, containing an account of the daily expences of King Henry the Seventh, are the following articles; from which it appears, that at that time players, both French and English, made a part of the appendages of the court, and were supported by regal establishment.

“Item, to Hampton of Worcester for making of balades, 20s. Item, to my ladie the kings moders

-- 43 --

poete, 66s. 8d. Item to a Welsh Rymer, in reward, 13s. 4d. Item, to my Lord Privie-Seals fole, in rew. 10s. Item, to Pachye the fole, for a rew. 6s. 8d. Item, to the foolish duke of Lancaster, 3s. Item to Dix the foles master, for a months wages, 10s. Item, to the King of Frances fole in rew. 41. Item, to the Frenshe players, in rew. 20s. Item, to the tumbler upon the ropes, 20s. Item, for heling of a seke maid, 6s. 8d. [Probably the piece of gold given by the King in touching for the evil.] Item, to my lord princes organ-player, for a quarters wages at Michell. 10s. Item, to the players of London, in reward, 10s. Item, to Master Barnard3 note, the blind poete, 100s. Item, to a man and woman for strawberries, 8s. 4d. Item, to a woman for a red rose, 2s.” The foregoing extracts are from a book, of which almost every page is signed by the King's own hand, in the 13th year of his reign. The following are taken from a book which contains an account of expences in the 9th year of his reign: “Item, to Cart for writing of a boke, 6s. 8d. Item, payd for two playes in the hall, 26s. 6d. Item, to the kings players for a reward, 100s. Item, to the king to play at cardes, 100s. Item, lost to my lord Morging at buttes, 6s. 8d. Item, to Harry Pyning, the king's godson, in reward, 20s. Item, to the players that begged by the way, 6s. 8d4 note.”

Some of these articles I have preserved as curious, though they do not relate to the subject immediately before us. This account ascertains, that there was then not only a regular troop of players in London, but also a royal company. The intimate knowledge of the French language and manners which Henry

-- 44 --

must have acquired during his long sojourn in foreign courts, (from 1471 to 1485,) accounts for the article relative to the company of French players.

In a manuscript in the Cottonian Library in the Museum, a narrative is given of the shews and ceremonies exhibited at Christmas in the fifth year of this king's reign, 1490: “This Cristmass I saw no disgysyngs, and but right few plays; but ther was an abbot of mis-rule, that made muche sport, and did right well his office.—On Candell Mass day, the king, the qwen, my ladye, the king's moder, with the substance of al the lordes temporell present at the parlement, &c. wenten a procession from the chapell into the hall, and soo into Westmynster Hall:—The kynge was that daye in a riche gowne of purple, pirled withe gold, furred withe sabuls.—At nyght the king, the qwene, and my ladye the kyngs moder, came into the Whit hall, and ther had a pley.”—“On New-yeeres day at nyght, (says the same writer, speaking of the year 1488,) ther was a goodly disgysyng, and also this Cristmass ther wer many and dyvers playes4 note.”

A proclamation which was issued out in the year 1547 by King Edward the Sixth, to prohibit for about two months the exhibition of “any kind of interlude, play, dialogue, or other matter set forth in the form of a play, in the English tongue,” describes plays as a familiar entertainment, both in London and in the country5 note, and the profession of

-- 45 --

an actor as common and established. “Forasmuch as a great number of those that be common players of interludes and playes, as well within the city of London as elsewhere within the realme, doe for the most part play such interludes as contain matter tending to sedition6 note,” &c. By common players of interludes here mentioned, I apprehend, were meant the players of the city, as contradistinguished from the king's own servants. In a manuscript which I saw some years ago, and which is now in the library of the Marquis of Lansdown, are sundry charges for the players belonging to King Edward the Sixth; but I have not preserved the articles. And in the house-hold book of Queen Mary, in the Library of the Antiquarian Society, is an entry which shows that she also had a theatrical establishment: “Eight players of interludes, each 66s. 8d.—26l. 13s. 4d.”

It has already been mentioned that originally plays were performed in churches. Though Bonner Bishop of London issued a proclamation to the clergy of his diocese in 1542, prohibiting “all manner of common plays, games or interludes, to be played, set forth, or declared within their churches, chappels,” &c. the practice seems to have been continued occasionally during the reign of Queen Elizabeth; for the author of The Third Blast of Retrait from Plays and Players complains, in 1580, that the players are permitted to publish their mammetrie in every temple of God, and that throughout England;” &c. and this abuse is taken notice of in one of the Canons of King James the First, given soon after his accession in the year 1603. Early, however, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, the established players of London began to act in temporary theatres constructed in the yards of inns7 note; and about the year 1570, I imagine, one or

-- 46 --

two regular playhouses were erected8 note. Both the theatre in Blackfriars and that in Whitefriars were certainly built before 1580; for we learn from a puritanical pamphlet published in the last century, that soon after that year, “many goodly citizens and well disposed gentlemen of London, considering that playhouses and dicing-houses were traps for young gentlemen, and others, and perceiving that many inconveniences and great damage would ensue upon the long suffering of the same,—acquainted some pious magistrates therewith,—who thereupon made humble suite to Queene Elizabeth and her privy-councell, and obtained leave from her majesty to thrust the players out of the citty, and to pull down all playhouses and dicing-houses within their liberties; which accordingly was effected, and the playhouses in Gracious-street, Bishopsgate-street, that nigh Paul's, that on Ludgate-hill, and the White-friers, were quite pulled down and suppressed by the care of these religious senators9 note.” The theatre in Blackfriars, not being

-- 47 --

within the liberties of the city of London, escaped the fury of these fanaticks. Elizabeth, however, though she yielded in this instance to the frenzy of the time, was during the whole course of her reign a favourer of the stage, and a frequent attendant upon plays. So early as in the year 1569, as we learn from another puritanical writer, the children of her chapel, (who are described as “her majesty's unfledged minions,”) “flaunted it in their silkes and sattens,” and acted plays on profane subjects in the chapel-royal1 note. In 1574 she granted a licence to James Burbage, probably the father of the celebrated tragedian, and four others, servants to the Earl of Leicester, to exhibit all kinds of stage-plays, during pleasure, in any part of England, “as well for the recreation of her loving subjects, as for her own solace and pleasure when she should think good to see them2 note



;” and in the year

-- 48 --

1583, soon after a furious attack had been made on the stage by the puritans, twelve of the principal comedians of that time, at the earnest request of Sir Francis Walsingham, were selected from the companies then subsisting, under the licence and protection of various noblemen3 note

, and were sworn her majesty's

-- 49 --

servants4 note

. Eight of them had an annual stipend of 3l. 6s. 8d. each5 note. At that time there were

-- 50 --

eight companies of comedians, each of which performed twice or thrice a week6 note.”

King James the First appears to have patronized the stage with as much warmth as his predecessor. In 1599, while he was yet in Scotland, he bestowed his favour upon an English company of comedians that had arrived in Edinburgh, whom (as a modern historian asserts) he had solicited Elizabeth to send down to him, but Mr. Chalmers has shown this to be an error; and very soon after his accession to the throne, granted the following licence to the company at the Globe, which is found in Rymer's Fœdera.

“Pro Laurentio Fletcher & Willielmo Shakespeare & aliis.

“A. D. 1603. Pat.

“1. Jac. P. 2. m. 4. James by the grace of God, &c. to all justices, maiors, sheriffs, constables, head-boroughs, and other our officers and loving subjects, greeting. Know you that wee, of our special grace, certaine knowledge, and meer motion, have licenced and authorised, and by these presentes doe licence and authorize theise our servaunts, Laurence Fletcher, William Shakespeare, Richard Burbage, Augustine

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Phillippes, John Hemings, Henrie Condel, William Sly, Robert Armin, Richard Cowly, and the rest of their associates, freely to use and exercise the art and faculty of playing comedies, tragedies, histories, interludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like other as thei have alreadie studied or hereafter shall use or studie, as well for the recreation of our loving subjects, as for our solace and pleasure when we shall thincke good to see them, during our pleasure: and the said comedies, tragedies, histories, enterludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like, to shew and exercise publiquely to their best commoditie, when the infection of the plague shall decrease, as well within theire nowe usuall house called the Globe, within our county of Surrey, as also within anie towne-halls or moute-halls, or other convenient places within the liberties and freedom of any other citie, universitie, toun, or boroughe whatsoever, within our said realmes and dominions. Willing and commanding you and everie of you, as you tender our pleasure, not onlie to permit and suffer them herein, without any your letts, hindrances, or molestations, during our pleasure, but also to be aiding or assistinge to them if any wrong be to them offered, and to allow them such former curtesies as hathe been given to men of their place and quallitie; and also what further favour you shall shew to theise our servaunts for our sake, we shall take kindlie at your handes. In witness whereof, &c.

“Witness our selfe at Westminster, the nynteenth daye of Maye.

“Per Breve de privato sigillo.”

Having now, as concisely as I could, traced the History of the English Stage, from its first rude

-- 52 --

state to the period of its maturity and greatest splendor, I shall endeavour to exhibit as accurate a delineation of the internal form and economy of our ancient theatres, as the distance at which we stand, and the obscurity of the subject, will permit.

The most ancient English playhouses of which I have found any account, are, the playhouse in Blackfriars, that in Whitefriars7 note

, the Theatre, of which I

-- 53 --

am unable to ascertain the situation8 note, and The Curtain, in Shoreditch9 note. The Theatre, from its name, was probably the first building erected in or near the metropolis purposely for scenick exhibitions.

In the time of Shakspeare there were seven principal theatres: three private houses, namely, that in Blackfriars, that in Whitefriars, and The Cockpit or Phœnix1 note, in Drury-Lane, and four that were called publick theatres; viz. The Globe on the Bank-side,

-- 54 --

The Curtain2 note


























in Shoreditch, The Red Bull, at the upper end of St. John's Street, and The Fortune3 note








in

-- 55 --

Whitecross Street. The last two were chiefly frequented by citizens4 note. There were however, but six

-- 56 --

companies of comedians; for the playhouse in Blackfriars, and the Globe, belonged to the same troop. Beside these seven theatres, there were for some time on the Bankside three other publick theatres; The Swan, The Rose5 note, and The Hope6 note

: but The Hope being used chiefly as a bear-garden, and The Swan and The Rose having fallen to decay early in King James's reign, they ought not to be enumerated with the other regular theatres.

All the established theatres that were open in 1598, were either without the city of London or its liberties7 note.

-- 57 --

It appears from the office-book8 note

of Sir Henry Herbert, Master of the Revels to King James the First,

-- 58 --

and the two succeeding kings, that very soon after our poet's death, in the year 1622, there were but

-- 59 --

five principal companies of comedians in London; the King's Servants, who performed at the Globe and in Blackfriars; the Prince's Servants, who performed then at the Curtain; the Palsgrave's Servants9 note, who had possession of the Fortune; the players of the Revels, who acted at the Red Bull1 note; and the Lady Elizabeth's Servants, or, as they are sometimes denominated, the Queen of Bohemia's players, who performed at the Cockpit in Drury Lane2 note

.

-- 60 --

When Prynne published his Histriomastix, (1633,) there were six playhouses open; the theatre in Blackfriars; the Globe; the Fortune: the Red Bull; the Cockpit or Phœnix, and a theatre in Salisbury Court, Whitefriars3 note

.

All the plays of Shakspeare appear to have been performed either at The Globe, or the theatre in Blackfriars. I shall therefore confine my inquiries principally to those two. They belonged, as I have already observed, to the same company of comedians, namely, his majesty's servants, which title they obtained after a licence had been granted to them by King James in 1603. Like the other servants of the household, the performers enrolled into this company were sworn into office, and each of them was allowed four yards of bastard scarlet for a cloak, and a quarter of a yard of velvet for the cape, every second year4 note.

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The Theatre in Blackfriars was situated near the present Apothecaries' Hall, in the neighbourhood of which there is yet Playhouse Yard, not far from which the theatre probably stood. It was, as has been mentioned, a private house; but what were the distinguishing marks of a private playhouse, it is not easy to ascertain. We know only that it was smaller5 note

than those which were called publick theatres; and that in the private theatres plays were usually presented by candle-light6 note.

In this theatre, which was a very ancient one, the children of the Revels occasionally performed7 note

.

-- 62 --

It is said in Camden's Annals of the reign of King James the First, that the theatre in Blackfriars fell down in the year 1623, and that above eighty persons were killed by the accident; but he was misinformed8 note






.

-- 63 --

The room which gave way was in a private house, and appropriated to the service of religion.

I am unable to ascertain at what time the Globe theatre was built. Hentzner has alluded to it as existing in 1598, though he does not expressly mention it9 note. I believe it was not built long before the year 15961 note. It was situated on the Bankside, (the southern side of the river Thames,) nearly opposite to Friday Street, Cheapside. It was an hexagonal wooden building, partly open to the weather, and partly

-- 64 --

thatched2 note

[unresolved image link]. When Hentzner wrote, all the other theatres as well as this were composed of wood.

The Globe was a publick theatre, and of considerable size3 note, and there they always acted by day-light4 note. On the roof of this, and the other publick theatres

-- 65 --

a pole was erected, to which a flag was affixed5 note




. These flags were probably displayed only during the hours of exhibition; and it should seem from one of the old comedies that they were taken down in Lent, in which time, during the early part of King James's reign, plays were not allowed to be represented6 note

, though at a subsequent period this prohibition was dispensed with7 note

.

-- 66 --

I formerly conjectured that The Globe, though hexagonal on the outside, was perhaps a rotunda within, and that it might have derived its name from its circular form8 note




. But, though the part appropriated

-- 67 --

to the audience was probably circular, I now believe that the house was denominated only from its sign; which was a figure of Hercules supporting the Globe, under which was written, Totus mundus agit histrionem9 note. This theatre was burnt down on the 29th of June, 16131 note

; but it was rebuilt in the following

-- 68 --

year, and decorated with more ornament than had been originally bestowed upon it2 note



.

The exhibitions at the Globe seem to have been calculated chiefly for the lower class of people3 note



















; those

-- 69 --

at Blackfriars, for a more select and judicious audience. This appears from the following prologue to Shirley's Doubtful Heir, which is inserted among his poems, printed in 1646, with this title:

“Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called The Doubtful Heir, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars4 note.


“Gentlemen, I am only sent to say,
“Our author did not calculate his play
“For this meridian. The Bankside, he knows,
“Is far more skilful at the ebbs and flows
“Of water than of wit; he did not mean
“For the elevation of your poles, this scene.
“No shews,—no dance,—and what you most delight in,
“Grave understanders5 note

, here's no target-fighting
“Upon the stage; all work for cutlers barr'd;
“No bawdry, nor no ballads;—this goes hard:
“But language clean, and, what affects you not,
“Without impossibilities the plot;
“No clown, no squibs, no devil in't.—Oh now,
“You squirrels that want nuts, what will you do?
“Pray do not crack the benches, and we may
“Hereafter fit your palates with a play.
“But you that can contract yourselves, and sit,
“As you were now in the Blackfriars pit,
“And will not deaf us with lewd noise and tongues,
“Because we have no heart to break our lungs,
“Will pardon our vast stage, and not disgrace
“This play, meant for your persons, not the place.”

The superior discernment of the Blackfriars audience may be likewise collected from a passage in the preface prefixed by Hemings and Condell to the first folio edition of our author's works: “And though

-- 70 --

you be a magistrate of wit, and sit on the stage at Blackfriers, or the Cockpit, to arraigne plays dailie, know these plays have had their trial already, and stood out all appeales.”

A writer already quoted6 note informs us that one of these theatres was a winter, and the other a summer, house7 note. As the Globe was partly exposed to the weather, and they acted there usually by day-light, it appeared to me probable (when this essay was originally published) that this was the summer theatre; and I have lately found my conjecture confirmed by

-- 71 --

Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript. The king's company usually began to play at the Globe in the month of May. The exhibitions here seem to have been more frequent8 note than at Blackfriars, till the year 1604 or 1605, when the Bankside appears to have become less fashionable, and less frequented than it formerly had been9 note.

Many of our ancient dramatick pieces (as has been already observed) were performed in the yards of carrier's inns, in which, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the comedians, who then first united themselves in companies, erected an occasional stage1 note

. The form of these temporary playhouses seems to be preserved in our modern theatre. The galleries, in both, are ranged over each other on three sides of the

-- 72 --

building. The small rooms under the lowest of these galleries answer to our present boxes; and it is observable that these, even in theatres which were built in a subsequent period expressly for dramatick exhibitions, still retained their old name, and are frequently called rooms2 note, by our ancient writers3 note

. The yard bears a sufficient resemblance to the pit, as at present in use. We may suppose the stage to have been raised in this area, on the fourth side, with its back to the gateway of the inn, at which the money for admission was taken. Thus, in fine weather, a playhouse not incommodious might have been formed.

Hence, in the middle of the Globe, and I suppose of the other publick theatres, in the time of Shakspeare, there was an open yard or area4 note





, where the

-- 73 --

common people stood to see the exhibition; from which circumstance they are called by our author groundlings, and by Ben Jonson “the understanding gentlemen of the ground.”

The galleries, or scaffolds, as they are sometimes called, and that part of the house which in private theatres was named the pit5 note





, seem to have been at the same price; and probably in houses of reputation, such as the Globe, and that in Blackfriars, the price of admission into those parts of the theatre was sixpence6 note





, while in some meaner playhouses it was

-- 74 --

only a penny7 note



, in others twopence8 note

. The price of admission into the best rooms or boxes9 note







, was, I believe,

-- 75 --

in our author's time, a shilling1 note








; though afterwards it appears to have risen to two shillings2 note










,

-- 76 --

and half a crown3 note



. At the Blackfriars theatre the price of the boxes was, I imagine, higher than at the Globe.

From several passages in our old plays we learn, that spectators were admitted on the stage4 note, and that the criticks and wits of the time usually sat there5 note



. Some were placed on the ground6 note









; others sat on stools, of

-- 77 --

which the price was either sixpence7 note

, or a shilling8 note


, according, I suppose, to the commodiousness of the situation. And they were attended by pages, who furnished them with pipes and tobacco, which was smoked here as well as in other parts of the house9 note











.

-- 78 --

Yet it should seem that persons were suffered to sit on the stage only in the private playhouses (such as Blackfriars, &c.) where the audience was more select, and of a higher class; and that in the Globe and the other publick theatres, no such licence was permitted1 note

.

The stage was strewed with rushes2 note, which, we learn from Hentzner and Caius de Ephemera, was in the time of Shakspeare the usual covering of floors in England3 note. On some occasions it was entirely matted over4 note; but this was probably very rare. The curtain which hangs in the front of the present

-- 79 --

stage, drawn up by lines and pullies, though not a modern invention, (for it was used by Inigo Jones in the masques at court,) was yet an apparatus to which the simple mechanism of our ancient theatres had not arrived; for in them the curtains opened in the middle, and were drawn backwards and forwards on an iron rod5 note


. In some playhouses they were woollen, in others, made of silk6 note















. Towards the rear of the stage there appears to have been a balcony7 note


, or upper stage;

-- 80 --

the platform of which was probably eight or nine feet from the ground. I suppose it to have been supported by pillars. From hence, in many of our old plays, part of the dialogue was spoken; and in the front of it curtains likewise were hung8 note


, so as occasionally to conceal the persons in it from the view of the audience. At each side of this balcony was a box, very inconveniently situated, which sometimes was called the private box. In these boxes, which were at a lower price, some persons sate, either from economy or singularity9 note













.

-- 81 --

How little the imaginations of the audience were assisted by scenical deception, and how much necessity our author had to call on them to “piece out imperfections with their thoughts,” may be collected from Sir Philip Sydney, who, describing the state of the drama and the stage, in his time, (about the year 1583,) says, “Now you shall have three ladies walk to gather flowers, and then we must beleeve the stage to be a garden. By and by we heare news of shipwrack in the same place; then we are to blame, if we accept it not for a rock. Upon the back of that, comes out a hidious monster with fire and smoke; and then the miserable beholders are bound to take it for a cave; while in the mean time two armies fly in, represented with four swords and bucklers, and then what hard hart wil not receive it for a pitched field1 note.”

The first notice that I have found of any thing like moveable scenes being used in England, is in the narrative of the entertainment given to King James at Oxford, in August, 1605, when three plays were performed in the hall of Christ Church, of which

-- 82 --

we have the following account by a contemporary writer. “The stage (he tells us) was built close to the upper end of the hall, as it seemed at the first sight: but indeed it was but a false wall faire painted, and adorned with stately pillars, which pillars would turn about; by reason whereof, with the help of other painted clothes, their stage did vary three times in the acting of one tragedy:” that is, in other words, there were three scenes employed in the exhibition of the piece2 note. The scenery was contrived by Inigo Jones, who is described as a great traveller, and who undertook to “further his employers much, and furnish them with rare devices, but produced very little to that which was expected3 note.”

It is observable, that the writer of this account was not acquainted even with the term scene, having used painted clothes instead of it: nor indeed is this surprising, it not being then found in this sense in any dictionary or vocabulary, English or foreign, that I have met with. Had the common stages been furnished with them, neither this writer, nor the makers of dictionaries, could have been ignorant of it4 note

. To

-- 83 --

effect even what was done at Christ-Church, the University found it necessary to employ two of the king's

-- 84 --

carpenters, and to have the advice of the controller of his works. The Queen's Masque, which was exhibited in the preceding January, was not much more successful, though above 3000l. was expended upon it. “At night, (says Sir Dudley Carleton,) we had the Queen's Maske in the Banqueting-house, or rather her Pageant. There was a great engine at the lower end of the room, which had motion, and in it were the images of sea-horses, (with other terrible fishes,) which were ridden by the Moors. The indecorum was, that there was all fish and no water. At the further end was a great shell in form of a skallop, wherein were four seats; on the lowest sat the queen with my lady Bedford; on the rest were placed the ladies Suffolk, Darby5 note

,” &c. Such were most of the

-- 85 --

Masques in the time of James the First: triumphal cars, castles, rocks, caves, pillars, temples, clouds, rivers, tritons, &c. composed the principal part of their decoration. In the courtly masques given by his successor during the first fifteen years of his reign, and in some of the plays exhibited at court, the art of scenery seems to have been somewhat improved. In 1636 a piece written by Thomas Heywood, called Love's Mistress or the Queen's Masque, was represented at Denmark House before their Majesties. “For the rare decorements (says Heywood in his preface) which new apparelled it, when it came the second time to the royal view, (her gracious majesty then entertaining his highness at Denmark House upon his birth-day,) I cannot pretermit to give a due character to that admirable artist Mr. Inigo Jones, master surveyor of the king's worke, &c. who to every act, nay almost to every scene, by his excellent inventions gave such an extraordinary lustre; upon every occasion changing the stage, to the admiration of all the spectators.” Here, as on a former occasion,

-- 86 --

we may remark, the term scene is not used: the stage was changed, to the admiration of all the spectators6 note.

In August, 1636, The Royal Slave, written by a very popular poet, William Cartwright, was acted at Oxford before the king and queen, and afterwards at Hampton-Court. Wood informs us7 note, that the scenery was an exquisite and uncommon piece of machinery, contrived by Inigo Jones. The play was printed in 1639; and yet even at that late period, the term scene, in the sense now affixed to it, was unknown to the author; for describing the various scenes employed in this court-exhibition, he denominates them thus: “The first Appearance, a temple of the sun.—Second Appearance, a city in the front, and a prison at the side,” &c. The three other Appearances in this play were, a wood, a palace, and a castle.

In every disquisition of this kind much trouble and many words might be saved, by defining the subject of dispute. Before therefore I proceed further in this inquiry, I think it proper to say, that by a scene, I mean, “A painting in perspective on a cloth fastened to a wooden frame or roller;” and that I do not mean by this term, “a coffin, or a tomb, or a gilt chair, or a fair chain of pearl, or a crucifix:” and I am the rather induced to make this declaration, because a writer, who obliquely alluded to the position which I am now maintaining, soon after the first edition of this Essay was published, has mentioned exhibitions of this kind as a proof of the scenery of our old plays; and taking it for granted that the point is completely established by this decisive argument, triumphantly adds, “Let us for the future no more be told of the

-- 87 --

want of proper scenes and dresses in our ancient theatres8 note













.”

-- 88 --

A passage which has been produced from one of the old comedies9 note, proves that the common theatres were furnished with some rude pieces of machinery, which were used when it was necessary to exhibit the descent of some god or saint; but it is manifest from what has been already stated, as well as from all the contemporary accounts, that the mechanism of our ancient theatres seldom went beyond a tomb, a painted chair, a sinking cauldron, or a trap-door, and that none of them had moveable scenes. When King Henry VIII. is to be discovered by the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, reading in his study, the scenical direction in the first folio, 1623, (which was printed apparently from playhouse copies,) is “The King draws the curtain, [i. e. draws it open] and sits reading pensively;” for, beside the principal curtains that hung in the front of the stage, they used others as substitutes for scenes1 note, which were denominated traverses. If a

-- 89 --

bed chamber is to be represented, no change of scene is mentioned; but the property-man is simply ordered to thrust forth a bed, or, the curtains being opened, a bed is exhibited. So, in the old play on which Shakspeare formed his King Henry VI. P. II. when Cardinal Beaufort is exhibited dying, the stage-direction is—“Enter King and Salisbury, and then the curtaines be drawn, [i. e. drawn open,] and the Cardinal is discovered in his bed, raving and staring as if he were mad.” When the fable requires the Roman capitol to be represented, we find two officers enter, “to lay cushions, as it were in the capitol.” So, in King Richard II. Act. IV. Sc. I.: “Bolingbroke, &c. enter as to the parliament2 note.” Again, in Sir John Oldcastle, 1600: “Enter Cambridge, Scroop, and Gray, as in the chamber.” When the citizens of Angiers are to appear on the walls of their town, and young Arthur to leap from the battlements, I suppose our ancestors were contented with seeing them in the balcony already described; or perhaps a few boards were tacked together, and painted so as to resemble the rude

-- 90 --

discoloured walls of an old town, behind which a platform might have been placed near the top, on which the citizens stood: but surely this can scarcely be called a scene. Though undoubtedly our poet's company were furnished with some wooden fabrick sufficiently resembling a tomb, for which they must have had occasion in several plays, yet some doubt may be entertained, whether in Romeo and Juliet any exhibition of Juliet's monument was given on the stage. Romeo perhaps only opened with his mattock one of the stage trap-doors, (which might have represented a tomb-stone,) by which he descended to a vault beneath the stage, where Juliet was deposited; and this notion is countenanced by a passage in the play, and by the poem on which the drama was founded3 note



.

In all the old copies of the play last-mentioned we find the following stage-direction: “They march about the stage, and serving men come forth with their napkins.” A more decisive proof than this, that the stage was not furnished with scenes, cannot be produced. Romeo, Mercutio, &c. with their torch-bearers and attendants, are the persons who march about the stage. They are in the street, on their way to Capulet's house, where a masquerade is given; but Capulet's servants who come forth with their napkins, are supposed to be in a hall or saloon of their master's house: yet both the masquers without and the servants within appear on the same spot. In like manner in King Henry VIII.

-- 91 --

the very same spot is at once the outside and inside of the Council-Chamber4 note.

It is not, however, necessary to insist either upon the term itself, in the sense of a painting in perspective on cloth or canvas, being unknown to our early writers, or upon the various stage-directions which are found in the plays of our poet and his contemporaries, and which afford the strongest presumptive evidence that the stage in his time was not furnished with scenes: because we have to the same point the concurrent testimony of Shakspeare himself5 note


, of Ben Jonson, of every writer of the last age who has had occasion to mention this subject, and even of the very person who first introduced scenes on the publick stage.

In the year 1629 Jonson's comedy intitled The New Inn was performed at the Blackfriars theatre, and deservedly damned. Ben was so much incensed at the town for condemning his piece, that in 1631 he published it with the following title: “The New Inne, or the light Heart, a comedy; as it was never acted, but most negligently played, by some, the king's servants, and more squeamishly beheld and censured by others, the king's subjects, 1629: And now at last set at liberty to the readers, his Ma.ties servants and subjects, to be judged, 1631.” In the Dedication to this piece, the author, after expressing his profound contempt for the spectators who were at the first representation of this play, says, “What did they come for then, thou wilt ask me. I will as punctually answer: to see and to be seene. To make a general muster of themselves in their clothes of credit, and possesse the stage against the playe: to dislike all, but marke nothing: and by their confidence of rising between the

-- 92 --

actes in oblique lines, make affidavit to the whole house of their not understanding one scene. Arm'd with this prejudice, as the stage furniture or arras clothes, they were there; as spectators away; for the faces in the hangings and they beheld alike.”

The exhibition of plays being forbidden some time before the death of Charles I.6 note

Sir William D'Avenant in 1656 invented a new species of entertainment, which was exhibited at Rutland House, at the upper end of Aldersgate Street. The title of the piece, which was printed in the same year, is The Siege of Rhodes, made a Representation by the Art of prospective in Scenes; and the Story sung in recitative Musick. “The original of this musick,” says Dryden, “and of the scenes which adorned his work, he had from the Italian operas7 note; but he heightened his characters (as I may probably imagine) from the examples of Corneille and some French poets.” If sixty years before, the exhibition of the plays of Shakspeare had been aided on the common stage by the advantage of moveable scenes, or if the term scene had been familiar to D'Avenant's audience, can we suppose that he would have found it necessary to use a periphrastick

-- 93 --

description, and to promise that his representation should be assisted by the art of prospective in scenes? “It has been often wished,” says he, in his Address to the Reader, “that our scenes (we having obliged ourselves to the variety of five changes, according to the ancient dramatick distinctions made for time,) had not been confined to about eleven feet in the height and about fifteen in depth, including the places of passage reserved for the musick.” From these words we learn that he had in that piece five scenes. In 1658 he exhibited at the old theatre called the Cockpit in Drury Lane, The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru, express'd by vocal and instrumental Musick, and by Art of Perspective in Scenes8 note


. In spring 1662, having obtained a patent from King Charles the Second, and built a new playhouse in Lincoln's Inn Fields, he opened his theatre with The First Part of the Siege of Rhodes,

-- 94 --

which since its first exhibition he had enlarged. He afterwards in the same year exhibited The Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes, and his comedy called The Wits; “these plays,” says Downes, who himself acted in The Siege of Rhodes, “having new scenes and decorations, being the first that ever were introduced in England.” Scenes had certainly been used before in the masques at Court, and in a few private exhibitions, and by D'Avenant himself in his attempts at theatrical entertainments shortly before the death of Cromwell: Downes therefore, who is extremely inaccurate in his language in every part of his book, must have meant—the first ever exhibited in a regular drama, on a publick theatre.

I have said that I could produce the testimony of Sir William D'Avenant himself on this subject. His prologue to The Wits, which was exhibited in the spring of the year 1662, soon after the opening of his theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, if every other document had perished, would prove decisively that our author's plays had not the assistance of painted scenes. “There are some, says D'Avenant,


“&lblank; who would the world persuade,
“That gold is better when the stamp is bad;
“And that an ugly ragged piece of eight
“Is ever true in metal and in weight;
“As if a guinny and louís had less
“Intrinsick value for their handsomeness.
“So diverse, who outlive the former age,
“Allow9 note the coarseness of the plain old stage,
“And think rich vests and scenes are only fit
“Disguises for the want of art and wit.”

And no less decisive is the different language of the licence for erecting a theatre, granted to him by King Charles I. in 1639, and the letters patent which he obtained from his son in 1662. In the former, after he is authorized “to entertain, govern, privilege, and keep such and so many players to exercise action, musical

-- 95 --

presentments, scenes, dancing, and the like, as he the said William Davenant shall think fit and approve for the said house, and such persons to permit and continue at and during the pleasure of the said W. D. to act plays in such house so to be by him erected, and exercise musick, musical presentments, scenes, dancing, or other the like, at the same or other hours, or times, or after plays are ended,”—the clause which empowers him to take certain prices from those who should resort to his theatre runs thus:

“And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said W. D. &c. to take and receive of such our subjects as shall resort to see or hear any such plays, scenes, and entertainments whatsoever, such sum or sums of money, as is or hereafter from time to time shall be accustomed to be given or taken in other playhouses and places for the like plays, scenes, presentments, and entertainments.”

Here we see that when the theatre was fitted up in the usual way of that time without the decoration of scenery, (for scenes in the foregoing passages mean, not paintings, but short stage-representations or presentments,) the usual prices were authorised to be taken: but after the Restoration, when Sir W. D'Avenant furnished his new theatre with scenery, he took care that the letters patent which he then obtained, should speak a different language, for there the corresponding clause is as follows:

“And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Sir William D'Avenant, his heirs, and assigns, to take and receive of such of our subjects as shall resort to see or hear any such plays, scenes, and entertainments whatsoever, such sum or sums of money, as either have accustomably been given and taken in the like kind, or as shall be thought reasonable by him or them, in regard of the great expences of scenes, musick,

-- 96 --

and such new decorations as have not been formerly used.”

Here for the first time in these letters patent the word scene is used in that sense in which Sir William had employed it in the printed title-pages of his musical entertainments exhibited a few years before. In the former letters patent granted in 1639, the word in that sense does not once occur.

To the testimony of D'Avenant himself may be added that of Dryden, both in the passage already quoted, and in his prologue to The Rival Ladies, performed at the King's theatre in 1664:


“&lblank; in former days
“Good prologues were as scarce as now good plays.—
“You now have habits, dances, scenes, and rhymes;
“High language often, ay, and sense sometimes.”

And still more express is that of the author of The Generous Enemies, exhibited at the King's Theatre in 1672:


“I cannot choose but laugh, when I look back and see
“The strange vicissitudes of poetrie.
“Your aged fathers came to plays for wit,
“And sat knee-deep in nutshells in the pit;
“Coarse hangings then, instead of scenes were worn,
“And Kidderminster did the stage adorn:
“But you, their wiser offspring, did advance
“To plot of jig, and to dramatick dance,”1 note





























&c.

These are not the speculations of scholars concerning a custom of a former age, but the testimony of

-- 97 --

persons who were either spectators of what they describe, or daily conversed with those who had trod our ancient stage: for D'Avenant's first play, The

-- 98 --

Cruel Brother, was acted at the Blackfriars in January, 1626–7, and Mohun and Hart, who had themselves acted before the civil wars, were employed in that company, by whose immediate successors The Generous Enemies was exhibited: I mean the King's Servants. Major Mohun acted in the piece before which the lines last quoted were spoken.

I may add also, that Mr. Wright, the author of Historia Histrionica, whose father had been a spectator of several plays before the breaking out of the civil wars, expressly says, that the theatre had no scenes2 note

.

But, says Mr. Steevens, (who differs with me in opinion on the subject before us, and whose sentiments I shall give below,) “how happened it, that Shakspeare himself should have mentioned the act of shifting scenes, if in his time there were no scenes capable of being shifted? Thus, in the Chorus to King Henry V.:


‘Unto Southampton do we shift our scene.’

“This phrase (he adds) was hardly more ancient than the custom it describes3 note.”

Who does not see, that Shakspeare in the passage here quoted uses the word scene in the same sense in

-- 99 --

which it was used two thousand years before he was born; that is, for the place of action represented by the stage; and not for that moveable hanging or painted cloth, strained on a wooden frame, or rolled round a cylinder, which is now called a scene? If the smallest doubt could be entertained of his meaning, the following lines in the same play would remove it:


“The king is set from London, and the scene
“Is now transported to Southampton.”

This, and this only, was the shifting that was meant; a movement from one place to another in the progress of the drama; nor is there found a single passage in his plays in which the word scene is used in the sense required to support the argument of those who suppose that the common stages were furnished with moveable scenes in his time. He constantly uses the word either for a stage-exhibition in general, or the component part of a play, or the place of action represented by the stage4 note














:

-- 100 --


“For all my life has been but as a scene
“Acting that argument.” King Henry IV. Part II.
“At your industrious scenes and acts of death.” King John.
“What scene of death hath Roscius now to act?” King Henry VI. Part III.
“Thus with imagin'd wing our swift scene flies &lblank;.” King Henry V.
“To give our scene such growing &lblank;.” Ibid.
“And so our scene must to the battle fly &lblank;.” Ibid.
“That he might play the woman in the scene.” Coriolanus.
“A queen in jest, only to fill the scene.” King Richard III.

I shall add but one more instance from All's Well That Ends Well:


“Our scene is alter'd from a serious thing,
“And now chang'd to the Beggar and the King.”

From which lines it might, I conceive, be as reasonably inferred that scenes were changed in Shakspeare's time, as from the passage relied on in King Henry V. and perhaps by the same mode of reasoning it might be proved, from a line above quoted from the same play, that the technical modern term, wings, or side-scenes, was not unknown to our great poet.

The various circumstances which I have stated, and the accounts of the contemporary writers5 note

, furnish

-- 101 --

us, in my apprehension, with decisive and incontrovertible proofs6 note





















, that the stage of Shakspeare was

-- 102 --

not furnished with moveable painted scenes, but merely decorated with curtains, and arras or tapestry hangings, which, when decayed, appear to have been sometimes ornamented with pictures7 note

; and some passages

-- 103 --

in our old dramas incline me to think, that when tragedies were performed, the stage was hung with black8 note














.

-- 104 --

In the early part, at least, of our author's acquaintance with the theatre, the want of scenery seems to

-- 105 --

have been supplied by the simple expedient of writing the names of the different places where the scene was

-- 106 --

laid in the progress of the play, which were disposed in such a manner as to be visible to the audience9 note

.

-- 107 --

Though the apparatus for theatrick exhibitions was thus scanty, and the machinery of the simplest kind, the invention of trap-doors appears not to be modern; for in an old Morality, entitled, All for Money, we find a marginal direction, which implies that they were very early in use1 note



.

-- 108 --

We learn from Heywood's Apology for Actors3 note, that the covering, or internal roof, of the stage, was anciently termed the heavens. It was probably painted of a sky-blue colour; or perhaps pieces of drapery tinged with blue were suspended across the stage, to represent the heavens.

It appears from the stage-directions4 note















given in The Spanish Tragedy, that when a play was exhibited within a play, (if I may so express myself,) as is the case in that piece and in Hamlet, the court or audience before whom the interlude was performed sat in the balcony, or upper stage already described; and a curtain or traverse being hung across the stage for the nonce, the performers entered between that curtain and the general audience, and on its being drawn, began their piece, addressing themselves to the balcony, and regardless of the spectators in the theatre, to whom their backs must have been turned during the whole of the performance.

-- 109 --

From a plate prefixed to Kirkman's Drolls, printed in 1672, in which there is a view of a theatrical booth, it should seem that the stage was formerly lighted by two large branches, of a form similar to those now hung in churches; and from Beaumont's Verses prefixed to Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, which was acted before the year 1611, we find that wax lights were used5 note.

These branches having been found incommodious, as they obstructed the sight of the spectators6 note, gave place at a subsequent period to small circular wooden frames, furnished with candles, eight of which were hung on the stage, four at either side: and these within a few years were wholly removed by Mr. Garrick, who, on his return from France in 1765, first introduced the present commodious method of illuminating the stage by lights not visible to the audience.

The body of the house was illuminated by cressets6 note

, or large open lanterns of nearly the same size with those which are fixed in the poop of a ship.

If all the players whose names are enumerated in the first folio edition of our author's works, belonged to the same theatre, they composed a numerous company; but it is doubtful whether they all performed

-- 110 --

at the same period, or always continued in the same house7 note. Many of the companies, in the infancy of the stage, certainly were so thin, that the same person played two or three parts8 note; and a battle on which the fate of an empire was supposed to depend, was decided by half a dozen combatants9 note




. It appears to have been a common practice in their mock engagements, to discharge small pieces of ordnance on or behind the stage1 note

.

Before the exhibition began, three flourishes were

-- 111 --

played, or in the ancient language, there were three soundings2 note


. Musick was likewise played between the acts3 note








. The instruments chiefly used, were trumpets, cornets, hautboys, lutes, recorders, viols, and organs4 note

. The band, which, I believe, did not consist of more than eight or ten performers, sat (as I have been told by a very ancient stage veteran, who had his information from Bowman, the contemporary of Betterton,)

-- 112 --

in an upper balcony, over what is now called the stage-box5 note



.

From Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript I learn, that the musicians belonging to Shakspeare's company were obliged to pay the Master of the Revels an annual fee for a licence to play in the theatre6 note.

Not very long after our poet's death the Blackfriars' band was more numerous7 note; and their reputation was so high as to be noticed by Sir Bulstrode Whitelocke, in an account which he has left of the splendid Masque given by the four Inns of Court on the second of February, 1633–4, entitled The Triumph of Peace, and intended, as he himself informs us, “to manifest the difference of their opinion from Mr. Prynne's new learning, and to confute his Histriomastix against interludes.”

A very particular account of this masque is found in his Memorials; but that which Dr. Burney has lately given in his very curious and elegant History of Musick8 note, from a manuscript in the possession of Dr. Moreton of the British Museum, contains some

-- 113 --

minute particulars not noticed in the former printed account, and among others an eulogy on our poet's band of musicians.

“For the Musicke,” says Whitelocke, “which was particularly committed to my charge, I gave to Mr. Ives, and to Mr. Laws, £100 a piece for their rewards: for the four French gentlemen, the queen's servants, I thought that a handsome and liberall gratifying of them would be made known to the queen their mistris, and well taken by her. I therefore invited them one morning to a collation att St. Dunstan's taverne, in the great room, the Oracle of Apollo, where each of them had his plate lay'd by him, covered, and the napkin by it, and when they opened their plates, they found in each of them forty pieces of gould, of their master's coyne, for the first dish, and they had cause to be much pleased with this surprisall.

“The rest of the musitians had rewards answearable to their parts and qualities; and the whole charge of the musicke came to about one thousand pounds. The clothes of the horsemen reckoned one with another at £100 a suit, att the least, amounted to £10,000.— The charges of all the rest of the masque, which were borne by the societies, were accounted to be above twenty thousand pounds.

“I was so conversant with the musitians, and so willing to gain their favour, especially at this time, that I composed an aier my selfe, with the assistance of Mr. Ives, and called it Whitelock's Coranto; which being cried up, was first played publiquely by the Blackefryars Musicke, who were then esteemed the best of common musitians in London. Whenever I came to that house, (as I did sometimes in those dayes, though not often,) to see a play, the musitians would presently play Whitelocke's Coranto: and it was so often called for, that they would have it played twice or thrice in an afternoone. The queen

-- 114 --

hearing it, would not be persuaded that it was made by an Englishman, bicause she said it was fuller of life and spirit than the English aiers used to be; butt she honoured the Coranto and the maker of it with her majestyes royall commendation. It grew to that request, that all the common musitians in this towne, and all over the kingdome, gott the composition of itt, and played it publiquely in all places for above thirtie years after.”

The stage, in Shakspeare's time, seems to have been separated from the pit only by pales9 note




. Soon after the Restoration, the band, I imagine, took the station which they have kept ever since, in an orchestra placed between the stage and the pit1 note

.

The person who spoke the prologue, who entered immediately after the third sounding2 note, usually wore

-- 115 --

a long black velvet cloak3 note












, which, I suppose, was considered as best suited to a supplicatory address. Of this custom, whatever may have been its origin, some traces remained till very lately; a black coat having been, if I mistake not, within these few years, the constant stage-habiliment of our modern prologue-speakers. The complete dress of the ancient prologue-speaker is still retained in the play exhibited in Hamlet, before the king and court of Denmark.

An epilogue does not appear to have been a regular appendage to a play in Shakspeare's time; for many of his dramas had none; at least they have not been preserved. In All's Well That Ends Well, A Midsummer-Night's Dream, As You Like It, Troilus and Cressida, and The Tempest, the epilogue is spoken by one of the persons of the drama, and adapted to the character of the speaker; a circumstance that I have not observed in the epilogues of any other author of that age. The epilogue was not always spoken by one of the performers in the piece; for that subjoined

-- 116 --

to The Second Part of King Henry IV. appears to have been delivered by a dancer.

The performers of male characters frequently wore periwigs4 note

which in the age of Shakspeare were not in common use5 note













. It appears from a passage in Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie, 1589, that vizards were on some occasions used by the actors of those days6 note; and it may be inferred from a scene in one of our author's comedies, that they were sometimes worn in his time, by those who performed female characters7 note. But this, I imagine, was very rare. Some of the female part of the audience likewise appeared in masks8 note

















.

-- 117 --

Both the prompter, or book-holder, as he was sometimes called, and the property-man, appear to be regular appendages of our ancient theatres9 note.

-- 118 --

The stage dresses, it is reasonable to suppose, were much more costly in some playhouses than others. Yet the wardrobe of even the king's servants at The Globe and Blackfriars was, we find, but scantily furnished; and our author's dramas derived very little aid from the splendour of exhibition1 note

.

It is well known, that in the time of Shakspeare, and for many years afterwards, female characters were represented solely by boys or young men. Nashe, in a pamphlet published in 1592, speaking in defence of the English stage, boasts that the players of his time were “not as the players beyond sea, a sort of squirting bawdie comedians, that have whores and common curtizans to play women's parts2 note.” What Nashe considered as an high eulogy on his country, Prynne has made one of his principal charges against the English stage; having employed several pages in his bulky

-- 119 --

volume, and quoted many hundred authorities, to prove that “those playes wherein any men act women's parts in woman's apparell must needs be sinful, yea, abominable unto christians3 note.” The grand basis of his argument is a text in scripture; Deuteronomy, xxii. 5; “The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto man, neither shall a man put on a woman's garment:” a precept, which Sir Richard Baker has justly remarked, is no part of the moral law, and ought not to be understood literally. “Where,” says Sir Richard, “finds he this precept? Even in the same place where he finds also that we must not weare cloaths of linsey-woolsey: and seeing we lawfully now wear cloaths of linsey-woolsey, why may it not be as lawful for men to put on women's garments4 note?”

It may perhaps be supposed, that Prynne, having thus vehemently inveighed against men's representing female characters on the stage, would not have been averse to the introduction of women in the scene; but sinful as this zealot thought it in men to assume the garments of the other sex, he considered it as not less abominable in women to tread the stage in their own proper dress: for he informs us, “that some Frenchwomen, or monsters rather, in Michaelmas term, 1629, attempted to act a French play at the playhouse in Blackfriers,” which he represents as “an impudent, shameful, unwomanish, graceless, if not more than whorish attempt5 note

.”

-- 120 --

Soon after the period he speaks of, a regular French theatre was established in London, where without doubt women acted6 note

. They had long before

-- 121 --

appeared on the Italian as well as the French stage. When Coryate was at Venice, [July, 1608,] he tells

-- 122 --

us, he was at one of their playhouses, and saw a comedy acted. “The house, (he adds) is very beggarly and base, in comparison of our stately playhouses in England; neither can their actors compare with us for apparell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before; for I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been some times used in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor7 note.”

The practice of men's performing the parts of women in the scene is of the highest antiquity. On

-- 123 --

the Grecian stage no woman certainly ever acted. From Plutarch's Life of Phocion, we learn, that in his time (about three hundred and eighteen years before the Christian era) the performance of a tragedy at Athens was interrupted for some time by one of the actors, who was to personate a queen, refusing to come on the stage, because he had not a suitable mask and dress, and a train of attendants richly habited; and Demosthenes in one of his orations8 note, mentions Theodorus and Aristodemus as having often represented the Antigone of Sophocles9 note. This fact is also ascertained by an anecdote preserved by Aulus Gellius. A very celebrated actor, whose name was Polus, was appointed to perform the part of Electra in Sophocles's play; who in the progress of

-- 124 --

the drama appears with an urn in her hands, containing, as she supposes, the ashes of Orestes. The actor having some time before been deprived by death of a beloved son, to indulge his grief, as it should seem, procured the urn which contained the ashes of his child, to be brought from his tomb; which affected him so much, that when he appeared with it on the scene, he embraced it with unfeigned sorrow, and burst into tears1 note

.

That on the Roman stage also female parts were represented by men in tragedy, is ascertained by one of Cicero's letters to Atticus, in which he speaks of Antipho2 note, who performed the part of Andromache; and by a passage in Horace, who informs us, that Fusius Phocæus being to perform the part of Ilione, the wife of Polymnestor, in a tragedy written either by Accius or Pacuvius, and being in the course of the play to be awakened out of sleep by the cries of the shade of Polydorus, got so drunk, that he fell

-- 125 --

into a real and profound sleep, from which no noise could rouse him3 note


.

Horace indeed mentions a female performer, called Arbuscula4 note

; but as we find from his own authority that men personated women on the Roman stage, she probably was only an emboliaria, who performed in the interludes and dances exhibited between the acts and at the end of the play. Servius5 note calls her mima, but that may mean nothing more than one who acted in the mimes, or danced in the pantomime dances6 note; and this seems the more probable from the manner in which she is mentioned by Cicero, from whom, as I have before observed, we learn that the part of Andromache was performed by a male actor, on that very day when Arbuscula exhibited with the highest applause7 note.

The same practice prevailed in the time of the emperors; for in the list of parts which Nero, with a preposterous ambition, acted in the publick theatre, we find that of Canace, who was represented in labour on the stage8 note.

In the interludes exhibited between the acts undoubtedly women appeared. The elder Pliny informs us, that a female named Lucceïa acted in these interludes for an hundred years; and Galeria Copiola for above ninety years; having been first introduced on the scene in the fourteenth year of her age, in the

-- 126 --

year of Rome 672, when Caius Marius the younger, and Cneius Carbo were consuls, and having performed in the 104th year of her age, six years before the death of Augustus, in the consulate of C. Poppæus and Quintus Sulpicius, A. U. C. 7629 note.

Eunuchs also sometimes represented women on the Roman stage, as they do at this day in Italy; for we find that Sporus, who made so conspicuous a figure in the time of Nero, being appointed in the year 70, [A. U. C. 823] to personate a nymph, who, in an interlude exhibited before Vitellius, was to be carried off by a ravisher, rather than endure the indignity of wearing a female dress on the stage, put himself to death1 note: a singular end for one, who about ten years before had been publickly espoused to Nero, in the hymeneal veil, and had been carried through one of the streets of Rome by the side of that monster, in the imperial robes of the empresses, ornamented with a profusion of jewels.

Thus ancient was the usage, which, though not adopted in the neighbouring countries of France and Italy, prevailed in England from the infancy of the stage. The prejudice against women appearing on the scene continued so strong, that till near the time of the Restoration, boys constantly performed female characters: and, strange as it may now appear, the old practice was not deserted without many apologies for the indecorum of the novel usage. In 1659 or 1660, in imitation of the foreign theatres, women were first introduced on the scene. In 1656, indeed, Mrs. Coleman, the wife of Mr. Edward Coleman, represented Ianthe in the First Part of D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes; but the little she had to say was spoken in recitative. The first woman that appeared in any regular drama on a publick stage, performed

-- 127 --

the part of Desdemona; but who the lady was, I am unable to ascertain. The play of Othello is enumerated by Downes as one of the stock-plays of the king's company on their opening their theatre in Drury Lane in April, 1663; and it appears from a paper found with Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book, and indorsed by him2 note, that it was one of the stockplays of the same company from the time they began to play without a patent at the Red Bull in St. John Street. Mrs. Hughs performed the part of Desdemona in 1663, when the company removed to Drury Lane, and obtained the title of the king's servants; but whether she performed with them while they played at the Red Bull, or in Vere Street, near Clare Market, has not been ascertained. Perhaps Mrs. Saunderson made her first essay there, though she afterwards was enlisted in D'Avenant's company. The received tradition is, that she was the first English actress3 note

. The verses which were spoken by way

-- 128 --

of introducing a female to the audience, were written by Thomas Jordan, and being only found in a very scarce miscellany4 note, I shall here transcribe them:

“A Prologue, to introduce the first woman that came to act on the stage, in the tragedy called The Moor of Venice.
“I come, unknown to any of the rest,
“To tell you news; I saw the lady drest:
“The woman plays to-day: mistake me not,
“No man in gown, or page in petticoat:
“A woman to my knowledge; yet I can't,
“If I should die, make affidavit on't.
“Do you not twitter, gentlemen? I know
“You will be censuring: do it fairly though.
“'Tis possible a virtuous woman may
“Abhor all sorts of looseness, and yet play;
“Play on the stage,—where all eyes are upon her:—
“Shall we count that a crime, France counts an honour?
“In other kingdoms husbands safely trust 'em;
“The difference lies only in the custom.
“And let it be our custom, I advise;
“I'm sure this custom's better than th'excise,
“And may procure us custom: hearts of flint
“Will melt in passion, when a woman's in't.
“But gentlemen, you that as judges sit
“In the star-chamber of the house, the pit,
“Have modest thoughts of her; pray, do not run
“To give her visits when the play is done,
“With ‘damn me, your most humble servant, lady;’
“She knows these things as well as you, it may be:
“Not a bit there, dear gallants, she doth know
“Her own deserts,—and your temptations too.—
“But to the point:—In this reforming age
“We have intents to civilize the stage.
“Our women are defective, and so siz'd,
“You'd think they were some of the guard disguis'd:
“For, to speak truth, men act, that are between
“Forty and fifty, wenches of fifteen;

-- 129 --


“With bone so large, and nerve so incompliant,
“When you call Desdemona, enter Giant.—
“We shall purge every thing that is unclean,
“Lascivious, scurrilous, impious, or obscene;
“And when we've put all things in this fair way,
“Barebones himself may come to see a play5 note









.”

The Epilogue, which consists of but twelve lines, is in the same strain of apology:
“And how do you like her? Come, what is 't ye drive at?
“She's the same thing in publick as in private;
“As far from being what you call a whore;
“As Desdemona, injur'd by the Moor:
“Then he that censures her in such a case,
“Hath a soul blacker than Othello's face.
“But, ladies, what think you? for if you tax
“Her freedom with dishonour to your sex,
“She means to act no more, and this shall be
“No other play but her own tragedy.
“She will submit to none but your commands,
“And take commission only from your hands.”

From a paper in Sir Henry Herbert's hand-writing, I find that Othello was performed by the Red Bull company, (afterwards his Majesties servants,) at their new theatre in Vere Street, near Clare Market, on Saturday, December 8, 1660, for the first time that winter. On that day therefore it is probable an actress first appeared on the English stage. This theatre was opened on Thursday, November 8, with the play of King Henry the Fourth. Most of Jordan's

-- 130 --

prologues and epilogues appear to have been written for that company.

It is certain, however, that for some time after the Restoration men also acted female parts6 note













; and Mr. Kynaston, even after women had assumed their proper rank on the stage, was not only endured, but admired; if we may believe a contemporary writer; who assures us, “that being then very young, he made a complete stage beauty, performing his parts so well, (particularly Arthiope and Aglaura,) that it has since been disputable among the judicious, whether any woman that succeeded him, touched the audience so sensibly as he7 note.”

In D'Avenant's company, the first actress that appeared was probably Mrs. Saunderson, who performed Ianthe in The Siege of Rhodes, on the opening of his

-- 131 --

new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, in April, 16628 note. It does not appear from Downes's account, that while D'Avenant's company performed at the Cockpit in Drury Lane during the years 1659, 1660, and 1661, they had any female performer among them: or that Othello was acted by them at that period.

In the infancy of the English stage it was customary in every piece to introduce a Clown, “by his mimick gestures to breed in the less capable mirth and laughter9 note.” The privileges of the Clown were very extensive; for, between the acts, and sometimes between the scenes, he claimed a right to enter on the stage, and to excite merriment by any species of buffoonery that struck him. Like the Harlequin of the Italian comedy, his wit was often extemporal, and he sometimes entered into a contest of raillery and sarcasm with some of the audience1 note















. He generally

-- 132 --

threw his thoughts into hobbling doggrel verses, which he made shorter or longer as he found convenient; but, however irregular his metre might be, or whatever the length of his verses, he always took care to tag them with words of corresponding sound: like Dryden's Doeg,


“He fagotted his notions as they fell,
“And if they rhym'd and rattled, all was well.”

Thomas Wilson and Richard Tarleton, both sworn servants to Queen Elizabeth, were the most popular performers of that time in this department of the drama, and are highly praised by the Continuator of Stowe's Annals, for “their wondrous plentiful, pleasant, and extemporal wit2 note

.” Tarleton, whose comick powers were so great, that, according to Sir Richard Baker, “he delighted the spectators before he had spoken a word,” is thus described in a very rare old pamphlet3 note: “The next, by his sute of russet, his buttoned cap, his taber, his standing on the toe, and other tricks, I knew to be either the body or resemblance of Tarleton, who living, for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and, dying, for mirth left not his like.” In 1611 was published a book entitled his Jeasts, in which some specimens are given of the

-- 133 --

extempore wit which our ancestors thought so excellent. As he was performing some part “at the Bull in Bishops-gate-street, where the Queenes players oftentimes played,” while he was “kneeling down to aske his fathers blessing,” a fellow in the gallery threw an apple at him, which hit him on the cheek. He immediately took up the apple, and advancing to the audience, addressed them in these lines:
“Gentlemen, this fellow, with his face of mapple4 note






,
“Instead of a pippin hath throwne me an apple;
“But as for an apple he hath cast a crab,
“So instead of an honest woman God hath sent him a drab.” “The people, (says the relater,) laughed heartily; for the fellow had a quean to his wife.”

Another of these stories, which I shall give in the author's own words, establishes what I have already mentioned, that it was customary for the Clown to talk to the audience or the actors ad libitum.

“At the Bull at Bishops-gate, was a play of Henry the Fifth, [the performance which preceded Shakspeare's,]

-- 134 --

wherein the judge was to take a box on the eare; and because he was absent that should take the blow, Tarlton himselfe ever forward to please, tooke upon him to play the same judge, besides his own part of the clowne; and Knel, then playing Henry the Fifth, hit Tarleton a sound box indeed, which made the people laugh the more, because it was he: but anon the judge goes in, and immediately Tarleton in his clownes cloathes comes out, and asks the actors, What news? O, saith one, had'st thou been here, thou shouldest have seen Prince Henry hit the judge a terrible box on the eare. What, man, said Tarlton, strike a judge! It is true, i'faith, said the other. No other like, said Tarlton, and it could not be but terrible to the judge, when the report so terrifies me, that methinks the blowe remaines still on my cheeke, that it burnes againe. The people laught at this mightily, and to this day I have heard it commended for rare; but no marvell, for he had many of these. But I would see our clownes in these days do the like. No, I warrant ye; and yet they thinke well of themselves too.”

The last words show that this practice was not discontinued in the time of Shakspeare, and we here see that he had abundant reason for his precept in Hamlet: “Let those that play your clowns, speak no more than is set down for them; for there be of them, that will of themselves laugh, to set on some quantity of barren spectators to laugh too; though in the mean time some necessary question of the play be then to be considered.”

This practice was undoubtedly coeval with the English stage; for we are told that Sir Thomas More, while he lived as a page with Archbishop Moreton, (about the year 1490,) as the Christmas plays were going on in the palace, would sometimes suddenly step upon the stage, “without studying for

-- 135 --

the matter,” and exhibit a part of his own, which gave the audience much more entertainment than the whole performance besides5 note.

But the peculiar province of the Clown was to entertain the audience after the play was finished, at which time themes were sometimes given to him by some of the spectators, to descant upon6 note



; but more commonly the audience were entertained by a jig. A jig was a ludicrous metrical composition, often in rhyme, which was sung by the Clown, who likewise, I believe, occasionally danced, and was always accompanied by a tabor and pipe7 note



































. In these jigs more

-- 136 --

persons than one were sometimes introduced. The original of the entertainment which this buffoon

-- 137 --

afforded our ancestors between the acts and after the play, may be traced to the satyrical interludes of Greece8 note




, and the Attellans and Mimes of the Roman stage9 note

. The Exodiarii and Emboliariæ of the

-- 138 --

Mimes are undoubtedly the remote progenitors of the Vice and Clown of our ancient dramas1 note.

-- 139 --

No writer that I have met with, intimates that in the time of Shakspeare it was customary to exhibit more than a single dramatick piece on one day2 note. Had any shorter pieces, of the same kind with our modern farces, (beside the jigs already mentioned,) been presented after the principal performance, some of them probably would have been printed; but there are none of them extant of an earlier date than the time of the Restoration3 note. The practice therefore of

-- 140 --

exhibiting two dramas successively in the same afternoon, we may be assured, was not established before that period. But though our ancient audiences were not gratified by the representation of more than one drama in the same day, the entertainment in the middle of the reign of Elizabeth was diversified, and the populace diverted, by vaulting, tumbling, slight of hand, and morrice-dancing4 note; and in the time of Shakspeare, by the extemporaneous buffoonery of the Clown, whenever he chose to solicit the attention of the audience: by singing and dancing between the acts, and either a song or the metrical jig already described at the end of the piece5 note






: a mixture not more

-- 141 --

heterogeneous than that with which we are now daily presented, a tragedy and a farce. In the dances, I believe, not only men, but boys in women's dresses, were introduced: a practice which prevailed on the Grecian stage6 note, and in France till late in the last century7 note.

The amusements of our ancestors, before the commencement of the play, were of various kinds. While some part of the audience entertained themselves with reading8 note















, or playing at cards9 note, others were employed

-- 142 --

in less refined occupations; in drinking ale1 note, or smoking tobacco2 note

: with these and nuts and apples they were furnished by male attendants, of whose clamour a satirical writer of the time of James I. loudly complains3 note



. In 1633, when Prynne published

-- 143 --

his Histriomastrix, women smoked tobacco in the playhouses as well as men4 note.

It was a common practice to carry table-books5 note





to the theatre, and either from curiosity, or enmity to the author, or some other motive, to write down passages of the play that was represented; and there is reason to believe that the imperfect and mutilated copies of one or two of Shakspeare's dramas, which are yet extant, were taken down by the ear or in short-hand during the exhibition.

At the end of the piece, the actors, in noblemen's houses and in taverns, where plays were frequently performed6 note

, prayed for the health and prosperity of their patrons; and in the publick theatres, for the king and

-- 144 --

queen7 note. This prayer sometimes made part of the epilogue8 note. Hence, probably, as Mr. Steevens has observed, the addition of Vivant rex et regina, to the modern play-bills.

Plays in the time of our author, began at one o'clock in the afternoon9 note
























; and the exhibition was sometimes

-- 145 --

finished in two hours1 note. Even in 1667, they commenced at three o'clock2 note

. About thirty years afterwards (in 1696) theatrical entertainments began an hour later3 note.

We have seen that in the infancy of our stage, Mysteries were usually acted in churches; and the practice of exhibiting religious dramas in buildings appropriated to the service of religion on the Lord's-day certainly continued after the Reformation.

During the reign of Queen Elizabeth plays were exhibited in the publick theatres on Sundays, as well as on other days of the week4 note

. The licence granted by

-- 146 --

that queen to James Burbage in 1574, which has been already printed in a former page5 note, shows that they were then represented on that day, out of the hours of prayer.

We are told indeed by John Field in his Declaration of God's Judgment at Paris Garden, that in the year 1580 “the magistrates of the city of London obtained from Queene Elizabeth, that all heathenish playes and enterludes should be banished upon sabbath dayes.” This prohibition, however, probably lasted but a short time; for her majesty, when she visited Oxford in 1592, did not scruple to be present at a theatrical exhibition on Sunday night, the 24th of September in that year6 note. During the reign of James the First, though dramatick entertainments were performed at court on Sundays7 note

, I believe, no

-- 147 --

plays were publickly represented on that day8 note

; and by the statute 3 Car. I. c. 1. their exhibition on the Sabbath day was absolutely prohibited: yet, notwithstanding this act of parliament, both plays and

-- 148 --

masques were performed at court on Sundays, during the first sixteen years of the reign of that king9 note



, and certainly in private houses, if not on the publick stage.

-- 149 --

It has been a question, whether it was formerly a common practice to ride on horseback to the playhouse; a circumstance that would scarcely deserve consideration if it were not in some sort connected with our author's history, a plausible story having been built on this foundation, relative to his first introduction to the stage.

The modes of conveyance to the theatre, anciently, as at present, seem to have been various; some going in coaches1 note




, others on horseback2 note

, and many by water3 note

. To the Globe playhouse the company probably

-- 150 --

were conveyed by water5 note









: to that in Blackfriars, the gentry went either in coaches6 note

, or on horseback; and the common people on foot7 note



.

-- 151 --

Plays in the time of King James the First (and probably afterwards,) appear to have been performed

-- 152 --

every day at each theatre during the winter season8 note

, except in the time of Lent, when they were not permitted

-- 153 --

on the sermon days, as they were called, that is, on Wednesday and Friday; nor on the other days of the week, except by special licence: which however was obtained by a fee paid to the Master of the Revels. In the summer season the stage exhibitions were continued, but during the long vacation they were less frequently repeated. However, it appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, that the king's company usually brought out two or three new plays at the Globe every summer9 note.

Though from the want of newspapers and other periodical publications, intelligence was not so speedily circulated in former times as at present, our ancient theatres do not appear to have laboured under any disadvantage in this respect; for the players printed and exposed accounts of the pieces that they intended to exhibit1 note

, which, however, did not contain a list of the

-- 154 --

characters, or the names of the actors by whom they were represented2 note

.

The long and whimsical titles which are prefixed to the quarto copies of our author's plays, were undoubtedly either written by booksellers, or transcribed from the play-bills of the time3 note

. They were equally calculated

-- 155 --

to attract the notice of the idle gazer in the walks at St Paul's, or to draw a croud about some vociferous Autolycus, who, perhaps was hired by the players thus to raise the expectations of the multitude. It is indeed absurd to suppose, that the modest Shakspeare, who has more than once apologized for his untutored lines, should in his manuscripts have entitled any of his dramas most excellent and pleasant performances4 note

.

-- 156 --

It is uncertain at what time the usage of giving authors a benefit on the third day of the exhibition of their piece, commenced. Mr. Oldys, in one of his manuscripts, intimates that dramatick poets had anciently their benefit on the first day that a new play was represented; a regulation which would have been very favourable to some of the ephemeral productions of modern times. I have found no authority which proves this to have been the case in the time of Shakspeare; but at the beginning of the present century it appears to have been customary in Lent for the players of the theatre in Drury Lane to divide the profits of the first representation of a new play among them5 note.

-- 157 --

From D'Avenant, indeed, we learn, that in the latter part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the poet had his benefit on the second day6 note





. As it was a general practice, in the time of Shakspeare, to sell the copy of the play to the theatre, I imagine, in such cases, an author derived no other advantage from his piece, than what arose from the sale of it. Sometimes, however, he found it more beneficial to retain the copyright in his own hands; and when he did so, I suppose he had a benefit. It is certain that the giving authors the profits of the third exhibition of their play, which seems to have been the usual mode during a great part of the last century, was an established custom in the year 1612; for Decker, in the prologue to one of his comedies, printed in that year, speaks of the poet's third day7 note














.

-- 158 --

The unfortunate Otway had no more than one benefit on the production of a new play; and this too, it seems, he was sometimes forced to mortgage, before the piece was acted8 note

. Southerne was the first dramatick writer who obtained the emoluments arising from two representations9 note





; and to Farquhar, in the year 1700, the benefit of a third was granted1 note; but this appears to have been a particular favour to that gentleman; for for several years afterwards dramatick poets had only the benefit of the third and sixth performance2 note



.

-- 159 --

The profit of three representations did not become the established right of authors till after the year 17203 note.

To the honour of Mr. Addison, it should be remembered, that he first discontinued the ancient, but humiliating, practice of distributing tickets, and soliciting company to attend at the theatre, on the poet's nights4 note.

When an author sold his piece to the sharers or proprietors of a theatre, it could not be performed by any other company5 note, and remained for several

-- 160 --

years unpublished6 note

; but, when that was not the case, he printed it for sale, to which many seem to have

-- 161 --

been induced from an apprehension that an imperfect copy might be issued from the press without their consent7 note. The customary price of the copy of a

-- 162 --

play, in the time of Shakspeare, appears to have been twenty nobles, or six pounds thirteen shillings and four-pence8 note

. The play when printed was sold

-- 163 --

for sixpence9 note

; and the usual present from a patron, in return for a dedication, was forty shillings1 note

.

-- 164 --

On the first day of exhibiting a new play, the prices of admission appear to have been raised2 note



,

-- 165 --

sometimes to double, sometimes to treble, prices3 note; and this seems to have been occasionally practised on the benefit-nights of authors, and on the representation of expensive plays, to the year 1726 in the present century4 note







.

Dramatick poets in ancient times, as at present, were admitted gratis into the theatre5 note












.

-- 166 --

It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book that the king's company between the years 1622 and 1641 produced either at Blackfriars or the Globe at least four new plays every year. Every play, before it was represented on the stage, was licensed by the Master of the Revels, for which he received in the time of Queen Elizabeth but a noble, though at a subsequent period the stated fee on this occasion rose to two pounds.

Neither Queen Elizabeth, nor King James the First, nor Charles the First, I believe, ever went to the publick theatre; but they frequently ordered plays to be performed at court, which were represented in the royal theatre called the Cockpit, in Whitehall: and the actors of the king's company were sometimes commanded to attend his majesty in his summer's progress, to perform before him in the country6 note

. Queen Henrietta Maria, however, went sometimes

-- 167 --

to the publick theatre at Blackfriars7 note. I find from the Council-books that in the the time of Elizabeth ten pounds was the payment for a play performed before her; that is, twenty nobles, or six pounds,

-- 168 --

thirteen shillings, and four-pence, as the regular and stated fee; and three pounds, six shillings, and eightpence, by way of bounty or reward. The same sum, as I learn from the manuscript notes of Lord Stanhope, Treasurer of the Chamber to King James the First, continued to be paid during his reign: and this was the stated payment during the reign of his successor also. Plays at court were usually performed at night, by which means they did not interfere with the regular exhibition at the publick theatres, which was early in the afternoon; and thus the royal bounty was for so much a clear profit to the company: but when a play was commanded to be performed at any of the royal palaces in the neighbourhood of London, by which the actors were prevented from deriving any profit from a public exhibition on the same day, the fee, as appears from a manuscript in the Lord Chamberlain's office, was, in the year 1630, and probably in Shakspeare's time also, twenty pounds8 note

; and this circumstance

-- 169 --

I formerly stated, as strongly indicating that the sum last mentioned was a very considerable produce on any one representation at the Blackfriars or Globe playhouse. The office-book which I have so often quoted, has fully confirmed my conjecture.

The custom of passing a final censure on plays at their first exhibition9 note, is as ancient as the time of our author; for no less than three plays1 note








of his rival, Ben Jonson, appear to have been deservedly damned2 note




;

-- 170 --

and Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess3 note, and The Knight of the Burning Pestle, written by him and Beaumont, underwent the same fate4 note.

It is not easy to ascertain what were the emoluments of a successful actor in the time of Shakspeare. They had not then annual benefits, as at present5 note

. The clear emoluments of the theatre, after deducting the nightly expences for lights, men occasionally hired for the evening, &c. which in Shakspeare's house was but forty-five shillings, were divided into shares, of which part belonged to the proprietors, who were called housekeepers, and the remainder was divided among the actors, according to their rank and merit. I suspect that the whole clear receipt was divided into forty shares, of which perhaps the housekeepers or proprietors had fifteen, the actors twenty-two, and

-- 171 --

three were devoted to the purchase of new plays, dresses, &c. From Ben Jonson's Poetaster, it should seem that one of the performers had seven shares and a half6 note; but of what integral sum is not mentioned. The person alluded to, (if any person was alluded to, which is not certain,) must, I think, have been a proprietor, as well as a principal actor. Our poet in his Hamlet, speaks of a whole share, as no contemptible emolument; and from the same play we learn that some of the performers had only half a share7 note















. Others probably had still less.

-- 172 --

It appears from a deed executed by Thomas Killigrew and others, that in the year 1666, the whole profit arising from acting plays, masques, &c. at the king's theatre, was divided into twelve shares and three quarters8 note

, of which Mr. Killigrew, the manager, had two shares and three quarters: and if we may trust to the statement in another very curious paper, inserted below, (which however was probably exaggerated,) each share produced, at the lowest calculation, about 250l.9 note per ann. net; and the total clear profits consequently were about 3187l. 10s. 0d.

-- 173 --

These shares were then distributed among the proprietors of the theatre, who at that time were not actors, the performers, and the dramatick poets, who were retained in the service of the theatre, and received a part of the annual produce as a compensation for the pieces which they produced1 note





.

-- 174 --

In a paper delivered by Sir Henry Herbert to Lord Clarendon and the Lord Chamberlain, July 11, 1662, which will be found in a subsequent page, he states the emolument which Mr. Thomas Killigrew then derived (from his two shares and three quarters,) at 19l. 6s. 0d. per week; according to which statement each share in the king's company produced but two hundred and ten pounds ten shillings a year. In Sir William D'Avenant's company, from the time

-- 175 --

their new theatre was opened in Portugal Row, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, (April 1662,) the total receipt (after deducting the nightly charges of “men hirelings and other customary expences,”) was divided into fifteen shares, of which it was agreed by articles previously entered into2 note, that ten should belong to D'Avenant; viz. two “towards the house-rent, buildings, scaffolding, and making of frames for scenes; one for a provision of habits, properties, and scenes, for a supplement of the said theatre; and seven to maintain all the women that are to perform or represent women's parts, in tragedies, comedies, &c. and in consideration of erecting and establishing his actors to be a company, and his pains and expences for that purpose for many years.” The other five shares were divided in various proportions among the rest of the troop.

In the paper above referred to it is stated by Sir Henry Herbert, that D'Avenant “drew from these ten shares two hundred pounds a week;” and if that statement was correct, each share in his play-house then produced annually six hundred pounds, supposing the acting season to have then lasted for thirty weeks.

Such were the emoluments of the theatre soon after the Restoration; which I have stated here, from authentick documents, because they may assist us in our conjectures concerning the profits derived from stage-exhibitions at a more remote and darker period.

From the prices of admission into our ancient theatres in the time of Shakspeare, which have been already noticed, I formerly conjectured that about twenty pounds was a considerable receipt at the Blackfriars and Globe theatre, on any one day; and my conjecture is now confirmed by indisputable evidence. In Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book I find the

-- 176 --

following curious notices on this subject, under the year 1628:

“The kinges company with a generall consent and alacritye have given mee the benefitt of too dayes in the yeare, the one in summer, thother in winter, to bee taken out of the second daye of a revived playe, att my owne choyse. The housekeepers have likewyse given their shares, their dayly charge only deducted, which comes to some 2l. 5s. this 25 May, 1628.

“The benefitt of the first day, being a very unseasonable one in respect of the weather, comes but unto £4. 15. 0.”

This agreement subsisted for five years and a half, during which time Sir Henry Herbert had ten benefits, the most profitable of which produced seventeen pounds, and ten shillings, net, on the 22d of Nov. 1628, when Fletcher's Custom of the Country was performed at Blackfriars; and the least emolument which he received was on the representation of a play which is not named, at the Globe, in the summer of the year 1632, which produced only the sum of one pound and five shillings, after deducting from the total receipt in each instance the nightly charge above mentioned. I shall give below the receipt taken by him on each of the ten performances; from which it appears that his clear profit at an average on each of his nights, was £8. 19. 4.3 note


. and the total nightly receipt was at an average—£11. 4. 4.

-- 177 --

On the 30th of October, 1633, the managers of the king's company agreed to pay him the fixed sum of

-- 178 --

ten pounds every Christmas, and the same sum at Midsummer, in lieu of his two benefits, which sums they regularly paid him from that time till the breaking out of the civil wars.

From the receipts on these benefits I am led to believe that the prices were lower at the Globe theatre, and that therefore, though it was much larger than the winter theatre at Blackfriars, it did not produce a greater sum of money on any representation. If we suppose twenty pounds, clear of the nightly charges already mentioned, to have been a very considerable receipt at either of these houses, and that this sum was in our poet's time divided into forty shares, of which fifteen were appropriated to the housekeepers or proprietors, three to the purchase of copies of new plays, stage-habits, &c. and twenty-two to the actors, then the performer who had two shares on the representation of each play, received, when the theatre was thus successful, twenty shillings. But supposing the average nightly receipt (after deducting the nightly expences) to be about nine pounds, which we have seen to be the case, then his nightly dividend would be but nine shillings, and his weekly profit, if they played five times a week, two pounds five shillings. The

-- 179 --

acting season, I believe, at that time lasted forty weeks. In each of the companies then subsisting there were about twenty persons, six of whom probably were principal, and the others subordinate; so that we may suppose two shares to have been the reward of a principal actor; six of the second class perhaps enjoyed a whole share each; and each of the remaining eight half a share. On all these data, I think it may be safely concluded, that the performers of the first class did not derive from their profession more than ninety pounds a year at the utmost4 note

. Shakspeare, Heminges, Condell, Burbadge, Lowin, and Taylor had without doubt other shares as proprietors or leaseholders; but what the different proportions were which each of them possessed in that right, it is now impossible to ascertain. According to the supposition already stated, that fifteen shares out of forty were appropriated to the proprietors, then was there on this account a sum of six hundred and seventy-five pounds annually to be divided among them. Our poet, as author, actor, and proprietor, probably received from the theatre about two hundred pounds a year.—Having after a very long search lately discovered the will of Mr. Heminges, I hoped to have derived from it some information on this subject; but I was disappointed. He indeed more than once mentions his several parts or “shares

-- 180 --

held by lease in the Globe and Blackfriars playhouses5 note;” but uses no expression by which the value of each of those shares can be ascertained. His books of account, which he appears to have regularly kept, and which, he says, will show that his shares yielded him “a good yearly profit,” will probably, if they shall ever be found, throw much light on our early stage history.

Thus scanty and meagre were the apparatus and accommodations of our ancient theatres, on which those dramas were first exhibited, that have since engaged the attention of so many learned men, and delighted so many thousand spectators. Yet even then, we are told by a writer of that age6 note

, “dramatick poesy was

-- 181 --

so lively expressed and represented on the publick stages and theatres of this city, as Rome in the auge of her pomp and glory, never saw it better performed; in respect of the action and art, not of the cost and sumptuousness.”

Of the actors on whom this high encomium is pronounced, the original performers in our author's plays were undoubtedly the most eminent. The following is the only information that I have obtained concerning them.

-- 182 --

NAMES OF THE ORIGINAL ACTORS IN THE PLAYS OF SHAKSPEARE. FROM THE FOLIO 16231 note.

RICHARD BURBADGE2 note

,

the most celebrated tragedian of our author's time, was the son of James Burbadge, who was also an actor, and perhaps a countryman of Shakspeare. He lived in Holywell Street, in the parish of St. Leonard, Shoreditch; from which circumstance I conjecture that he had originally played at the Curtain theatre, which was in that neighbourhood; for he does not appear to have been born in that parish; at least I searched the Register from its commencement in 1558,

-- 183 --

in vain, for his birth. It is strange, however, that he should have continued to live from the year 1600 to his death, in a place which was near three miles distant from the Blackfriars playhouse, and still further from the Globe, in which theatres he acted during the whole of that time. He appears to have married about the year 1600; and if at that time we suppose him thirty years old, his birth must be placed in 1570. By his wife, whose christian name was Winefrid, he had four daughters; Juliet, or Julia, (for the name is written both ways in the Register,) who was baptized Jan. 2, 1602–3, and died in 1608; Frances, baptized Sept. 16, 1604; Winefrid, baptized Octob. 5, 1613, and buried in October, 1616; and a second Juliet (or Julia,) who was baptized Dec. 26, 1614. This child and Frances appear to have survived their father. His fondness for the name of Juliet, perhaps arose from his having been the original Romeo in our author's play.

Camden has placed the death of Burbadge on the 9th of March, 16193 note. On what day he died, is now of little consequence; but to ascertain the degree of credit due to historians is of some importance; and it may be worth while to remark how very seldom minute accuracy is to be expected even from contemporary writers. The fact is, that Burbadge died some days later, probably on the 13th of that month; for his will was made on the 12th, and he was buried in the church of St. Leonard, Shoreditch, on the 16th of March, 1618–19. His last will, extracted from the registry of the Prerogative court, is as follows:

Memorandum, That on Fridaye the twelfth of March, Anno Domini, one thousand six hundred and eighteen, Richard Burbage of the parish of Saint Leonard, Shoreditch, in the county of Middlesex,

-- 184 --

gent. being sick in body, but of good and perfect remembrance, did make his last will and testament, nuncupative, in manner and form following; viz. He, the said Richard did nominate and appoint his well beloved wife, Winifride Burbage to be his sole executrix of all his goods and chattels whatsoever, in the presence and hearing of the persons undernamed:


Cuthbert Burbadge, brother to the testator. X The mark of Elizabeth, his wife. Nicholas Tooley. Anne Lancaster. Richard Robinson. X The mark of Elizabeth Graves. Henry Jacksonne.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London, coram judice, 22o Aprilis 1619, juramento Winifride Burbadge, relictæ dicti defuncti et executricis in eodem testamento nominat. cui commissa fuit administratio de bene, &c. jurat.”

Richard Burbadge is introduced in person in an old play called The Returne from Parnassus, (written in or about 1602,) and instructs a Cambridge scholar how to play the part of King Richard the Third, in which Burbadge was greatly admired. That he represented this character, is ascertained by Bishop Corbet, who in his Iter Boreale, speaking of his host at Leicester, tells us,


“&lblank; when he would have said, King Richard died,
“And call'd a horse, a horse, he Burbage cry'd.”

He probably also performed the parts of King John, Richard the Second, Henry the Fifth, Timon, Brutus, Coriolanus, Macbeth, Lear, and Othello.

-- 185 --

From the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, 1604, in which he is introduced personally, it appears that he acted the part of Malevole in that play.

He was one of the principal sharers or proprietors of the Globe and Blackfriars theatres; and was of such eminence, that in a letter preserved in the British Museum, written in the year 1613, (MSS. Harl. 7002,) the actors at the Globe are called Burbadge's Company3 note.

The following character of this celebrated player is given by Fleckno in his Short Discourse of the English Stage, 1664:

“He was a delightful Proteus, so wholly transforming himself into his parts, and putting off himself with his cloaths, as he never (not so much as in the tyring house) assumed himself again, untill the play was done. He had all the parts of an excellent orator, animating his words with speaking, and speech with action; his auditors being never more delighted than when he spake, nor more sorry than when he held his peace: yet even then he was an excellent actor still; never failing in his part when he had done speaking, but with his looks and gesture maintaining it still to the height.”

It should not, however, be concealed, that Fleckno had previously printed this character as a portrait of An excellent Actor, in general, and there is reason to believe that this writer never saw Burbadge: for Fleckno did not die till about the year 1682 or 1683, and consequently, supposing him then seventy-five years old, he must have been a boy when this celebrated player died. The testimony of Sir Richard

-- 186 --

Baker is of more value, who pronounces him to have been, “such an actor, as no age must ever look to see the like.” Sir Richard Baker was born in 1568, and died in 1644–5; and appears, from various passages in his works, to have paid much attention to the theatre, in defence of which he wrote a treatise.

In Philpot's additions to Camden's Remains, we find an epitaph on this tragedian, more concise than even that on Ben Jonson; being only, “Exit Burbidge.”

The following old epitaph on Burbadge, which is found in a MS. in the Museum, (MSS. Sloan. 1786,) is only worthy of preservation, as it shows how high the reputation of this actor was in his own age:

“Epitaph on Mr. Richard Burbage, the player4 note.
“This life's a play, scean'd out by natures arte,
“Where every man hath his allotted parte.
“This man hathe now (as many more can tell)
“Ended his part, and he hath acted well.
“The play now ended, think his grave to be
“The detiring howse of his sad tragedie;
“Where to give his fame this, be not afraid,
“Here lies the best tragedian ever plaid.”

JOHN HEMINGES is said by Roberts the player to have been a tragedian, and in conjunction with Condell, to have followed the

-- 187 --

business of printing5 note; but it does not appear that he had any authority for these assertions. In some tract, of which I have forgot to preserve the title, he is said to have been the original performer of Falstaff.

He lived in the parish of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, a residence sufficiently commodious for his performances at the Globe theatre, to which, by crossing the Thames, he could reach in a short time. I searched the register of that parish for the time of his birth, in vain. Ben Jonson in the year 1616, as we have just seen, calls him old Mr. Heminge: if at that time he was sixty years of age, then his birth must be placed in 1556. I suspect that both he and Burbadge were Shakspeare's countrymen, and that Heminges was born at Shottery, a village in Warwickshire, at a very small distance from Stratford-upon-Avon; where Shakspeare found his wife. I find two families of this name settled in that town early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Elizabeth, the daughter of John Heming of Shottery, was baptized at Stratford-upon-Avon, March 12, 1567. This John might have been the father of the actor, though I have found no entry relative to his baptism: for he was probably born before the year 1558, when the register commenced. In the village of Shottery also lived Richard Hemyng, who had a son christened by the name of John, March 7, 1570. Of the Burbadge family the only notice I have found, is, an entry in the Register of the parish of Stratford, October 12, 1565, on which day Philip Green was married in that town to Ursula Burbadge, who might have been sister to James Burbadge,

-- 188 --

the father of the actor, whose marriage I suppose to have taken place about that time. If this conjecture be well founded, our poet, we see, had an easy introduction to the theatre6 note

[unresolved image link]

.

-- 198 --

John Heminges appears to have married in or before the year 1589, his eldest daughter, Alice, having been baptized October 6, 1590. Beside this child, he had four sons; John, born in 1598, who died an infant; a second John, baptized August 7, 1599; William, baptized, October 3, 1602, and George, baptized February 11, 1603–4; and eight daughters; Judith, Thomasine, Joan, Rebecca, Beatrice, Elizabeth, Mary, (who died in 1611,) and Margaret. Of his daughters, four only appear to have been married; Alice to John Atkins in January, 1612–13; Rebecca to Captain William Smith; Margaret to Mr. Thomas Sheppard, and another to a person of the name of Merefield. The eldest son, John, probably died in his father's life-time, as by his last will he constituted his son William his executor.

William, whose birth Wood has erroneously placed in 1605, was bred at Westminster school, and in 1621 was a student of Christ Church, Oxford, where he took the degree of a Master of Arts in 1628. Soon after his father's death he commenced a dramatick poet, having produced in March, 1632–3, a comedy entitled The Coursinge of a Hare, or the Madcapp6 note, which was performed at the Fortune theatre, but is now lost. He was likewise author of two other

-- 190 --

plays which are extant; The Fatal Contract, published in 1653, and The Jews Tragedy, 1662.

From an entry in the Council-books at Whitehall, I find that John Heminges was one of the principal proprietors of the Globe playhouse, before the death of Queen Elizabeth. He is joined with Shakspeare, Burbadge, &c. in the licence granted by King James, immediately after his accession to the throne in 1603; and all the payments made by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1613, on account of plays performed at court, are “to John Heminge and the rest of his fellows.” So also in several subsequent years, in that and the following reign. In 1623, in conjunction with Condell, he published the first complete edition of our author's plays; soon after which it has been supposed that he withdrew from the theatre; but this is a mistake. He certainly then ceased to act7 note, but he continued chief director of the king's company of comedians to the time of his death. He died at his house in Aldermanbury, where he had long lived, on the 10th of October, 1630, in, as I conjecture, the 74th or 75th year of his age, and was buried on the 12th, as appears by the Register of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, in which he is styled “John Heminge, player.”

I suspect he died of the plague, which had raged so violently that year, that the playhouses were shut up in April, and not permitted to be opened till the 12th of November, at which time the weekly bill of those who died in London of that distemper, was

-- 191 --

diminished to twenty-nine8 note. His son William, into whose hands his papers must have fallen, survived him little more than twenty years, having died some time before the year 1653: and where those books of account, of which his father speaks, now are, cannot be ascertained. One cannot but entertain a wish, that at some future period they may be discovered, as they undoubtedly would throw some light on our ancient stage-history. The day before his death, John Heminges made his will, of which I subjoin a copy, extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court. In this instrument he styles himself a grocer, but how he obtained his freedom of the Grocers' Company, does not appear.

In the name of God, Amen, the 9th day of October, 1630, and in the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, Charles, by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. I John Heminge, citizen and grocer of London, being of perfect mind and memory, thanks be therefore given unto Almighty God, yet well knowing and considering the frailty and incertainty of man's life, do therefore make, ordain, and declare this my last will and testament in manner and form following.

“First, and principally, I give and bequeath my soul into the hands of Almighty God, my Maker and Creator, hoping and assuredly believing through the only merits, death and passion, of Jesus Christ my saviour and redeemer, to obtain remission and pardon of all my sins, and to enjoy eternal happiness in the kingdom of heaven; and my body I commit to the earth, to be buried in christian manner, in the parish church of Mary Aldermanbury in London, as near unto my

-- 192 --

loving wife Rebecca Heminge, who lieth there interred, and under the same stone which lieth in part over her there, if the same conveniently may be: wherein I do desire my executor herein after named carefully to see my will performed, and that my funeral may be in decent and comely manner performed in the evening, without any vain pomp, or cost therein to be bestowed.

“Item, My will is, that all such debts as I shall happen to owe at the time of my decease to any person or persons, (being truly and properly mine own debts,) shall be well and truly satisfied and paid as soon after my decease as the same conveniently may be; and to that intent and purpose my will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint, that all my leases, goods, chattles, plate, and household stuffe whatsoever, which I leave or shall be possessed of at the time of my decease, shall immediately after my decease be sold to the most and best benefit and advantage that the same or any of them may or can, and that the monies thereby raised shall go and be employed towards the payment and discharge of my said debts, as soon as the same may be converted into monies and be received, without fraud or covin; and that if the same leases, goods, and chattles, shall not raise so much money as shall be sufficient to pay my debts, then my will and mind is, and I do hereby will and appoint, that the moiety or one half of the yearly benefit and profit of the several parts which I have by lease in the several playhouses of the Globe and Black-fryers, for and during such time and term as I have therein, be from time to time received and taken up by my executor herein after named, and by him from time to time faithfully employed towards the payment of such of my said own proper debts which shall remain unsatisfied, and that proportionably to every person and persons

-- 193 --

to whom I shall then remain indebted, until by the said moiety or one half of the said yearly benefit and profit of the said parts they shall be satisfied and paid without fraud or covin. And if the said moiety or one half of the said yearly benefit of my said parts in the said play-houses shall not in some convenient time raise sufficient moneys to pay my said own debts, then my will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint, that the other moiety or half part of the benefit and profit of my said parts in the said play-houses be also received and taken up by my said executor herein after named, and faithfully from time to time employed and paid towards the speedier satisfaction and payment of my said debts. And then, after my said debts shall be so satisfied and paid, then I limit and appoint the said benefit and profit arising by my said parts in the said play-houses, and the employment of the same, to be received and employed towards the payment of the legacies by me herein after given and bequeathed, and to the raising of portions for such of my said children as at the time of my decease shall have received from me no advancement. And I do hereby desire my executor herein after named to see this my will and meaning herein to be well and truly performed, according to the trust and confidence by me in him reposed.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto my daughter Rebecca Smith, now wife of Captain William Smith, my best suit of linen, wrought with cutwork, which was her mother's; and to my son Smith, her husband, his wife's picture, set up in a frame in my house.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Margaret Sheppard, wife of Mr. Thomas Sheppard, my red cushions embroidered with bugle, which were her mother's; and to my said son Sheppard, his

-- 194 --

wife's picture, which is also set up in a frame in my house.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Elizabeth, my green cushions which were her mother's.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Merefield my clothe-of-silver striped cushions which were her mother's.

Item, I give and bequeath unto so many of my daughter Merefield's, and my daughter Sheppard's children, as shall be living at the time of my decease, fifty shillings apiece.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my grandchild, Richard Atkins, the sum of five pounds of lawful money of England, to buy him books.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my son-in-law John Atkins, and his now wife, if they shall be living with me at the time of my decease, forty shillings, to make them two rings, in remembrance of me.

Item, I give and bequeath unto every of my fellows and sharers, his majesties servants which shall be living at the time of my decease, the sum of ten shillings apiece, to make them rings for remembrance of me.

Item, I give and bequeath unto John Rice, Clerk, of St. Saviour's in Southwark, (if he shall be living at the time of my decease,) the sum of twenty shillings of lawful English money, for a remembrance of my love unto him.

Item, I give and bequeath unto the poor of the parish of St Mary, Aldermanbury, where I long lived, and whither I have bequeathed my body for burial, the sum of forty shillings of lawful English money, to be distributed by the churchwardens of the same parish where most need shall be.

Item, My will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint that the several legacies and sums of

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money by me herein before bequeathed to be paid in money, be raised and taken out of the yearly profit and benefit which shall arise or be made by my several parts and shares in the several playhouses called the Globe and Blackfriers, after my said debts shall be paid, with as much speed as the same conveniently may be; and I do hereby will, require, and charge my executor herein after named especially to take care that my debts, first, and then those legacies, be well and truly paid and discharged, as soon as the same may be so raised by the sale of my goods and by the yearly profits of my parts and shares; and that my estate may be so ordered to the best profit and advantage for the better payment of my debts and discharge of my legacies before mentioned with as much speed as the same conveniently may be, according as I have herein before in this will directed and appointed the same to be, without any lessening, diminishing, or undervaluing thereof, contrary to my true intent and meaning herein declared. And for the better performance thereof, my will, mind, and desire is, that my said parts in the said play-houses should be employed in playing, the better to raise profit thereby, as formerly the same have been, and have yielded good yearly profit, as by my books will in that behalf appear. And my will and mind is, and I do hereby ordain, limit, and appoint, that after my debts, funerals, and legacies shall be paid and satisfied out of my estate, that then the residue and remainder of my goods, chattels, and credits whatsoever shall be equally parted and divided to and amongst such of my children as at the time of my decease shall be unmarried or unadvanced, and shall not have received from me any portion in marriage or otherwise, further than only for their education and breeding, part and part like; and I do hereby ordain and make my son William Heminge

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to be the executor of this my last will and testament, requiring him to see the same performed in and by all things, according to my true meaning herein declared. And I do desire and appoint my loving friends Mr. Burbage9 note and Mr. Rice to be the overseers of this my last will and testament, praying them to be aiding and assisting to my said executor with their best advice and council in the execution thereof: and I do hereby utterly revoke all former wills by me heretofore made, and do pronounce, publish, and declare this to be my last will and testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal the day and year first above written.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London coram venerabili viro, magistro Willielmo James, legum doctore, Surrogato, undecimo die mensis Octobris, Anno Domini, 1630, juramento Willielmi Heminge filii naturalis et legitim, dicti defuncti, et executoris, cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat.

AUGUSTINE PHILIPS.

This performer is likewise named in the licence granted by King James in 1603. It appears from Heywood's Apology for Actors, printed in 1612, that he was then dead. In an extraordinary exhibition, entitled The Seven deadly Sins, written by Tarleton, of which the MS. plot or scheme is in my possession8 note, he represented Sardanapalus. I have not been able to learn what parts he preformed in our author's plays; but believe that he was in the same class as Kempe, and Armine; for he appears, like the former of these players, to have published a ludicrous metrical piece, which was entered on the Stationers'

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books in 1595. Philips's production was entitled The Jigg of the Slippers.

WILLIAM KEMPE was the successor of Tarleton. “Here I must needs remember Tarleton, (says Heywood, in his Apology for Actors,) in his time gracious with the queen his soveraigne, and in the people's general applause; whom succeeded Will. Kemp, as well in the favour of her majestie, as in the opinion and good thoughts of the general audience.” From the quarto editions of some of our author's plays, we learn that he was the original performer of Dogberry in Much Ado About Nothing, and of Peter in Romeo and Juliet. From an old comedy called The Return from Parnassus, we may collect that he was the original Justice Shallow; and the contemporary writers inform us that he usually acted the part of a Clown; in which character, like Tarleton, he was celebrated for his extemporal wit1 note, Launcelot in The Merchant of Venice, Touchstone in As You Like It, Launce in The Two Gentlemen of Verona, and the Grave-digger in Hamlet, were probably also performed by this comedian. He was an author as well as an actor2 note

.

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So early as in the year 1589 Kempe's comick talents appear to have been highly estimated; for an old pamphlet called An Almond for a Parrot, written, I think, by Thomas Nashe, and published about that time, is dedicated “to that most comicall and conceited Cavaleire Monsieur du Kempe, Jestmonger, and vice-gerent generall to the Ghost of Dicke Tarleton.”

From a passage in one of Decker's tracts it may be presumed that this comedian was dead in the year 16093 note.

In Braithwaite's Remains, 1618, he is thus commemorated:


“Welcome from Norwich, Kempe: all joy to see
“Thy safe return moriscoed lustily.
“But out alas! how soone's thy morice done,
“When pipe and tabor, all thy friends be gone;
“And leave thee now to dance the second part
“With feeble nature, not with nimble art!
“Then all thy triumphs fraught with strains of mirth,
“Shall be cag'd up within a chest of earth:
“Shall be? they are; thou hast danc'd thee out of breath;
“And now must make thy parting dance with death.”

THOMAS POPE.

This actor likewise performed the part of a Clown4 note


. He died before the year 16005 note.

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GEORGE BRYAN.

I have not been able to gather any intelligence concerning this performer, except that in the exhibition of The Seven Deadly Sins he represented the Earl of Warwick. He was, I believe, on the stage before the year 1588.

HENRY CUNDALL is said by Roberts the player to have been a comedian, but he does not mention any other authority for this assertion but stage-tradition. In Webster's Dutchess of Malfy he originally acted the part of the Cardinal; and as, when that play was printed in 1623, another performer had succeeded him in that part, he had certainly before that time retired from the stage. He still, however, continued to have an interest in the theatre, being mentioned with the other players to whom a licence was granted by King Charles the First in 1625. He had probably a considerable portion of the shares or property of the Globe and Blackfriars theatres. This actor as well as Heminges lived in Aldermanbury, in which parish he served the office of Sideman in the year 1606. I have not been able to ascertain his age; but he appears to have married

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about the year 1598, and had eight children, the eldest of whom was born in Feb. 1598–99, and died an infant. Three only of his children appear to have survived him; Henry, born in 1600; Elizabeth in 1606; and William, baptized May 36, 1611. Before his death he resided for some time at Fulham, but he died in London, and was buried in his parish church in Aldermanbury, Dec. 29, 1627. On the 13th of that month he made his will, of which I subjoin a copy, extracted from the registry of the Prerogative Court:

“In the name of God, Amen. I Henry Cundall of London, gentleman, being sick in body, but of perfect mind and memory, laud and praise be therefore given to Almighty God, calling to my remembrance that there is nothing in this world more sure and certain to mankind than death, and nothing more uncertain than the hour thereof, do therefore make and declare this my last will and testament in manner and form following, that is to say; first I commend my soul into the hands of Almighty God, trusting and assuredly believing that only by the merits of the precious death and passion of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ I shall obtain full and free pardon and remission of all my sins, and shall enjoy everlasting life in the kingdom of heaven, amongst the elect children of God. My body I commit to the earth, to be decently buried in the night-time in such parish where it shall please God to call me. My worldly substance I dispose of as followeth. And first concerning all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements and hereditaments whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, whereof I am and stand seized of any manner of estate of inheritance, I give, devise and bequeath the same as followeth:

“Imprimis, I give, devise and bequeath all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements and

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hereditaments whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, situate, lying and being in Helmett-court in the Strand, and elsewhere, in the county of Middlesex, unto Elizabeth my well beloved wife, for and during the term of her natural life; and from and immediately after her decease, unto my son Henry Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for want of such issue unto my son William Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten; and for default of such issue unto my daughter Elizabeth Finch, and to her heirs and assigns for ever.

Item, I give, devise and bequeath all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, situate, lying and being in the parish of St. Bride, alias Bridgett, near Fleet-street, London, and elsewhere in the city of London, and the suburbes thereof, unto my well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall and to her assigns, untill my said son William Cundall his term of apprenticehood shall be fully expired by effluxion of time; and from and immediately after the said term of apprenticehood shall be so fully expired, I give, devise and bequeath the said messuages and premises situate in the city of London, and the suburbes thereof, unto my said son William Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for default of such issue, unto my said son Henry Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for default of such issue unto my said daughter Elizabeth Finch, and to her heirs and assigns for ever. And as concerning all and singular my goods, chattels, plate, household stuff, ready money, debts, and personal estate, whatsoever and wheresoever, I give, devise, and bequeath the same as followeth: viz.

Imprimis, Whereas I am executor of the last will and testament of John Underwood, deceased, and by

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force of the same executorship became possessed of so much of the personal estate of the said John Underwood, which is expressed in an inventory thereof, made and by me exhibited in due form of law into the ecclesiastical court. And whereas also in discharge of my said executorship I have from time to time disbursed divers sums of money in the education and bringing up of the children of the said John Underwood deceased as by my accompts kept in that behalf appeareth. Now in discharge of my conscience, and in full performance of the trust reposed in me by the said John Underwood, I do charge my executrix faithfully to pay to the surviving children of the said John Underwood all and whatsoever shall be found and appear by my accompts to belong unto them, and to deliver unto them all such rings as was their late father's, and which are by me kept by themselves apart in a little casket.

Item, I do make, name, ordain and appoint my said well beloved wife, Elizabeth Cundall, the full and sole executrix of this my last will and testament, requiring and charging her, as she will answer the contrary before Almighty God at the dreadful day of judgment, that she will truely and faithfully perform the same, in and by all things according to my true intent and meaning; and I do earnestly desire my very loving friends, John Heminge, gentleman, Cuthbert Burbage, gentleman, my son-in-law Herbert Finch, and Peter Saunderson, grocer, to be my overseers, and to be aiding and assisting unto my said executrix in the due execution and performance of this my last will and testament. And I give and bequeath to every of my said four overseers the sum of five pounds apiece to buy each of them a piece of plate.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto my said son William Cundall, all the clear yearly rents and profits which shall arise and come from the time of my

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decease, of and by my leases and terms of years, of all my messuages, houses, and places, situate in the Blackfriars London, and at the Bankside in the county of Surry, until such time as that the full sum of three hundred pounds by those rents and profits may be raised for a stock for my said son William6 note, if he shall so long live.

Item, for as much as I have by this my will dealt very bountifully with my well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall, considering my estate, I do give and bequeath unto my son Henry Cundall, for his maintenance, either at the university or elsewhere, one annuity or yearly sum of thirty pounds of lawful money of England, to be paid unto my said son Henry Cundall, or his assigns, during all the term of the natural life of the said Elizabeth my wife, if my said son Henry Cundall shall so long live, at the four most usual feast-days or terms in the year, that is to say, at the feasts of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary, Nativity of Saint John Baptist, and St. Michael the Archangel; or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after every of the same feast-days, by even and equal portions: the first payment thereof to begin and to be made at such of the said feast-days as shall first and next happen after the day of my decease, or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after the same feast-day.

Item, I give and bequeath unto widow Martin and widow Gimber, to each of them respectively, for and during all the terms of their natural lives severally, if my leases and terms of years of and in my houses in Aldermanbury in London shall so long continue unexpired, one annuity or yearly sum of twenty shillings apiece, of lawful money of England, to be paid unto

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them severally, by even portions quarterly, at the feast-days above mentioned, or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after every of the same feast-days; the first payment of them severally to begin and to be made at such of the said feasts as shall first and next happen after my decease or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after the same feast.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto the poor people of the parish of Fulham in the county of Middlesex, where I now dwell, the sum of five pounds, to be paid to master Doctor Clewett, and master Edmond Powell, of Fulham, gentleman, and by them to be distributed.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath unto my said well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall, and to my said well beloved daughter Elizabeth Finch, all my household stuff, bedding, linen, brass, and pewter whatsoever, remaining and being as well at my house in Fulham aforesaid, as also in my house in Aldermanbury in London; to be equally divided between them part and part alike. And for the more equal dealing in that behalf, I will, appoint, and request my said overseers, or the greater number of them, to make division thereof, and then my wife to have the preferment of the choice.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my cousin Frances Gurney, alias Hulse, my aunt's daughter, the sum of five pounds, and I give unto the daughter of the said Frances the like sum of five pounds.

Item, I give, devise and bequeath unto such and so many of the daughters of my cousin Gilder, late of New Buckenham in the county of Norfolk, deceased, as shall be living at the time of my decease, the sum of five pounds apiece.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my old servant Elizabeth Wheaton, a mourning gown and forty shillings

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in money, and that place or priviledge which she now exerciseth and enjoyeth in the houses of the Blackfryers, London, and the Globe on the Bankside, for and during all the term of her natural life, if my estate shall so long continue in the premises; and I give unto the daughter of the said Elizabeth Wheaton the sum of five pounds, to be paid unto the said Elizabeth Wheaton, for the use of her said daughter, within the space of one year next after my decease. And I do hereby will, appoint and declare, that an acquittance under the hand and seal of the said Elizabeth Wheaton, upon the receipt of the said legacy of five pounds, for the use of her said daughter, shall be, and shall be deemed, adjudged, construed, and taken to be, both in law and in equity, unto my now executrix a sufficient release and discharge for and concerning the payment of the same.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, all the rest and residue of my goods, chattels, leases, money, debts, and personal estate, whatsoever, and wheresoever, (after my debts shall be paid and my funeral charges and all other charges about the execution of this my will first paid and discharged) unto my said well beloved wife, Elizabeth Cundall.

Item, My will and mind is, and I do hereby desire and appoint, that all such legacies, gifts and bequests as I have by this my will given, devised or bequeathed unto any person or persons, for payment whereof no certain time is hereby before limited or appointed, shall be well and truly paid by my executrix within the space of one year next after my decease. Finally, I do hereby revoke, countermand, and make void, all former wills, testaments, codicils, executors, legacies, and bequests, whatsoever, by me at any time heretofore named, made, given, or appointed; willing and minding that these presents only shall stand and be taken for my last will and testament, and none other.

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In witness whereof I the said Henry Cundall, the testator, to this my present last will and testament, being written on nine sheets of paper, with my name subscribed to every sheet, have set my seal, the thirteenth day of December, in the third year of the reign of our sovereign lord Charles, by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Henry Cundall.

Signed, sealed, pronounced and declared, by the said Henry Cundall, the testator, as his last will and testament, on the day and year above written, in the presence of us whose names are here under written:
Robert Yonge.
Hum. Dyson, Notary Publique.
And of me Ro. Dickens, servant unto the said Notary.”

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud Lond. coram magistro Richardo Zouche, legum doctore, Surrogato, 24o die Februarii, 1627, juramento Elizabethæ Cundall, relictæ dicti defuncti et executr. cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat.

WILLIAM SLY was joined with Shakspeare, &c. in the licence granted in 1603.—He is introduced, personally, in the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, 1604, and from his there using an affected phrase of Osrick's in Hamlet, we may collect that he performed that part. He died before the year 16127 note.

RICHARD COWLEY appears to have been an actor of a low class, having performed the part of Verges in Much Ado about

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Nothing. He lived in the parish of St Leonard, Shoreditch, and had two sons baptized there; Cuthbert, born in 1597, and Richard, born in 1599. I know not when this actor died.

JOHN LOWIN was a principal performer in these plays. If the date on his picture8 note in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is accurate, he was born in 1576. Wright mentions in his Historia Histrionica that “before the wars he used to act the part of Falstaff with mighty applause;” but without doubt he means during the reign of King Charles the First, from 1625 to 1641. When our poet's King Henry IV. was first exhibited, Lowin was but twenty-one years old; it is therefore probable that Heminges, or some other actor, originally represented the fat knight, and that several years afterwards the part was resigned to Lowin.

He is said by Roberts the player to have also performed King Henry the Eighth and Hamlet; but with respect to the latter his account is certainly erroneous; for it appears from more ancient writers, that Joseph Taylor was the original performer of that character9 note

.

Lowin is introduced in person, in the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, printed in 1604; and he and Taylor are mentioned in a copy of verses, written in the year 1632, soon after the appearance of Jonson's Magnetick Lady, as the two most celebrated actors of that time:


“Let Lowin cease, and Taylor scorn to touch
“The loathed stage, for thou hast made it such.”

Beside the parts already mentioned, this actor represented

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the following characters; Morose, in The Silent Woman;—Volpone, in The Fox;—Mammon, in The Alchymist;—Melantius, in The Maid's Tragedy; —Aubrey, in The Bloody Brother;—Bosola, in The Dutchess of Malfy;—Jacomo, in The Deserving Favourite;—Eubulus, in Massinger's Picture; —Domitian, in The Roman Actor;—and Belleur, in The Wild Goose Chase.

Though Heminges and Condell continued to have an interest in the theatre to the time of their death, yet about the year 1623, I believe, they ceased to act; and that the management had in the next year devolved on Lowin and Taylor, is ascertained by the following note made by Sir Henry Herbert in his office-book, under the year 1633:

“On friday the nineteenth of October1 note, 1633, I sent a warrant by a messenger of the chamber to suppress The Tamer Tamd, to the Kings players, for that afternoone, and it was obeyd; upon complaints of foule and offensive matters conteyned therein.

“They acted The Scornful Lady instead of it, I have enterd the warrant here.

‘These are to will and require you to forbeare the actinge of your play called The Tamer Tamd, or the Taminge of the Tamer, this afternoone, or any more till you have leave from mee: and this at your perill. On friday morninge the 18 Octob. 1633.

‘To Mr. Taylor, Mr. Lowins, or any of the King's players at the Blackfryers.’

“On saterday morninge followinge the booke was brought mee, and at my lord of Hollands request I returned it to the players ye monday morninge after,

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purgd of oaths, prophaness, and ribaldrye, being ye 21 of Octob. 1633.

“Because the stoppinge of the acting of this play for that afternoone, it being an ould play, hath raysed some discourse in the players, thogh no disobedience, I have thought fitt to insert here ther submission upon a former disobedience, and to declare that it concernes the Master of the Revells to bee carefull of their ould revived playes, as of their new, since they may conteyne offensive matter, which ought not to be allowed in any time.

“The Master ought to have copies of their new playes left with him, that he may be able to shew what he hath allowed or disallowed.

“All ould plays ought to bee brought to the Master of the Revells, and have his allowance to them for which he should have his fee, since they may be full of offensive things against church and state; ye rather that in former time the poetts tooke greater liberty than is allowed them by mee.

“The players ought not to study their parts till I have allowed of the booke.

‘To Sir Henry Herbert, Kt. master of his Ma.ties Revels.

‘After our humble servise2 note remembered unto your good worship, Whereas not long since we acted a play called The Spanishe Viceroy, not being licensed under your worships hande, nor allowd of: wee doe confess and herby acknowledge that wee have offended, and that it is in your power to punishe this offense, and are very sorry for it; and doe likewise promise herby that wee will not act any play without your hand or substituts hereafter, nor doe any thinge

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that may prejudice the authority of your office: So hoping that this humble submission of ours may bee accepted, wee have therunto sett our hands. This twentiethe of Decemb. 1624.


Joseph Taylor. Richard Robinson. Elyard Swanston. Thomas Pollard. Robert Benfeilde. George Burght. John Lowen. John Shancke. John Rice. Will. Rowley. Richard Sharpe.

“Mr. Knight,

“In many things you have saved mee labour; yet wher your judgment or penn fayld you, I have made boulde to use mine. Purge ther parts, as I have the booke. And I hope every hearer and player will thinke that I have done God good servise, and the quality no wronge; who hath no greater enemies than oaths, prophaness, and publique ribaldry, whch for the future I doe absolutely forbid to bee presented unto mee in any playbooke, as you will answer it at your perill. 21 Octob. 1633.”

“This was subscribed to their play of The Tamer Tamd, and directed to Knight, their book-keeper.

“The 24 Octob. 1633, Lowins and Swanston were sorry for their ill manners, and craved my pardon, which I gave them in presence of Mr. Taylor and Mr. Benfeilde.”

After the suppression of the theatres, Lowin became very poor. In 1652, in conjunction with Joseph Taylor, he published Fletcher's comedy called The Wild Goose Chase, for bread; and in his latter years he kept an inn (The Three Pidgeons) at Brentford, in which town, Wright says, he died very old3 note. But

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that writer was mistaken with respect to the place of his death, for he died in London at the age of eighty-three, and was buried in the ground belonging to the parish of St. Martin in the Fields, March 18, 1658-9. On the 8th of the following October administration of the goods of John Lowin was granted to Martha Lowin, I suppose the actor's widow. In the Register of persons buried in the parish of Brentford, which I carefully examined, no person of this name is mentioned between the years 1650 and 1660.

SAMUEL CROSS. This actor was probably dead before the year 1600; for Heywood, who had himself written for the stage before that time, says he had never seen him.

ALEXANDER COOKE. From The Platt of the Seven Deadly Sins, it appears that this actor was on the stage before 1588, and was the stage-heroine. He acted some woman's part in Jonson's Sejanus, and in the Fox; and we may presume, performed all the principal female characters in our author's plays.

SAMUEL GILBURNE. Unknown.

ROBERT ARMIN performed in The Alchemist in 1610, and was alive in 1611, some verses having been addressed to him in that year by John Davies of Hereford; from which he appears to have occasionally performed the part of the Fool or the Clown4 note





.

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He was author of a comedy called The Two Maids of More-clacke, [Mortlake it ought to be,] 1609. I have also a book, called A Nest of Ninnies simply of themselves, without Compound, by Robert Armin, published in 1608. And at Stationers' Hall was entered in the same year, “a book called Phantasm the Italian Taylor and his Boy, made by Mr. Armin, servant to his majesty.”

Mr. Oldys, in his MS. notes on Langbaine, says, that “Armin was an apprentice at first to a goldsmith in Lombard-street.” He adds, that “the means of his becoming a player is recorded in Tarleton's Jests, printed in 1611, where it appears, this 'prentice going often to a tavern in Gracechurch-street, to dun the keeper thereof, who was a debtor to his master, Tarleton, who of the master of that tavern was now only a lodger in it, saw some verses written by Armin on the wainscot, upon his master's said debtor, whose name was Charles Tarleton, and liked them so well, that he wrote others under them, prophecying, that as he was, so Armins hould be: therefore, calls him his adopted son, to wear the Clown's suit after him. And so it fell out, for the boy was so pleased with what Tarleton had written of him, so respected his person, so frequented his plays, and so learned his humour and manners, that from his private practice he came to publick playing his parts; that he was in good repute for the same at the Globe on the Bankside, &c. all the former part of King James's reign.”

WILLIAM OSTLER had been one of the children of the Chapel; having acted in Jonson's Poetaster, together with Nat. Field, and John Underwood, in 1601, and is said to have

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performed women's parts. In 1610 both he and Underwood acted as men in Ben Jonson's Alchemist. In Davies's Scourge of Folly, there are some verses addressed to him with this title, “To the Roscius of these times, William Ostler.” He acted Antonio in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, in 1623. I know not when he died.

NATHANIEL FIELD. JOHN UNDERWOOD.

Both these actors had been children of the Chapel5 note; and probably at the Globe and Blackfriars theatres performed female parts. Field, when he became too manly to represent the characters of women, played the part of Bussy d'Ambois in Chapman's play of that name. From the preface prefixed to one edition of it, it appears thar he was dead in 1641.

There is a good portrait of this performer in Dulwich College, in a very singular dress.

Fleckno, in his little tract on the English Stage, speaks of him as an actor of great eminence. He was the author of two comedies called A Woman's a Weathercock, and Amends for Ladies, and assisted Massinger in writing The Fatal Dowry6 note.

The only intelligence I have obtained of John Underwood, beside what I have already mentioned, is, that he performed the part of Delio in The Dutchess of Malfy, and that he died either in the latter end of the year 1624 or the beginning of the following year, having first made his will, of which the following is a copy:

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“In the name of God, Amen. I John Underwood, of the parish of Saint Bartholomew the Less, in London, gent. being very weak and sick in body, but, thanks be given to Almighty God, in perfect mind and memory, do make and declare my last will and testament, in manner and form following: viz. First, I commend and commit my soul to Almighty God, and my body to the earth, to be buried at the discretion of my executors; and my worldly goods and estate which it hath pleased the Almighty God to bless me with, I will, bequeath, and dispose as followeth; that is to say, to and amongst my five children, namely, John Underwood, Elizabeth Underwood, Burbage Underwood, Thomas Underwood, and Isabell Underwood, (my debts and other legacies herein named paid, and my funeral and other just dues and duties discharged) all and singular my goods, household stuff, plate and other things whatsoever in or about my now dwelling house, or elsewhere; and also all the right, title, or interest, part or share, that I have and enjoy at this present by lease or otherwise, or ought to have, possess, or enjoy in any manner or kind at this present or hereafter, within the Blackfryars, London, or in the company of his M.ties servants, my loving and kind fellows, in their house there, or at the Globe on the Bankside; and also that my part and share or due in or out of the playhouse called the Curtaine, situate in or near Holloway in the parish of St. Leonard, London, or in any other place; to my said five children, equally and proportionably to be divided amongst them at their several ages of one and twenty years; and during their and every of their minorities, for and towards their education, maintenance, and placing in the world, according to the discretion, direction, and care which I repose in my executors. Provided always and my true intent and meaning is, that my said executors shall not alienate, change or alter by sale or otherwise, directly

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or indirectly, any my part or share which I now have or ought to hold, have, possess, and enjoy in the said playhouses called the Blackfryars, the Globe on the Bancke-side, and Curtaine aforementioned, or any of them, but that the increase and benefit out and from the same and every of them shall come, accrue, and arise to my said executors, as now it is to me, to the use of my said children, equally to be divided amongst them. Provided also that if the use and increase of my said estate given (as aforesaid) to my said children, shall prove insufficient or defective, in respect of the young years of my children, for their education and placing of them as my said executors shall think meet, then my will and true meaning is, that when the eldest of my said children shall attain to the age of one and twenty years, my said executors shall pay or cause to be paid unto him or her so surviving or attaining, his or her equal share of my estate so remaining undisbursed or undisposed for the uses aforesaid in their or either of their hands, and so for every or any of my said children attaining to the age aforesaid: yet if it shall appear or seem fit at the completion of my said children every or any of them at their said full age or ages, which shall first happen, my estate remaining not to be equally shared or disposed amongst the rest surviving in minority, then my will is, that it shall be left to my executors to give unto my child so attaining the age as they shall judge will be equal to the rest surviving and accomplishing the aforesaid age; and if any of them shall die or depart this life before they accomplish the said age, or ages, I will and bequeath their part, share or portion to them, him or her surviving, at the ages aforesaid, equally to be divided by my executors as aforesaid. And I do hereby nominate and appoint my loving friends (in whom I repose my trust for performance of the premises) Henry Cundell, Thomas

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Sanford, and Thomas Smith, gentlemen, my executors of this my last will and testament; and do intreat my loving friends, Mr. John Heminge, and John Lowyn, my fellowes, overseers of the same my last will and testament; and I give to my said executors and overseers for their pains (which I entreat them to accept) the sum of eleven shillings apiece to buy them rings, to wear in remembrance of me. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal the fourth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred twenty four. John Underwood.

A Codicil to be annexed to the last will and testament of John Underwood, late of the parish of Little St. Bartholomew, London, deceased, made the tenth day of the month of October, Anno Domini one thousand six hundred twenty four or thereabouts, viz. his intent and meaning was, and so he did will, dispose, and bequeath (if his estate would thereunto extend, and it should seem convenient to his executors,) these particulars following in manner and form following: scilt. to his daughter Elizabeth two seal rings of gold, one with a death's head, the other with a red stone in it. To his son John Underwood a seal ring of gold with an A and a B in it. To Burbage Underwood a seal ring with a blue stone in it. To Isabell one hoop ring of gold. To his said son John one hoop ring of gold. To his said daughter Elizabeth one wedding ring. To his said son Burbage one hoop ring, black and gold. To his said son Thomas one hoop ring of gold, and one gold ring with a knot. To his said daughter Isabell one blue sapphire and one joint ring of gold. To John Underwood one half dozen of silver spoons and one gilt spoon. To Elizabeth one silver spoon and three gilt spoons. To Burbage Underwood, his son

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aforenamed, one great gilt spoon, one plain bowl and one rough bowl. To Thomas Underwood his son, one silver porrenger, one silver taster, and one gilt spoon. To Isabell his said daughter, three silver spoons, two gilt spoons, and one gilt cup. Which was so had and done before sufficient and credible witness, the said testator being of perfect mind and memory.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum una cum codicillo eidem annex. apud London, coram judice, primo die mensis Februarii, Anno Domini 1624, juramento Henrici Cundell, unius executor. cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat, reservata potestate similem commissionem faciendi Thome Sandford et Thome Smith, executoribus etiam in hujusmodi testamento nominat. cum venerint eam petitum.

NICHOLAS TOOLEY acted Forobosco in The Dutchess of Malfy. From the Platt of the Seven Deadly Sinns, it appears, that he sometimes represented female characters. He performed in The Alchemist in 1610.

WILLIAM ECCLESTONE. This performer's name occurs for the first time in Ben Jonson's Alchemist, 1610. No other ancient piece (that I have seen) contains any memorial of this actor.

JOSEPH TAYLOR appears from some verses already cited, to have been a celebrated actor. According to Downes the prompter, he was instructed by Shakspeare to play Hamlet: and Wright, in his Historia Histrionica, says, “He performed that part incomparably well.” From the remembrance of his performance of Hamlet,

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Sir William D'Avenant is said, by Downes, to have conveyed his instructions to Mr. Betterton. Taylor likewise played Iago. He also performed Truewit in The Silent Woman, Face in The Alchemist6 note, and Mosca in Volpone; but not originally7 note. He represented Ferdinand in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the death of Burbadge. He acted Mathias in The Picture, by Massinger; Paris in The Roman Actor; the Duke in Carlell's Deserving Favourite; Rollo in The Bloody Brother; and Mirabel in The Wild Goose Chase. There are verses by this performer prefixed to Massinger's Roman Actor, 1629; and a poem containing high encomiums on his performance in Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, when it was revised in 1633, prefixed to the edition of that play printed in 1634, by Shakerly Marmion.

In the year 1614, Taylor appears to have been at the head of a distinct company of comedians, who were distinguished by the name of The Lady Elizabeth's Servants8 note. However, he afterward's returned to his old friends; and after the death of Burbadge, Heminges and Condell, he in conjunction with John Lowin and Eliard Swanston had the principal management of the king's company. In Sept. 1639, he was appointed Yeoman of the Revels in ordinary to his Majesty, in the room of Mr. William Hunt. There were certain perquisites annexed to this office, and a salary of sixpence a day. When he was in attendance on the king he had 3l. 6s. 8d. per month.

I find from Fleckno's Characters, that Taylor died either in the year 1653, or in the following year9 note:

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and according to Wright he was buried at Richmond. The Register of that parish antecedent to the Restoration being lost, I am unable to ascertain that fact. He was probably near seventy years of age at the time of his death.

He is said by some to have painted the only original picture of Shakspeare now extant, in the possession of the Duke of Chandos. By others, with more probability, Richard Burbadge is reported to have been the painter: for among the pictures in Dulwich College is one, which, in the catalogue made in the time of Charles the Second by Cartwright the player, is said to have been painted by Burbadge.

ROBERT BENFIELD appears to have been a second-rate actor. He performed Antonio in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the death of Ostler. He also acted the part of the King in The Deserving Favourite; Ladislaus in The Picture; Junius Rusticus in The Roman Actor; and De-Gard in The Wild Goose Chase.

He was alive in 1647, being one of the players who signed the dedication to the folio edition of Fletcher's plays, published in that year.

ROBERT GOUGHE.

This actor at an early period performed female characters, and was, I suppose, the father of Alexander Goughe, who in this particular followed Robert's steps. In The Seven Deadly Sins, Robert Goughe played Aspatia; but in the year 1611 he had arrived at an age which entitled him to represent male characters; for in The Second Maiden's Tragedie1 note, which was

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produced in that year, he performed the part of the usurping tyrant.

RICHARD ROBINSON is said by Wright to have been a comedian. He acted in Jonson's Catiline in 1611; and, it should seem from a passage in The Devil is an Ass, 1616, that at that time he usually represented female characters:


“&lblank; We had
“The merriest supper of it there, one night
“The gentleman's landlady invited him
“To a gossip's feast: now he sir brought Dick Robinson
Drest like a lawyer's wife,” &c.

In The Second Maiden's Tragedie, he represented the Lady of Govianus. I have not learned what parts in our author's plays were performed by this actor. In The Deserving Favourite, 1629, he played Orsinio; and in The Wild Goose Chase, LeCastre. In Massinger's Roman Actor, he performed Æsopus; and in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the retirement of Condell, he played the Cardinal. Hart, the celebrated actor, was originally his boy or apprentice. Robinson was alive in 1647, his name being signed, with several others, to the dedication prefixed to the first folio edition of Fletcher's plays. In the civil wars he served in the king's army, and was killed in an engagement, by Harrison, who was afterwards hanged at Charing Cross. Harrison refused him quarter, after he had laid down his arms, and shot him in the head, saying at the same time, “Cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently2 note.”

JOHN SHANCKE was, according to Wright, a comedian. He was but in a low class, having performed the part of the Curate in Fletcher's Scornful Lady, and that of Hillario (a servant) in The Wild Goose Chase. He was

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a dramatick author, as well as an actor, having produced a comedy entitled Shanke's Ordinary, which was acted at Blackfriars in the year 1623–43 note.

JOHN RICE.

The only information I have met with concerning this player, is, that he represented the Marquis of Pescara, an inconsiderable part in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy. He was perhaps brother to Stephen Rice, clerk, who is mentioned in the will of John Heminges.

The foregoing list is said in the first folio to contain the names of the principal actors in these plays.

Beside these, we know that John Wilson played an insignificant part in Much Ado About Nothing.

Gabriel was likewise an inferior actor in these plays, as appears from the Third Part of King Henry VI. p. 150, edit. 1623, where we find “Enter Gabriel.” In the corresponding place in the old play entitled The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke, &c. we have—“Enter a Messenger.” Sinkler or Sinclo, and Humphrey4 note, were likewise players in the same theatre, and of the same class. William Barksted5 note, John Duke, and Christopher Beeston6 note, also belonged to this company. The latter from the year 1624 to 1638, when he died, was manager of the Cockpit theatre in Drury Lane.

In a book of the last age of no great authority, we are told that “the infamous Hugh Peters, after he

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had been expelled from the University of Cambridge, went to London, and enrolled himself as a player in Shakspeare's company, in which he usually performed the part of the Clown.” Hugh Peter (for that was his name, not Peters, as he was vulgarly called by his contemporaries,) was born at Fowey or Foye in Cornwall in 1599, and was entered of Trinity College, in Cambridge, in the year 1613. In 1617 he took the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and that of Master of Arts in 1622. On the 23d of December 1621, as I find from the Registry of the Bishop of London, he was ordained a deacon, by Dr. Mountaine then bishop of that see; and on June 8, 1623, he was ordained a priest. During his residence at Trinity College, he behaved so improperly, that he was once publickly whipped for his insolence and contumacy7 note; but I do not find that he was expelled. It is, however, not improbable that he was rusticated for a time, for some misconduct; and perhaps in that interval, instead of retiring to his parent's house in Cornwall, his restless spirit carried him to London, and induced him to tread the stage. If this was the case, it probably happened about the time of our author's death, when Hugh Peter was about eighteen years old.

Langbaine was undoubtedly mistaken in supposing that Edward Alleyn was “an ornament to Blackfriars.” Wright, who was much better acquainted with the ancient stage, says, “he never heard that Alleyn acted there:” and the list in the first folio edition of our author's plays proves decisively that he was not of his company; for so celebrated a performer could not have been overlooked, when that list was forming. So early as in 1593, we find “Ned Alleyn's company mentioned8 note.” Alleyn was sole proprietor and manager of the Fortune theatre, in which he performed from 1599, (and perhaps before) till 1616,

-- 223 --

when, I believe, he quitted the stage. He was servant to the Lord Admiral (Nottingham): all the old plays therefore which are said to have been performed by the Lord Admiral's Servants, were represented at the Fortune by Alleyn's company9 note

.

The history of the stage as far as it relates to Shakspeare, naturally divides itself into three periods: the period which preceded his appearance as an actor or dramatick writer; that during which he flourished; and the time which has elapsed since his death. Having now gone through the two former of these periods, I shall take a transient view of the stage from the death of our great poet to the year 1741, still with a view to Shakspeare, and his works.

-- 224 --

Soon after his death, four of the principal companies then subsisting, made a union, and were afterwards called The United Companies; but I know not precisely in what this union consisted. I suspect it arose from a penury of actors, and that the managers contracted to permit the performers in each house occasionally to assist their brethren in the other theatres in the representation of plays. We have already seen that John Heminges in 1618 pay'd Sir George Buck, “in the name of the four companys, for a lenten dispensation in the holydaies, 44s.;” and Sir Henry Herbert observes that the play called Come See a Wonder, “written by John Daye for a company of strangers,” and represented Sept. 18, 1623, was “acted at the Red Bull, and licensed without his hand to it, because they [i. e. this company of strangers] were none of the four companys.” The old comedy entitled Amends for Ladies, as appears from its title-page, was acted at Blackfriars before the year 1618, “both by the Prince's servants and Lady Elizabeth's,” though the theatre at Blackfriars then belonged to the king's servants.

After the death of Shakspeare, the plays of Fletcher appear for several years to have been more admired, or at least to have been more frequently acted, than those of our poet. During the latter part of the reign of James the First, Fletcher's pieces had the advantage of novelty to recommend them. I believe, between the time of Beaumont's death in 1615 and his own in 1625, this poet produced at least twenty-five plays. Sir Aston Cokain has informed us, in his poems, that of the thirty-five pieces improperly ascribed to Beaumont and Fletcher in the folio edition of 1647, much the greater part were written after Beaumont's death1 note










; and his account is partly confirmed

-- 225 --

by Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, from which it appears that Fletcher produced eleven new plays in the last four years of his life. If we were possessed of the Register kept by Sir George Buck, we should there, I make no doubt, find near twenty dramas written by the same author in the interval between 1615 and 1622. As, to ascertain the share which each of these writers had in the works which have erroneously gone under their joint names, has long been a desideratum in dramatick history, I shall here set down as perfect a list as I have been able to form of the pieces produced by Fletcher in his latter years.

The Honest Man's Fortune, though it appeared first in the folio 1647, was one of the few pieces in that collection, which was the joint production of Beaumont and Fletcher. It was first performed at the Globe theatre in the year 1613, two years before the death of Beaumont2 note.

The Loyal Subject was the sole production of Fletcher, and was first represented in the year 1618.

It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, that the new plays which Fletcher had brought out in the course of the year, were generally presented at court at Christmas. As therefore The Island Princess, The Pilgrim, and The Wild Goose Chase are found among the court exhibitions of the year

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1621, we need not hesitate to ascribe these pieces also to the same poet. The Wild Goose Chase, though absurdly printed under the joint names of Beaumont and Fletcher, is expressly ascribed to the latter by Lowin and Taylor, the actors who published it in 1652. The Beggar's Bush, being also acted at court in 1622, was probably written by Fletcher. The Tamer Tamed is expressly called his by Sir Henry Herbert, as is The Mad Lover by Sir Aston Cockain: and it appears from the manuscript so often quoted that The Night-Walker and Love's Pilgrimage, having been left imperfect by Fletcher, were corrected and finished by Shirley.

I have now given an account of nine of the pieces in which Beaumont appears to have had no share; and subjoin a list of eleven other plays written by Fletcher, (with the assistance of Rowley in one only,) precisely in the order in which they were licensed by the Master of the Revels.


1622. May 14, he produced a new play called The Prophetess. 1622. June 22, The Sea Voyage. This piece was acted at the Globe. 1622. October 24, The Spanish Curate. Acted at Blackfriars. 1623. August 29, The Maid of the Mill, written by Fletcher and Rowley; acted at the Globe. 1623. October 17, The Devill of Dowgate, or Usury put to Use. Acted by the king's servants. This piece is lost. 1623. Decemb. 6, The Wandering Lovers; acted at Blackfriars. This piece is also lost. 1624. May 27, A Wife for a Month. Acted by the King's servants. 1624. Octob. 19, Rule a Wife and Have a Wife. 1625–6. January 22, The Fair Maid of the Inn. Acted at Blackfriars.

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1625–6. Feb. 3, The Noble Gentleman. Actedat the same theatre.

In a former page an account has been given of the court exhibitions in 1622. In Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book I find the following “Note of such playes as were acted at court in 1623 and 1624,” which confirms what I have suggested, that the plays of Shakspeare were not then so much admired as those of the poets of the day.

“Upon Michelmas night att Hampton court, The Mayd of the Mill, by the K. Company.”

“Upon Allhollows night at St. James, the prince being there only, The Mayd of the Mill againe, with reformations.

“Upon the fifth of November att Whitehall, the prince being there only, The Gipsye, by the Cockpitt company.

“Upon St. Stevens daye, the king and prince being there, The Mayd of the Mill, by the K. company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon St. John's night, the prince only being there, The Bondman, by the queene [of Bohemia's] company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon Innocents night, falling out upon a Sonday, The Buck is a Thief, the king and prince being there. By the king's company. At Whitehall.

“Upon New-years night, by the K. company, The Wandering Lovers, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

“Upon the Sonday after, beinge the 4 of January 1623, by the Queene of Bohemias company, The Changelinge, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

“Upon Twelfe Night, the maske being put off, More Dissemblers besides Women3 note, by the king's company, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

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“To the Duchess of Richmond, in the kings absence, was given The Winter's Tale, by the K. company, the 18 Janu. 1623. Att Whitehall.

“Upon All-hollows night, 1624, the king beinge at Roiston, no play.

“The night after, my Lord Chamberlin had Rule a Wife and Have a Wife for the ladys, by the kings company.

“Upon St. Steevens night, the prince only being there, [was acted] Rule a Wife and Have a Wife, by the kings company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon St. John's night, [the prince] and the duke of Brunswick being there, The Fox, by the &lblank;. At Whitehall.

“Upon Innocents night, the [prince] and the duke of Brunswyck being there, Cupids Revenge, by the Queen of Bohemia's Servants. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon New-years night, the prince only being there, The First Part of Sir John Falstaff, by the king's company. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon Twelve night, the Masque being putt of, and the prince only there, Tu Quoque, by the Queene of Bohemias servants. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon the Sonday night following, being the ninthe of January 1624, the Masque was performd.

“On Candlemas night the 2 February, no play, the king being att Newmarket.”

From the time when Sir Henry Herbert came into the office of the Revels to 1642, when the theatres were shut up, his Manuscript does not furnish us with a regular account of the plays exhibited at court every year. Such, however, as he has given, I shall now subjoin, together with a few anecdotes which he has preserved, relative to some of the works of our poet and the dramatick writers who immediately succeeded him.

-- 229 --

“For the king's players. An olde playe called Winter's Tale, formerly allowed of by Sir George Bucke, and likewyse by mee on Mr. Hemmings his worde that there was nothing profane added or reformed, thogh the allowed booke was missinge; and therefore I returned it without a fee, this 19 of August, 1623.

“For the king's company. The Historye of Henry the First4 note, written by Damport [Davenport]; this 10 April, 1624,—1l. 0. 0.

“For the king's company. An olde play called The Honest Mans Fortune, the originall being lost, was re-allowed by mee at Mr. Taylor's intreaty, and on condition to give mee a booke [The Arcadia], this 8 Februa. 1624.”

The manuscript copy of The Honest Man's Fortune is now before me, and is dated 1613. It was therefore probably the joint production of Beaumont and Fletcher. This piece was acted at the Globe, and the copy which had been licensed by Sir George Buc, was without doubt destroyed by the fire which consumed that theatre in the year 1613. The allowed copy of The Winter's Tale was probably destroyed at the same time.

“17 July, 1626, [Received] from Mr. Hemmings for a courtesie done him about their Blackfriers hous, —3l. 0. 0.

“[Received] from Mr. Hemming, in their company's name, to forbid the playing of Shakespeare's plays, to the Red Bull Company, this 11 of April, 1627,—5l. 0. 0.

“This day being the 11 of Janu. 1630, I did refuse to allow of a play of Messinger's5 note

, because itt did

-- 230 --

contain dangerous matter, as the deposing of Sebastian king of Portugal, by Philip the [Second,] and

-- 231 --

ther being a peace sworen twixte the kings of England and Spayne. I had my fee notwithstandinge, which belongs to me for reading itt over, and ought to be brought always with the booke.

“Received of Knight6 note

, for allowing of Ben Johnsons play called Humours Reconcil'd, or the Magnetick Lady, to bee acted, this 12th of Octob. 1632, 2l. 0. 0.

“18 Nov. 1632. In the play of The Ball, written by Sherley7 note
, and acted by the Queens players, ther

-- 232 --

were divers personated so naturally, both of lords and others of the court, that I took it ill, and would have forbidden the play, but that Biston [Christopher Beeston] promiste many things which I found faulte withall should be left out, and that he would not suffer it to be done by the poett any more, who deserves to be punisht; and the first that offends in this kind, of poets or players, shall be sure of publique punishment.

“R. for allowinge of The Tale of the Tubb, Vitru Hoop's parte wholly strucke out, and the motion of the tubb, by commande from my lorde chamberlin; exceptions being taken against it by Inigo Jones, surveyor of the kings workes, as a personal injury unto him. May 7, 1633,—2l. 0. 0.”

In this piece, of which the precise date was hitherto unknown, Vitru Hoop, i. e. Vitruvius Hoop, undoubtedly was intended to represent Inigo Jones.

“The comedy called The Yonge Admirall, being free from oaths, prophaness, or obsceanes, hath given mee much delight and satisfaction in the readinge,

-- 233 --

and may serve for a patterne to other poetts, not only for the bettring of maners and language, but for the improvement of the quality, which hath received some brushings of late.

“When Mr. Sherley hath read this approbation, I know it will encourage him to pursue this beneficial and cleanly way of poetry, and when other poetts heare and see his good success, I am confident they will imitate the original for their own credit, and make such copies in this harmless way, as shall speak them masters in their art, at the first sight, to all judicious spectators. It may be acted this 3 July, 1633.

“I have entered this allowance, for direction to my successor, and for example to all poetts, that shall write after the date hereof.

“Received of Biston, for an ould play called Hymens Holliday, newly revived at their house, being a play given unto him for my use, this 15 Aug. 1633, 3l. 0. 0. Received of him for some alterations in it, 1l. 0. 0.

“Meetinge with him at the ould exchange, he gave my wife a payre of gloves, that cost him at least twenty shillings.

“Upon a second petition of the players to the High Commission court, wherein they did mee right in my care to purge their plays of all offense, my lords Grace of Canterbury bestowed many words upon mee, and discharged mee of any blame, and layd the whole fault of their play called The Magnetick Lady, upon the players. This happened the 24 of Octob. 1633, at Lambeth. In their first petition they would have excused themselves on mee and the poett.”

“On Saterday the 17th of Novemb.8 note being the Queens birth-day, Richarde the Thirde was acted by the K. players at St. James, wher the king and

-- 234 --

queene were present, it being the first play the queene sawe since her M.tys delivery of the Duke of York, 1633.

“On tusday the 19th of November, being the king's birth-day, The Yong Admirall was acted at St. James by the queen's players, and likt by the K. and Queen.

“The Kings players sent me an ould booke of Fletchers called The Loyal Subject, formerly allowed by Sir George Bucke, 16 Novemb. 1618, which according to their desire and agreement I did peruse, and with some reformations allowed of, the 23 of Nov. 1633, for which they sent mee according to their promise 1l. 0. 0.9 note

“On tusday night at Saint James, the 26 of Novemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queene, The Taminge of the Shrew. Likt.

“On thursday night at St. James, the 28 of Novemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queene, The Tamer Tamd, made by Fletcher. Very well likt.

“On tusday night at Whitehall the 10 of Decemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queen, The Loyal Subject, made by Fletcher, and very well likt by the king.

“On Monday night the 16 of December, 1633, at Whitehall was acted before the King and Queen, Hymens Holliday or Cupids Fegarys, an ould play of Rowleys. Likte.

“On Wensday night the first of January, 1633, Cymbeline was acted at Court by the Kings players. Well likte by the kinge.

“On Monday night the sixth of January and the Twelfe Night was presented at Denmark-house, before the King and Queene, Fletchers pastorall called

-- 235 --

The Faithfull Shepheardesse, in the clothes the Queene had given Taylor the year before of her owne pastorall.

“The scenes were fitted to the pastorall, and made, by Mr. Inigo Jones, in the great chamber, 1633.

“This morning being the 9th of January, 1633, the kinge was pleasd to call mee into his withdrawinge chamber to the windowe, wher he went over all that I had croste in Davenants play-booke, and allowing of faith and slight to bee asseverations only, and no oathes, markt them to stande, and some other few things, but in the greater part allowed of my reformations. This was done upon a complaint of Mr. Endymion Porters in December.

“The kinge is pleasd to take faith, death, slight, for asseverations, and no oaths1 note, to which I doe humbly submit as my masters judgment; but under favour conceive them to be oaths, and enter them here, to declare my opinion and submission.

“The 10 of January, 1633, I returned unto Mr. Davenant his playe-booke of The Witts, corrected by the kinge.

“The kinge would not take the booke at Mr. Porters hands; but commanded him to bring it unto mee, which he did, and likewise commanded Davenant to come to me for it, as I believe: otherwise he would not have byn so civill.

“The Guardian, a play of Mr. Messengers, was acted at court on Sunday the 12 January, 1633, by the Kings players, and well likte.

-- 236 --

“The Tale of the Tub was acted on tusday night at Court, the 14 Janua. 1633, by the Queenes players, and not likte.

“The Winters Tale was acted on thursday night at Court, the 16 Janua. 1633, by the K. players, and likt.

“The Witts was acted on tusday night the 28 January, 1633, at Court, before the Kinge and Queene. Well likt. It had a various fate on the stage, and at court, though the kinge commended the language, but dislikt the plott and characters.

“The Night-Walkers was acted on thursday night the 30 Janu. 1633, at Court, before the King and Queen. Likt as a merry play. Made by Fletcher2 note

.

“The Inns of court gentlemen presented their masque at court, before the kinge and queene, the 2 February, 1633, and performed it very well. Their shew through the streets was glorious, and in the nature of a triumph.—Mr. Surveyor Jones invented and made the scene; Mr. Sherley the poett made the prose and verse.

“On thursday night the 6 of Febru. 1633, The Gamester was acted at Court, made by Sherley, out of a plot of the king's, given him by mee; and well likte. The king sayd it was the best play he had seen for seven years.

“On Shrovetusday night, the 18 of February, 1633, the Kinge dancte his Masque, accompanied with 11 lords, and attended with 10 pages. It was the noblest masque of my time to this day, the best poetrye, best scenes, and the best habitts. The kinge and queene were very well pleasd with my service,

-- 237 --

and the Q. was pleasd to tell mee before the king, ‘Pour les habits, elle n'avoit jamais rien vue de si brave.’

“Bussy d'Amboise was playd by the king's players on Easter-monday night, at the Cockpitt in court.

“The Pastorall was playd by the king's players on Easter-tusday night, at the Cockpitt in court.

“I committed Cromes, a broker in Longe Lane, the 16 of Febru. 1634, to the Marshalsey, for lending a church-robe with the name of Jesus upon it, to the players in Salisbury Court, to present a Flamen, a priest of the heathens. Upon his petition of submission, and acknowledgment of his faulte, I releasd him, the 17 Febr. 1634.

“The Second part of Arviragus and Philicia playd at court the 16 Febru. 1635, with great approbation of K. and Queene.

“The Silent Woman playd at Court of St. James on thursday ye 18 Febr. 1635.

“On Wensday the 23 of Febru. 1635, the Prince d'Amours gave a masque to the Prince Elector and his brother, in the Middle Temple, wher the Queene was pleasd to grace the entertaynment by putting of [off] majesty to putt on a citizens habitt, and to sett upon the scaffold on the right hande amongst her subjects.

“The queene was attended in the like habitts by the Marques Hamilton, the Countess of Denbighe, the Countess of Holland, and the Lady Elizabeth Feildinge. Mrs. Basse, the law-woman3 note, leade in this royal citizen and her company.

“The Earle of Holland, the Lord Goringe, Mr. Percy, and Mr. Jermyn, were the men that attended.

“The Prince Elector satt in the midst, his brother

-- 238 --

Robert on the right hand of him, and the Prince d'Amours on the left.

“The Masque was very well performed in the dances, scenes, cloathinge, and musique, and the Queene was pleasd to tell mee at her going away, that she liked it very well.

“Henry Lause made the musique.

“William Lause made the musique.

“Mr. Corseilles made the scenes.

“Loves Aftergame4 note, played at St. James by the Salisbury Court players, the 24 of Feb. 1635.

“The Dukes Mistres played at St. James the 22 of Feb. 1635. Made by Sherley.

“The same day at Whitehall I acquainted king Charles, my master, with the danger of Mr. Hunts sickness, and moved his Majesty, in case he dyed, that he would be pleasd to give mee leave to commend a fitt man to succeed him in his place of Yeoman of the Revells.

“The kinge tould me, that till then he knew not that Will Hunt held a place in the Revells. To my request he was pleasd to give mee this answer. Well, says the king, I will not dispose of it, or it shall not be disposed of, till I heare you. Ipsissimis verbis, Which I enter here as full of grace, and for my better remembrance, sinse my master's custom affords not so many words, nor so significant.

“The 28 Feb. The Knight of the Burning Pestle playd by the Q. men at St. James.

“The first and second part of Arviragus and Philicia were acted at the Cockpitt, [Whitehall] before the Kinge and Queene, the Prince, and Prince Elector, the 18 and 19 Aprill, 1636, being monday and tusday in Easter weeke.

-- 239 --

“At the increase of the plague to 4 within the citty and 54 in all.—This day the 12 May, 1636, I received a warrant from my lord Chamberlin for the suppressing of playes and shews, and at the same time delivered my severall warrants to George Wilson for the four companys of players, to be served upon them.

“At Hampton Court, 1636.

“The first part of Arviragus, Monday Afternoon, 26 Decemb.

“The second part of Arviragus, tusday 27 Decemb.

“Love and Honour, on New-years night, sonday.

“The Elder Brother, on thursday the 5 Janua.

“The Kinge and no Kinge, on tusday ye 10 Janu.

“The Royal Slave, on thursday the 12 of Janu. —Oxford play, written by Cartwright. The king gave him forty pounds.

“Rollo, the 24 Janu.

“Julius Cæsar, at St. James, the 31 Janu. 1636.

“Cupides Revenge, at St. James, by Beeston's boyes, the 7 Febru.

“A Wife for a Monthe, by the K. players, at St. James, the 9 Febru.

“Wit without Money, by the B. boyes at St. James, the 14 Feb.

“The Governor, by the K. players, at St. James, the 17 Febru. 1636.

“Philaster, by the K. players, at St. James, shrovtusday, the 21 Febru. 1636.

“On thursday morning the 23 of February the bill of the plague made the number at forty foure, upon which decrease the king gave the players their liberty, and they began the 24 February 1636. [1637–7.]

“The plague encreasinge, the players laye still untill the 2 of October, when they had leave to play.

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“Mr. Beeston was commanded to make a company of boyes, and began to play at the Cockpitt with them the same day.

“I disposed of Perkins, Sumner, Sherlock and Turner, to Salisbury Court, and joynd them with the best of that company.

“Received of Mr. Lowens for my paines about Messinger's play called The King and the Subject, 2 June, 1638, 1l. 0. 0.

“The name of The King and the Subject is altered, and I allowed the play to bee acted, the reformations most strictly observed, and not otherwise, the 5th of June, 1638.

“At Greenwich the 4 of June, Mr. W. Murray, gave mee power from the king to allowe of the play, and tould me that hee would warrant it.


“Monys? Wee'le rayse supplies what ways we please,
“And force you to subscribe to blanks, in which
“We'le mulct you as wee shall thinke fitt. The Cæsars
“In Rome were wise, acknowledginge no lawes
“But what their swords did ratifye, the wives
“And daughters of the senators bowinge to
“Their wills, as deities,” &c.

“This is a peece taken out of Phillip Messingers play, called The King and the Subject, and entered here for ever to bee remembered by my son and those that cast their eyes on it, in honour of Kinge Charles, my master, who, readinge over the play at Newmarket, set his marke upon the place with his owne hande, and in thes words:

‘This is too insolent, and to bee changed.’

“Note, that the poett makes it the speech of a king, Don Pedro king of Spayne, and spoken to his subjets.

“On thursday the 9 of Aprill, 1640, my Lord Chamberlen bestow'd a play on the Kinge and

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Queene, call'd Cleodora, Queene of Arragon, made by my cozen Abington. It was performd by my lords servants out of his own family, and his charge in the cloathes and sceanes, which were very riche and curious. In the hall at Whitehall.

“The king and queene commended the generall entertaynment, as very well acted, and well set out.

“It was acted the second tyme in the same place before the king and queene.

“At Easter 1640, the Princes company went to the Fortune, and the Fortune company to the Red Bull.

“On Monday the 4 May, 1640, William Beeston was taken by a messenger, and committed to the Marshalsey, by my Lord Chamberlens warant, for playinge a playe without license. The same day the company at the Cockpitt was commanded by my Lord Chamberlens warant to forbeare playinge, for playinge when they were forbidden by mee, and for other disobedience, and laye still monday, tusday, and wensday. On thursday at my Lord Chamberlen's entreaty I gave them their liberty, and upon their petition of submission subscribed by the players, I restored them to their liberty on thursday.

“The play I cald for, and, forbiddinge the playinge of it, keepe the booke, because it had relation to the passages of the K.s journey into the Northe, and was complaynd of by his M.tye to mee, with commande to punishe the offenders.

“On Twelfe Night, 1641, the prince had a play called The Scornful Lady, at the Cockpitt, but the kinge and queene were not there; and it was the only play acted at courte in the whole Christmas.

“[1642. June.] Received of Mr. Kirke, for a new play which I burnte for the ribaldry and offense that was in it, 2l. 0. 0.

“Received of Mr. Kirke for another new play

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called The Irishe Rebellion, the 8 June, 1642, 2l. 0. 0.

“Here ended my allowance of plaies, for the war began in Aug. 1642.”

Sir William D'Avenant, about sixteen months after the death of Ben Jonson, obtained from his Majesty (Dec. 13, 1638,) a grant of an annuity of one hundred pounds per ann. which he enjoyed as poet laureat till his death. In the following year (March 26, 1640,) a patent passed the great seal authorizing him to erect a playhouse, which was then intended to have been built behind The Three Kings Ordinary in Fleet-street: but this scheme was not carried into execution. I find from a Manuscript in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, that after the death of Christopher Beeston, Sir W. D'Avenant was appointed by the Lord Chamberlain, (June 27, 1639,) “Governor of the King and Queens company acting at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, during the lease which Mrs. Elizabeth Beeston, alias Hutcheson, hath or doth hold in the said house:” and I suppose he appointed her son Mr. William Beeston his deputy, for from Sir Henry Herbert's office-book, he appears for a short time to have had the management of that theatre.

In the latter end of the year 1659, some months before the restoration of K. Charles II. the theatres, which had been suppressed during the usurpation, began to revive, and several plays were performed at the Red Bull in St. John's Street, in that and the following year, before the return of the king. In June, 1660, three companies seem to have been formed; that already mentioned; one under Mr. William Beeston in Salisbury Court, and one at the Cockpit in Drury Lane under Mr. Rhodes, who had been wardrobe-keeper at the theatre in Blackfriars before the breaking out of the Civil Wars. Sir

-- 243 --

Henry Herbert, who still retained his office of Master of the Revels, endeavoured to obtain from these companies the same emoluments which he had formerly derived from the exhibition of plays; but after a long struggle, and after having brought several actions at law against Sir William D'Avenant, Mr. Betterton, Mr. Mohun, and others, he was obliged to relinquish his claims, and his office ceased to be attended with either authority or profit. It received its death wound from a grant from King Charles II. under the privy signet, August 21, 1660, authorizing Mr. Thomas Killigrew, one of the grooms of his majesty's bedchamber, and Sir William D'Avenant, to erect two new playhouses and two new companies, of which they were to have the regulation; and prohibiting any other theatrical representation in London, Westminster, or the suburbs, but those exhibited by the said two companies.

Among the papers of Sir Henry Herbert several are preserved relative to his disputed claim, some of which I shall here insert in their order, as containing some curious and hitherto unknown particulars relative to the stage at this time, and also as illustrative of its history at a precedent period.

I.

“For Mr. William Beeston,

“Whereas the allowance of plays, the ordering of players and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses, hath, time out of minde whereof the memory of man is not to the contrary, belonged to the Master of his Ma.ties office of the Revells; And whereas Mr. William Beeston hath desired authority and lycence from mee to continue the house called Salisbury Court playhouse in a playhouse, which was

-- 244 --

formerly built and erected into a playhouse by the permission and lycence of the Master of the Revells.

“These are therefore by virtue of a grand under the great seal of England, and of the constant practe thereof, to continue and constitute the said house called Salisbury Court playhouse into a playhouse, and to authorize and lycence the said Mr. Beeston to sett, lett, or use it for a playhouse, wherein comedies, tragedies, tragicomedies, pastoralls, and interludes, may be acted. Provided that noe persons be admitted to act in the said playhouse but such as shall be allowed by the Master of his Ma.ties office of the Revells. Given under my hand and seale of the office of the Revells, this &lblank;”

[This paper appears to be only a copy, and is not dated nor signed: ending as above. I believe, it was written in June, 1660.]

II.

“To the kings most excellent Majesty.

“The humble Petition of John Rogers,

“Most humbly sheweth,

“That your petitioner at the beginning of the late calamitys lost thereby his whole estate, and during the warr susteyned much detriment and imprisonment, and lost his limbs or the use thereof; who served his Excellency the now Lord General, both in England and Scotland, and performed good and faithfull service; in consideration whereof and by being so much decreapitt as not to act any more in the wars, his Excellency was favourably pleased, for your petitioners future subsistance without being further burthensome to this kingdom, or to your Majesty for a pension, to grant him a tolleration to erect a playhouse or to have a share out of them already tollerated,

-- 245 --

your petitioner thereby undertaking to suppress all riots, tumults, or molestations that may thereby arise. And for that the said graunt remains imperfect unless corroborated by your majesty.

“He therefore humbly implores your most sacred Majesty, in tender compassion, out of your kingly clemency to confirm unto him a share out of the profitts of the said playhouses, or such allowance by them to be given as formerly they used to allow to persons for to keep the peace of the same, that he may with his wife and family be thereby preserved and relieved in his maimed aged years; and he shall daily pray.”

“At the Court at Whitehall, the 7th of August, 1660.

“His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer this petition to Sir Henry Herbert, Master of his Majesties Revells, to take such Order therein, as shall be agreeable to equity, without further troubling his majesty.

“(A true Copye.) J. Hollis.”

“August 20, 1660. From the office of the Revells.

“In obedience to his M.ties command I have taken the matter of the Petitioners request into consideration, and doe thereupon conceive it very reasonable that the petitioner should have the same allowance weekly from you and every of you, for himselfe and his men6 note, for guarding your playhouse from all molestations and injuries, which you formerly did or doe

-- 246 --

allow or pay to other persons for the same or such like services; and that it be duely and truely paid him without denial. And the rather for that the Kings most excellent Ma.tie upon the Lord General Monks recommendation, and the consideration of the Petitioners losses and sufferings, hath thought fitt to commisserate the Petitioner John Rogers his said condition, and to refer unto me the relief of the said petitioner. Given at his Ma.ties office of the Revells, under my hand and the seale of the said office, the twentieth day of August, in the twelve yeare of his Ma.ties raigne.

“To the Actors of the playhouses called the Red Bull, Cockpit, and theatre in Salisbury Court, and to every of them, in and about the citties of London and Westminster.

III.

“To the kings most excellent Majestie.

“The humble petition of Sir Henry Herbert, Knight, Master of your Majesties office of the Revels.

“Sheweth,

“That whereas your Petitioner by vertue of severall Grants under the great seale of England hath executed the said office as Master of the Revells, for about 40 yeares, in the times of King James, and of King Charles, both of blessed memory, with exception only to the time of the late horrid rebellion.

“And whereas the ordering of playes and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses are peculiar branches of the said office, and in

-- 247 --

the constant practice thereof by your petitioners predecessors in the said office and himselfe, with exception only as before excepted, and authorized by grante under the said greate seale of England; and that no person or persons have erected any playhouses, or raysed any company of players, without licence from your petitioners said predecessors or from your petitioner, but Sir William D'Avenant, Knight, who obtained leave of Oliver and Richard Cromwell to vent his operas, at a time when your petitioner owned not their authority.

“And whereas your Majesty hath lately signified your pleasure by warrant to Sir Jeffery Palmer, Knight and Bar. your Majesties Attorney General, for the drawing of a grante for your Majesties signature to pass the greate seale, thereby to enable and empower Mr. Thomas Killegrew and the said Sir William D'Avenant to erect two new playhouses in London, Westminster, or the subburbs thereof, and to make choice of two companies of players, to bee under their sole regulation, and that noe other players shall be authorized to play in London, Westminster, or the subburbs thereof but such as the said Mr. Killegrew and Sir William D'Avenant shall allow of.

“And whereas your petitioner hath been represented to your Ma.ty as a person consenting unto the said powers expressed in the said warrant. Your petitioner utterly denies the least consent or fore-knowledge thereof, but looks upon it as an unjust surprize, and destructive to the power granted under the said greate seale to your petitioner, and to the constant practice of the said office, and exercised in the office ever since players were admitted by authority to act playes, and cannot legally be done as your petitioner is advised; and it may be of very ill consequence, as your petitioner is advised, by a new grante

-- 248 --

to take away and cut of a branch of your ancient powers, granted to the said office under the great seale.

“Your petitioner therefore humbly praies that your Ma.ty would be justly as graciously pleased to revoke the said warrant from your Ma.ties said Attorney Generall, or to refer the premises to the consideration of your Ma.ties said Attorney Generall to certify your Ma.ty of the truth of them, and his judgement on the whole matters in question betwixt the said Mr. Killegrew, Sir William D'Avenant, and your petitioner, in relation to the legality and consequence of their demands and your petitioners rights.

And your petitioner shall ever pray.”

“At the Court at Whitehall, 4 August, 1660.

“His Ma.tie is pleased to refer this petition to Sir Jeffery Palmer, Knight and Baronet, his Ma.ties Attorney Generall; who haveing called before him all persons concerned, and examined the petitioners right, is to certify what he finds to be the true state of the matters in difference, together with his opinion thereupon. And then his Ma.tie will declare his further pleasure. Edw. Nicholas.”

“May it please your most excellent M.ty

“Although I have heard the parties concerned in this petition severally and apart, yet in respect Mr. Killigrew and Sir William D'Avenant, having notice of a time appointed to heare all parties together did not come, I have forborne to proceed further; having also received an intimation, by letter from Sir William D'Avenant, that I was freed from further hearing this matter.

“14 Sept. 1660. J. Palmer.”

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IV.

“From Mr. Mosely concerning the playes, &c. August 30, 16607 note.

“Sir,

“I have beene very much solicited by the gentlemen actors of the Red Bull for a note under my hand to certifie unto your worshp. what agreement I had made with Mr. Rhodes of the Cockpitt playhouse. Truly, Sir, I am so farr from any agreement with him, that I never so much as treated with him, nor with any from him, neither did I ever consent directly or indirectly, that hee or any others should act any playes that doe belong to mee, without my knowledge and consent had and procured. And the same also I doe certify concerning the Whitefryers playhouse8 note and players.

“Sir, this is all I have to trouble you withall att present, and therefore I shall take the boldnesse to remaine, Your Worshs. most humble Servant,
“Humphrey Mosely.
“August 30. 609 note.”

V. On the 21st of August, 1660, the following grant, against which Sir Henry Herbert had petitioned to be heard, passed the privy signet:

“Charles the Second by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the fayth, &c. to all to whome these presents shall

-- 250 --

come greeting. Whereas wee are given to understand that certain persons in and about our citty of London, or the suburbs thereof, doe frequently assemble for the performing and acting of playes and enterludes for rewards, to which divers of our subjects doe for their entertainment resort; which said playes, as we are informed, doe containe much matter of prophanation, and scurrility, soe that such kind of entertainments, which, if well managed, might serve as morall instructions in humane life, as the same are now used, doe for the most part tende to the debauchinge of the manners of such as are present at them, and are very scandalous and offensive to all pious and well disposed persons. We, takeing the premisses into our princely consideration, yett not holding it necessary totally to suppresse the use of theaters, because wee are assured, that, if the evill and scandall in the playes that now are or haue bin acted were taken away, the same might serue as innocent and harmlesse diuertisement for many of our subjects; and haueing experience of the art and skill of our trusty and well beloued Thomas Killegrew, esq. one of the Groomes of our Bedchamber, and of Sir William Dauenant, knight, for the purposes hereafter mentioned, doe hereby giue and grante vnto the said Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Dauenant full power and authority to erect two companies of players, consistinge respectively of such persons as they shall chuse and appoint, and to purchase, builde and erect, or hire at their charge, as they shall thinke fitt, two houses or theatres, with all convenient roomes and other necessaries thereunto appertaining for the representation of tragydies, comedyes, playes, operas, and all other entertainments of that nature, in convenient places: and likewise to settle and establish such payments to be paid by those that shall resort to see the said representations performed, as either

-- 251 --

haue bin accustomely giuen and taken in the like kind, or as shall be reasonable in regard of the great expences of scenes, musick and such new decorations as haue not been formerly used; with further power to make such allowances out of that which they shall so receiue, to the actors, and other persons employed in the said representations in both houses respectively, as they shall think fitt: the said companies to be under the gouernement and authority of them the said Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Dauenant. And in regard of the extraordinary licentiousness that hath been lately used in things of this nature, our pleasure is that there shall be noe more places of representations, nor companies of actors of playes, or operas by recitative, musick, or representations by danceing and scenes, or any other entertainments on the stage, in our citties of London and Westminster, or in the liberties of them, then the two to be now erected by vertue of this authority. Nevertheless wee doe hereby by our authority royal strictly enjoine the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant that they doe not at any time hereafter cause to be acted or represented any play, enterlude, or opera, containing any matter of prophanation, scurrility or obscenity: And wee doe further hereby authorize and command them the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant to peruse all playes that haue been formerly written, and to expunge all prophanesse and scurrility from the same, before they be represented or acted. And this our grante and authority made to the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant, shall be effectuall and remaine in full force and vertue, notwithstanding any former order or direction by us given, for the suppressing of playhouses and playes, or any other entertainments of the stage. Given, &c. August 21, 1660.”

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VI.

The following paper is indorsed by Sir Henry Herbert:

“Warrant sent to Rhodes, and brought backe by him the 10 of Octob. 60, with this answer— That the Kinge did authorize him.

“Whereas by vertue of a grante under the great seale of England, playes, players and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses, have been allowed, ordered and permitted by the Masters of his Ma.ties office of the Revells, my predecessors successively, time out of minde, whereof the memory of man is not to the contrary, and by mee for almost forty yeares, with exception only to the late times:

“These are therefore in his Ma.ties name to require you to attend mee concerning your playhouse called the Cockpitt playhouse in Drury Lane, and to bring with you such authority as you have for erecting of the said house into a playhouse, at your perill. Given at his Ma.ties office of the Revells the 8th day of Octob. 1660. Henry Herbert.
“To Mr. John Rodes at the Cockpitt
playhouse in Drury Lane.”

VII.

Copy of the Warrant sent to the actors at the Cockpitt in Drury Lane by Tom Browne, the 13 Octob. 60.

“Whereas severall complaints have been made against you to the Kings most excellent Majesty by

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Mr. Killegrew and Sir William D'Avenant, concerning the unusuall and unreasonable rates taken at your playhouse doores, of the respective persons of quality that desire to refresh or improve themselves by the sight of your morrall entertainments which were constituted for profitt and delight. And the said complaints made use of by the said Mr. Killegrew and Sir William Davenant as part of their suggestions for their pretended power, and for your late restrainte.

“And whereas complaints have been made thereof formerly to mee, wherewith you were acquainted, as innovations and exactions not allowed by mee; and that the like complaints are now made, that you do practice the said exactions in takeing of excessive and unaccustomed rates uppon the restitution of you to your liberty,

“These are therefore in his Ma.ties name to require you and every of you to take from the persons of qualitie and others as daily frequent your playhouse, such usuall and accustomed rates only as were formerly taken at the Blackfryers by the late company of actors there, and noe more nor otherwise, for every new or old play that shall be allowed you by the Master of the Revells to be acted in the said playhouse or any other playhouse. And you are hereby further required to bringe or sende to me all such old plaies as you doe intend to act at your said playhouse, that they may be reformed of prophanes and ribaldry, at your perill. Given at the office of the Revells1 note. Henry Herbert.
“To Mr. Michael Mohun,
and the rest of the actors
of the Cockpitt playhouse
in Drury Lane. The 13th
of October, 1660.”

-- 254 --

VIII.

“To the Kings most excellent Majestie.

“The humble Petition of Michael Mohun, Robert Shatterell, Charles Hart, Nich. Burt, Wm. Cartwright, Walter Clun, and William Wintersell.

“Humbly sheweth,

“That your Majesties humble petitioners, having been supprest by a warrant from your Majestie, Sir Henry Herbert informed us it was Mr. Killegrew had caused it, and if wee would give him soe much a weeke, he would protect them against Mr. Killegrew and all powers. The complaint against us was, scandalous plays, raising the price, and acknowledging noe authority; all which ended in soe much per weeke to him; for which wee had leave to play and promise of his protection: the which your Majesty knows he was not able to performe, since Mr. Killegrew, having your Majesties former grante, supprest us, until wee had by covenant obliged ourselves to act with woemen, a new theatre, and habitts according to our sceanes. And according to your Majesties approbation, from all the companies we made election of one company; and so farre Sir Henry Herbert hath bene from protecting us, that he hath been a continual disturbance unto us, who were [united] by your Majesties commande under Mr. Killegrew as Master of your Majesties Comedians; and we have annext unto our petition the date of the warrant by which wee were supprest, and for a protection against that warrant he forced from us soe much a weeke. And if your majestie be graciously pleased to cast your eye upon the date of the warrant hereto annext, your majestie shall find the date to our contract succeeded; wherein he hath broke the covenants, and not your

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petitioners, haveing abused your majestie in giveing an ill character of your petitioners, only to force a sum from their poor endeavours; who never did nor shall refuse him all the reseits and just profitts that belong to his place; hee having now obtained leave to arrest us, only to give trouble and vexation to your petitioners, hopeing by that meanes to force a summe of money illegally from us.

“The premises considered, your petitioners humbly beseech your majestie to be gratiously pleased to signify your royal pleasure to the Lord Chamberlaine, that your petitioners may not bee molested in their calling. And your petitioners in duty bound shall pray, &c.
Nich. Burt
.
William Wintershall.
Charles Hart.
Robt. Shatterel2 note.”

Mr. Thomas Betterton having been a great admirer of Shakspeare, and having taken the trouble in the beginning of this century, when he was above seventy years of age, of travelling to Stratford-upon-Avon to collect materials for Mr. Rowe's life of our author, is entitled to particular notice from an editor of his works. Very inaccurate accounts of this actor have been given in the Biographia Britannica and several other books. It is observable, that biographical writers often give the world long dissertations concerning facts and dates, when the fact contested might at once be ascertained by visiting a neighbouring parish-church: and this has been particularly the case of Mr. Betterton. He was the son of Matthew

-- 256 --

Betterton (under-cook to King Charles the First,) and was baptized, as I learn from the register of St. Margaret's parish, August 11, 1635. He could not have appeared on the stage in 1656, as has been asserted, no theatre being then allowed. His first appearance was at the Cockpit, in Drury Lane, in Mr. Rhodes's company, who played there by a licence in the year 1659, when Betterton was twenty-four years of age. He married Mrs. Mary Saunderson, an actress, who had been bred by Sir William D'Avenant, some time in the year 1663, as appears by the Dramatis Personæ of The Slighted Maid, printed in that year3 note

. From a paper now before me, which Sir Henry Herbert has entitled a Breviat of matters to be proved on the trial of an action brought by him against Mr. Betterton in 1662, I find that he continued to act at the Cockpit till November, 1660, when he and several other performers entered into articles with Sir William D'Avenant; in consequence of which they began in that month to play at the theatre in Salisbury Court, from whence after some time, I believe, they returned to the Cockpit, and afterwards removed to a new theatre in Portugal Row near Lincoln's Inn Fields. These Articles were as follows:

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ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT tripartite, indented, made, and agreed upon this fifth day of November, in the twelfth yeere of the reigne of our sovereigne Lord king Charles the Second, Annoque Domini 1660, between Sir Wm. Davenant of London, Kt. of the first part, and Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, of the second part; and Henry Harris, of the citty of London, painter, of the third part, as followeth.

Imprimis, the said Sir William Davenant doth for himself, his executors, administrators and assigns, covenant, promise, grant, and agree, to and with the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Mosely, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, that he the said Sir William Davenant by vertue of the authority to him derived for that purpose does hereby constitute, ordeine and erect them the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, and their associates, to bee a company, publiquely to act all manner of tragedies, comedies, and playes whatsoever, in any theatre or playhouse erected in London or Westminster or the suburbs thereof, and to take the usual rates for the same, to the uses hereafter exprest, untill the said Sir William Davenant shall provide a newe theatre with scenes.

Item, It is agreed by and between all the said parties to these presents, that the said company, (untill the said theatre bee provided by the said Sir William Davenant) bee authorized by him to act tragedies, comedies, and playes in the playhouse called Salisbury Court playhouse, or any other house, upon the conditions only hereafter following, vizt.

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That the generall receipte of money of the said playhouse shall (after the house-rent, hirelings4 note, and all other accustomary and necessary expences in that kind be defrayed) bee divided into fowerteene proportions or shares, whereof the said Sir William Davenant shall have foure full proportions or shares to his owne use, and the rest to the use of the said companie.

That duringe the time of playing in the said playhouse, (untill the aforesaid theatre bee provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant,) the said Sir Wm. Davenant shall depute the said Thomas Batterton, James Noakes, and Thomas Sheppey, or any one of them particularly, for him and on his behalfe, to receive his proportion of those shares, and to surveye the accompte conduceinge thereunto, and to pay the said proportion every night to him the said Sir Wm. Davenant or his assignes, which they doe hereby covenant to pay accordingly.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, and the rest of the said company shall admit such a consort of musiciens into the said playhouse for their necessary use, as the said Sir William shall nominate and provide, duringe their playinge in the said playhouse, not exceedinge the rate of 30s. the day, to bee defrayed out of the general expences of the house before the said fowerteene shares bee devided.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, and the rest of the said companie soe authorized to play in the playhouse in Salisbury Court or elsewhere, as aforesaid, shall at one weeks warninge given by the said Sir William Davenant, his heires or assignes, dissolve and conclude their playeing at the house and place aforesaid, or at any other house where they shall

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play, and shall remove and joyne with the said Henry Harris, and with other men and women provided or to be provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, to performe such tragedies, comedies, playes, and representations in that theatre to be provided by him the said Sir William as aforesaid.

Item, It is agreed by and betweene all the said parties to these presents in manner and form followinge, vizt. That when the said companie, together with the said Henry Harris, are joyned with the men and women to be provided by the said Sir William D'Avenant to act and performe in the said theatre to bee provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, that the generall receipte of the said theatre (the generall expence first beinge deducted) shall bee devided into fifteene shares or proportions, whereof two shares or proportions shall bee paid to the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assigns, towards the house-rent, buildinge, scaffoldinge, and makeing of frames for scenes, and one other share or proportion shall likewise bee paid to the said Sir William, his executors, administrators and assignes, for provision of habitts, properties, and scenes, for a supplement of the said theatre.

That the other twelve shares (after all expences of men hirelinges and other customary expences deducted) shall bee devided into seaven and five shares or proportions, whereof the said Sir Wm. D'Avenant, his executors, administrators, or assigns, shall have seaven shares or proportions, to mainteine all the women that are to performe or represent womens parts in the aforesaid tragedies, comedies, playes, or representations; and in consideration of erectinge and establishinge them to bee a companie, and his the said Sir Wms. paines and expences to that purpose for many yeeres. And the other five of the said shares or proportions is to bee devided amongst the rest of

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the persons [parties] to theis presents, whereof the said Henry Harris is to have an equal share with the greatest proportion in the said five shares or proportions.

That the general receipte of the said theatre (from and after such time as the said Companie have performed their playeinge in Salisbury Court, or in any other playhouse, according to and noe longer than the tyme allowed by him the said William as aforesaid) shall bee by ballatine, or tickets sealed for all doores and boxes.

That Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators or assignes, shall at the general chardge of the whole receipte provide three persons to receive money for the said tickets, in a roome adjoyning to the said theatre; and that the actors in the said theatre, nowe parties to these presents, who are concerned in the said five shares or proportions, shall dayly or weekely appoint two or three of themselves, or the men hirelings deputed by them, to sit with the aforesaid three persons appointed by the said Sir William, that they may survey or give an accompt of the money received for the said tickets: That the said seaven shares shall be paid nightly by the said three persons by the said Sir Wm. deputed, or by anie of them, to him the said Sir Wm. his executors, administrators, or assignes.

That the said Sir William Davenant shall appoint half the number of the door-keepers necessary for the receipt of the said tickets for doores and boxes, the wardrobe-keeper, barber, and all other necessary persons as hee the said Sir Wm. shall think fitt, and their sallary to bee defrayed at the publique chardge.

That when any sharer amongst the actors of the aforesaid shares, and parties to these presents shall dye, that then the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators or assignes, shall have the denomination and appointment of the successor and successors.

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And likewise that the wages of the men hirelings shall be appointed and established by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assignes.

That the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, shall not bee obliged out of the shares or proportions allowed to him for the supplyeinge of cloathes, habitts, and scenes, to provide eyther hatts, feathers, gloves, ribbons, sworde-belts, bands, stockings, or shoes, for any of the men actors aforesaid, unless it be a propertie.

That a private boxe bee provided and established for the use of Thomas Killigrew, Esq. one of the groomes of his Ma.ties bedchamber, sufficient to conteine sixe persons, into which the said Mr. Killigrew, and such as he shall appoint, shall have liberty to enter without any sallary or pay for their entrance into such a place of the said theatre as the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his heires, executors, administrators, or assignes shall appoint.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, doe hereby for themselves covenant, promise, grant and agree, to and with the said Sir W. D. his executors, administrators, and assignes, by these presents, that they and every of them shall become bound to the said Sir Wm. Davenant, in a bond of 5000l. conditioned for the performance of these presents. And that every successor to any part of the said five shares or proportions shall enter into the like bonds before he or they shall bee admitted to share anie part or proportion of the said shares or proportions.

And the said Henry Harris doth hereby for himself, his executors, administrators, and assignes, covenant, promise, grant and agree, to and with the said Sir

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Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, and assignes, by these presents, that hee the said Henry Harris shall within one weeke after the notice given by Sir Wm. Davenant for the concludinge of the playeinge at Salisbury Court or any other house else abovesaid, become bound to the said Sir Wm. Davenant in a bond of 5000l. conditioned for the performance of these [presents]. And that every successor to any of the said five shares shall enter into the like bond, before hee or they shall bee admitted to have any part or proportion in the said five shares.

Item, it is mutually agreed by and betweene all the parties to these presents, that the said Sir William Davenant alone shall bee Master and Superior, and shall from time to time have the sole government of the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Mosely, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner and Thomas Lilleston, and also of the said Henry Harris, and their associates, in relation to the playes [play-house] by these presents agreed to bee erected.

On the 15th of Nov. 1660, Sir William D'Avenant's company began to act under these articles at the theatre in Salisbury-court, at which house or at the Cockpit they continued to play till March or April, 1662. In October, 1660, Sir Henry Herbert had brought an action on the case against Mr. Mohun and several others of Killigrew's company, which was tried in December, 1661, for representing plays without being licensed by him, and obtained a verdict against them, as appears from a paper which I shall insert in its proper place. Encouraged by his success in that suit, soon after D'Avenant's company opened their new theatre in Portugal Row, he brought a similar

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action (May 6, 1662,) against Mr. Betterton, of which I know not the event5 note

. In the declaration, now before me, it is stated that D'Avenant's company, between the 15th of November 1660, and the 6th of May 1662, produced ten new plays and 100 revived plays; but the latter number being the usual style of declarations at law, may have been inserted without a strict regard to the fact.

Sir Henry Herbert likewise brought two actions on the same ground against Sir William D'Avenant, in one of which he failed, and in the other was successful. To put an end to the contest, Sir William in June 1662 besought the king to interfere.

“To the Kings most Sacred Majesty.

“The humble petition of Sir William Davenant, Knight,

“Sheweth,

“That your petitioner has bin molested by Sir Henry Harbert with several prosecutions at law.

“That those prosecutions have not proceeded by your petitioners default of not paying the said Henry

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Harbert his pretended fees, (he never having sent for any to your petitioner,) but because your petitioner hath publiquely presented plaies; notwithstanding he is authoriz'd thereunto by pattent from your Majesties most royall Father, and by several warrants under your Majesties royal hand and signet.

“That your petitioner (to prevent being outlaw'd) has bin inforc'd to answer him in two tryals at law, in one of which, at Westminster, your petitioner hath had a verdict against him, where it was declar'd that he hath no jurisdiction over any plaiers, nor any right to demand fees of them. In the other, (by a Londen jury,) the Master of Revels was allowed the correction of plaies, and fees for soe doing; but not to give plaiers any licence or authoritie to play, it being prov'd that no plaiers were ever authoriz'd in London or Westminster, to play by the commission of ye Master of Revels, but by authoritie immediately from the crown. Neither was the proportion of fees then determin'd, or made certaine; because severall witnesses affirm'd that variety of payments had bin made; sometimes of a noble, sometimes of twenty, and afterwards of forty shillings, for correcting a new play; and that it was the custome to pay nothing for supervising reviv'd plaies.

“That without any authoritie given him by that last verdict, he sent the day after the tryall a prohibition under his hand and seale (directed to the plaiers in Little Lincolnes Inn fields) to forbid them to act plaies any more.

“Therefore your petitioner humbly praies that your Majesty will graciously please (two verdicts having pass'd at common law contradicting each other) to referr the case to the examination of such honourable persons as may satisfy your Majesty of the just authoritie of the Master of Revells, that so his

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fees, (if any be due to him) may be made certaine, to prevent extorsion; and time prescribed how long he shall keep plaies in his hands, in pretence of correcting them; and whether he can demand fees for reviv'd plaies; and lastly, how long plaies may be lay'd asyde, ere he shall judge them to be reviv'd.

“And your petitioner (as in duty bound) shall ever pray,” &c.

“At the Court at Hampton Court, the 30th of June, 1663.

“His Majesty, being graciously inclin'd to have a just and friendly agreement made betweene the petitioner and the said Sir Henry Harbert, is pleas'd to referr this petition to the right honorable the Lord high Chancellor of England, and the Lord Chamberlaine, who are to call before them, as well the petitioner, as the said Sir Henry Harbert, and upon hearing and examining their differences, are to make a faire and amicable accommodation between them, if it may be, or otherwise to certify his Majesty the true state of this business, together with their Lord.ps opinions.

Edward Nicholas.

“Wee appoint Wednesday morning next before tenn of the clock to heare this businesse, of which Sir Henry Harbert and the other parties concern'd are to have notice, my Lord Chamberlaine having agreed to that hour.

“July 7, 1662.

Clarendone.”

On the reference to the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chamberlain, Sir Henry Herbert presented the following statement of his claims:

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“To the R.t Honn.rble Edward Earle of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of England, and Edward Earle of Manchester, Lord Chamberlain of his M.ties Household.

“In obedience to your lordships commandes signifyed unto mee on the ninth of this instant July, do make a remembrance of the fees, profittes, and incidents, belongeinge to ye office of the Reuells. They are as followeth:


£. s. d. “For a new play, to bee brought with the booke 002 00 00 “For an old play, to be brought with the booke 001 00 00 “For Christmasse fee 003 00 00 “For Lent fee 003 00 00 “The profittes of a summers day play at the Blackfryers, valued at 050 00 00 “The profitts of a winters day6 note, at Blackfryers 050 00 00 “Besides seuerall occasionall gratuityes from the late Ks. company at B. fryers. “For a share from each company of four companyes of players (besides the Kinges Company) valued at a 100l. a yeare, one yeare with another, besides the usuall fees, by the yeare 400 00 00

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“That the Kinges Company of players couenanted the 11th of August, 60, to pay Sir Henry Herbert per week, from that tyme, aboue the usual fees 004 00 00 “That Mr. William Beeston couenanted to pay weekly to Sir Henry Herbert the summe of 004 00 00 “That Mr. Rhodes promised the like per weeke 004 00 00

“That the 12l. per weeke from the three forenamed companyes hath been totally deteyned from Sir Henry Herbert since the said 11th Aug. 60, by illegal and unjust means; and all usual fees, and obedience due to the office of the Revells.

“That Mr. Thomas Killigrew drawes 19l. 6s. per week from the Kinges Company, as credibly informed.

“That Sir William Dauenant drawes 10 shares of 15 shares, which is valued at 200l. per week, cleer profitt, one week with another, as credibly informed.

“Allowance for charges of suites at law, for that Sir Henry Herbert is unjustly putt out of possession and profittes, and could not obtaine an appearance gratis.

“Allowance for damages susteyned in creditt and profittes for about two yeares since his Ma.ties happy Restauration.

“Allowance for their New Theatre to bee used as a playhouse.

“Allowance for new and old playes acted by Sir William Dauenantes pretended company of players at Salisbury Court, the Cockpitt, and now at Portugall Rowe, from the 5th Novemb. 60. the tyme

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of their first conjunction with Sir William Dauenant.

“Allowance for the fees at Christmasse and at Lent from the said tyme.

“A boxe for the Master of the Reuells and his company, gratis;—as accustomed.

“A submission to the authority of the Revells for the future,and that noe playes, new or old, bee acted, till they are allowed by the Master of the Reuells.

“That rehearsall of plays to be acted at court, be made, as hath been accustomed, before the Master of the Reuells, or allowance for them.

“Wherefore it is humbly pray'd, that delay being the said Dauenants best plea, whch he hath exercised by illegal actinges for almost two yeares, he may noe longer keep Sir Henry Herbert out of possession of his rightes; but that your Lordshippes would speedily assert the rights due to the Master of the Reuells, and ascertaine his fees and damages, and order obedience and payment accordingly. And in case of disobedience by the said Dauenant and his pretended company of players, that Sir Henry Herbert may bee at liberty to pursue his course at law, in confidence that he shall have the benefitt of his Ma.tys justice, as of your Lordshippes fauour and promises in satisfaction, or liberty to proceed at law. And it may bee of ill consequence that Sir Henry Herbert, dating for 45 yeares meniall service to the Royal Family, and hauing purchased Sir John Ashley's interest in the said office, and obtained of the late Kings bounty a grante under the greate seale of England for two liues, should have noe other compensation for his many yeares faithfull services, and constant adherence to his Ma.tys interest, accompanyed with his great sufferinges and losses, then to bee outed of his just

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possession, rightes and profittes, by Sir William Dauenant, a person who exercised the office of Master of the Reuells to Oliuer the Tyrant, and wrote the First and Second Parte of Peru, acted at the Cockpitt, in Oliuers tyme, and soly in his fauour; wherein hee sett of the justice of Oliuers actinges, by comparison with the Spaniards, and endeavoured thereby to make Oliuers crueltyes appeare mercyes, in respect of the Spanish crueltyes; but the mercyes of the wicked are cruell.

“That the said Dauenant published a poem in vindication and justification of Oliuers actions and government, and an Epithalamium in praise of Olivers daughter Ms. Rich;—as credibly informed7 note.

“The matters of difference betweene Mr. Thomas Killegrew and Sir Henry Herbert are upon accommodation.

“My Lordes,

“Your Lordshippes very humble Servant,

“July 11th 62. Cary-house.

Henry Herbert.”

Another paper now before me will explain what is meant by Sir Henry Herbert's concluding words:

“ARTICLES of agreement, indented, made and agreed upon, this fourthe day of June, in the 14 yeare of the reigne of our souveraigne lord Kinge Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1662, betweene Sir Henry Herbert of Ribsford in the county of Worcester, knight, of the one part, and Thomas Killegrew of Couent Garden, Esq. on the other parte, as followethe:

“Imprimis, It is agreed, that a firme amity be

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concluded for life betweene the said Sir Henry Herbert and the said Thomas Killegrew.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grant, and agree, to paye or cause to be pay'd unto Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, on or before the fourthe day of August next, all monies due to the said Sir Henry Herbert from the Kinge and Queens company of players, called Mychaell Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, Charles Hart, and the rest of that company, for the new plaies at fortie shillings a play, and for the old reuiued plaies at twentie shillings a play, they the said players haue acted since the eleuenthe of August, in the yeare of our Lord, 1660.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, to paye or cause to be pay'd unto the said Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, on or before the fourthe day of August next, such monies as are due to him for damages and losses obteyned at law ag.t Michaell Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, and Charles Hart, upon an action of the case brought by the said Sir Henry Herbert in the courte of Comon Pleas agt. ye said Mychael Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, and Charles Hart, wherupon a verdict hath been obtayned as aforesaid ag.t them. And likewise doe promise and agree that the costes and charges of suite upon another action of the case brought by the said Sir Henry Herbert, agt the said Mychael Mohun & ye rest of ye players aboue named, shall be also payd to the said Sir Henry Herbert or to his assignes, on or before the said fourthe day of August next.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew doth for himselfe

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couenant, promise, grante, and agree, that the said Michaell Mohun and the rest of the Kinge and Queenes company of players shall, on or before the said fourthe day of August next, paye or cause to be pay'd unto the said Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, the sum of fiftie pounds, as a present from them, for his damages susteyned from them and by their means.

“Item, That the said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. doth couenant, promise, grante, and agree, to be aydinge and assistinge unto the said Sir Henry Herbert in the due execution of the Office of the Reuells, and neither directly nor indirectly to ayde or assiste Sir William Dauenant, Knight, or any of his pretended company of players, or any other company of players whatsoever, in the due execution of the said office as aforesaide, soe as ye ayd soe to bee required of ye said Thomas Killegrew extend not to ye silencing or oppression of ye said King and Queenes company.

“And the said Sir Henry Herbert doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, not to molest ye said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. or his heirs, in any suite at lawe or otherwise, to the prejudice of the grante made unto him by his Ma.tie, or to disturbe the receiuinge of ye profits arysing by contract from the Kinge and Queens company of players to him, but to ayde and assiste the said Thomas Killegrew, in the due execution of the legall powers granted unto him by his Ma.te for the orderinge of the said company of players, and in the levyinge and receiuinge of ye monies due to him the said Thomas Killegrew, or which shall be due to him from ye saide company of players by any contract made or to be made between them or amongst the same; and neither directly nor indirectly to hinder the payment of ye said monies to be made weekly or otherwise by ye said company of players to ye said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. or to his assignes, but to be ayding and assistinge to the said

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Thomas Killegrew, Esq. and his assignes therein, if there be cause for it, and that the said Thomas Killegrew desire it of ye said Sir Henry Herbert.

“And the said Sir Henry Herbert doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, upon the performance of the matters which are herein contayned, and to be performed by the said Thomas Killegrew, accordinge to the daies of payment, and other things lymited and expressed in these articles, to deliver into the hands of ye said Thomas Killegrew the deede of couenants, sealed and delivered by the said Mychaell Mohun and ye others herein named, bearing date the 11 August, 1660; to be cancelled by the said Thomas Killegrew, or kept, as he shall thinke fitt, or to make what further advantage of the same in my name or right as he shall be advised8 note.”

The actors who had performed at the Red Bull, acted under the direction of Mr. Killigrew during the years 1660, 1661, 1662, and part of the year 1663, in Gibbon's tennis-court in Vere Street, near Clare-market; during which time a new theatre was built for them in Drury Lane, to which they removed in April, 1663. The following list of their stock-plays, in which it is observable there are but three of Shakspeare, was found among the papers of Sir Henry Herbert, and was probably furnished by them soon after the Restoration.


“Names of the plays acted by the Red Bull actors. The Humorous Lieutenant. The Traytor. Loves Cruelty. Wit without Money. Maydes Tragedy. Philaster. Rollo Duke of Normandy. Claricilla. Elder Brother. The Silent Woman.

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Beggars Bushe. Tamer Tamed. The Weddinge. Henry the Fourthe. Merry Wives of Windsor. Kinge and no Kinge. Othello. Dumboys1 note. The Unfortunate Lovers. The Widow.

Downes the prompter has given a list of what he calls the principal old stock plays acted by the king's servants (which title the performers under Mr. Killegrew acquired,) between the time of the Restoration and the junction of the two companies in 1682; from which it appears that the only plays of Shakspeare performed by them in that period, were King Henry IV. P. I. The Merry Wives of Windsor, Othello, and Julius Cæsar. Mr. Hart represented Othello, Brutus, and Hotspur; Major Mohun, Iago, and Cassius; and Mr. Cartwright, Falstaff. Such was the lamentable taste of those times that the plays of Fletcher, Jonson and Shirley were much oftener exhibited than those of our author. Of this the following list furnishes a melancholy proof. It appears to have been made by Sir Henry Herbert in order to enable him to ascertain the fees due to him, whenever he should establish his claims, which however he never accomplished. Between the play entitled Argalus and Parthenia, and The Loyal Subject, he has drawn a line; from which, and from other circumstances, I imagine that the plays which I have printed in Italicks were exhibited by the Red Bull actors, who afterwards became the king's servants.

James Boswell [1821], The plays and poems of William Shakspeare, with the corrections and illustrations of various commentators: comprehending A Life of the Poet, and an enlarged history of the stage, by the late Edmond Malone. With a new glossarial index (J. Deighton and Sons, Cambridge) [word count] [S10201].
To look up a word in a dictionary, select the word with your mouse and press 'd' on your keyboard.

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MR. MALONE'S HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, AND OF THE ECONOMY AND USAGES OF OUR ANCIENT THEATRES.

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The reader, I have no doubt, will be gratified in the perusal of the following letter, from Mr. Burke to to Mr. Malone; which I have subjoined as an introduction to this Essay. It was written in 1790, upon receiving Mr. Malone's edition of Shakspeare, which was published in that year:

[No date.]

“My dear Sir,

“Upon my coming to my new habitation in town, I found your valuable work upon my table. I take it as a very good earnest of the instruction and pleasure which may be yet reserved for my declining years. Though I have had many little arrangements to make, both of a public and private nature, my occupations were not able to overrule my curiosity, nor to prevent me from going through almost the whole of your able, exact, and interesting History of the Stage. A history of the Stage is no trivial thing to those who wish to study human nature in all shapes and positions. It is of all things the most instructive, to see not only the reflection of manners and characters at several periods, but the modes of making their reflection, and the manner of adapting it at those periods to the taste and disposition of mankind. The Stage indeed may be considered as the republic of active literature, and its history as the history of that state. The great events of political history, when not combined with the same helps towards the study of the manners and characters of men, must be a study of an inferior nature.

“You have taken infinite pains, and pursued your inquiries with great sagacity, not only in this respect, but in such of your notes as hitherto I have been able to peruse. You have earned your repose by public-spirited labour. But I cannot help hoping, that when

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you have given yourself the relaxation which you will find necessary to your health, if you are not called to exert your great talents, and employ your great acquisitions, in the transitory service to your country which is done in active life, you will continue to do it that permanent service which it receives from the labours of those who know how to make the silence of their closets more beneficial to the world than all the noise and bustle of courts, senates, and camps.

“I beg leave to send you a pamphlet which I have lately published. It is of an edition more correct, I think, than any of the first; and rendered more clear in points where I thought, in looking over again what I had written, there was some obscurity. Pray do not think my not having done this more early was owing to neglect or oblivion, or from any want of the highest and most sincere respect to you; but the truth is (and I have no doubt you will believe me), that it was a point of delicacy which prevented me from doing myself that honour. I well knew that the publication of your Shakspeare was hourly expected; and I thought if I had sent that small donum, the fruit of a few weeks, I might [have] subjected myself to the suspicion of a little Diomedean policy, in drawing from you a return of the value of an hundred cows for my nine. But you have led the way; and have sent me gold, which I can only repay you in my brass. But pray admit it on your shelves; and you will shew yourself generous in your acceptance, as well as your gift. Pray present my best respects to Lord and Lady Sunderlin, and to Miss Malone. I am, with the most sincere affection and gratitude, my dear Sir, your most faithful and obliged humble servant,

“Edm. Burke.”

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AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH STAGE.

The drama before the time of Shakspeare was so little cultivated, or so ill understood, that to many it may appear unnecessary to carry our theatrical researches higher than that period. Dryden has truly observed, that he “found not, but created first the stage;” of which no one can doubt, who considers, that of all the plays issued from the press antecedent to the year 1592, about which time there is reason to believe he commenced a dramatick writer, the titles are scarcely known, except to antiquaries; nor is there one of them that will bear a second perusal1 note. Yet

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these, contemptible and few as they are, we may suppose to have been the most popular productions of the time, and the best that had been exhibited before the appearance of Shakspeare2 note









.

-- 7 --

A minute investigation, therefore, of the origin and progress of the drama in England, will scarcely repay the labour of the inquiry. However, as the best introduction to the History of the Stage during the reigns of Elizabeth and James the First, and to an account of the internal economy and usages of the English theatres in the time of Shakspeare, (the principal objects of this dissertation,) I shall take a cursory view of our most ancient dramatick exhibitions,

-- 8 --

though I fear I can add but little to the researches which have already been made on that subject.

MYSTERIES.

Mr. Warton in his elegant and ingenious History of English Poetry has given so accurate an account of our earliest dramatick performances, that I shall make no apology for extracting from various parts of his valuable work, such particulars as suit my present purpose.

The earliest dramatick entertainments exhibited in England, as well as every other part of Europe, were of a religious kind. So early as in the beginning of the twelfth century, it was customary in England on holy festivals to represent, in or near the churches, either the lives and miracles of saints, or the most important stories of Scripture. From the subject of these spectacles, which, as has been observed, were either the miracles of saints, or the more mysterious parts of Holy Writ, such as the incarnation, passion, and resurrection of Christ, these scriptural plays were denominated Miracles, or Mysteries. At what period of time they were first exhibited in this country, I am unable to ascertain. Undoubtedly, however, they are of very great antiquity; and Riccoboni, who has contended that the Italian theatre is the most ancient in Europe, has claimed for his country an honour to which it is not entitled. The era of the earliest representation in Italy2 note, founded on Holy Writ, he has placed in the year 1264, when the fraternity del Gonfalone was established; but we had similar exhibitions in England above 150 years before that time. In

-- 9 --

the year 1110, as Dr. Percy and Mr. Warton have observed, the Miracle-play of Saint Catherine, written by Geoffrey a learned Norman, (afterwards Abbot of St. Alban's) was acted, probably by his scholars in the abbey of Dunstable; perhaps the first spectacle of this kind exhibited in England3 note. William Fitz-Stephen, a monk of Canterbury, who according to the best accounts composed his very curious work in 1174, about four years after the murder of his patron Archbishop Becket, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of King Henry the Second, mentions, that “London, for its theatrical exhibitions, has religious plays, either the representations of miracles wrought by holy confessors, or the sufferings of martyrs4 note.”

-- 10 --

Mr. Warton has remarked, that “in the time of Chaucer, Plays of Miracles appear to have been the common resort of idle gossips in Lent:


‘Therefore made I my visitations
‘To vigilies and to processions;
‘To prechings eke, and to thise pilgrimages,
‘To playes of miracles, and mariages,’ &c.5 note

“And in Pierce Plowman's Creed, a piece perhaps prior to Chaucer, a friar Minorite mentions these Miracles as not less frequented than market-towns and fairs:


‘We haunten no taverns, ne hobelen about,
‘At markets and Miracles we meddle us never.’”

The elegant writer whose words I have just quoted, has given the following ingenious account of the origin of this rude species of dramatick entertainment:

“About the eighth century trade was principally carried on by means of fairs which lasted several days. Charlemagne established many great marts of this sort in France, as did William the Conqueror, and his Norman successors in England. The merchants who frequented these fairs in numerous caravans or companies, employed every art to draw the people together. They were therefore accompanied by jugglers,

-- 11 --

minstrels, and buffoons; who were no less interested in giving their attendance, and exerting all their skill on these occasions. As now but few large towns existed, no publick spectacles or popular amusements were established; and as the sedentary pleasures of domestick life and private society were yet unknown, the fair-time was the season for diversion. In proportion as these shows were attended and encouraged, they began to be set off with new decorations and improvements: and the arts of buffoonery being rendered still more attractive, by extending their circle of exhibition, acquired an importance in the eyes of the people. By degrees the clergy observing that the entertainments of dancing, musick, and mimickry, exhibited at these protracted annual celebrities, made the people less religious, by promoting idleness and a love of festivity, proscribed these sports, and excommunicated the performers. But finding that no regard was paid to their censures, they changed their plan, and determined to take these recreations into their own hands. They turned actors; and instead of profane mummeries, presented stories taken from legends or the Bible. This was the origin of sacred comedy. The death of Saint Catherine, acted by the monks of Saint Dennis, rivalled the popularity of the professed players. Musick was admitted into the churches, which served as theatres for the representation of holy farces. The festivals among the French, called La fete de Foux, de l' Ane, and des Innocens, at length became greater favourites, as they certainly were more capricious and absurd, than the interludes of the buffoons at the fairs. These are the ideas of a judicious French writer now living, who has investigated the history of human manners with great comprehension and sagacity.

“Voltaire's theory on this subject is also very ingenious,

-- 12 --

and quite new. Religious plays, he supposes, came originally from Constantinople6 note; where the old Grecian stage continued to flourish in some degree, and the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides were represented, till the fourth century. About that period, Gregory Nazianzen, an Archbishop, a poet, and one of the fathers of the church, banished Pagan plays from the stage at Constantinople, and introduced stories from the Old and New Testament. As the ancient Greek tragedy was a religious spectacle, a transition was made on the same plan; and the chorusses were turned into Christian hymns. Gregory wrote many sacred dramas for this purpose, which have not survived those inimitable compositions over which they triumphed for a time: one, however, his tragedy called &grX;&grr;&gri;&grs;&grt;&gro;&grst; &grp;&gra;&grs;&grx;&grw;&grn;, or Christ's Passion, is still extant. In the prologue it is said to be an imitation of Euripides, and that this is the first time the Virgin Mary had been introduced on the stage. The fashion of acting spiritual dramas, in which at first a due degree of method and decorum was preserved, was at length adopted from Constantinople by the Italians; who framed in the depth of the dark ages, on this foundation, that barbarous species of theatrical representation called Mysteries, or sacred comedies, and which were soon after received in France. This opinion will acquire probability, if we consider the early commercial intercourse between Italy and Constantinople: and although the Italians, at the time

-- 13 --

when they may be supposed to have imported plays of this nature, did not understand the Greek language, yet they could understand, and consequently could imitate, what they saw.

“In defence of Voltaire's hypothesis, it may be further observed, that The feast of Fools, and of the Ass, with other religious farces of that sort, so common in Europe, originated at Constantinople. They were instituted, although perhaps under other names, in the Greek Church, about the year 990, by Theophylact, patriarch of Constantinople, probably with a better design than is imagined by the ecclesiastical annalists; that of weaning the minds of the people from the pagan ceremonies, by the substitution of christian spectacles partaking of the same spirit of licentiousness.—To those who are accustomed to contemplate the great picture of human follies, which the unpolished ages of Europe hold up to our view, it will not appear surprising, that the people who were forbidden to read the events of the sacred history in the Bible, in which they were faithfully and beautifully related, should at the same time be permitted to see them represented on the stage, disgraced with the grossest improprieties, corrupted with inventions and additions of the most ridiculous kind, sullied with impurities, and expressed in the language of the lowest farce.

“On the whole, the Mysteries appear to have originated among the ecclesiasticks; and were most probably first acted with any degree of form by the monks. This was certainly the case in the English monasteries7 note

. I have already mentioned the play of

-- 14 --

Saint Catherine, performed at Dunstable Abbey, by the novices in the eleventh century, under the superintendance of Geoffrey a Parisian ecclesiastick: and the exhibition of the Passion by the mendicant friars of Coventry and other places. Instances have been given of the like practice among the French. The only persons who could now read were in the religious societies; and various circumstances, peculiarly arising from their situation, profession, and institution, enabled the monks to be the sole performers of these representations.

“As learning encreased, and was more widely disseminated, from the monasteries, by a natural and easy transition, the practice migrated to schools and universities, which were formed on the monastick plan, and in many respects resembled the ecclesiastical bodies8 note.”

Candlemas day, or The Slaughter of the Innocents, written by Ihan Parfre, in 1512, Mary Magdalene, produced in the same year9 note, and The Promises of God, written by John Bale, and printed in 1538, are curious specimens of this early species of drama. But the most ancient as well as most complete collection of this kind is The Chester Mysteries, which were written by Ralph Higden, a monk of the Abbey of Chester, about the year 13281 note

, of which a particular

-- 15 --

account will be found below. I am tempted to transcribe a few lines from the third of these pageants, The Deluge, as a specimen of the ancient Mysteries.

-- 16 --

The first scenical direction is,—“Et primo in aliquo supremo loco, sive in nubibus, si fieri poterat, loquator Deus ad Noe, extra archam existente cum tota familia sua.” Then the Almighty, after expatiating on the sins of mankind is made to say:


“Man that I made I will destroye,
“Beast, worme, and fowle to fley,
“For one earthe the doe me nye,
  “The folke that are therone.
“It harmes me sore hartefully
“The malice that doth nowe multiplye,
“That sore it greeves me inwardlie
  “That ever I made man.

“Therefore, Noe, my servant free,
“That righteous man arte, as I see,
“A shipp soone thou shalt make thee
  “Of trees drye and lighte.
“Litill chambers therein thou make,
“And byndinge pytche also thou take,
“Within and without ney thou slake,
  “To anoynte yt through all thy mighte,” &c.

After some dialogue between Noah, Shem, Ham, Japhet, and their wives, we find the following stage direction: “Then Noe with all his family shall make a signe as though the wrought uppon the shippe with divers instruments, and after that God shall speake to Noe:


“Noe, take thou thy meanye,
“And in the shipp hie that ye be,
“For non so righteous man to me
  “Is now on earth livinge.
“Of clean beastes with thee thou take
“Seven and seven, or thou slake,
“He and she, make to make,
  “By live in that thou bring,” &c.

“Then Noe shall go into the arke with all his familye, his wife excepte. The arke must be boarded round about, and uppon the bordes all the beastes

-- 17 --

and fowles hereafter rehearsed must be painted, that there wordes maye agree with the pictures.”

“Sem.
Sier, here are lions, libardes, in,
“Horses, mares, oxen and swyne,
“Neates, calves, sheepe and kyne,
  “Here sitten thou maye see,” &c.

After all the beasts and fowls have been described, Noah thus addresses his wife:

“Noe.
Wife, come in, why standes thou there?
“Thou art ever froward, that dare I swere,
“Come in on Godes halfe; tyme it were,
“For fear lest that wee drowne.” “Wife.
Yea, sir, set up your saile,
“And rowe forth with evil haile,
“For withouten anie saile
  “I will not oute of this toune;
“But I have my gossepes everich one;
“One foote further I will not gone:
“They shal not drown by St. John,
  “And I may save ther life.
“They loved me full well by Christ:
“But thou will let them in thie chist,
“Ellis rowe forth, Noe, when thou list,
  “And get thee a newe wife.”

At length Shem and his brethren put her on board by force, and on Noah's welcoming her, “Welcome, wife, into this boate,” she gives him a box on the ear: adding, “Take thou that for thy note2 note.”

Many licentious pleasantries, as Mr. Warton has observed, were sometimes introduced in these religious representations. “This might imperceptibly lead the way to subjects entirely profane, and to comedy; and perhaps earlier than is imagined. In a Mystery of The Massacre of the Holy Innocents3 note, part of the

-- 18 --

subject of a sacred drama given by the English fathers at the famous Council of Constance, in the year 1417, a low buffoon of Herod's court is introduced, desiring of his lord to be dubbed a knight, that he might be properly qualified to go on the adventure of killing the mothers of the children of Bethlehem. This tragical business is treated with the most ridiculous levity. The good women of Bethlehem attack our knight-errant with their spinning-wheels, break his head with their distaffs, abuse him as a coward and disgrace to chivalry, and send him to Herod as a recreant champion with much ignominy.—It is certain that our ancestors intended no sort of impiety by these monstrous and unnatural mixtures. Neither the writers nor the spectators saw the impropriety, nor paid a separate attention to the comick and the serious part of these motley scenes; at least they were persuaded that the solemnity of the subject covered or excused all incongruities. They had no just idea of decorum, consequently but little sense of the ridiculous: what appears to us to be the highest burlesque, on them would have made no sort of impression. We must not wonder at this, in an age when courage, devotion, and ignorance, composed the character of European manners: when the knight going to a tornament, first invoked his God, then his mistress, and afterwards proceeded with a safe conscience and great resolution to engage his antagonist. In these Mysteries I have sometimes seen gross and open obscenities. In a play of The Old and New Testament, Adam and Eve are both exhibited on the stage naked4 note, and conversing about their nakedness; this

-- 19 --

very pertinently introduces the next scene; in which they have coverings of fig-leaves. This extraordinary spectacle was beheld by a numerous assembly of both sexes with great composure: they had the authority of scripture for such a representation, and they gave matters just as they found them in the third chapter of Genesis. It would have been absolute heresy to have departed from the sacred text in personating the primitive appearance of our first parents, whom the spectators so nearly resembled in simplicity; and if this had not been the case, the dramatists were ignorant what to reject, and what to retain5 note.”

“I must not omit,” adds Mr. Warton6 note, “an anec note entirely new, with regard to the mode of playing the Mysteries at this period, [the latter part of the fifteenth century,] which is yet perhaps of much higher antiquity. In the year 1487, while Henry the Seventh kept his residence at the castle of Winchester, on occasion of the birth of prince Arthur, on a Sunday, during the time of dinner, he was entertained with a religious drama called Christi Descensus ad inferos, or Christ's Descent into Hell. It was represented by the Pueri Eleemosynarii, or choir-boys of Hyde Abbey, and Saint Swithin's Priory, two large monasteries at Winchester. This is the only proof I have ever seen of choir-boys acting the old Mysteries: nor do I recollect any other instance of a royal dinner, even on a festival, accompanied with this species of diversion7 note. The story of this interlude, in which

-- 20 --

the chief characters were Christ, Adam, Eve, Abraham, and John the Baptist, was not uncommon in the ancient religious drama, and I believe made a part of what is called the Ludus Paschalis, or Easter Play. It occurs in the Coventry Plays acted on Corpus Christi day8 note

































, and in the Whitsun-plays at Chester,

-- 21 --

where it is called The Harrowing of Hell. The representation is, Christ entering hell triumphantly, delivering our first parents, and the most sacred characters of the Old and New Testaments, from the dominion

-- 22 --

of Satan, and conveying them into paradise. —The composers of the Mysteries did not think the plain and probable events of the New Testament sufficiently marvellous for an audience who wanted only to be surprised. They frequently selected their materials from books which had more of the air of romance. The subject of the Mysteries just mentioned was borrowed from the Pseudo-Evangelium, or the fabulous Gospel, ascribed to Nicodemus: a book, which together with the numerous apocryphal narratives, containing infinite innovations of the evangelical history, and forged at Constantinople by the early writers of the Greek church, gave birth to an endless variety of legends concerning the life of Christ and his apostles; and which, in the barbarous ages, was better esteemed than the genuine gospel, on account of its improbabilities and absurdities.

“But whatsoever was the source of these exhibitions, they were thought to contribute so much to the information and instruction of the people on the most important subjects of religion, that one of the popes granted a pardon of one thousand days to every person who resorted peaceably to the plays performed in the Whitsun week at Chester, beginning with the creation, and ending with the general judgment; and this indulgence was seconded by the bishop of the diocese, who granted forty days of pardon; the pope at the same time denouncing the sentence of damnation on all those incorrigible sinners who presumed to interrupt the due celebration of these pious sports9 note. It is certain that they had their use, not only in teaching the great truths of Scripture to men who could not read the Bible, but in abolishing the barbarous attachment to military games, and the bloody contentions of the tornament, which had so long prevailed as the sole species of popular amusement. Rude and

-- 23 --

even ridiculous as they were, they softened the manners of the people, by diverting the publick attention to spectacles in which the mind was concerned, and by creating a regard for other arts than those of bodily strength and savage valour.”

I may add, that these representations were so far from being considered as indecent or profane, that even a supreme pontiff, Pope Pius the Second, about the year 1460, caused to be acted before him on Corpus Christi day, a Mystery, in which was represented the court of the king of heaven1 note.

These religious dramas were usually represented on holy festivals in or near churches. “In several of our old scriptural plays,” says Mr. Warton, “we see some of the scenes directed to be represented cum cantu et organis, a common rubrick in a missal. That is, because they were performed in a church where the choir assisted. There is a curious passage in Lambarde's Topographical Dictionary2 note, written about the year 1570, much to our purpose, which I am therefore tempted to transcribe. “In the dayes of ceremonial religion, they used at Wytney (in Oxfordshire) to set fourthe yearly in maner of a shew or interlude, the resurrection of our Lord, &c. For the which purposes and the more lyvely heareby to exhibite to the eye the hole action of the resurrection, the priestes garnished out certain small puppettes, representing the persons of Christ, the Watchman, Marie, and others; amongest the which, one bore the parte of a waking watchman, who espiinge Christe to arrise, made a continuall noyce, like to the sound that is caused by the metynge of two stickes, and was therefore commonly called Jack Snacker of Wytney. The like toye I myself, beinge then a childe, once saw in Powles Church, at London, at a feast of

-- 24 --

Whitsuntyde; wheare the comynge downe of the Holy Ghost was set forthe by a white pigeon, that was let to fly out of a hole that yet is to be sene in the mydst of the roofe of the great ile, and by a longe censer3 note which descendinge out of the same place almost to the verie grounde, was swinged up and down at such a lengthe, that it reached with thone sweepe, almost to the west-gate of the churche, and with the other to the quyre staires of the same; breathinge out over the whole churche and companie a most pleasant perfume of such swete thinges as burned therein. With the like doome-shews they used everie where to furnish sondrye parts of their church service, as by their spectacles of the nativitie, passion, and ascension4 note,” &c.

In a preceding passage Mr. Warton has mentioned that the singing boys of Hyde Abbey and St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester, performed a Mystery before King Henry the Seventh in 1487; adding, that this is the only instance he has met with of choir-boys performing in Mysteries; but it appears from the accompts of various monasteries that this was a very ancient practice, probably coeval with the earliest attempts at dramatick representations. In the year 1378, the scholars, or choristers of St. Paul's cathedral, presented a petition to King Richard the Second, praying his Majesty to prohibit some ignorant and unexperienced persons from acting the History of the Old Testament, to the great prejudice of the clergy of the church, who had expended considerable sums for a publick presentation of that play at the ensuing Christmas. About twelve years afterwards, the Parish Clerks of London, as Stowe informs

-- 25 --

us, performed spiritual plays at Skinner's Well for three days successively, in the presence of the King, Queen, and nobles of the realm. And in 1409, the tenth year of King Henry IV. they acted at Clerkenwell for eight days successively a play, which “was matter from the creation of the world,” and probably concluded with the day of judgment, in the presence of most of the nobility and gentry of England5 note.

We are indebted to Mr. Warton for some curious circumstances relative to these Miracle-plays, which “appear in a roll of the Churchwardens of Bassingborne, in Cambridgeshire, which is an accompt of the expences and receptions for acting the play of Saint George at Bassingborne, on the feast of Saint Margaret, in the year 1511, (2 Henry VIII.) They collected upwards of four pounds in twenty-seven neighbouring parishes for furnishing the play. They disbursed about two pounds in the representation. These disbursements are to four minstrels, or waits, of Cambridge, for three days, vs. vjd. To the players, in bread and ale, iijs. ijd. To the garnement-man for garnements and propyrts6 note



, that is, for dresses,

-- 26 --

decorations, and implements, and for play-books, xxs. To John Hobard, brotherhoode preeste, that is, a priest of the guild in the church, for the play-book, ijs. viiid. For the crofte, or field in which the play was exhibited, js. For propyrte-making, or furniture, js. ivd. For fish and bread, and to setting up the stages, ivd. For painting three fanchoms and four tormenters, words which I do not understand, but perhaps fantoms and devils &lblank;. The rest was expended for a feast on the occasion, in which are recited ‘Four chicken for the gentilmen, ivd.’ It appears by the manuscript of the Coventry plays, that a temporary scaffold only was erected for these performances7 note.”

In the ancient religious plays the Devil was very frequently introduced. He was usually represented with horns, a very wide mouth, (by means of a mask,) staring eyes, a large nose, a red beard, cloven feet, and a tail. His constant attendant was the Vice, (the buffoon of the piece,) whose principal employment was to belabour the Devil with his wooden dagger,

-- 27 --

and to make him roar for the entertainment of the populace8 note.

MORALITIES.

As the Mysteries or Miracle-plays “frequently required the introduction of allegorical characters, such as Charity, Sin, Death, Hope, Faith, or the like, and as the common poetry of the times, especially among the French, began to deal much in allegory, at length plays were formed entirely consisting of such personifications. These were called Moralities. The Miracle-plays or Mysteries were totally destitute of invention and plan: they tamely represented stories, according to the letter of the Scripture, or the respective legend. But the Moralities indicate dawnings of the dramatick art: they contain some rudiments of a plot, and even attempt to delineate characters, and to paint manners. From hence the gradual transition to real historical personages was natural and obvious9 note.”

Dr. Percy, in his Account of the English Stage, has given an Analysis of two ancient Moralities, entitled Every Man, and Lusty Juventus, from which a perfect notion of this kind of drama may be obtained. Every Man was written in the reign of King Henry the Eighth, and Lusty Juventus in that of King Edward the Sixth. As Dr. Percy's curious and valuable collection of ancient English Poetry is in the

-- 28 --

hands of every scholar, I shall content myself with merely referring to it. Many other Moralities are yet extant, of some of which I shall give titles below1 note. Of one, which is not now extant, we have a curious account in a book entitled, Mount Tabor, or Private Exercises of a Penitent Sinner, by R. W. [R. Willis] Esqr. published in the year of his age 75, Anno Domini, 1639; an extract from which will give the reader a more accurate notion of the old Moralities than a long dissertation on the subject.

“Upon a Stage-play which I saw when I was a Child. “Upon Kempe and his Morice, with his Epitaph.

1660.

-- 274 --

1660.

Monday the 5 Nov. Wit without Money.
Tuesday the 6 Nov. The Traytor.
Wensday the 7 Nov. The Beggars Bushe.
Thursday the 8 Nov. Henry the Fourth. [First play acted at the new theatre.]
Friday the 9 Nov. The Merry Wives of Windsor.
Saturday the 10 Nov. The Sylent Woman.
Tuesday the 13 Nov. Love Lies a Bleedinge.
Thursday the 15 Nov. Loves Cruelty.
Friday the 16 Nov. The Widow.
Saterday the 17 Nov. The Mayds Tragedy.
Monday the 19 Nov. The Unfortunate Lovers.
Tusday the 20 Nov. The Beggars Bushe.
Wensday the 21 Nov. The Scornful Lady.
Thursday the 22 Nov. The Traytor.
Friday the 23 Nov. The Elder Brother.
Saterday the 24 Nov. The Chances.
Monday the 26 Nov. The Opportunity.
Thursday the 29 Nov. The Humorous Lieutenant.
Saterday the 1 Dec. Clarecilla.
Monday the 3 Dec. A Kinge and no Kinge.
Thursday the 6 Dec. Rollo, Duke of Normandy.
Saterday the 8 Dec. The Moore of Venise.
Monday the 9 Jan. The Weddinge.
Saterday the 19 Jan. The Lost Lady.
Thursday the 31 Jan. Argalus and Parthenia.

1661.

-- 275 --

1661.

1662.

1661.

-- 276 --

1661.

1662.

Feb. Loyal Subject.
Feb. Mad Lover.
Feb. The Wild-goose Chase.
March, April, May All's Loste by Luste.
March, April, May The Mayd in the Mill.
March, April, May A Wife for a Monthe.
March, April, May The Bondman.
Decemb. 10 A Dancing Master.
Decemb. 11 Vittoria Corombona.
Decemb. 13 The Country Captaine.
Decemb. 16 The Alchymist.
Decemb. 17 Bartholomew Faire.
Decemb. 20 The Spanish Curate.
Decemb. 23 Tamer Tamed.
Decemb. 28 Aglaura.
Decemb. 30 Bussy D'ambois.
Janu. 6 Merry Devil of Edmonton.
Jan. 10 The Virgin Martyr.
Jan. 11 Philaster.
Jan. 21 Jovial Crew.
Jan. 28 Rule a Wife and have a Wife.
Feb. 15 Kinge and no Kinge.
Feb. 25 The Mayds Tragedy.
Feb. 27 Aglaura; the tragical way.
March 1 Humorous Lieutenant.
March 3 Selindra—a new play.
March 11 The Frenche Dancing Master.
March 15 The Little Theef.
April 4 Northerne Lasse.
April 19 Fathers own Son.
April 25 The Surprisal—a new play.
May 5 Kt. of the Burning Pestle.
May 12 Brenoralt.
May 17 Love in a Maze.
Octob. 26 Loves Mistress.
Octob. 26 Discontented Collonell.
Octob. 26 Love at First Sight.
June 1 Cornelia, a new play.—Sir W. Bartleys.
June 6 Renegado.
July 6 The Brothers.
July 6 The Antipodes.
July 23 The Cardinall.

From another list, which undoubtedly was made by Sir Henry Herbert for the purpose I have mentioned, I learn that Macbeth was revived in 1663 or 1664; I suppose as altered by D'Avenant.


“Nov. 3. 1663. Flora's Figaries. £2 “A pastoral called the Exposure 2 “8 more 16 “A new play 1 “Henry the 5th 2 “Revived play. Taming the Shrew 1 “The Generall 2 “Parsons Wedinge 2 “Revived play. Macbeth 1 “K. Henry 8. Revived play 1 “House to be let 2 “More for plays, whereof Elvira the last 9 “For playes £41.”

Sir William D'Avenant's Company, after having played for some time at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, and at Salisbury Court, removed in March or April, 1662, to a new theatre in Portugal Row, near Lincoln's Inn Fields. Mr. Betterton, his principal actor,

-- 277 --

we are told by Downes, was admired in the part of Pericles, which he frequently performed before the opening of the new theatre; and while this company continued to act in Portugal Row, they represented the following plays of Shakspeare, and it should seem those only: Macbeth and The Tempest, altered by D'Avenant; King Lear, Hamlet, King Henry the Eighth, Romeo and Juliet, and Twelfth-Night. In Hamlet, the Prince of Denmark was represented by Mr. Betterton; the Ghost by Mr. Richards; Horatio, Mr. Harris; the Queen by Mrs. Davenport; and Ophelia by Mrs. Saunderson. In Romeo and Juliet, Romeo was represented by Mr. Harris; Mercutio by Mr. Betterton, and Juliet by Mrs. Saunderson. Mr. Betterton in Twelfth Night performed Sir Toby Belch, and in Henry the Eighth, the King. He was without doubt also the performer of King Lear. Mrs. Saunderson represented Catherine in King Henry the Eighth, and it may be presumed, Cordelia, and Miranda. She also performed Lady Macbeth, and Mr. Betterton, Macbeth.

The theatre which had been erected in Portugal Row, being found too small, Sir William D'Avenant laid the foundation of a new playhouse in Dorset Garden, near Dorset Stairs, which however he did not live to see completed; for he died in May 1668, and it was not opened till 1671. There being strong reason to believe that he was our poet's son, I have been induced by that circumstance to inquire with some degree of minuteness into his history. I have mentioned in a preceding page that the account given of him by Wood in his Athenæ Oxonienses, was taken from Mr. Aubrey's Manuscript. Since that sheet was printed, Mr. Warton has obligingly furnished me with an exact transcript of the article relative to D'Avenant, which as it contains some particulars not noticed by Wood, I shall here subjoin:

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“MS. Aubrey. Mus. Ashmol. Lives. Sir WILLIAM DAVENANT, Knight, Poet-Laureat9 note,

was borne about the end of February in &lblank; street in the city of Oxford, at the Crowne Taverne; baptized 3 of March A. D. 1605–6. His father was John Davenant, a vintner there, a very grave and discreet citizen: his mother was a very beautiful woman, and of a very good witt, and of conversation extremely agreeable. They had 3 sons, viz. Robert, William, and Nicholas: (Robert was a fellow of St. John's Coll. in Oxon, then preferd to the vicarage of Westkington by Bp. Davenant, whose chaplain he was; Nicholas was an attorney:) and 2 handsome daughters; one m. to Gabriel Bradly, B. D. of C. C. C. beneficed in the vale of White Horse; another to Dr. Sherburne, minister of Pembridge in Heref. and a canon of that church. Mr. Wm Shakspeare was wont to goe into Warwickshire once a yeare, and did comonly in his journey lie at this house in Oxon. where he was exceedingly respected. I have heard Parson Robert say, that Mr. William Shakspeare has given him a hundred kisses. Now Sir William would sometimes, when he was pleasant over a glasse of wine with his most intimate friends, (e. g. Sam Butler, author of Hudibras, etc.) say, that it seem'd to him, that he writt with the very spirit that Shakspeare [wrote with], and was1 note contented enough to bee thought his son: he would tell them the story as above. Now by the way, his mother

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had a very light report. In those days she was called a trader2 note. He went to schoole at Oxon. to Mr. Silvester, Charles Wheare, F. [filius] Degorii W., was his schoolfellow: but I feare, he was drawne from schoole, before he was ripe enoughe. He was preferred to the first Dutchess of Richmond, to wayte on her as a page. I remember, he told me, she sent him to a famous apothecary for some unicorne's horne, which he was resolved to try with a spyder, which he empaled3 note in it, but without the expected success: the spider would goe over and through and thorough, unconcerned. He was next a servant (as I remember, a page also) to Sir Fulke Grevil Ld Brookes, with whom he lived to his death; which was, that a servant of his that had long wayted on him, and his lor— [lordship] had often told him, that he would doe something for him, but did not, but still put him off with delays; as he was trussing up his lord's pointes, comeing from stoole, [for then their breeches were fastened to the doubletts with pointes; then came in hookes and eies, which not to have fastened was in my boyhood a great crime,] stabbed him. This was at the same time that the duke of Buckingham was stabbed by Felton; and the great noise and report of the duke's, Sir W. told me, quite drown'd this of his lord's, that it was scarce taken notice of. This Sir Fulke G. was a good wit, and had been a good poet in his youth: he wrote a poeme in folio, which he printed not, till he was old, and then, as Sir W. said, with too much judgement and refining spoiled it, which was at first a delicate thing. He [Dav.] writt a play, or plays, and verses, which he did with so much sweetnesse and grace, that by it he got the love and friendship of his two Mæcenaces, Mr. Endymion

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Porter, and Mr. Henry Jermyn, [since E. of St. Albans] to whom he has dedicated his poem called Madegascar. Sir John Suckling also was his great and intimate friend. After the death of Ben Johnson, he was made in his place Poet Laureat. He got a terrible c&wblank;p of a black handsome wench, that lay in Axe-Yard, Westm.: whom he thought on, when he speaks of Dalga, [in Gondibert] which cost him his nose; with which unlucky mischance many witts were so cruelly bold, e. g. Sir John Menis, Sir John Denham, etc. In 1641, when the troubles began, he was faine to fly into France, and at Canterbury he was seized on by the Mayor.


“For Will had in his face the flaws
“And markes received in country's cause.
“They flew on him like lyons passant,
“And tore his nose, as much as was on't;
“And call'd him superstitious groome,
“And Popish dog, and cur of Rome.
“&lblank; 'twas surely the first time,
“That Will's religion was a crime.”

“In the Civill Warres in England, he was in the army of William Marquesse of Newcastle, [since Duke] where he was generall of the ordinance. I have heard his brother Robert say, for that service there was owing to him by King Charles the First 10000l. During that warre 'twas his hap to have two Aldermen of Yorke his prisoners, who were somethinge stubborne, and would not give the ransome ordered by the councill of warre. Sir William used them civilly, and treated them in his tent, and sate them at the upper end of his table à la mode de France. And having done so a good while to his charge, told them (privately and friendly) that he was not able to keepe so chargeable guests, and bade them take an opportunity to escape; which they did; but having been gon a little way, they considered with themselves,

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that in gratitude they ought to goe back, and give Sir William their thankes, which they did: but it was like to have been to their great danger of being taken by the soldiers; but they happened to gett safe to Yorke.

“The king's party being overcome, Sir W. Davenant, (who received the honour of knighthood from the D. of Newcastle by commission,) went into France, and resided in Paris, where the Prince of Wales then was. He then began to write his romance in verse called Gondibert; and had not writt above the first booke, but being very fond of it printed it, before a quarter finished, with an epistle of his to Mr. Th. Hobbes, and Mr. Hobbes' excellent epistle to him printed before it. The courtiers, with the prince of Wales, could never be at quiet about this piece, which was the occasion of a very witty but satirical little booke of verses in 8vo. about 4 sheets, writt by G. D. of Bucks, Sir John Denham, etc.


“That thou forsak'd thy sleepe, thy diet,
“And what is more than that, our quiet1 note.”

“This last word, Mr. Hobbes told me, was the occasion of their writing.

“Here he lay'd an ingeniose designe to carry a considerable number of artificers (chiefly weavers) from hence to Virginia; and by Mary the Q's. mother's meanes he got favour from the K. of France to goe into the prisons, and pick and chuse: so when the poor dammed wretches understood, what the designe was, they cryed uno ore, tout tisseran, i. e. we are all weavers. Well, 36, as I remember, he got, if not more, and shipped them; and as he was in his voyage towards Virginia, he and his tisseran were all taken

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by the ships then belonging to the parliament of England. The slaves, I suppose, they sold, but Sir William was brought prisoner into England. Whether he was first a prisoner in Caresbroke Castle in the Isle of Wight, or at the Towr of London, I have forgott; he was prisoner at both: his Gondibert was finished at Caresbroke Castle. He expected no mercy from the parliament, and had no hopes of escaping with his life. It pleased God, that the two aldermen of Yorke aforesaid, hearing that he was taken and brought to London to be tryed for his life, which they understood was in extreme danger, they were touched with so much generosity and goodnes, as upon their own accounts and mere motion (to try what they could to save Sir William's life, who had been so civil to them, and a means to save theirs;) to come to London; and acquainting the parliament with it, upon their petition, etc. Sir William's life was saved2 note. 'Twas Harry Martyn, that saved Sir William's life in the house: when they were talking of sacrificing one, then said Hen. that ‘in sacrifices they always offered pure and without blemish; now ye talk of making a sacrifice of an old rotten rascal.’ Vid. H. Martyn's life, where by this rare jest, then forgot, the L.d Falkland saved H. Martyn's life.

“Being freed from imprisonment, because plays (scil. trage. and comedies) were in those presbyterian times scandalous, he contrives to set up an opera, stylo recitativo; wherein Serjeant Maynard and several citizens were engagers; it began at Rutland House in Charter-house-yard: next, scilicet anno&wblank;at the Cockpit

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in Drury Lane, where were acted very well, stylo recitativo, Sir Francis Drake, and the Siege of Rhodes, 1st and 2nd. part. It did affect the eie and eare extremely. This first brought scenes in fashion in England: before, at plays was only an hanging3 note.

“Anno Domini 1660, was the happy restauration of his Majesty Charles II.; then was Sir William made &wblank; &wblank; &wblank; and the Tennis-Court in Little Lincoln's Inn Fields was turned into a playhouse for the Duke of York's Players4 note, where Sir William had lodgings , and where he dyed, April the &wblank; 166&sblank;. I was at his funeral: he had a coffin of walnut tree: Sir John Denham said, it was the finest coffin that ever he saw. His body was carried in a hearse from the playhouse to Westminster-Abbey, where at the great west dore he was received by the sing [ing] men and choristers, who sang the service of the church (I am the Resurrection, etc.) to his grave, near to the monument of Dr. Isaac Barrow, which is in the South Crosse aisle, on which on a paving stone of marble is writt, in imitation of that on Ben. Johnson, O rare Sir William Davenant.

“His first lady was Dr. &wblank;'s daughter, physitian, by whom he had a very beautiful and ingeniose son, that dyed above twenty years since. His second lady was the daughter of &wblank;, by whom he had several children. I saw some very young ones at the funerall. His eldest is Charles D'Avenant, the Doctor, who inherits his father's beauty and phancy. He practices at Doctor's Commons. He writt a play called Circe, which has taken very well. Sir William

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hath writt about 25 plays, the romance called Gondibert, and a little poem called Madagascar.

“His private opinion, was that religion at last [e. g. a hundred years hence] would come to settlement; and that in a kind of ingeniose Quakerisme4 note












































.”

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On the 9th of Novemb. 1671, D'Avenant's company removed to their new theatre in Dorset Gardens,

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which was opened, not with one of Shakspeare's plays, but with Dryden's comedy called Sir Martin Marall5 note.

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Between the year 1671 and 1682, when the King's and the Duke of York's servants united, (about which

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time Charles Hart6 note



, the principal support of the former company, died,) King Lear, Timon of Athens,

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Macbeth, and The Tempest, were the only plays of our author that were exhibited at the theatre in Dorset

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Gardens; and the three latter were not represented in their original state, but as altered by D'Avenant7 note

and Shadwell. Between 1682 and 1695, when Mr. Congreve, Mr. Betterton, Mrs. Barry, and Mrs. Bracegirdle, obtained a licence to open a new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, Othello, A Midsummer-Night's Dream, and The Taming of the Shrew, are the only plays of Shakspeare which Downes the prompter mentions, as having been performed by the united companies: A Midsummer-Night's Dream was transformed into an opera, and The Taming of the Shrew was exhibited as altered by Lacy. Dryden's Troilus and Cressida, however, the two parts of King Henry IV. Twelfth Night, Macbeth, King Henry VIII. Julius Cæsar, and Hamlet, were without doubt sometimes represented in the same period: and Tate and Durfey furnished the scene with miserable alterations of Coriolanus, King Richard II. King Lear, and Cymbeline8 note.

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Otway's Caius Marius, which was produced in 1680, usurped the place of our poet's Romeo and Juliet for near seventy years, and Lord Lansdown's Jew of Venice kept possession of the stage from the time of its first exhibition in 1701, to the year 1741. Dryden's All for Love, from 1678 to 1759, was performed instead of our author's Antony and Cleopatra; and D'Avenant's alteration of Macbeth in like manner was preferred to our author's tragedy, from its first exhibition in 1663, for near eighty years.

In the year 1700 Cibber produced his alteration of King Richard III. I do not find that this play, which was so popular in Shakspeare's time, was performed from the time of the Restoration to the end of the last century. The play with Cibber's alterations was once performed at Drury Lane in 1703, and lay dormant from that time to the 28th of Jan. 1710, when it was revived at the Opera House in the Haymarket; since which time it has been represented, I believe, more frequently than any of our author's dramas, except Hamlet.

On April 23, 1704, The Merry Wives of Windsor, by command of the Queen, was performed at St. James's, by the actors of both houses, and afterwards publickly represented at the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, May 18, in the same year, by Mr. Betterton's company; but although the whole force of his company was exerted in the representation, the piece had so little success, that it was not repeated till Nov. 3, 1720, when it was again revived at the same theatre, and afterwards frequently performed.

From 1709, when Mr. Rowe published his edition

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of Shakspeare, the exhibition of his plays became much more frequent than before. Between that time and 1740, our poet's Hamlet, Julius Cæsar, King Henry VIII. Othello, King Richard III. King Lear, and the two parts of King Henry IV. were very frequently exhibited. Still, however, such was the wretched taste of the audiences of those days, that in many instances the contemptible alterations of his pieces were preferred to the originals. Durfey's Injured Princess, which had not been acted from 1697, was again revived at Drury Lane, October 5, 1717, and afterwards often represented. Even Ravenscroft's Titus Andronicus, in which all the faults of the original are greatly aggravated, took its turn on the scene, and after an intermission of fifteen years was revived at Drury Lane in August, 1717, and afterwards frequently performed both at that theatre and the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, where it was exhibited for the first time, Dec. 21, 1720. Coriolanus, which had not been acted for twenty years, was revived at the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, Dec. 13, 1718; and in Dec. 1719, King Richard II. was revived at the same theatre: but probably neither of these plays was then represented as originally written by Shakspeare9 note. Measure for Measure, which had not been acted, I imagine, from the time of the suppression of the theatres in 16421 note, was revived at the same theatre, Dec. 8, 1720, for the purpose of producing Mr. Quin in the character of the Duke, which he frequently performed with success in that and the following years. Much Ado about Nothing, which had not been acted for thirty years, was revived at

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Lincoln's Inn Fields, Feb. 9, 1721; but after two representations, on that and the following evening, was laid aside. In Dec. 1723, King Henry V2 note. was announced for representation, “on Shakspeare's foundation,” and performed at Drury Lane six times in that month; after which we hear of it no more: and on Feb. 26, 1737, King John was revived at Covent Garden. Neither of these plays, I believe, had been exhibited from the time of the downfall of the stage. At the same theatre our poet's second part of King Henry IV. which had for fifty years been driven from the scene by the play which Mr. Betterton substituted in its place, resumed its station, being produced at Covent Garden, Feb. 16, 1738; and on the 23d of the same month Shakspeare's King Henry V. was performed there as originally written, after an interval, if the theatrical advertisement be correct, of forty years. In the following March the same company once exhibited The First part of King Henry VI. for the first time, as they asserted, for fifty years3 note. As You Like It was announced for representation at Drury Lane, December 20, 1740, as not having been acted for forty years, and represented twenty-six times in that season. At Goodman's Fields, Jan. 15, 1741, The Winter's Tale was announced as not having been acted for one hundred years; but was not equally successful, being only performed nine times. At Drury Lane, Feb. 14, 1741, The Merchant of Venice, which I believe, had not been acted for one hundred years, was once more restored to the scene by Mr. Macklin, who on that night first represented Shylock; a part which for near fifty years he has performed

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with unrivalled success. In the following month the company at Goodman's Fields endeavoured to make a stand against him by producing All's Well That Ends Well, which, they asserted, “had not been acted since Shakspeare's time.” But the great theatrical event of this year was the appearance of Mr. Garrick at the theatre in Goodman's Fields, Oct. 19, 1741; whose good taste led him to study the plays of Shakspeare with more assiduity than any of his predecessors. Since that time, in consequence of Mr. Garrick's admirable performance of many of his principal characters, the frequent representation of his plays in nearly their original state, and above all, the various researches which have been made for the purpose of explaining and illustrating his works, our poet's reputation has been yearly increasing, and is now fixed upon a basis, which neither the lapse of time nor the fluctuation of opinion will ever be able to shake. Here therefore I conclude this imperfect account of the origin and progress of the English Stage.

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James Boswell [1821], The plays and poems of William Shakspeare, with the corrections and illustrations of various commentators: comprehending A Life of the Poet, and an enlarged history of the stage, by the late Edmond Malone. With a new glossarial index (J. Deighton and Sons, Cambridge) [word count] [S10201].
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