Welcome to PhiloLogic  
   home |  the ARTFL project |  download |  documentation |  sample databases |   
PRINTED FOR F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. EGERTON; J. CUTHELL; SCATCHERD AND LETTERMAN; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN; CADELL AND DAVIES; LACKINGTON AND CO.; J. BOOKER; BLACK AND CO.; J. BOOTH; J. RICHARDSON; J. M. RICHARDSON; J. MURRAY; J. HARDING; R. H. EVANS; J. MAWMAN; R. SCHOLEY; T. EARLE; J. BOHN; C. BROWN; GRAY AND SON; R. PHENEY; BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY; NEWMAN AND CO.; OGLES, DUNCAN, AND CO.; T. HAMILTON; W. WOOD; J. SHELDON; E. EDWARDS; WHITMORE AND FENN; W. MASON; G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER; SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL; R. SAUNDERS: J. DEIGHTON AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE: WILSON AND SON, YORK: AND STIRLING AND SLADE, FAIRBAIRN AND ANDERSON, AND D. BROWN, EDINBURGH.1821.

-- --

Contents
VOL. III. PROLEGOMENA.

-- 1 --

MR. MALONE'S HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, AND OF THE ECONOMY AND USAGES OF OUR ANCIENT THEATRES.

-- 3 --

The reader, I have no doubt, will be gratified in the perusal of the following letter, from Mr. Burke to to Mr. Malone; which I have subjoined as an introduction to this Essay. It was written in 1790, upon receiving Mr. Malone's edition of Shakspeare, which was published in that year:

[No date.]

“My dear Sir,

“Upon my coming to my new habitation in town, I found your valuable work upon my table. I take it as a very good earnest of the instruction and pleasure which may be yet reserved for my declining years. Though I have had many little arrangements to make, both of a public and private nature, my occupations were not able to overrule my curiosity, nor to prevent me from going through almost the whole of your able, exact, and interesting History of the Stage. A history of the Stage is no trivial thing to those who wish to study human nature in all shapes and positions. It is of all things the most instructive, to see not only the reflection of manners and characters at several periods, but the modes of making their reflection, and the manner of adapting it at those periods to the taste and disposition of mankind. The Stage indeed may be considered as the republic of active literature, and its history as the history of that state. The great events of political history, when not combined with the same helps towards the study of the manners and characters of men, must be a study of an inferior nature.

“You have taken infinite pains, and pursued your inquiries with great sagacity, not only in this respect, but in such of your notes as hitherto I have been able to peruse. You have earned your repose by public-spirited labour. But I cannot help hoping, that when

-- 4 --

you have given yourself the relaxation which you will find necessary to your health, if you are not called to exert your great talents, and employ your great acquisitions, in the transitory service to your country which is done in active life, you will continue to do it that permanent service which it receives from the labours of those who know how to make the silence of their closets more beneficial to the world than all the noise and bustle of courts, senates, and camps.

“I beg leave to send you a pamphlet which I have lately published. It is of an edition more correct, I think, than any of the first; and rendered more clear in points where I thought, in looking over again what I had written, there was some obscurity. Pray do not think my not having done this more early was owing to neglect or oblivion, or from any want of the highest and most sincere respect to you; but the truth is (and I have no doubt you will believe me), that it was a point of delicacy which prevented me from doing myself that honour. I well knew that the publication of your Shakspeare was hourly expected; and I thought if I had sent that small donum, the fruit of a few weeks, I might [have] subjected myself to the suspicion of a little Diomedean policy, in drawing from you a return of the value of an hundred cows for my nine. But you have led the way; and have sent me gold, which I can only repay you in my brass. But pray admit it on your shelves; and you will shew yourself generous in your acceptance, as well as your gift. Pray present my best respects to Lord and Lady Sunderlin, and to Miss Malone. I am, with the most sincere affection and gratitude, my dear Sir, your most faithful and obliged humble servant,

“Edm. Burke.”

-- 5 --

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH STAGE.

The drama before the time of Shakspeare was so little cultivated, or so ill understood, that to many it may appear unnecessary to carry our theatrical researches higher than that period. Dryden has truly observed, that he “found not, but created first the stage;” of which no one can doubt, who considers, that of all the plays issued from the press antecedent to the year 1592, about which time there is reason to believe he commenced a dramatick writer, the titles are scarcely known, except to antiquaries; nor is there one of them that will bear a second perusal1 note. Yet

-- 6 --

these, contemptible and few as they are, we may suppose to have been the most popular productions of the time, and the best that had been exhibited before the appearance of Shakspeare2 note









.

-- 7 --

A minute investigation, therefore, of the origin and progress of the drama in England, will scarcely repay the labour of the inquiry. However, as the best introduction to the History of the Stage during the reigns of Elizabeth and James the First, and to an account of the internal economy and usages of the English theatres in the time of Shakspeare, (the principal objects of this dissertation,) I shall take a cursory view of our most ancient dramatick exhibitions,

-- 8 --

though I fear I can add but little to the researches which have already been made on that subject.

MYSTERIES.

Mr. Warton in his elegant and ingenious History of English Poetry has given so accurate an account of our earliest dramatick performances, that I shall make no apology for extracting from various parts of his valuable work, such particulars as suit my present purpose.

The earliest dramatick entertainments exhibited in England, as well as every other part of Europe, were of a religious kind. So early as in the beginning of the twelfth century, it was customary in England on holy festivals to represent, in or near the churches, either the lives and miracles of saints, or the most important stories of Scripture. From the subject of these spectacles, which, as has been observed, were either the miracles of saints, or the more mysterious parts of Holy Writ, such as the incarnation, passion, and resurrection of Christ, these scriptural plays were denominated Miracles, or Mysteries. At what period of time they were first exhibited in this country, I am unable to ascertain. Undoubtedly, however, they are of very great antiquity; and Riccoboni, who has contended that the Italian theatre is the most ancient in Europe, has claimed for his country an honour to which it is not entitled. The era of the earliest representation in Italy2 note, founded on Holy Writ, he has placed in the year 1264, when the fraternity del Gonfalone was established; but we had similar exhibitions in England above 150 years before that time. In

-- 9 --

the year 1110, as Dr. Percy and Mr. Warton have observed, the Miracle-play of Saint Catherine, written by Geoffrey a learned Norman, (afterwards Abbot of St. Alban's) was acted, probably by his scholars in the abbey of Dunstable; perhaps the first spectacle of this kind exhibited in England3 note. William Fitz-Stephen, a monk of Canterbury, who according to the best accounts composed his very curious work in 1174, about four years after the murder of his patron Archbishop Becket, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of King Henry the Second, mentions, that “London, for its theatrical exhibitions, has religious plays, either the representations of miracles wrought by holy confessors, or the sufferings of martyrs4 note.”

-- 10 --

Mr. Warton has remarked, that “in the time of Chaucer, Plays of Miracles appear to have been the common resort of idle gossips in Lent:


‘Therefore made I my visitations
‘To vigilies and to processions;
‘To prechings eke, and to thise pilgrimages,
‘To playes of miracles, and mariages,’ &c.5 note

“And in Pierce Plowman's Creed, a piece perhaps prior to Chaucer, a friar Minorite mentions these Miracles as not less frequented than market-towns and fairs:


‘We haunten no taverns, ne hobelen about,
‘At markets and Miracles we meddle us never.’”

The elegant writer whose words I have just quoted, has given the following ingenious account of the origin of this rude species of dramatick entertainment:

“About the eighth century trade was principally carried on by means of fairs which lasted several days. Charlemagne established many great marts of this sort in France, as did William the Conqueror, and his Norman successors in England. The merchants who frequented these fairs in numerous caravans or companies, employed every art to draw the people together. They were therefore accompanied by jugglers,

-- 11 --

minstrels, and buffoons; who were no less interested in giving their attendance, and exerting all their skill on these occasions. As now but few large towns existed, no publick spectacles or popular amusements were established; and as the sedentary pleasures of domestick life and private society were yet unknown, the fair-time was the season for diversion. In proportion as these shows were attended and encouraged, they began to be set off with new decorations and improvements: and the arts of buffoonery being rendered still more attractive, by extending their circle of exhibition, acquired an importance in the eyes of the people. By degrees the clergy observing that the entertainments of dancing, musick, and mimickry, exhibited at these protracted annual celebrities, made the people less religious, by promoting idleness and a love of festivity, proscribed these sports, and excommunicated the performers. But finding that no regard was paid to their censures, they changed their plan, and determined to take these recreations into their own hands. They turned actors; and instead of profane mummeries, presented stories taken from legends or the Bible. This was the origin of sacred comedy. The death of Saint Catherine, acted by the monks of Saint Dennis, rivalled the popularity of the professed players. Musick was admitted into the churches, which served as theatres for the representation of holy farces. The festivals among the French, called La fete de Foux, de l' Ane, and des Innocens, at length became greater favourites, as they certainly were more capricious and absurd, than the interludes of the buffoons at the fairs. These are the ideas of a judicious French writer now living, who has investigated the history of human manners with great comprehension and sagacity.

“Voltaire's theory on this subject is also very ingenious,

-- 12 --

and quite new. Religious plays, he supposes, came originally from Constantinople6 note; where the old Grecian stage continued to flourish in some degree, and the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides were represented, till the fourth century. About that period, Gregory Nazianzen, an Archbishop, a poet, and one of the fathers of the church, banished Pagan plays from the stage at Constantinople, and introduced stories from the Old and New Testament. As the ancient Greek tragedy was a religious spectacle, a transition was made on the same plan; and the chorusses were turned into Christian hymns. Gregory wrote many sacred dramas for this purpose, which have not survived those inimitable compositions over which they triumphed for a time: one, however, his tragedy called &grX;&grr;&gri;&grs;&grt;&gro;&grst; &grp;&gra;&grs;&grx;&grw;&grn;, or Christ's Passion, is still extant. In the prologue it is said to be an imitation of Euripides, and that this is the first time the Virgin Mary had been introduced on the stage. The fashion of acting spiritual dramas, in which at first a due degree of method and decorum was preserved, was at length adopted from Constantinople by the Italians; who framed in the depth of the dark ages, on this foundation, that barbarous species of theatrical representation called Mysteries, or sacred comedies, and which were soon after received in France. This opinion will acquire probability, if we consider the early commercial intercourse between Italy and Constantinople: and although the Italians, at the time

-- 13 --

when they may be supposed to have imported plays of this nature, did not understand the Greek language, yet they could understand, and consequently could imitate, what they saw.

“In defence of Voltaire's hypothesis, it may be further observed, that The feast of Fools, and of the Ass, with other religious farces of that sort, so common in Europe, originated at Constantinople. They were instituted, although perhaps under other names, in the Greek Church, about the year 990, by Theophylact, patriarch of Constantinople, probably with a better design than is imagined by the ecclesiastical annalists; that of weaning the minds of the people from the pagan ceremonies, by the substitution of christian spectacles partaking of the same spirit of licentiousness.—To those who are accustomed to contemplate the great picture of human follies, which the unpolished ages of Europe hold up to our view, it will not appear surprising, that the people who were forbidden to read the events of the sacred history in the Bible, in which they were faithfully and beautifully related, should at the same time be permitted to see them represented on the stage, disgraced with the grossest improprieties, corrupted with inventions and additions of the most ridiculous kind, sullied with impurities, and expressed in the language of the lowest farce.

“On the whole, the Mysteries appear to have originated among the ecclesiasticks; and were most probably first acted with any degree of form by the monks. This was certainly the case in the English monasteries7 note

. I have already mentioned the play of

-- 14 --

Saint Catherine, performed at Dunstable Abbey, by the novices in the eleventh century, under the superintendance of Geoffrey a Parisian ecclesiastick: and the exhibition of the Passion by the mendicant friars of Coventry and other places. Instances have been given of the like practice among the French. The only persons who could now read were in the religious societies; and various circumstances, peculiarly arising from their situation, profession, and institution, enabled the monks to be the sole performers of these representations.

“As learning encreased, and was more widely disseminated, from the monasteries, by a natural and easy transition, the practice migrated to schools and universities, which were formed on the monastick plan, and in many respects resembled the ecclesiastical bodies8 note.”

Candlemas day, or The Slaughter of the Innocents, written by Ihan Parfre, in 1512, Mary Magdalene, produced in the same year9 note, and The Promises of God, written by John Bale, and printed in 1538, are curious specimens of this early species of drama. But the most ancient as well as most complete collection of this kind is The Chester Mysteries, which were written by Ralph Higden, a monk of the Abbey of Chester, about the year 13281 note

, of which a particular

-- 15 --

account will be found below. I am tempted to transcribe a few lines from the third of these pageants, The Deluge, as a specimen of the ancient Mysteries.

-- 16 --

The first scenical direction is,—“Et primo in aliquo supremo loco, sive in nubibus, si fieri poterat, loquator Deus ad Noe, extra archam existente cum tota familia sua.” Then the Almighty, after expatiating on the sins of mankind is made to say:


“Man that I made I will destroye,
“Beast, worme, and fowle to fley,
“For one earthe the doe me nye,
  “The folke that are therone.
“It harmes me sore hartefully
“The malice that doth nowe multiplye,
“That sore it greeves me inwardlie
  “That ever I made man.

“Therefore, Noe, my servant free,
“That righteous man arte, as I see,
“A shipp soone thou shalt make thee
  “Of trees drye and lighte.
“Litill chambers therein thou make,
“And byndinge pytche also thou take,
“Within and without ney thou slake,
  “To anoynte yt through all thy mighte,” &c.

After some dialogue between Noah, Shem, Ham, Japhet, and their wives, we find the following stage direction: “Then Noe with all his family shall make a signe as though the wrought uppon the shippe with divers instruments, and after that God shall speake to Noe:


“Noe, take thou thy meanye,
“And in the shipp hie that ye be,
“For non so righteous man to me
  “Is now on earth livinge.
“Of clean beastes with thee thou take
“Seven and seven, or thou slake,
“He and she, make to make,
  “By live in that thou bring,” &c.

“Then Noe shall go into the arke with all his familye, his wife excepte. The arke must be boarded round about, and uppon the bordes all the beastes

-- 17 --

and fowles hereafter rehearsed must be painted, that there wordes maye agree with the pictures.”

“Sem.
Sier, here are lions, libardes, in,
“Horses, mares, oxen and swyne,
“Neates, calves, sheepe and kyne,
  “Here sitten thou maye see,” &c.

After all the beasts and fowls have been described, Noah thus addresses his wife:

“Noe.
Wife, come in, why standes thou there?
“Thou art ever froward, that dare I swere,
“Come in on Godes halfe; tyme it were,
“For fear lest that wee drowne.” “Wife.
Yea, sir, set up your saile,
“And rowe forth with evil haile,
“For withouten anie saile
  “I will not oute of this toune;
“But I have my gossepes everich one;
“One foote further I will not gone:
“They shal not drown by St. John,
  “And I may save ther life.
“They loved me full well by Christ:
“But thou will let them in thie chist,
“Ellis rowe forth, Noe, when thou list,
  “And get thee a newe wife.”

At length Shem and his brethren put her on board by force, and on Noah's welcoming her, “Welcome, wife, into this boate,” she gives him a box on the ear: adding, “Take thou that for thy note2 note.”

Many licentious pleasantries, as Mr. Warton has observed, were sometimes introduced in these religious representations. “This might imperceptibly lead the way to subjects entirely profane, and to comedy; and perhaps earlier than is imagined. In a Mystery of The Massacre of the Holy Innocents3 note, part of the

-- 18 --

subject of a sacred drama given by the English fathers at the famous Council of Constance, in the year 1417, a low buffoon of Herod's court is introduced, desiring of his lord to be dubbed a knight, that he might be properly qualified to go on the adventure of killing the mothers of the children of Bethlehem. This tragical business is treated with the most ridiculous levity. The good women of Bethlehem attack our knight-errant with their spinning-wheels, break his head with their distaffs, abuse him as a coward and disgrace to chivalry, and send him to Herod as a recreant champion with much ignominy.—It is certain that our ancestors intended no sort of impiety by these monstrous and unnatural mixtures. Neither the writers nor the spectators saw the impropriety, nor paid a separate attention to the comick and the serious part of these motley scenes; at least they were persuaded that the solemnity of the subject covered or excused all incongruities. They had no just idea of decorum, consequently but little sense of the ridiculous: what appears to us to be the highest burlesque, on them would have made no sort of impression. We must not wonder at this, in an age when courage, devotion, and ignorance, composed the character of European manners: when the knight going to a tornament, first invoked his God, then his mistress, and afterwards proceeded with a safe conscience and great resolution to engage his antagonist. In these Mysteries I have sometimes seen gross and open obscenities. In a play of The Old and New Testament, Adam and Eve are both exhibited on the stage naked4 note, and conversing about their nakedness; this

-- 19 --

very pertinently introduces the next scene; in which they have coverings of fig-leaves. This extraordinary spectacle was beheld by a numerous assembly of both sexes with great composure: they had the authority of scripture for such a representation, and they gave matters just as they found them in the third chapter of Genesis. It would have been absolute heresy to have departed from the sacred text in personating the primitive appearance of our first parents, whom the spectators so nearly resembled in simplicity; and if this had not been the case, the dramatists were ignorant what to reject, and what to retain5 note.”

“I must not omit,” adds Mr. Warton6 note, “an anec note entirely new, with regard to the mode of playing the Mysteries at this period, [the latter part of the fifteenth century,] which is yet perhaps of much higher antiquity. In the year 1487, while Henry the Seventh kept his residence at the castle of Winchester, on occasion of the birth of prince Arthur, on a Sunday, during the time of dinner, he was entertained with a religious drama called Christi Descensus ad inferos, or Christ's Descent into Hell. It was represented by the Pueri Eleemosynarii, or choir-boys of Hyde Abbey, and Saint Swithin's Priory, two large monasteries at Winchester. This is the only proof I have ever seen of choir-boys acting the old Mysteries: nor do I recollect any other instance of a royal dinner, even on a festival, accompanied with this species of diversion7 note. The story of this interlude, in which

-- 20 --

the chief characters were Christ, Adam, Eve, Abraham, and John the Baptist, was not uncommon in the ancient religious drama, and I believe made a part of what is called the Ludus Paschalis, or Easter Play. It occurs in the Coventry Plays acted on Corpus Christi day8 note

































, and in the Whitsun-plays at Chester,

-- 21 --

where it is called The Harrowing of Hell. The representation is, Christ entering hell triumphantly, delivering our first parents, and the most sacred characters of the Old and New Testaments, from the dominion

-- 22 --

of Satan, and conveying them into paradise. —The composers of the Mysteries did not think the plain and probable events of the New Testament sufficiently marvellous for an audience who wanted only to be surprised. They frequently selected their materials from books which had more of the air of romance. The subject of the Mysteries just mentioned was borrowed from the Pseudo-Evangelium, or the fabulous Gospel, ascribed to Nicodemus: a book, which together with the numerous apocryphal narratives, containing infinite innovations of the evangelical history, and forged at Constantinople by the early writers of the Greek church, gave birth to an endless variety of legends concerning the life of Christ and his apostles; and which, in the barbarous ages, was better esteemed than the genuine gospel, on account of its improbabilities and absurdities.

“But whatsoever was the source of these exhibitions, they were thought to contribute so much to the information and instruction of the people on the most important subjects of religion, that one of the popes granted a pardon of one thousand days to every person who resorted peaceably to the plays performed in the Whitsun week at Chester, beginning with the creation, and ending with the general judgment; and this indulgence was seconded by the bishop of the diocese, who granted forty days of pardon; the pope at the same time denouncing the sentence of damnation on all those incorrigible sinners who presumed to interrupt the due celebration of these pious sports9 note. It is certain that they had their use, not only in teaching the great truths of Scripture to men who could not read the Bible, but in abolishing the barbarous attachment to military games, and the bloody contentions of the tornament, which had so long prevailed as the sole species of popular amusement. Rude and

-- 23 --

even ridiculous as they were, they softened the manners of the people, by diverting the publick attention to spectacles in which the mind was concerned, and by creating a regard for other arts than those of bodily strength and savage valour.”

I may add, that these representations were so far from being considered as indecent or profane, that even a supreme pontiff, Pope Pius the Second, about the year 1460, caused to be acted before him on Corpus Christi day, a Mystery, in which was represented the court of the king of heaven1 note.

These religious dramas were usually represented on holy festivals in or near churches. “In several of our old scriptural plays,” says Mr. Warton, “we see some of the scenes directed to be represented cum cantu et organis, a common rubrick in a missal. That is, because they were performed in a church where the choir assisted. There is a curious passage in Lambarde's Topographical Dictionary2 note, written about the year 1570, much to our purpose, which I am therefore tempted to transcribe. “In the dayes of ceremonial religion, they used at Wytney (in Oxfordshire) to set fourthe yearly in maner of a shew or interlude, the resurrection of our Lord, &c. For the which purposes and the more lyvely heareby to exhibite to the eye the hole action of the resurrection, the priestes garnished out certain small puppettes, representing the persons of Christ, the Watchman, Marie, and others; amongest the which, one bore the parte of a waking watchman, who espiinge Christe to arrise, made a continuall noyce, like to the sound that is caused by the metynge of two stickes, and was therefore commonly called Jack Snacker of Wytney. The like toye I myself, beinge then a childe, once saw in Powles Church, at London, at a feast of

-- 24 --

Whitsuntyde; wheare the comynge downe of the Holy Ghost was set forthe by a white pigeon, that was let to fly out of a hole that yet is to be sene in the mydst of the roofe of the great ile, and by a longe censer3 note which descendinge out of the same place almost to the verie grounde, was swinged up and down at such a lengthe, that it reached with thone sweepe, almost to the west-gate of the churche, and with the other to the quyre staires of the same; breathinge out over the whole churche and companie a most pleasant perfume of such swete thinges as burned therein. With the like doome-shews they used everie where to furnish sondrye parts of their church service, as by their spectacles of the nativitie, passion, and ascension4 note,” &c.

In a preceding passage Mr. Warton has mentioned that the singing boys of Hyde Abbey and St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester, performed a Mystery before King Henry the Seventh in 1487; adding, that this is the only instance he has met with of choir-boys performing in Mysteries; but it appears from the accompts of various monasteries that this was a very ancient practice, probably coeval with the earliest attempts at dramatick representations. In the year 1378, the scholars, or choristers of St. Paul's cathedral, presented a petition to King Richard the Second, praying his Majesty to prohibit some ignorant and unexperienced persons from acting the History of the Old Testament, to the great prejudice of the clergy of the church, who had expended considerable sums for a publick presentation of that play at the ensuing Christmas. About twelve years afterwards, the Parish Clerks of London, as Stowe informs

-- 25 --

us, performed spiritual plays at Skinner's Well for three days successively, in the presence of the King, Queen, and nobles of the realm. And in 1409, the tenth year of King Henry IV. they acted at Clerkenwell for eight days successively a play, which “was matter from the creation of the world,” and probably concluded with the day of judgment, in the presence of most of the nobility and gentry of England5 note.

We are indebted to Mr. Warton for some curious circumstances relative to these Miracle-plays, which “appear in a roll of the Churchwardens of Bassingborne, in Cambridgeshire, which is an accompt of the expences and receptions for acting the play of Saint George at Bassingborne, on the feast of Saint Margaret, in the year 1511, (2 Henry VIII.) They collected upwards of four pounds in twenty-seven neighbouring parishes for furnishing the play. They disbursed about two pounds in the representation. These disbursements are to four minstrels, or waits, of Cambridge, for three days, vs. vjd. To the players, in bread and ale, iijs. ijd. To the garnement-man for garnements and propyrts6 note



, that is, for dresses,

-- 26 --

decorations, and implements, and for play-books, xxs. To John Hobard, brotherhoode preeste, that is, a priest of the guild in the church, for the play-book, ijs. viiid. For the crofte, or field in which the play was exhibited, js. For propyrte-making, or furniture, js. ivd. For fish and bread, and to setting up the stages, ivd. For painting three fanchoms and four tormenters, words which I do not understand, but perhaps fantoms and devils &lblank;. The rest was expended for a feast on the occasion, in which are recited ‘Four chicken for the gentilmen, ivd.’ It appears by the manuscript of the Coventry plays, that a temporary scaffold only was erected for these performances7 note.”

In the ancient religious plays the Devil was very frequently introduced. He was usually represented with horns, a very wide mouth, (by means of a mask,) staring eyes, a large nose, a red beard, cloven feet, and a tail. His constant attendant was the Vice, (the buffoon of the piece,) whose principal employment was to belabour the Devil with his wooden dagger,

-- 27 --

and to make him roar for the entertainment of the populace8 note.

MORALITIES.

As the Mysteries or Miracle-plays “frequently required the introduction of allegorical characters, such as Charity, Sin, Death, Hope, Faith, or the like, and as the common poetry of the times, especially among the French, began to deal much in allegory, at length plays were formed entirely consisting of such personifications. These were called Moralities. The Miracle-plays or Mysteries were totally destitute of invention and plan: they tamely represented stories, according to the letter of the Scripture, or the respective legend. But the Moralities indicate dawnings of the dramatick art: they contain some rudiments of a plot, and even attempt to delineate characters, and to paint manners. From hence the gradual transition to real historical personages was natural and obvious9 note.”

Dr. Percy, in his Account of the English Stage, has given an Analysis of two ancient Moralities, entitled Every Man, and Lusty Juventus, from which a perfect notion of this kind of drama may be obtained. Every Man was written in the reign of King Henry the Eighth, and Lusty Juventus in that of King Edward the Sixth. As Dr. Percy's curious and valuable collection of ancient English Poetry is in the

-- 28 --

hands of every scholar, I shall content myself with merely referring to it. Many other Moralities are yet extant, of some of which I shall give titles below1 note. Of one, which is not now extant, we have a curious account in a book entitled, Mount Tabor, or Private Exercises of a Penitent Sinner, by R. W. [R. Willis] Esqr. published in the year of his age 75, Anno Domini, 1639; an extract from which will give the reader a more accurate notion of the old Moralities than a long dissertation on the subject.

“In the city of Gloucester the manner is, (as I think it is in other like corporations,) that when players of enterludes come to towne, they first attend the Mayor, to enforme him what noblemans servants they are, and so to get licence for their publike playing; and if the Mayor like the actors, or would shew respect to their lord and master, he appoints them to play their first play before himself, and the Alderman and Common-Counsell of the city; and that is called the Mayor's play: where every one that will, comes in without money, the Mayor giving the players a reward as hee thinks fit to shew respect unto them. At such a play, my father tooke me with him and made me stand between his leggs, as he sate upon one of the

-- 29 --

benches, where we saw and heard very well. The play was called The Cradle of Security2 note, wherein was personated a king or some great prince, with his courtiers of several kinds, among which three ladies were in special grace with him; and they keeping him in delights and pleasures, drew him from his graver counsellors, hearing of sermons, and listening to good councell and admonitions, that in the end they got him to lye down in a cradle upon the stage, where these three ladies joyning in a sweet song, rocked him asleepe, that he snorted againe; and in the mean time closely conveyed under the cloaths wherewithall he was covered, a vizard, like a swines snout, upon his face, with three wire chains fastened thereunto, the other end whereof being holden severally by those three ladies; who fall to singing againe, and then discovered his face that the spectators might see how they had transformed him, going on with their singing. Whilst all this was acting, there came forth of another doore at the farthest end of the stage, two old men; the one in blew, with a serjeant at armes his mace on his shoulder; the other in red, with a drawn sword in his hand, and leaning with the other hand upon the others shoulder; and so they went along with a soft pace round about by the skirt of the stage, till at last they came to the cradle, when all the court was in the greatest jollity; and then the foremost old man with his mace stroke a fearfull blow upon the cradle; wherewith all the courtiers, with the three ladies, and the vizard, all vanished; and the desolate prince starting up bare-faced, and finding himself thus sent for to judgement, made a lamentable complaint of his miserable case, and so was carried away by wicked spirits. This prince did personate

-- 30 --

in the Morall, the wicked of the world; the three ladies, Pride, Covetousness, and Luxury; the two old men, the end of the world, and the last judgement. This sight took such impression in me, that when I came towards mans estate, it was as fresh in my memory, as if I had seen it newly acted3 note.”

The writer of this book appears to have been born in the same year with our great poet (1564). Supposing him to have been seven or eight years old when he saw this interlude, the exhibition must have been in 1571 or 1572.

I am unable to ascertain when the first Morality appeared, but incline to think not sooner than the reign of King Edward the Fourth (1460). The publick pageants of the reign of King Henry the Sixth were uncommonly splendid4 note; and being then first enlivened by the introduction of speaking allegorical personages properly and characteristically habited, they naturally led the way to those personifications by which Moralities were distinguished from the simpler religious dramas called Mysteries. We must not, however, suppose, that, after Moralities were introduced, Mysteries ceased to be exhibited. We have already seen that a Mystery was represented before King Henry the Seventh, at Winchester, in 1487. Sixteen years afterwards, on the first Sunday after the marriage of his daughter with King James of Scotland, a Morality was performed5 note

. In the early

-- 31 --

part of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, they were perhaps performed indiscriminately; but Mysteries

-- 32 --

were probably seldom represented after the statute 34 and 35 Henry VIII. c. 1, which was made, as the preamble informs us, with a view that the kingdom should be purged and cleansed of all religious plays, interludes, rhymes, ballads, and songs, which are equally pestiferous and noysome to the commonweal. At this time both Moralities and Mysteries were made the vehicle of religious controversy; Bale's Comedy of the Three Laws of Nature, printed in 1538, (which in fact is a Mystery,) being a disguised satire against popery; as the Morality of Lusty Juventus was written expressly with the same view in the reign of King Edward the Sixth6 note. In that of

-- 33 --

his successor Queen Mary, Mysteries were again revived, as appendages to the papistical worship. “In the year 1556, (says Mr. Warton,) a goodly stage-play of the Passion of Christ was presented at the Grey-friars in London, on Corpus-Christi day, before the Lord-Mayor, the Privy-council, and many great estates of the realm. Strype also mentions, under the year 1577, a stage-play at the Grey-friers, of the Passion of Christ, on the day that war was proclaimed in London against France, and in honour of that occasion. On Saint Olave's day in the same year, the holiday of the church in Silver-street, which is dedicated to that saint, was kept with great solemnity. At eight of the clock at night, began a stage-play of goodly matter, being the miraculous history of the life of that saint, which continued four hours, and concluded with many religious songs7 note.” No Mysteries, I believe, were represented during the reign of Elizabeth, except such as were occasionally performed by those who were favourers of the popish religion8 note

,

-- 34 --

and those already mentioned, known by the name of the Chester Mysteries, which had been originally composed in 1328, were revived in the time of King Henry the Eighth, (1533,) and again performed at Chester in the year 1600. The last Mystery, I believe, ever represented in England, was that of Christ's Passion, in the reign of King James the First, which Prynne tells us was “performed at Elie-House in Holborne, when Gundomar lay there, on Good-friday at night, at which there were thousands present9 note.”

In France the representation of Mysteries was forbid in the year 1548, when the fraternity associated under the name of The Actors of our Saviour's Passion, who had received letters patent from King Charles the Sixth, in 1402, and had for near 150 years exhibited religious plays, built their new theatre on the site of the Duke of Burgundy's house; and were authorised by an arret of parliament to act, on condition that “they should meddle with none but profane subjects, such as are lawful and honest, and not represent any sacred Mysteries1 note.” Representations founded on holy writ continued to be exhibited in Italy till the year 1660, and the Mystery of Christ's Passion was represented at Vienna so lately as the early part of the present century.

Having thus occasionally mentioned foreign theatres, I take this opportunity to observe, that the stages of France, so lately as in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, were entirely unfurnished with scenery or any kind of decoration, and that the performers at that time remained on the stage the whole time of the exhibition; in which mode perhaps

-- 35 --

our Mysteries in England were represented. For this information we are indebted to the elder Scaliger, in whose Poeticks is the following curious passage: “Nunc in Gallia ita agunt fabulas, ut omnia in conspectu sint; UNIVERSUS APPARATUS dispositis sublimibus sedibus. Personæ ipsa nunquam discedunt: qui silent pro absentibus habentur. At enimvero perridiculum, ibi spectatorem videre te audire, et te videre teipsum non audire quæ alius coram te, de te loquatur; quasi ibi non sis, ubi es; cum tamen maxima poetæ vis sit, suspendere animos, atque eos facere semper expectantes. At hic tibi novum fit nihil; ut prius satietas subrepat, quam obrepat fames. Itaque recte objecit Æschylo Euripides apud Aristophanem in Ranis, quod Niobem et Achillem in scenam introduxisset capite co-operto; neque nunquam ullum verbum qui sint loquuti2 note

.” That is, “At present in France [about the year 1556] plays are represented in such a manner, that nothing is withdrawn from the view of the spectator. The whole apparatus of the theatre consists of some high seats ranged in proper order. The persons of the scene never depart during the representation: he who ceases to speak, is considered as if he were no longer on the stage. But in

-- 36 --

truth it is extremely ridiculous, that the spectator should see the actor listening, and yet he himself should not hear what one of his fellow-actors says concerning him, though in his own presence and within his hearing: as if he were absent, while he is present. It is the great object of the dramatick poet to keep the mind in a constant state of suspence and expectation. But in our theatres, there can be no novelty, no surprise: insomuch that the spectator is more likely to be satiated with what he has already seen, than to have any appetite for what is to come. Upon this ground it was, that Euripides objected to Æschylus, in The Frogs of Aristophanes, for having introduced Niobe and Achilles as mutes upon the scene, with a covering which entirely concealed their heads from the spectators.”

Another practice, equally extraordinary, is mentioned by Bulenger in his treatise on the Grecian and Roman theatres. In his time, so late as in the year 1600, all the actors employed in a dramatick piece came on the stage in a troop, before the play began, and presented themselves to the spectators, in order, says he, to raise the expectation of the audience. “Putem tamen (quod hodieque fit) omnes actores antequam singuli agerent, confestim et in turba in proscenium prodiisse, ut sui expectationem commoverent3 note.” I know not whether this was ever practised in England. Instead of raising, it should seem more likely to repress, expectation. I suppose, however, this writer conceived the audience would be amimated by the number of the characters, and that this display would operate on the gaping spectators like some of our modern enormous play-bills; in which the length of the show sometimes constitutes the principal merit of the entertainment.

-- 37 --

Mr. Warton observes that Moralities were become so fashionable a spectacle about the close of the reign of Henry the Seventh, that “John Rastall, a learned typographer, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, extended its province, which had been hitherto confined either to moral allegory, or to religion blended with buffoonery, and conceived a design of making it the vehicle of science and philosophy. With this view he published ‘A new Interlude and a mery, of the nature of the iiij Elements, declaring many proper points of philosophy naturall, and dyvers straunge landys, &c.’ In the cosmographical part of the play, in which the poet professes to treat of ‘dyvers straunge landys, and of the new-found landys,’ the tracts of America recently discovered, and the manners of the natives are described. The characters are, a Messenger, who speaks the prologue, Nature, Humanity, Studious Desire, Sensual Appetite, a Taverner, Experience, and Ignorance4 note




.”

ORIGIN OF TRAGEDY AND COMEDY.

As it is uncertain at what period of time the ancient Mysteries ceased to be represented as an ordinary spectacle for the amusement of the people, and Moralities were substituted in their room, it is equally difficult to ascertain the precise time when the latter gave way to a more legitimate theatrical exhibition. We know that Moralities were exhibited occasionally during the whole of the reign of Queen Elizabeth,

-- 38 --

and even in that of her successor, long after regular dramas had been presented on the scene5 note

; but I suspect that about the year 1570 (the 13th year of Queen Elizabeth) this species of drama began to lose much of its attraction, and gave way to something that had more the appearance of comedy and tragedy. Gammer Gurton's Needle, which was written by Mr. Still, (afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells,) in the 23d year of his age, and acted at Christ's College Cambridge, in 1566, is pointed out by the ingenious writer of the tract entitled Historia Histrionica, as the first piece “that looks like a regular comedy;” that is, the first play that was neither Mystery nor Morality, and in which some humour and discrimination of character may be found. In 1561–2, Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, and Thomas Norton, joined in writing the tragedy of Ferrex and Porrex, which was exhibited on the 18th of January in that

-- 39 --

year by the Students of the Inner Temple, before Queen Elizabeth at Whitehall. Neither of these pieces appears to have been acted on a publick theatre, nor was there at that time, I believe, any building in London constructed solely for the purpose of representing plays. Of the latter piece, which, as Mr. Warton has observed, is perhaps “the first specimen in our language of an heroick tale written in verse, and divided into acts and scenes, and cloathed in all the formalities of a regular tragedy,” a correct analysis may be found in The History of English Poetry6 note, and the play itself has been accurately reprinted in Dodsley's collection, 1780, vol. i.

It has been justly remarked by the same judicious writer, that the early practice of performing plays in schools and universities7 note

greatly contributed to the improvement of our drama. “While the people were amused with Skelton's Trial of Simony, Bale's God's Promises, and Christ's Descent into Hell, the scholars of the times were composing and acting plays on historical subjects, and in imitation of Plautus and Terence. Hence ideas of legitimate fable must have been imperceptibly derived to the popular and vernacular drama8 note.”

In confirmation of what has been suggested, it may be observed, that the principal dramatick writers,

-- 40 --

before Shakspeare appeared, were scholars. Greene, Lodge, Peele, Marlowe, Nashe, Lily, and Kyd, had all a regular university education. From whatever cause it may have arisen, the dramatick poetry about this period certainly assumed a better, though still an exceptionable, form. The example which had been furnished by Sackville was at length followed, and a great number of tragedies and historical plays was produced between the years 1570 and 1590; some of which are still extant, though by far the greater part is lost. This, I apprehend, was the great era of those bloody and bombastick pieces, which afforded subsequent writers perpetual topicks of ridicule: and during the same period were exhibited many Histories, or historical dramas, formed on our English Chronicles, and representing a series of events simply in the order of time in which they happened. Some have supposed that Shakspeare was the first dramatick poet that introduced this species of drama; but this is an undoubted error. I have elsewhere observed that every one of the subjects on which he constructed his historical plays, appears to have been dramatized, and brought upon the scene, before his time9 note

. The historical

-- 41 --

drama is by an elegant modern writer supposed to have owed its rise to the publication of The Mirrour for Magistrates, in which many of the most distinguished characters in English history are introduced, giving a poetical narrative of their own misfortunes1 note. Of this book three editions, with various alterations and improvements, were printed between 1563 and 1587.

At length (about the year 1591) the great luminary of the dramatick world blazed out, and our poet produced those plays which have now for two hundred years been the boast and admiration of his countrymen.

Our earliest dramas, as we have seen, were represented

-- 42 --

in churches or near them by ecclesiastics: but at a very early period, I believe, we had regular and established players, who obtained a livelihood by their art. So early as in the year 1378, as has been already noticed, the singing boys of St. Paul's represented to the King, that they had been at a considerable expence in preparing a stage representation at Christmas. These, however, cannot properly be called comedians, nor am I able to point out the time when the profession of a player became common and established. It has been supposed that the license granted by Queen Elizabeth to James Burbage and others, in 1574, was the first regular license ever granted to comedians in England; but this is a mistake, for Heywood informs us that similar licenses had been granted by her father King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary. Stowe records, that “when King Edward the Fourth would shew himself in state to the view of the people, he repaired to his palace at St. John's where he was accustomed to see the City Actors2 note.” In two books in the Remembrancer's-office in the Exchequer, containing an account of the daily expences of King Henry the Seventh, are the following articles; from which it appears, that at that time players, both French and English, made a part of the appendages of the court, and were supported by regal establishment.

“Item, to Hampton of Worcester for making of balades, 20s. Item, to my ladie the kings moders

-- 43 --

poete, 66s. 8d. Item to a Welsh Rymer, in reward, 13s. 4d. Item, to my Lord Privie-Seals fole, in rew. 10s. Item, to Pachye the fole, for a rew. 6s. 8d. Item, to the foolish duke of Lancaster, 3s. Item to Dix the foles master, for a months wages, 10s. Item, to the King of Frances fole in rew. 41. Item, to the Frenshe players, in rew. 20s. Item, to the tumbler upon the ropes, 20s. Item, for heling of a seke maid, 6s. 8d. [Probably the piece of gold given by the King in touching for the evil.] Item, to my lord princes organ-player, for a quarters wages at Michell. 10s. Item, to the players of London, in reward, 10s. Item, to Master Barnard3 note, the blind poete, 100s. Item, to a man and woman for strawberries, 8s. 4d. Item, to a woman for a red rose, 2s.” The foregoing extracts are from a book, of which almost every page is signed by the King's own hand, in the 13th year of his reign. The following are taken from a book which contains an account of expences in the 9th year of his reign: “Item, to Cart for writing of a boke, 6s. 8d. Item, payd for two playes in the hall, 26s. 6d. Item, to the kings players for a reward, 100s. Item, to the king to play at cardes, 100s. Item, lost to my lord Morging at buttes, 6s. 8d. Item, to Harry Pyning, the king's godson, in reward, 20s. Item, to the players that begged by the way, 6s. 8d4 note.”

Some of these articles I have preserved as curious, though they do not relate to the subject immediately before us. This account ascertains, that there was then not only a regular troop of players in London, but also a royal company. The intimate knowledge of the French language and manners which Henry

-- 44 --

must have acquired during his long sojourn in foreign courts, (from 1471 to 1485,) accounts for the article relative to the company of French players.

In a manuscript in the Cottonian Library in the Museum, a narrative is given of the shews and ceremonies exhibited at Christmas in the fifth year of this king's reign, 1490: “This Cristmass I saw no disgysyngs, and but right few plays; but ther was an abbot of mis-rule, that made muche sport, and did right well his office.—On Candell Mass day, the king, the qwen, my ladye, the king's moder, with the substance of al the lordes temporell present at the parlement, &c. wenten a procession from the chapell into the hall, and soo into Westmynster Hall:—The kynge was that daye in a riche gowne of purple, pirled withe gold, furred withe sabuls.—At nyght the king, the qwene, and my ladye the kyngs moder, came into the Whit hall, and ther had a pley.”—“On New-yeeres day at nyght, (says the same writer, speaking of the year 1488,) ther was a goodly disgysyng, and also this Cristmass ther wer many and dyvers playes4 note.”

A proclamation which was issued out in the year 1547 by King Edward the Sixth, to prohibit for about two months the exhibition of “any kind of interlude, play, dialogue, or other matter set forth in the form of a play, in the English tongue,” describes plays as a familiar entertainment, both in London and in the country5 note, and the profession of

-- 45 --

an actor as common and established. “Forasmuch as a great number of those that be common players of interludes and playes, as well within the city of London as elsewhere within the realme, doe for the most part play such interludes as contain matter tending to sedition6 note,” &c. By common players of interludes here mentioned, I apprehend, were meant the players of the city, as contradistinguished from the king's own servants. In a manuscript which I saw some years ago, and which is now in the library of the Marquis of Lansdown, are sundry charges for the players belonging to King Edward the Sixth; but I have not preserved the articles. And in the house-hold book of Queen Mary, in the Library of the Antiquarian Society, is an entry which shows that she also had a theatrical establishment: “Eight players of interludes, each 66s. 8d.—26l. 13s. 4d.”

It has already been mentioned that originally plays were performed in churches. Though Bonner Bishop of London issued a proclamation to the clergy of his diocese in 1542, prohibiting “all manner of common plays, games or interludes, to be played, set forth, or declared within their churches, chappels,” &c. the practice seems to have been continued occasionally during the reign of Queen Elizabeth; for the author of The Third Blast of Retrait from Plays and Players complains, in 1580, that the players are permitted to publish their mammetrie in every temple of God, and that throughout England;” &c. and this abuse is taken notice of in one of the Canons of King James the First, given soon after his accession in the year 1603. Early, however, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, the established players of London began to act in temporary theatres constructed in the yards of inns7 note; and about the year 1570, I imagine, one or

-- 46 --

two regular playhouses were erected8 note. Both the theatre in Blackfriars and that in Whitefriars were certainly built before 1580; for we learn from a puritanical pamphlet published in the last century, that soon after that year, “many goodly citizens and well disposed gentlemen of London, considering that playhouses and dicing-houses were traps for young gentlemen, and others, and perceiving that many inconveniences and great damage would ensue upon the long suffering of the same,—acquainted some pious magistrates therewith,—who thereupon made humble suite to Queene Elizabeth and her privy-councell, and obtained leave from her majesty to thrust the players out of the citty, and to pull down all playhouses and dicing-houses within their liberties; which accordingly was effected, and the playhouses in Gracious-street, Bishopsgate-street, that nigh Paul's, that on Ludgate-hill, and the White-friers, were quite pulled down and suppressed by the care of these religious senators9 note.” The theatre in Blackfriars, not being

-- 47 --

within the liberties of the city of London, escaped the fury of these fanaticks. Elizabeth, however, though she yielded in this instance to the frenzy of the time, was during the whole course of her reign a favourer of the stage, and a frequent attendant upon plays. So early as in the year 1569, as we learn from another puritanical writer, the children of her chapel, (who are described as “her majesty's unfledged minions,”) “flaunted it in their silkes and sattens,” and acted plays on profane subjects in the chapel-royal1 note. In 1574 she granted a licence to James Burbage, probably the father of the celebrated tragedian, and four others, servants to the Earl of Leicester, to exhibit all kinds of stage-plays, during pleasure, in any part of England, “as well for the recreation of her loving subjects, as for her own solace and pleasure when she should think good to see them2 note



;” and in the year

-- 48 --

1583, soon after a furious attack had been made on the stage by the puritans, twelve of the principal comedians of that time, at the earnest request of Sir Francis Walsingham, were selected from the companies then subsisting, under the licence and protection of various noblemen3 note

, and were sworn her majesty's

-- 49 --

servants4 note

. Eight of them had an annual stipend of 3l. 6s. 8d. each5 note. At that time there were

-- 50 --

eight companies of comedians, each of which performed twice or thrice a week6 note.”

King James the First appears to have patronized the stage with as much warmth as his predecessor. In 1599, while he was yet in Scotland, he bestowed his favour upon an English company of comedians that had arrived in Edinburgh, whom (as a modern historian asserts) he had solicited Elizabeth to send down to him, but Mr. Chalmers has shown this to be an error; and very soon after his accession to the throne, granted the following licence to the company at the Globe, which is found in Rymer's Fœdera.

“Pro Laurentio Fletcher & Willielmo Shakespeare & aliis.

“A. D. 1603. Pat.

“1. Jac. P. 2. m. 4. James by the grace of God, &c. to all justices, maiors, sheriffs, constables, head-boroughs, and other our officers and loving subjects, greeting. Know you that wee, of our special grace, certaine knowledge, and meer motion, have licenced and authorised, and by these presentes doe licence and authorize theise our servaunts, Laurence Fletcher, William Shakespeare, Richard Burbage, Augustine

-- 51 --

Phillippes, John Hemings, Henrie Condel, William Sly, Robert Armin, Richard Cowly, and the rest of their associates, freely to use and exercise the art and faculty of playing comedies, tragedies, histories, interludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like other as thei have alreadie studied or hereafter shall use or studie, as well for the recreation of our loving subjects, as for our solace and pleasure when we shall thincke good to see them, during our pleasure: and the said comedies, tragedies, histories, enterludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like, to shew and exercise publiquely to their best commoditie, when the infection of the plague shall decrease, as well within theire nowe usuall house called the Globe, within our county of Surrey, as also within anie towne-halls or moute-halls, or other convenient places within the liberties and freedom of any other citie, universitie, toun, or boroughe whatsoever, within our said realmes and dominions. Willing and commanding you and everie of you, as you tender our pleasure, not onlie to permit and suffer them herein, without any your letts, hindrances, or molestations, during our pleasure, but also to be aiding or assistinge to them if any wrong be to them offered, and to allow them such former curtesies as hathe been given to men of their place and quallitie; and also what further favour you shall shew to theise our servaunts for our sake, we shall take kindlie at your handes. In witness whereof, &c.

“Witness our selfe at Westminster, the nynteenth daye of Maye.

“Per Breve de privato sigillo.”

Having now, as concisely as I could, traced the History of the English Stage, from its first rude

-- 52 --

state to the period of its maturity and greatest splendor, I shall endeavour to exhibit as accurate a delineation of the internal form and economy of our ancient theatres, as the distance at which we stand, and the obscurity of the subject, will permit.

The most ancient English playhouses of which I have found any account, are, the playhouse in Blackfriars, that in Whitefriars7 note

, the Theatre, of which I

-- 53 --

am unable to ascertain the situation8 note, and The Curtain, in Shoreditch9 note. The Theatre, from its name, was probably the first building erected in or near the metropolis purposely for scenick exhibitions.

In the time of Shakspeare there were seven principal theatres: three private houses, namely, that in Blackfriars, that in Whitefriars, and The Cockpit or Phœnix1 note, in Drury-Lane, and four that were called publick theatres; viz. The Globe on the Bank-side,

-- 54 --

The Curtain2 note


























in Shoreditch, The Red Bull, at the upper end of St. John's Street, and The Fortune3 note








in

-- 55 --

Whitecross Street. The last two were chiefly frequented by citizens4 note. There were however, but six

-- 56 --

companies of comedians; for the playhouse in Blackfriars, and the Globe, belonged to the same troop. Beside these seven theatres, there were for some time on the Bankside three other publick theatres; The Swan, The Rose5 note, and The Hope6 note

: but The Hope being used chiefly as a bear-garden, and The Swan and The Rose having fallen to decay early in King James's reign, they ought not to be enumerated with the other regular theatres.

All the established theatres that were open in 1598, were either without the city of London or its liberties7 note.

-- 57 --

It appears from the office-book8 note

of Sir Henry Herbert, Master of the Revels to King James the First,

-- 58 --

and the two succeeding kings, that very soon after our poet's death, in the year 1622, there were but

-- 59 --

five principal companies of comedians in London; the King's Servants, who performed at the Globe and in Blackfriars; the Prince's Servants, who performed then at the Curtain; the Palsgrave's Servants9 note, who had possession of the Fortune; the players of the Revels, who acted at the Red Bull1 note; and the Lady Elizabeth's Servants, or, as they are sometimes denominated, the Queen of Bohemia's players, who performed at the Cockpit in Drury Lane2 note

.

-- 60 --

When Prynne published his Histriomastix, (1633,) there were six playhouses open; the theatre in Blackfriars; the Globe; the Fortune: the Red Bull; the Cockpit or Phœnix, and a theatre in Salisbury Court, Whitefriars3 note

.

All the plays of Shakspeare appear to have been performed either at The Globe, or the theatre in Blackfriars. I shall therefore confine my inquiries principally to those two. They belonged, as I have already observed, to the same company of comedians, namely, his majesty's servants, which title they obtained after a licence had been granted to them by King James in 1603. Like the other servants of the household, the performers enrolled into this company were sworn into office, and each of them was allowed four yards of bastard scarlet for a cloak, and a quarter of a yard of velvet for the cape, every second year4 note.

-- 61 --

The Theatre in Blackfriars was situated near the present Apothecaries' Hall, in the neighbourhood of which there is yet Playhouse Yard, not far from which the theatre probably stood. It was, as has been mentioned, a private house; but what were the distinguishing marks of a private playhouse, it is not easy to ascertain. We know only that it was smaller5 note

than those which were called publick theatres; and that in the private theatres plays were usually presented by candle-light6 note.

In this theatre, which was a very ancient one, the children of the Revels occasionally performed7 note

.

-- 62 --

It is said in Camden's Annals of the reign of King James the First, that the theatre in Blackfriars fell down in the year 1623, and that above eighty persons were killed by the accident; but he was misinformed8 note






.

-- 63 --

The room which gave way was in a private house, and appropriated to the service of religion.

I am unable to ascertain at what time the Globe theatre was built. Hentzner has alluded to it as existing in 1598, though he does not expressly mention it9 note. I believe it was not built long before the year 15961 note. It was situated on the Bankside, (the southern side of the river Thames,) nearly opposite to Friday Street, Cheapside. It was an hexagonal wooden building, partly open to the weather, and partly

-- 64 --

thatched2 note

[unresolved image link]. When Hentzner wrote, all the other theatres as well as this were composed of wood.

The Globe was a publick theatre, and of considerable size3 note, and there they always acted by day-light4 note. On the roof of this, and the other publick theatres

-- 65 --

a pole was erected, to which a flag was affixed5 note




. These flags were probably displayed only during the hours of exhibition; and it should seem from one of the old comedies that they were taken down in Lent, in which time, during the early part of King James's reign, plays were not allowed to be represented6 note

, though at a subsequent period this prohibition was dispensed with7 note

.

-- 66 --

I formerly conjectured that The Globe, though hexagonal on the outside, was perhaps a rotunda within, and that it might have derived its name from its circular form8 note




. But, though the part appropriated

-- 67 --

to the audience was probably circular, I now believe that the house was denominated only from its sign; which was a figure of Hercules supporting the Globe, under which was written, Totus mundus agit histrionem9 note. This theatre was burnt down on the 29th of June, 16131 note

; but it was rebuilt in the following

-- 68 --

year, and decorated with more ornament than had been originally bestowed upon it2 note



.

The exhibitions at the Globe seem to have been calculated chiefly for the lower class of people3 note



















; those

-- 69 --

at Blackfriars, for a more select and judicious audience. This appears from the following prologue to Shirley's Doubtful Heir, which is inserted among his poems, printed in 1646, with this title:

“Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called The Doubtful Heir, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars4 note.


“Gentlemen, I am only sent to say,
“Our author did not calculate his play
“For this meridian. The Bankside, he knows,
“Is far more skilful at the ebbs and flows
“Of water than of wit; he did not mean
“For the elevation of your poles, this scene.
“No shews,—no dance,—and what you most delight in,
“Grave understanders5 note

, here's no target-fighting
“Upon the stage; all work for cutlers barr'd;
“No bawdry, nor no ballads;—this goes hard:
“But language clean, and, what affects you not,
“Without impossibilities the plot;
“No clown, no squibs, no devil in't.—Oh now,
“You squirrels that want nuts, what will you do?
“Pray do not crack the benches, and we may
“Hereafter fit your palates with a play.
“But you that can contract yourselves, and sit,
“As you were now in the Blackfriars pit,
“And will not deaf us with lewd noise and tongues,
“Because we have no heart to break our lungs,
“Will pardon our vast stage, and not disgrace
“This play, meant for your persons, not the place.”

The superior discernment of the Blackfriars audience may be likewise collected from a passage in the preface prefixed by Hemings and Condell to the first folio edition of our author's works: “And though

-- 70 --

you be a magistrate of wit, and sit on the stage at Blackfriers, or the Cockpit, to arraigne plays dailie, know these plays have had their trial already, and stood out all appeales.”

A writer already quoted6 note informs us that one of these theatres was a winter, and the other a summer, house7 note. As the Globe was partly exposed to the weather, and they acted there usually by day-light, it appeared to me probable (when this essay was originally published) that this was the summer theatre; and I have lately found my conjecture confirmed by

-- 71 --

Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript. The king's company usually began to play at the Globe in the month of May. The exhibitions here seem to have been more frequent8 note than at Blackfriars, till the year 1604 or 1605, when the Bankside appears to have become less fashionable, and less frequented than it formerly had been9 note.

Many of our ancient dramatick pieces (as has been already observed) were performed in the yards of carrier's inns, in which, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the comedians, who then first united themselves in companies, erected an occasional stage1 note

. The form of these temporary playhouses seems to be preserved in our modern theatre. The galleries, in both, are ranged over each other on three sides of the

-- 72 --

building. The small rooms under the lowest of these galleries answer to our present boxes; and it is observable that these, even in theatres which were built in a subsequent period expressly for dramatick exhibitions, still retained their old name, and are frequently called rooms2 note, by our ancient writers3 note

. The yard bears a sufficient resemblance to the pit, as at present in use. We may suppose the stage to have been raised in this area, on the fourth side, with its back to the gateway of the inn, at which the money for admission was taken. Thus, in fine weather, a playhouse not incommodious might have been formed.

Hence, in the middle of the Globe, and I suppose of the other publick theatres, in the time of Shakspeare, there was an open yard or area4 note





, where the

-- 73 --

common people stood to see the exhibition; from which circumstance they are called by our author groundlings, and by Ben Jonson “the understanding gentlemen of the ground.”

The galleries, or scaffolds, as they are sometimes called, and that part of the house which in private theatres was named the pit5 note





, seem to have been at the same price; and probably in houses of reputation, such as the Globe, and that in Blackfriars, the price of admission into those parts of the theatre was sixpence6 note





, while in some meaner playhouses it was

-- 74 --

only a penny7 note



, in others twopence8 note

. The price of admission into the best rooms or boxes9 note







, was, I believe,

-- 75 --

in our author's time, a shilling1 note








; though afterwards it appears to have risen to two shillings2 note










,

-- 76 --

and half a crown3 note



. At the Blackfriars theatre the price of the boxes was, I imagine, higher than at the Globe.

From several passages in our old plays we learn, that spectators were admitted on the stage4 note, and that the criticks and wits of the time usually sat there5 note



. Some were placed on the ground6 note









; others sat on stools, of

-- 77 --

which the price was either sixpence7 note

, or a shilling8 note


, according, I suppose, to the commodiousness of the situation. And they were attended by pages, who furnished them with pipes and tobacco, which was smoked here as well as in other parts of the house9 note











.

-- 78 --

Yet it should seem that persons were suffered to sit on the stage only in the private playhouses (such as Blackfriars, &c.) where the audience was more select, and of a higher class; and that in the Globe and the other publick theatres, no such licence was permitted1 note

.

The stage was strewed with rushes2 note, which, we learn from Hentzner and Caius de Ephemera, was in the time of Shakspeare the usual covering of floors in England3 note. On some occasions it was entirely matted over4 note; but this was probably very rare. The curtain which hangs in the front of the present

-- 79 --

stage, drawn up by lines and pullies, though not a modern invention, (for it was used by Inigo Jones in the masques at court,) was yet an apparatus to which the simple mechanism of our ancient theatres had not arrived; for in them the curtains opened in the middle, and were drawn backwards and forwards on an iron rod5 note


. In some playhouses they were woollen, in others, made of silk6 note















. Towards the rear of the stage there appears to have been a balcony7 note


, or upper stage;

-- 80 --

the platform of which was probably eight or nine feet from the ground. I suppose it to have been supported by pillars. From hence, in many of our old plays, part of the dialogue was spoken; and in the front of it curtains likewise were hung8 note


, so as occasionally to conceal the persons in it from the view of the audience. At each side of this balcony was a box, very inconveniently situated, which sometimes was called the private box. In these boxes, which were at a lower price, some persons sate, either from economy or singularity9 note













.

-- 81 --

How little the imaginations of the audience were assisted by scenical deception, and how much necessity our author had to call on them to “piece out imperfections with their thoughts,” may be collected from Sir Philip Sydney, who, describing the state of the drama and the stage, in his time, (about the year 1583,) says, “Now you shall have three ladies walk to gather flowers, and then we must beleeve the stage to be a garden. By and by we heare news of shipwrack in the same place; then we are to blame, if we accept it not for a rock. Upon the back of that, comes out a hidious monster with fire and smoke; and then the miserable beholders are bound to take it for a cave; while in the mean time two armies fly in, represented with four swords and bucklers, and then what hard hart wil not receive it for a pitched field1 note.”

The first notice that I have found of any thing like moveable scenes being used in England, is in the narrative of the entertainment given to King James at Oxford, in August, 1605, when three plays were performed in the hall of Christ Church, of which

-- 82 --

we have the following account by a contemporary writer. “The stage (he tells us) was built close to the upper end of the hall, as it seemed at the first sight: but indeed it was but a false wall faire painted, and adorned with stately pillars, which pillars would turn about; by reason whereof, with the help of other painted clothes, their stage did vary three times in the acting of one tragedy:” that is, in other words, there were three scenes employed in the exhibition of the piece2 note. The scenery was contrived by Inigo Jones, who is described as a great traveller, and who undertook to “further his employers much, and furnish them with rare devices, but produced very little to that which was expected3 note.”

It is observable, that the writer of this account was not acquainted even with the term scene, having used painted clothes instead of it: nor indeed is this surprising, it not being then found in this sense in any dictionary or vocabulary, English or foreign, that I have met with. Had the common stages been furnished with them, neither this writer, nor the makers of dictionaries, could have been ignorant of it4 note

. To

-- 83 --

effect even what was done at Christ-Church, the University found it necessary to employ two of the king's

-- 84 --

carpenters, and to have the advice of the controller of his works. The Queen's Masque, which was exhibited in the preceding January, was not much more successful, though above 3000l. was expended upon it. “At night, (says Sir Dudley Carleton,) we had the Queen's Maske in the Banqueting-house, or rather her Pageant. There was a great engine at the lower end of the room, which had motion, and in it were the images of sea-horses, (with other terrible fishes,) which were ridden by the Moors. The indecorum was, that there was all fish and no water. At the further end was a great shell in form of a skallop, wherein were four seats; on the lowest sat the queen with my lady Bedford; on the rest were placed the ladies Suffolk, Darby5 note

,” &c. Such were most of the

-- 85 --

Masques in the time of James the First: triumphal cars, castles, rocks, caves, pillars, temples, clouds, rivers, tritons, &c. composed the principal part of their decoration. In the courtly masques given by his successor during the first fifteen years of his reign, and in some of the plays exhibited at court, the art of scenery seems to have been somewhat improved. In 1636 a piece written by Thomas Heywood, called Love's Mistress or the Queen's Masque, was represented at Denmark House before their Majesties. “For the rare decorements (says Heywood in his preface) which new apparelled it, when it came the second time to the royal view, (her gracious majesty then entertaining his highness at Denmark House upon his birth-day,) I cannot pretermit to give a due character to that admirable artist Mr. Inigo Jones, master surveyor of the king's worke, &c. who to every act, nay almost to every scene, by his excellent inventions gave such an extraordinary lustre; upon every occasion changing the stage, to the admiration of all the spectators.” Here, as on a former occasion,

-- 86 --

we may remark, the term scene is not used: the stage was changed, to the admiration of all the spectators6 note.

In August, 1636, The Royal Slave, written by a very popular poet, William Cartwright, was acted at Oxford before the king and queen, and afterwards at Hampton-Court. Wood informs us7 note, that the scenery was an exquisite and uncommon piece of machinery, contrived by Inigo Jones. The play was printed in 1639; and yet even at that late period, the term scene, in the sense now affixed to it, was unknown to the author; for describing the various scenes employed in this court-exhibition, he denominates them thus: “The first Appearance, a temple of the sun.—Second Appearance, a city in the front, and a prison at the side,” &c. The three other Appearances in this play were, a wood, a palace, and a castle.

In every disquisition of this kind much trouble and many words might be saved, by defining the subject of dispute. Before therefore I proceed further in this inquiry, I think it proper to say, that by a scene, I mean, “A painting in perspective on a cloth fastened to a wooden frame or roller;” and that I do not mean by this term, “a coffin, or a tomb, or a gilt chair, or a fair chain of pearl, or a crucifix:” and I am the rather induced to make this declaration, because a writer, who obliquely alluded to the position which I am now maintaining, soon after the first edition of this Essay was published, has mentioned exhibitions of this kind as a proof of the scenery of our old plays; and taking it for granted that the point is completely established by this decisive argument, triumphantly adds, “Let us for the future no more be told of the

-- 87 --

want of proper scenes and dresses in our ancient theatres8 note













.”

-- 88 --

A passage which has been produced from one of the old comedies9 note, proves that the common theatres were furnished with some rude pieces of machinery, which were used when it was necessary to exhibit the descent of some god or saint; but it is manifest from what has been already stated, as well as from all the contemporary accounts, that the mechanism of our ancient theatres seldom went beyond a tomb, a painted chair, a sinking cauldron, or a trap-door, and that none of them had moveable scenes. When King Henry VIII. is to be discovered by the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, reading in his study, the scenical direction in the first folio, 1623, (which was printed apparently from playhouse copies,) is “The King draws the curtain, [i. e. draws it open] and sits reading pensively;” for, beside the principal curtains that hung in the front of the stage, they used others as substitutes for scenes1 note, which were denominated traverses. If a

-- 89 --

bed chamber is to be represented, no change of scene is mentioned; but the property-man is simply ordered to thrust forth a bed, or, the curtains being opened, a bed is exhibited. So, in the old play on which Shakspeare formed his King Henry VI. P. II. when Cardinal Beaufort is exhibited dying, the stage-direction is—“Enter King and Salisbury, and then the curtaines be drawn, [i. e. drawn open,] and the Cardinal is discovered in his bed, raving and staring as if he were mad.” When the fable requires the Roman capitol to be represented, we find two officers enter, “to lay cushions, as it were in the capitol.” So, in King Richard II. Act. IV. Sc. I.: “Bolingbroke, &c. enter as to the parliament2 note.” Again, in Sir John Oldcastle, 1600: “Enter Cambridge, Scroop, and Gray, as in the chamber.” When the citizens of Angiers are to appear on the walls of their town, and young Arthur to leap from the battlements, I suppose our ancestors were contented with seeing them in the balcony already described; or perhaps a few boards were tacked together, and painted so as to resemble the rude

-- 90 --

discoloured walls of an old town, behind which a platform might have been placed near the top, on which the citizens stood: but surely this can scarcely be called a scene. Though undoubtedly our poet's company were furnished with some wooden fabrick sufficiently resembling a tomb, for which they must have had occasion in several plays, yet some doubt may be entertained, whether in Romeo and Juliet any exhibition of Juliet's monument was given on the stage. Romeo perhaps only opened with his mattock one of the stage trap-doors, (which might have represented a tomb-stone,) by which he descended to a vault beneath the stage, where Juliet was deposited; and this notion is countenanced by a passage in the play, and by the poem on which the drama was founded3 note



.

In all the old copies of the play last-mentioned we find the following stage-direction: “They march about the stage, and serving men come forth with their napkins.” A more decisive proof than this, that the stage was not furnished with scenes, cannot be produced. Romeo, Mercutio, &c. with their torch-bearers and attendants, are the persons who march about the stage. They are in the street, on their way to Capulet's house, where a masquerade is given; but Capulet's servants who come forth with their napkins, are supposed to be in a hall or saloon of their master's house: yet both the masquers without and the servants within appear on the same spot. In like manner in King Henry VIII.

-- 91 --

the very same spot is at once the outside and inside of the Council-Chamber4 note.

It is not, however, necessary to insist either upon the term itself, in the sense of a painting in perspective on cloth or canvas, being unknown to our early writers, or upon the various stage-directions which are found in the plays of our poet and his contemporaries, and which afford the strongest presumptive evidence that the stage in his time was not furnished with scenes: because we have to the same point the concurrent testimony of Shakspeare himself5 note


, of Ben Jonson, of every writer of the last age who has had occasion to mention this subject, and even of the very person who first introduced scenes on the publick stage.

In the year 1629 Jonson's comedy intitled The New Inn was performed at the Blackfriars theatre, and deservedly damned. Ben was so much incensed at the town for condemning his piece, that in 1631 he published it with the following title: “The New Inne, or the light Heart, a comedy; as it was never acted, but most negligently played, by some, the king's servants, and more squeamishly beheld and censured by others, the king's subjects, 1629: And now at last set at liberty to the readers, his Ma.ties servants and subjects, to be judged, 1631.” In the Dedication to this piece, the author, after expressing his profound contempt for the spectators who were at the first representation of this play, says, “What did they come for then, thou wilt ask me. I will as punctually answer: to see and to be seene. To make a general muster of themselves in their clothes of credit, and possesse the stage against the playe: to dislike all, but marke nothing: and by their confidence of rising between the

-- 92 --

actes in oblique lines, make affidavit to the whole house of their not understanding one scene. Arm'd with this prejudice, as the stage furniture or arras clothes, they were there; as spectators away; for the faces in the hangings and they beheld alike.”

The exhibition of plays being forbidden some time before the death of Charles I.6 note

Sir William D'Avenant in 1656 invented a new species of entertainment, which was exhibited at Rutland House, at the upper end of Aldersgate Street. The title of the piece, which was printed in the same year, is The Siege of Rhodes, made a Representation by the Art of prospective in Scenes; and the Story sung in recitative Musick. “The original of this musick,” says Dryden, “and of the scenes which adorned his work, he had from the Italian operas7 note; but he heightened his characters (as I may probably imagine) from the examples of Corneille and some French poets.” If sixty years before, the exhibition of the plays of Shakspeare had been aided on the common stage by the advantage of moveable scenes, or if the term scene had been familiar to D'Avenant's audience, can we suppose that he would have found it necessary to use a periphrastick

-- 93 --

description, and to promise that his representation should be assisted by the art of prospective in scenes? “It has been often wished,” says he, in his Address to the Reader, “that our scenes (we having obliged ourselves to the variety of five changes, according to the ancient dramatick distinctions made for time,) had not been confined to about eleven feet in the height and about fifteen in depth, including the places of passage reserved for the musick.” From these words we learn that he had in that piece five scenes. In 1658 he exhibited at the old theatre called the Cockpit in Drury Lane, The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru, express'd by vocal and instrumental Musick, and by Art of Perspective in Scenes8 note


. In spring 1662, having obtained a patent from King Charles the Second, and built a new playhouse in Lincoln's Inn Fields, he opened his theatre with The First Part of the Siege of Rhodes,

-- 94 --

which since its first exhibition he had enlarged. He afterwards in the same year exhibited The Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes, and his comedy called The Wits; “these plays,” says Downes, who himself acted in The Siege of Rhodes, “having new scenes and decorations, being the first that ever were introduced in England.” Scenes had certainly been used before in the masques at Court, and in a few private exhibitions, and by D'Avenant himself in his attempts at theatrical entertainments shortly before the death of Cromwell: Downes therefore, who is extremely inaccurate in his language in every part of his book, must have meant—the first ever exhibited in a regular drama, on a publick theatre.

I have said that I could produce the testimony of Sir William D'Avenant himself on this subject. His prologue to The Wits, which was exhibited in the spring of the year 1662, soon after the opening of his theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, if every other document had perished, would prove decisively that our author's plays had not the assistance of painted scenes. “There are some, says D'Avenant,


“&lblank; who would the world persuade,
“That gold is better when the stamp is bad;
“And that an ugly ragged piece of eight
“Is ever true in metal and in weight;
“As if a guinny and louís had less
“Intrinsick value for their handsomeness.
“So diverse, who outlive the former age,
“Allow9 note the coarseness of the plain old stage,
“And think rich vests and scenes are only fit
“Disguises for the want of art and wit.”

And no less decisive is the different language of the licence for erecting a theatre, granted to him by King Charles I. in 1639, and the letters patent which he obtained from his son in 1662. In the former, after he is authorized “to entertain, govern, privilege, and keep such and so many players to exercise action, musical

-- 95 --

presentments, scenes, dancing, and the like, as he the said William Davenant shall think fit and approve for the said house, and such persons to permit and continue at and during the pleasure of the said W. D. to act plays in such house so to be by him erected, and exercise musick, musical presentments, scenes, dancing, or other the like, at the same or other hours, or times, or after plays are ended,”—the clause which empowers him to take certain prices from those who should resort to his theatre runs thus:

“And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said W. D. &c. to take and receive of such our subjects as shall resort to see or hear any such plays, scenes, and entertainments whatsoever, such sum or sums of money, as is or hereafter from time to time shall be accustomed to be given or taken in other playhouses and places for the like plays, scenes, presentments, and entertainments.”

Here we see that when the theatre was fitted up in the usual way of that time without the decoration of scenery, (for scenes in the foregoing passages mean, not paintings, but short stage-representations or presentments,) the usual prices were authorised to be taken: but after the Restoration, when Sir W. D'Avenant furnished his new theatre with scenery, he took care that the letters patent which he then obtained, should speak a different language, for there the corresponding clause is as follows:

“And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Sir William D'Avenant, his heirs, and assigns, to take and receive of such of our subjects as shall resort to see or hear any such plays, scenes, and entertainments whatsoever, such sum or sums of money, as either have accustomably been given and taken in the like kind, or as shall be thought reasonable by him or them, in regard of the great expences of scenes, musick,

-- 96 --

and such new decorations as have not been formerly used.”

Here for the first time in these letters patent the word scene is used in that sense in which Sir William had employed it in the printed title-pages of his musical entertainments exhibited a few years before. In the former letters patent granted in 1639, the word in that sense does not once occur.

To the testimony of D'Avenant himself may be added that of Dryden, both in the passage already quoted, and in his prologue to The Rival Ladies, performed at the King's theatre in 1664:


“&lblank; in former days
“Good prologues were as scarce as now good plays.—
“You now have habits, dances, scenes, and rhymes;
“High language often, ay, and sense sometimes.”

And still more express is that of the author of The Generous Enemies, exhibited at the King's Theatre in 1672:


“I cannot choose but laugh, when I look back and see
“The strange vicissitudes of poetrie.
“Your aged fathers came to plays for wit,
“And sat knee-deep in nutshells in the pit;
“Coarse hangings then, instead of scenes were worn,
“And Kidderminster did the stage adorn:
“But you, their wiser offspring, did advance
“To plot of jig, and to dramatick dance,”1 note





























&c.

These are not the speculations of scholars concerning a custom of a former age, but the testimony of

-- 97 --

persons who were either spectators of what they describe, or daily conversed with those who had trod our ancient stage: for D'Avenant's first play, The

-- 98 --

Cruel Brother, was acted at the Blackfriars in January, 1626–7, and Mohun and Hart, who had themselves acted before the civil wars, were employed in that company, by whose immediate successors The Generous Enemies was exhibited: I mean the King's Servants. Major Mohun acted in the piece before which the lines last quoted were spoken.

I may add also, that Mr. Wright, the author of Historia Histrionica, whose father had been a spectator of several plays before the breaking out of the civil wars, expressly says, that the theatre had no scenes2 note

.

But, says Mr. Steevens, (who differs with me in opinion on the subject before us, and whose sentiments I shall give below,) “how happened it, that Shakspeare himself should have mentioned the act of shifting scenes, if in his time there were no scenes capable of being shifted? Thus, in the Chorus to King Henry V.:


‘Unto Southampton do we shift our scene.’

“This phrase (he adds) was hardly more ancient than the custom it describes3 note.”

Who does not see, that Shakspeare in the passage here quoted uses the word scene in the same sense in

-- 99 --

which it was used two thousand years before he was born; that is, for the place of action represented by the stage; and not for that moveable hanging or painted cloth, strained on a wooden frame, or rolled round a cylinder, which is now called a scene? If the smallest doubt could be entertained of his meaning, the following lines in the same play would remove it:


“The king is set from London, and the scene
“Is now transported to Southampton.”

This, and this only, was the shifting that was meant; a movement from one place to another in the progress of the drama; nor is there found a single passage in his plays in which the word scene is used in the sense required to support the argument of those who suppose that the common stages were furnished with moveable scenes in his time. He constantly uses the word either for a stage-exhibition in general, or the component part of a play, or the place of action represented by the stage4 note














:

-- 100 --


“For all my life has been but as a scene
“Acting that argument.” King Henry IV. Part II.
“At your industrious scenes and acts of death.” King John.
“What scene of death hath Roscius now to act?” King Henry VI. Part III.
“Thus with imagin'd wing our swift scene flies &lblank;.” King Henry V.
“To give our scene such growing &lblank;.” Ibid.
“And so our scene must to the battle fly &lblank;.” Ibid.
“That he might play the woman in the scene.” Coriolanus.
“A queen in jest, only to fill the scene.” King Richard III.

I shall add but one more instance from All's Well That Ends Well:


“Our scene is alter'd from a serious thing,
“And now chang'd to the Beggar and the King.”

From which lines it might, I conceive, be as reasonably inferred that scenes were changed in Shakspeare's time, as from the passage relied on in King Henry V. and perhaps by the same mode of reasoning it might be proved, from a line above quoted from the same play, that the technical modern term, wings, or side-scenes, was not unknown to our great poet.

The various circumstances which I have stated, and the accounts of the contemporary writers5 note

, furnish

-- 101 --

us, in my apprehension, with decisive and incontrovertible proofs6 note





















, that the stage of Shakspeare was

-- 102 --

not furnished with moveable painted scenes, but merely decorated with curtains, and arras or tapestry hangings, which, when decayed, appear to have been sometimes ornamented with pictures7 note

; and some passages

-- 103 --

in our old dramas incline me to think, that when tragedies were performed, the stage was hung with black8 note














.

-- 104 --

In the early part, at least, of our author's acquaintance with the theatre, the want of scenery seems to

-- 105 --

have been supplied by the simple expedient of writing the names of the different places where the scene was

-- 106 --

laid in the progress of the play, which were disposed in such a manner as to be visible to the audience9 note

.

-- 107 --

Though the apparatus for theatrick exhibitions was thus scanty, and the machinery of the simplest kind, the invention of trap-doors appears not to be modern; for in an old Morality, entitled, All for Money, we find a marginal direction, which implies that they were very early in use1 note



.

-- 108 --

We learn from Heywood's Apology for Actors3 note, that the covering, or internal roof, of the stage, was anciently termed the heavens. It was probably painted of a sky-blue colour; or perhaps pieces of drapery tinged with blue were suspended across the stage, to represent the heavens.

It appears from the stage-directions4 note















given in The Spanish Tragedy, that when a play was exhibited within a play, (if I may so express myself,) as is the case in that piece and in Hamlet, the court or audience before whom the interlude was performed sat in the balcony, or upper stage already described; and a curtain or traverse being hung across the stage for the nonce, the performers entered between that curtain and the general audience, and on its being drawn, began their piece, addressing themselves to the balcony, and regardless of the spectators in the theatre, to whom their backs must have been turned during the whole of the performance.

-- 109 --

From a plate prefixed to Kirkman's Drolls, printed in 1672, in which there is a view of a theatrical booth, it should seem that the stage was formerly lighted by two large branches, of a form similar to those now hung in churches; and from Beaumont's Verses prefixed to Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, which was acted before the year 1611, we find that wax lights were used5 note.

These branches having been found incommodious, as they obstructed the sight of the spectators6 note, gave place at a subsequent period to small circular wooden frames, furnished with candles, eight of which were hung on the stage, four at either side: and these within a few years were wholly removed by Mr. Garrick, who, on his return from France in 1765, first introduced the present commodious method of illuminating the stage by lights not visible to the audience.

The body of the house was illuminated by cressets6 note

, or large open lanterns of nearly the same size with those which are fixed in the poop of a ship.

If all the players whose names are enumerated in the first folio edition of our author's works, belonged to the same theatre, they composed a numerous company; but it is doubtful whether they all performed

-- 110 --

at the same period, or always continued in the same house7 note. Many of the companies, in the infancy of the stage, certainly were so thin, that the same person played two or three parts8 note; and a battle on which the fate of an empire was supposed to depend, was decided by half a dozen combatants9 note




. It appears to have been a common practice in their mock engagements, to discharge small pieces of ordnance on or behind the stage1 note

.

Before the exhibition began, three flourishes were

-- 111 --

played, or in the ancient language, there were three soundings2 note


. Musick was likewise played between the acts3 note








. The instruments chiefly used, were trumpets, cornets, hautboys, lutes, recorders, viols, and organs4 note

. The band, which, I believe, did not consist of more than eight or ten performers, sat (as I have been told by a very ancient stage veteran, who had his information from Bowman, the contemporary of Betterton,)

-- 112 --

in an upper balcony, over what is now called the stage-box5 note



.

From Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript I learn, that the musicians belonging to Shakspeare's company were obliged to pay the Master of the Revels an annual fee for a licence to play in the theatre6 note.

Not very long after our poet's death the Blackfriars' band was more numerous7 note; and their reputation was so high as to be noticed by Sir Bulstrode Whitelocke, in an account which he has left of the splendid Masque given by the four Inns of Court on the second of February, 1633–4, entitled The Triumph of Peace, and intended, as he himself informs us, “to manifest the difference of their opinion from Mr. Prynne's new learning, and to confute his Histriomastix against interludes.”

A very particular account of this masque is found in his Memorials; but that which Dr. Burney has lately given in his very curious and elegant History of Musick8 note, from a manuscript in the possession of Dr. Moreton of the British Museum, contains some

-- 113 --

minute particulars not noticed in the former printed account, and among others an eulogy on our poet's band of musicians.

“For the Musicke,” says Whitelocke, “which was particularly committed to my charge, I gave to Mr. Ives, and to Mr. Laws, £100 a piece for their rewards: for the four French gentlemen, the queen's servants, I thought that a handsome and liberall gratifying of them would be made known to the queen their mistris, and well taken by her. I therefore invited them one morning to a collation att St. Dunstan's taverne, in the great room, the Oracle of Apollo, where each of them had his plate lay'd by him, covered, and the napkin by it, and when they opened their plates, they found in each of them forty pieces of gould, of their master's coyne, for the first dish, and they had cause to be much pleased with this surprisall.

“The rest of the musitians had rewards answearable to their parts and qualities; and the whole charge of the musicke came to about one thousand pounds. The clothes of the horsemen reckoned one with another at £100 a suit, att the least, amounted to £10,000.— The charges of all the rest of the masque, which were borne by the societies, were accounted to be above twenty thousand pounds.

“I was so conversant with the musitians, and so willing to gain their favour, especially at this time, that I composed an aier my selfe, with the assistance of Mr. Ives, and called it Whitelock's Coranto; which being cried up, was first played publiquely by the Blackefryars Musicke, who were then esteemed the best of common musitians in London. Whenever I came to that house, (as I did sometimes in those dayes, though not often,) to see a play, the musitians would presently play Whitelocke's Coranto: and it was so often called for, that they would have it played twice or thrice in an afternoone. The queen

-- 114 --

hearing it, would not be persuaded that it was made by an Englishman, bicause she said it was fuller of life and spirit than the English aiers used to be; butt she honoured the Coranto and the maker of it with her majestyes royall commendation. It grew to that request, that all the common musitians in this towne, and all over the kingdome, gott the composition of itt, and played it publiquely in all places for above thirtie years after.”

The stage, in Shakspeare's time, seems to have been separated from the pit only by pales9 note




. Soon after the Restoration, the band, I imagine, took the station which they have kept ever since, in an orchestra placed between the stage and the pit1 note

.

The person who spoke the prologue, who entered immediately after the third sounding2 note, usually wore

-- 115 --

a long black velvet cloak3 note












, which, I suppose, was considered as best suited to a supplicatory address. Of this custom, whatever may have been its origin, some traces remained till very lately; a black coat having been, if I mistake not, within these few years, the constant stage-habiliment of our modern prologue-speakers. The complete dress of the ancient prologue-speaker is still retained in the play exhibited in Hamlet, before the king and court of Denmark.

An epilogue does not appear to have been a regular appendage to a play in Shakspeare's time; for many of his dramas had none; at least they have not been preserved. In All's Well That Ends Well, A Midsummer-Night's Dream, As You Like It, Troilus and Cressida, and The Tempest, the epilogue is spoken by one of the persons of the drama, and adapted to the character of the speaker; a circumstance that I have not observed in the epilogues of any other author of that age. The epilogue was not always spoken by one of the performers in the piece; for that subjoined

-- 116 --

to The Second Part of King Henry IV. appears to have been delivered by a dancer.

The performers of male characters frequently wore periwigs4 note

which in the age of Shakspeare were not in common use5 note













. It appears from a passage in Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie, 1589, that vizards were on some occasions used by the actors of those days6 note; and it may be inferred from a scene in one of our author's comedies, that they were sometimes worn in his time, by those who performed female characters7 note. But this, I imagine, was very rare. Some of the female part of the audience likewise appeared in masks8 note

















.

-- 117 --

Both the prompter, or book-holder, as he was sometimes called, and the property-man, appear to be regular appendages of our ancient theatres9 note.

-- 118 --

The stage dresses, it is reasonable to suppose, were much more costly in some playhouses than others. Yet the wardrobe of even the king's servants at The Globe and Blackfriars was, we find, but scantily furnished; and our author's dramas derived very little aid from the splendour of exhibition1 note

.

It is well known, that in the time of Shakspeare, and for many years afterwards, female characters were represented solely by boys or young men. Nashe, in a pamphlet published in 1592, speaking in defence of the English stage, boasts that the players of his time were “not as the players beyond sea, a sort of squirting bawdie comedians, that have whores and common curtizans to play women's parts2 note.” What Nashe considered as an high eulogy on his country, Prynne has made one of his principal charges against the English stage; having employed several pages in his bulky

-- 119 --

volume, and quoted many hundred authorities, to prove that “those playes wherein any men act women's parts in woman's apparell must needs be sinful, yea, abominable unto christians3 note.” The grand basis of his argument is a text in scripture; Deuteronomy, xxii. 5; “The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto man, neither shall a man put on a woman's garment:” a precept, which Sir Richard Baker has justly remarked, is no part of the moral law, and ought not to be understood literally. “Where,” says Sir Richard, “finds he this precept? Even in the same place where he finds also that we must not weare cloaths of linsey-woolsey: and seeing we lawfully now wear cloaths of linsey-woolsey, why may it not be as lawful for men to put on women's garments4 note?”

It may perhaps be supposed, that Prynne, having thus vehemently inveighed against men's representing female characters on the stage, would not have been averse to the introduction of women in the scene; but sinful as this zealot thought it in men to assume the garments of the other sex, he considered it as not less abominable in women to tread the stage in their own proper dress: for he informs us, “that some Frenchwomen, or monsters rather, in Michaelmas term, 1629, attempted to act a French play at the playhouse in Blackfriers,” which he represents as “an impudent, shameful, unwomanish, graceless, if not more than whorish attempt5 note

.”

-- 120 --

Soon after the period he speaks of, a regular French theatre was established in London, where without doubt women acted6 note

. They had long before

-- 121 --

appeared on the Italian as well as the French stage. When Coryate was at Venice, [July, 1608,] he tells

-- 122 --

us, he was at one of their playhouses, and saw a comedy acted. “The house, (he adds) is very beggarly and base, in comparison of our stately playhouses in England; neither can their actors compare with us for apparell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before; for I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been some times used in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor7 note.”

The practice of men's performing the parts of women in the scene is of the highest antiquity. On

-- 123 --

the Grecian stage no woman certainly ever acted. From Plutarch's Life of Phocion, we learn, that in his time (about three hundred and eighteen years before the Christian era) the performance of a tragedy at Athens was interrupted for some time by one of the actors, who was to personate a queen, refusing to come on the stage, because he had not a suitable mask and dress, and a train of attendants richly habited; and Demosthenes in one of his orations8 note, mentions Theodorus and Aristodemus as having often represented the Antigone of Sophocles9 note. This fact is also ascertained by an anecdote preserved by Aulus Gellius. A very celebrated actor, whose name was Polus, was appointed to perform the part of Electra in Sophocles's play; who in the progress of

-- 124 --

the drama appears with an urn in her hands, containing, as she supposes, the ashes of Orestes. The actor having some time before been deprived by death of a beloved son, to indulge his grief, as it should seem, procured the urn which contained the ashes of his child, to be brought from his tomb; which affected him so much, that when he appeared with it on the scene, he embraced it with unfeigned sorrow, and burst into tears1 note

.

That on the Roman stage also female parts were represented by men in tragedy, is ascertained by one of Cicero's letters to Atticus, in which he speaks of Antipho2 note, who performed the part of Andromache; and by a passage in Horace, who informs us, that Fusius Phocæus being to perform the part of Ilione, the wife of Polymnestor, in a tragedy written either by Accius or Pacuvius, and being in the course of the play to be awakened out of sleep by the cries of the shade of Polydorus, got so drunk, that he fell

-- 125 --

into a real and profound sleep, from which no noise could rouse him3 note


.

Horace indeed mentions a female performer, called Arbuscula4 note

; but as we find from his own authority that men personated women on the Roman stage, she probably was only an emboliaria, who performed in the interludes and dances exhibited between the acts and at the end of the play. Servius5 note calls her mima, but that may mean nothing more than one who acted in the mimes, or danced in the pantomime dances6 note; and this seems the more probable from the manner in which she is mentioned by Cicero, from whom, as I have before observed, we learn that the part of Andromache was performed by a male actor, on that very day when Arbuscula exhibited with the highest applause7 note.

The same practice prevailed in the time of the emperors; for in the list of parts which Nero, with a preposterous ambition, acted in the publick theatre, we find that of Canace, who was represented in labour on the stage8 note.

In the interludes exhibited between the acts undoubtedly women appeared. The elder Pliny informs us, that a female named Lucceïa acted in these interludes for an hundred years; and Galeria Copiola for above ninety years; having been first introduced on the scene in the fourteenth year of her age, in the

-- 126 --

year of Rome 672, when Caius Marius the younger, and Cneius Carbo were consuls, and having performed in the 104th year of her age, six years before the death of Augustus, in the consulate of C. Poppæus and Quintus Sulpicius, A. U. C. 7629 note.

Eunuchs also sometimes represented women on the Roman stage, as they do at this day in Italy; for we find that Sporus, who made so conspicuous a figure in the time of Nero, being appointed in the year 70, [A. U. C. 823] to personate a nymph, who, in an interlude exhibited before Vitellius, was to be carried off by a ravisher, rather than endure the indignity of wearing a female dress on the stage, put himself to death1 note: a singular end for one, who about ten years before had been publickly espoused to Nero, in the hymeneal veil, and had been carried through one of the streets of Rome by the side of that monster, in the imperial robes of the empresses, ornamented with a profusion of jewels.

Thus ancient was the usage, which, though not adopted in the neighbouring countries of France and Italy, prevailed in England from the infancy of the stage. The prejudice against women appearing on the scene continued so strong, that till near the time of the Restoration, boys constantly performed female characters: and, strange as it may now appear, the old practice was not deserted without many apologies for the indecorum of the novel usage. In 1659 or 1660, in imitation of the foreign theatres, women were first introduced on the scene. In 1656, indeed, Mrs. Coleman, the wife of Mr. Edward Coleman, represented Ianthe in the First Part of D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes; but the little she had to say was spoken in recitative. The first woman that appeared in any regular drama on a publick stage, performed

-- 127 --

the part of Desdemona; but who the lady was, I am unable to ascertain. The play of Othello is enumerated by Downes as one of the stock-plays of the king's company on their opening their theatre in Drury Lane in April, 1663; and it appears from a paper found with Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book, and indorsed by him2 note, that it was one of the stockplays of the same company from the time they began to play without a patent at the Red Bull in St. John Street. Mrs. Hughs performed the part of Desdemona in 1663, when the company removed to Drury Lane, and obtained the title of the king's servants; but whether she performed with them while they played at the Red Bull, or in Vere Street, near Clare Market, has not been ascertained. Perhaps Mrs. Saunderson made her first essay there, though she afterwards was enlisted in D'Avenant's company. The received tradition is, that she was the first English actress3 note

. The verses which were spoken by way

-- 128 --

of introducing a female to the audience, were written by Thomas Jordan, and being only found in a very scarce miscellany4 note, I shall here transcribe them:

“A Prologue, to introduce the first woman that came to act on the stage, in the tragedy called The Moor of Venice.
“I come, unknown to any of the rest,
“To tell you news; I saw the lady drest:
“The woman plays to-day: mistake me not,
“No man in gown, or page in petticoat:
“A woman to my knowledge; yet I can't,
“If I should die, make affidavit on't.
“Do you not twitter, gentlemen? I know
“You will be censuring: do it fairly though.
“'Tis possible a virtuous woman may
“Abhor all sorts of looseness, and yet play;
“Play on the stage,—where all eyes are upon her:—
“Shall we count that a crime, France counts an honour?
“In other kingdoms husbands safely trust 'em;
“The difference lies only in the custom.
“And let it be our custom, I advise;
“I'm sure this custom's better than th'excise,
“And may procure us custom: hearts of flint
“Will melt in passion, when a woman's in't.
“But gentlemen, you that as judges sit
“In the star-chamber of the house, the pit,
“Have modest thoughts of her; pray, do not run
“To give her visits when the play is done,
“With ‘damn me, your most humble servant, lady;’
“She knows these things as well as you, it may be:
“Not a bit there, dear gallants, she doth know
“Her own deserts,—and your temptations too.—
“But to the point:—In this reforming age
“We have intents to civilize the stage.
“Our women are defective, and so siz'd,
“You'd think they were some of the guard disguis'd:
“For, to speak truth, men act, that are between
“Forty and fifty, wenches of fifteen;

-- 129 --


“With bone so large, and nerve so incompliant,
“When you call Desdemona, enter Giant.—
“We shall purge every thing that is unclean,
“Lascivious, scurrilous, impious, or obscene;
“And when we've put all things in this fair way,
“Barebones himself may come to see a play5 note









.”

The Epilogue, which consists of but twelve lines, is in the same strain of apology:
“And how do you like her? Come, what is 't ye drive at?
“She's the same thing in publick as in private;
“As far from being what you call a whore;
“As Desdemona, injur'd by the Moor:
“Then he that censures her in such a case,
“Hath a soul blacker than Othello's face.
“But, ladies, what think you? for if you tax
“Her freedom with dishonour to your sex,
“She means to act no more, and this shall be
“No other play but her own tragedy.
“She will submit to none but your commands,
“And take commission only from your hands.”

From a paper in Sir Henry Herbert's hand-writing, I find that Othello was performed by the Red Bull company, (afterwards his Majesties servants,) at their new theatre in Vere Street, near Clare Market, on Saturday, December 8, 1660, for the first time that winter. On that day therefore it is probable an actress first appeared on the English stage. This theatre was opened on Thursday, November 8, with the play of King Henry the Fourth. Most of Jordan's

-- 130 --

prologues and epilogues appear to have been written for that company.

It is certain, however, that for some time after the Restoration men also acted female parts6 note













; and Mr. Kynaston, even after women had assumed their proper rank on the stage, was not only endured, but admired; if we may believe a contemporary writer; who assures us, “that being then very young, he made a complete stage beauty, performing his parts so well, (particularly Arthiope and Aglaura,) that it has since been disputable among the judicious, whether any woman that succeeded him, touched the audience so sensibly as he7 note.”

In D'Avenant's company, the first actress that appeared was probably Mrs. Saunderson, who performed Ianthe in The Siege of Rhodes, on the opening of his

-- 131 --

new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, in April, 16628 note. It does not appear from Downes's account, that while D'Avenant's company performed at the Cockpit in Drury Lane during the years 1659, 1660, and 1661, they had any female performer among them: or that Othello was acted by them at that period.

In the infancy of the English stage it was customary in every piece to introduce a Clown, “by his mimick gestures to breed in the less capable mirth and laughter9 note.” The privileges of the Clown were very extensive; for, between the acts, and sometimes between the scenes, he claimed a right to enter on the stage, and to excite merriment by any species of buffoonery that struck him. Like the Harlequin of the Italian comedy, his wit was often extemporal, and he sometimes entered into a contest of raillery and sarcasm with some of the audience1 note















. He generally

-- 132 --

threw his thoughts into hobbling doggrel verses, which he made shorter or longer as he found convenient; but, however irregular his metre might be, or whatever the length of his verses, he always took care to tag them with words of corresponding sound: like Dryden's Doeg,


“He fagotted his notions as they fell,
“And if they rhym'd and rattled, all was well.”

Thomas Wilson and Richard Tarleton, both sworn servants to Queen Elizabeth, were the most popular performers of that time in this department of the drama, and are highly praised by the Continuator of Stowe's Annals, for “their wondrous plentiful, pleasant, and extemporal wit2 note

.” Tarleton, whose comick powers were so great, that, according to Sir Richard Baker, “he delighted the spectators before he had spoken a word,” is thus described in a very rare old pamphlet3 note: “The next, by his sute of russet, his buttoned cap, his taber, his standing on the toe, and other tricks, I knew to be either the body or resemblance of Tarleton, who living, for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and, dying, for mirth left not his like.” In 1611 was published a book entitled his Jeasts, in which some specimens are given of the

-- 133 --

extempore wit which our ancestors thought so excellent. As he was performing some part “at the Bull in Bishops-gate-street, where the Queenes players oftentimes played,” while he was “kneeling down to aske his fathers blessing,” a fellow in the gallery threw an apple at him, which hit him on the cheek. He immediately took up the apple, and advancing to the audience, addressed them in these lines:
“Gentlemen, this fellow, with his face of mapple4 note






,
“Instead of a pippin hath throwne me an apple;
“But as for an apple he hath cast a crab,
“So instead of an honest woman God hath sent him a drab.” “The people, (says the relater,) laughed heartily; for the fellow had a quean to his wife.”

Another of these stories, which I shall give in the author's own words, establishes what I have already mentioned, that it was customary for the Clown to talk to the audience or the actors ad libitum.

“At the Bull at Bishops-gate, was a play of Henry the Fifth, [the performance which preceded Shakspeare's,]

-- 134 --

wherein the judge was to take a box on the eare; and because he was absent that should take the blow, Tarlton himselfe ever forward to please, tooke upon him to play the same judge, besides his own part of the clowne; and Knel, then playing Henry the Fifth, hit Tarleton a sound box indeed, which made the people laugh the more, because it was he: but anon the judge goes in, and immediately Tarleton in his clownes cloathes comes out, and asks the actors, What news? O, saith one, had'st thou been here, thou shouldest have seen Prince Henry hit the judge a terrible box on the eare. What, man, said Tarlton, strike a judge! It is true, i'faith, said the other. No other like, said Tarlton, and it could not be but terrible to the judge, when the report so terrifies me, that methinks the blowe remaines still on my cheeke, that it burnes againe. The people laught at this mightily, and to this day I have heard it commended for rare; but no marvell, for he had many of these. But I would see our clownes in these days do the like. No, I warrant ye; and yet they thinke well of themselves too.”

The last words show that this practice was not discontinued in the time of Shakspeare, and we here see that he had abundant reason for his precept in Hamlet: “Let those that play your clowns, speak no more than is set down for them; for there be of them, that will of themselves laugh, to set on some quantity of barren spectators to laugh too; though in the mean time some necessary question of the play be then to be considered.”

This practice was undoubtedly coeval with the English stage; for we are told that Sir Thomas More, while he lived as a page with Archbishop Moreton, (about the year 1490,) as the Christmas plays were going on in the palace, would sometimes suddenly step upon the stage, “without studying for

-- 135 --

the matter,” and exhibit a part of his own, which gave the audience much more entertainment than the whole performance besides5 note.

But the peculiar province of the Clown was to entertain the audience after the play was finished, at which time themes were sometimes given to him by some of the spectators, to descant upon6 note



; but more commonly the audience were entertained by a jig. A jig was a ludicrous metrical composition, often in rhyme, which was sung by the Clown, who likewise, I believe, occasionally danced, and was always accompanied by a tabor and pipe7 note



































. In these jigs more

-- 136 --

persons than one were sometimes introduced. The original of the entertainment which this buffoon

-- 137 --

afforded our ancestors between the acts and after the play, may be traced to the satyrical interludes of Greece8 note




, and the Attellans and Mimes of the Roman stage9 note

. The Exodiarii and Emboliariæ of the

-- 138 --

Mimes are undoubtedly the remote progenitors of the Vice and Clown of our ancient dramas1 note.

-- 139 --

No writer that I have met with, intimates that in the time of Shakspeare it was customary to exhibit more than a single dramatick piece on one day2 note. Had any shorter pieces, of the same kind with our modern farces, (beside the jigs already mentioned,) been presented after the principal performance, some of them probably would have been printed; but there are none of them extant of an earlier date than the time of the Restoration3 note. The practice therefore of

-- 140 --

exhibiting two dramas successively in the same afternoon, we may be assured, was not established before that period. But though our ancient audiences were not gratified by the representation of more than one drama in the same day, the entertainment in the middle of the reign of Elizabeth was diversified, and the populace diverted, by vaulting, tumbling, slight of hand, and morrice-dancing4 note; and in the time of Shakspeare, by the extemporaneous buffoonery of the Clown, whenever he chose to solicit the attention of the audience: by singing and dancing between the acts, and either a song or the metrical jig already described at the end of the piece5 note






: a mixture not more

-- 141 --

heterogeneous than that with which we are now daily presented, a tragedy and a farce. In the dances, I believe, not only men, but boys in women's dresses, were introduced: a practice which prevailed on the Grecian stage6 note, and in France till late in the last century7 note.

The amusements of our ancestors, before the commencement of the play, were of various kinds. While some part of the audience entertained themselves with reading8 note















, or playing at cards9 note, others were employed

-- 142 --

in less refined occupations; in drinking ale1 note, or smoking tobacco2 note

: with these and nuts and apples they were furnished by male attendants, of whose clamour a satirical writer of the time of James I. loudly complains3 note



. In 1633, when Prynne published

-- 143 --

his Histriomastrix, women smoked tobacco in the playhouses as well as men4 note.

It was a common practice to carry table-books5 note





to the theatre, and either from curiosity, or enmity to the author, or some other motive, to write down passages of the play that was represented; and there is reason to believe that the imperfect and mutilated copies of one or two of Shakspeare's dramas, which are yet extant, were taken down by the ear or in short-hand during the exhibition.

At the end of the piece, the actors, in noblemen's houses and in taverns, where plays were frequently performed6 note

, prayed for the health and prosperity of their patrons; and in the publick theatres, for the king and

-- 144 --

queen7 note. This prayer sometimes made part of the epilogue8 note. Hence, probably, as Mr. Steevens has observed, the addition of Vivant rex et regina, to the modern play-bills.

Plays in the time of our author, began at one o'clock in the afternoon9 note
























; and the exhibition was sometimes

-- 145 --

finished in two hours1 note. Even in 1667, they commenced at three o'clock2 note

. About thirty years afterwards (in 1696) theatrical entertainments began an hour later3 note.

We have seen that in the infancy of our stage, Mysteries were usually acted in churches; and the practice of exhibiting religious dramas in buildings appropriated to the service of religion on the Lord's-day certainly continued after the Reformation.

During the reign of Queen Elizabeth plays were exhibited in the publick theatres on Sundays, as well as on other days of the week4 note

. The licence granted by

-- 146 --

that queen to James Burbage in 1574, which has been already printed in a former page5 note, shows that they were then represented on that day, out of the hours of prayer.

We are told indeed by John Field in his Declaration of God's Judgment at Paris Garden, that in the year 1580 “the magistrates of the city of London obtained from Queene Elizabeth, that all heathenish playes and enterludes should be banished upon sabbath dayes.” This prohibition, however, probably lasted but a short time; for her majesty, when she visited Oxford in 1592, did not scruple to be present at a theatrical exhibition on Sunday night, the 24th of September in that year6 note. During the reign of James the First, though dramatick entertainments were performed at court on Sundays7 note

, I believe, no

-- 147 --

plays were publickly represented on that day8 note

; and by the statute 3 Car. I. c. 1. their exhibition on the Sabbath day was absolutely prohibited: yet, notwithstanding this act of parliament, both plays and

-- 148 --

masques were performed at court on Sundays, during the first sixteen years of the reign of that king9 note



, and certainly in private houses, if not on the publick stage.

-- 149 --

It has been a question, whether it was formerly a common practice to ride on horseback to the playhouse; a circumstance that would scarcely deserve consideration if it were not in some sort connected with our author's history, a plausible story having been built on this foundation, relative to his first introduction to the stage.

The modes of conveyance to the theatre, anciently, as at present, seem to have been various; some going in coaches1 note




, others on horseback2 note

, and many by water3 note

. To the Globe playhouse the company probably

-- 150 --

were conveyed by water5 note









: to that in Blackfriars, the gentry went either in coaches6 note

, or on horseback; and the common people on foot7 note



.

-- 151 --

Plays in the time of King James the First (and probably afterwards,) appear to have been performed

-- 152 --

every day at each theatre during the winter season8 note

, except in the time of Lent, when they were not permitted

-- 153 --

on the sermon days, as they were called, that is, on Wednesday and Friday; nor on the other days of the week, except by special licence: which however was obtained by a fee paid to the Master of the Revels. In the summer season the stage exhibitions were continued, but during the long vacation they were less frequently repeated. However, it appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, that the king's company usually brought out two or three new plays at the Globe every summer9 note.

Though from the want of newspapers and other periodical publications, intelligence was not so speedily circulated in former times as at present, our ancient theatres do not appear to have laboured under any disadvantage in this respect; for the players printed and exposed accounts of the pieces that they intended to exhibit1 note

, which, however, did not contain a list of the

-- 154 --

characters, or the names of the actors by whom they were represented2 note

.

The long and whimsical titles which are prefixed to the quarto copies of our author's plays, were undoubtedly either written by booksellers, or transcribed from the play-bills of the time3 note

. They were equally calculated

-- 155 --

to attract the notice of the idle gazer in the walks at St Paul's, or to draw a croud about some vociferous Autolycus, who, perhaps was hired by the players thus to raise the expectations of the multitude. It is indeed absurd to suppose, that the modest Shakspeare, who has more than once apologized for his untutored lines, should in his manuscripts have entitled any of his dramas most excellent and pleasant performances4 note

.

-- 156 --

It is uncertain at what time the usage of giving authors a benefit on the third day of the exhibition of their piece, commenced. Mr. Oldys, in one of his manuscripts, intimates that dramatick poets had anciently their benefit on the first day that a new play was represented; a regulation which would have been very favourable to some of the ephemeral productions of modern times. I have found no authority which proves this to have been the case in the time of Shakspeare; but at the beginning of the present century it appears to have been customary in Lent for the players of the theatre in Drury Lane to divide the profits of the first representation of a new play among them5 note.

-- 157 --

From D'Avenant, indeed, we learn, that in the latter part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the poet had his benefit on the second day6 note





. As it was a general practice, in the time of Shakspeare, to sell the copy of the play to the theatre, I imagine, in such cases, an author derived no other advantage from his piece, than what arose from the sale of it. Sometimes, however, he found it more beneficial to retain the copyright in his own hands; and when he did so, I suppose he had a benefit. It is certain that the giving authors the profits of the third exhibition of their play, which seems to have been the usual mode during a great part of the last century, was an established custom in the year 1612; for Decker, in the prologue to one of his comedies, printed in that year, speaks of the poet's third day7 note














.

-- 158 --

The unfortunate Otway had no more than one benefit on the production of a new play; and this too, it seems, he was sometimes forced to mortgage, before the piece was acted8 note

. Southerne was the first dramatick writer who obtained the emoluments arising from two representations9 note





; and to Farquhar, in the year 1700, the benefit of a third was granted1 note; but this appears to have been a particular favour to that gentleman; for for several years afterwards dramatick poets had only the benefit of the third and sixth performance2 note



.

-- 159 --

The profit of three representations did not become the established right of authors till after the year 17203 note.

To the honour of Mr. Addison, it should be remembered, that he first discontinued the ancient, but humiliating, practice of distributing tickets, and soliciting company to attend at the theatre, on the poet's nights4 note.

When an author sold his piece to the sharers or proprietors of a theatre, it could not be performed by any other company5 note, and remained for several

-- 160 --

years unpublished6 note

; but, when that was not the case, he printed it for sale, to which many seem to have

-- 161 --

been induced from an apprehension that an imperfect copy might be issued from the press without their consent7 note. The customary price of the copy of a

-- 162 --

play, in the time of Shakspeare, appears to have been twenty nobles, or six pounds thirteen shillings and four-pence8 note

. The play when printed was sold

-- 163 --

for sixpence9 note

; and the usual present from a patron, in return for a dedication, was forty shillings1 note

.

-- 164 --

On the first day of exhibiting a new play, the prices of admission appear to have been raised2 note



,

-- 165 --

sometimes to double, sometimes to treble, prices3 note; and this seems to have been occasionally practised on the benefit-nights of authors, and on the representation of expensive plays, to the year 1726 in the present century4 note







.

Dramatick poets in ancient times, as at present, were admitted gratis into the theatre5 note












.

-- 166 --

It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book that the king's company between the years 1622 and 1641 produced either at Blackfriars or the Globe at least four new plays every year. Every play, before it was represented on the stage, was licensed by the Master of the Revels, for which he received in the time of Queen Elizabeth but a noble, though at a subsequent period the stated fee on this occasion rose to two pounds.

Neither Queen Elizabeth, nor King James the First, nor Charles the First, I believe, ever went to the publick theatre; but they frequently ordered plays to be performed at court, which were represented in the royal theatre called the Cockpit, in Whitehall: and the actors of the king's company were sometimes commanded to attend his majesty in his summer's progress, to perform before him in the country6 note

. Queen Henrietta Maria, however, went sometimes

-- 167 --

to the publick theatre at Blackfriars7 note. I find from the Council-books that in the the time of Elizabeth ten pounds was the payment for a play performed before her; that is, twenty nobles, or six pounds,

-- 168 --

thirteen shillings, and four-pence, as the regular and stated fee; and three pounds, six shillings, and eightpence, by way of bounty or reward. The same sum, as I learn from the manuscript notes of Lord Stanhope, Treasurer of the Chamber to King James the First, continued to be paid during his reign: and this was the stated payment during the reign of his successor also. Plays at court were usually performed at night, by which means they did not interfere with the regular exhibition at the publick theatres, which was early in the afternoon; and thus the royal bounty was for so much a clear profit to the company: but when a play was commanded to be performed at any of the royal palaces in the neighbourhood of London, by which the actors were prevented from deriving any profit from a public exhibition on the same day, the fee, as appears from a manuscript in the Lord Chamberlain's office, was, in the year 1630, and probably in Shakspeare's time also, twenty pounds8 note

; and this circumstance

-- 169 --

I formerly stated, as strongly indicating that the sum last mentioned was a very considerable produce on any one representation at the Blackfriars or Globe playhouse. The office-book which I have so often quoted, has fully confirmed my conjecture.

The custom of passing a final censure on plays at their first exhibition9 note, is as ancient as the time of our author; for no less than three plays1 note








of his rival, Ben Jonson, appear to have been deservedly damned2 note




;

-- 170 --

and Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess3 note, and The Knight of the Burning Pestle, written by him and Beaumont, underwent the same fate4 note.

It is not easy to ascertain what were the emoluments of a successful actor in the time of Shakspeare. They had not then annual benefits, as at present5 note

. The clear emoluments of the theatre, after deducting the nightly expences for lights, men occasionally hired for the evening, &c. which in Shakspeare's house was but forty-five shillings, were divided into shares, of which part belonged to the proprietors, who were called housekeepers, and the remainder was divided among the actors, according to their rank and merit. I suspect that the whole clear receipt was divided into forty shares, of which perhaps the housekeepers or proprietors had fifteen, the actors twenty-two, and

-- 171 --

three were devoted to the purchase of new plays, dresses, &c. From Ben Jonson's Poetaster, it should seem that one of the performers had seven shares and a half6 note; but of what integral sum is not mentioned. The person alluded to, (if any person was alluded to, which is not certain,) must, I think, have been a proprietor, as well as a principal actor. Our poet in his Hamlet, speaks of a whole share, as no contemptible emolument; and from the same play we learn that some of the performers had only half a share7 note















. Others probably had still less.

-- 172 --

It appears from a deed executed by Thomas Killigrew and others, that in the year 1666, the whole profit arising from acting plays, masques, &c. at the king's theatre, was divided into twelve shares and three quarters8 note

, of which Mr. Killigrew, the manager, had two shares and three quarters: and if we may trust to the statement in another very curious paper, inserted below, (which however was probably exaggerated,) each share produced, at the lowest calculation, about 250l.9 note per ann. net; and the total clear profits consequently were about 3187l. 10s. 0d.

-- 173 --

These shares were then distributed among the proprietors of the theatre, who at that time were not actors, the performers, and the dramatick poets, who were retained in the service of the theatre, and received a part of the annual produce as a compensation for the pieces which they produced1 note





.

-- 174 --

In a paper delivered by Sir Henry Herbert to Lord Clarendon and the Lord Chamberlain, July 11, 1662, which will be found in a subsequent page, he states the emolument which Mr. Thomas Killigrew then derived (from his two shares and three quarters,) at 19l. 6s. 0d. per week; according to which statement each share in the king's company produced but two hundred and ten pounds ten shillings a year. In Sir William D'Avenant's company, from the time

-- 175 --

their new theatre was opened in Portugal Row, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, (April 1662,) the total receipt (after deducting the nightly charges of “men hirelings and other customary expences,”) was divided into fifteen shares, of which it was agreed by articles previously entered into2 note, that ten should belong to D'Avenant; viz. two “towards the house-rent, buildings, scaffolding, and making of frames for scenes; one for a provision of habits, properties, and scenes, for a supplement of the said theatre; and seven to maintain all the women that are to perform or represent women's parts, in tragedies, comedies, &c. and in consideration of erecting and establishing his actors to be a company, and his pains and expences for that purpose for many years.” The other five shares were divided in various proportions among the rest of the troop.

In the paper above referred to it is stated by Sir Henry Herbert, that D'Avenant “drew from these ten shares two hundred pounds a week;” and if that statement was correct, each share in his play-house then produced annually six hundred pounds, supposing the acting season to have then lasted for thirty weeks.

Such were the emoluments of the theatre soon after the Restoration; which I have stated here, from authentick documents, because they may assist us in our conjectures concerning the profits derived from stage-exhibitions at a more remote and darker period.

From the prices of admission into our ancient theatres in the time of Shakspeare, which have been already noticed, I formerly conjectured that about twenty pounds was a considerable receipt at the Blackfriars and Globe theatre, on any one day; and my conjecture is now confirmed by indisputable evidence. In Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book I find the

-- 176 --

following curious notices on this subject, under the year 1628:

“The kinges company with a generall consent and alacritye have given mee the benefitt of too dayes in the yeare, the one in summer, thother in winter, to bee taken out of the second daye of a revived playe, att my owne choyse. The housekeepers have likewyse given their shares, their dayly charge only deducted, which comes to some 2l. 5s. this 25 May, 1628.

“The benefitt of the first day, being a very unseasonable one in respect of the weather, comes but unto £4. 15. 0.”

This agreement subsisted for five years and a half, during which time Sir Henry Herbert had ten benefits, the most profitable of which produced seventeen pounds, and ten shillings, net, on the 22d of Nov. 1628, when Fletcher's Custom of the Country was performed at Blackfriars; and the least emolument which he received was on the representation of a play which is not named, at the Globe, in the summer of the year 1632, which produced only the sum of one pound and five shillings, after deducting from the total receipt in each instance the nightly charge above mentioned. I shall give below the receipt taken by him on each of the ten performances; from which it appears that his clear profit at an average on each of his nights, was £8. 19. 4.3 note


. and the total nightly receipt was at an average—£11. 4. 4.

-- 177 --

On the 30th of October, 1633, the managers of the king's company agreed to pay him the fixed sum of

-- 178 --

ten pounds every Christmas, and the same sum at Midsummer, in lieu of his two benefits, which sums they regularly paid him from that time till the breaking out of the civil wars.

From the receipts on these benefits I am led to believe that the prices were lower at the Globe theatre, and that therefore, though it was much larger than the winter theatre at Blackfriars, it did not produce a greater sum of money on any representation. If we suppose twenty pounds, clear of the nightly charges already mentioned, to have been a very considerable receipt at either of these houses, and that this sum was in our poet's time divided into forty shares, of which fifteen were appropriated to the housekeepers or proprietors, three to the purchase of copies of new plays, stage-habits, &c. and twenty-two to the actors, then the performer who had two shares on the representation of each play, received, when the theatre was thus successful, twenty shillings. But supposing the average nightly receipt (after deducting the nightly expences) to be about nine pounds, which we have seen to be the case, then his nightly dividend would be but nine shillings, and his weekly profit, if they played five times a week, two pounds five shillings. The

-- 179 --

acting season, I believe, at that time lasted forty weeks. In each of the companies then subsisting there were about twenty persons, six of whom probably were principal, and the others subordinate; so that we may suppose two shares to have been the reward of a principal actor; six of the second class perhaps enjoyed a whole share each; and each of the remaining eight half a share. On all these data, I think it may be safely concluded, that the performers of the first class did not derive from their profession more than ninety pounds a year at the utmost4 note

. Shakspeare, Heminges, Condell, Burbadge, Lowin, and Taylor had without doubt other shares as proprietors or leaseholders; but what the different proportions were which each of them possessed in that right, it is now impossible to ascertain. According to the supposition already stated, that fifteen shares out of forty were appropriated to the proprietors, then was there on this account a sum of six hundred and seventy-five pounds annually to be divided among them. Our poet, as author, actor, and proprietor, probably received from the theatre about two hundred pounds a year.—Having after a very long search lately discovered the will of Mr. Heminges, I hoped to have derived from it some information on this subject; but I was disappointed. He indeed more than once mentions his several parts or “shares

-- 180 --

held by lease in the Globe and Blackfriars playhouses5 note;” but uses no expression by which the value of each of those shares can be ascertained. His books of account, which he appears to have regularly kept, and which, he says, will show that his shares yielded him “a good yearly profit,” will probably, if they shall ever be found, throw much light on our early stage history.

Thus scanty and meagre were the apparatus and accommodations of our ancient theatres, on which those dramas were first exhibited, that have since engaged the attention of so many learned men, and delighted so many thousand spectators. Yet even then, we are told by a writer of that age6 note

, “dramatick poesy was

-- 181 --

so lively expressed and represented on the publick stages and theatres of this city, as Rome in the auge of her pomp and glory, never saw it better performed; in respect of the action and art, not of the cost and sumptuousness.”

Of the actors on whom this high encomium is pronounced, the original performers in our author's plays were undoubtedly the most eminent. The following is the only information that I have obtained concerning them.

-- 182 --

NAMES OF THE ORIGINAL ACTORS IN THE PLAYS OF SHAKSPEARE. FROM THE FOLIO 16231 note.

RICHARD BURBADGE2 note

,

the most celebrated tragedian of our author's time, was the son of James Burbadge, who was also an actor, and perhaps a countryman of Shakspeare. He lived in Holywell Street, in the parish of St. Leonard, Shoreditch; from which circumstance I conjecture that he had originally played at the Curtain theatre, which was in that neighbourhood; for he does not appear to have been born in that parish; at least I searched the Register from its commencement in 1558,

-- 183 --

in vain, for his birth. It is strange, however, that he should have continued to live from the year 1600 to his death, in a place which was near three miles distant from the Blackfriars playhouse, and still further from the Globe, in which theatres he acted during the whole of that time. He appears to have married about the year 1600; and if at that time we suppose him thirty years old, his birth must be placed in 1570. By his wife, whose christian name was Winefrid, he had four daughters; Juliet, or Julia, (for the name is written both ways in the Register,) who was baptized Jan. 2, 1602–3, and died in 1608; Frances, baptized Sept. 16, 1604; Winefrid, baptized Octob. 5, 1613, and buried in October, 1616; and a second Juliet (or Julia,) who was baptized Dec. 26, 1614. This child and Frances appear to have survived their father. His fondness for the name of Juliet, perhaps arose from his having been the original Romeo in our author's play.

Camden has placed the death of Burbadge on the 9th of March, 16193 note. On what day he died, is now of little consequence; but to ascertain the degree of credit due to historians is of some importance; and it may be worth while to remark how very seldom minute accuracy is to be expected even from contemporary writers. The fact is, that Burbadge died some days later, probably on the 13th of that month; for his will was made on the 12th, and he was buried in the church of St. Leonard, Shoreditch, on the 16th of March, 1618–19. His last will, extracted from the registry of the Prerogative court, is as follows:

Memorandum, That on Fridaye the twelfth of March, Anno Domini, one thousand six hundred and eighteen, Richard Burbage of the parish of Saint Leonard, Shoreditch, in the county of Middlesex,

-- 184 --

gent. being sick in body, but of good and perfect remembrance, did make his last will and testament, nuncupative, in manner and form following; viz. He, the said Richard did nominate and appoint his well beloved wife, Winifride Burbage to be his sole executrix of all his goods and chattels whatsoever, in the presence and hearing of the persons undernamed:


Cuthbert Burbadge, brother to the testator. X The mark of Elizabeth, his wife. Nicholas Tooley. Anne Lancaster. Richard Robinson. X The mark of Elizabeth Graves. Henry Jacksonne.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London, coram judice, 22o Aprilis 1619, juramento Winifride Burbadge, relictæ dicti defuncti et executricis in eodem testamento nominat. cui commissa fuit administratio de bene, &c. jurat.”

Richard Burbadge is introduced in person in an old play called The Returne from Parnassus, (written in or about 1602,) and instructs a Cambridge scholar how to play the part of King Richard the Third, in which Burbadge was greatly admired. That he represented this character, is ascertained by Bishop Corbet, who in his Iter Boreale, speaking of his host at Leicester, tells us,


“&lblank; when he would have said, King Richard died,
“And call'd a horse, a horse, he Burbage cry'd.”

He probably also performed the parts of King John, Richard the Second, Henry the Fifth, Timon, Brutus, Coriolanus, Macbeth, Lear, and Othello.

-- 185 --

From the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, 1604, in which he is introduced personally, it appears that he acted the part of Malevole in that play.

He was one of the principal sharers or proprietors of the Globe and Blackfriars theatres; and was of such eminence, that in a letter preserved in the British Museum, written in the year 1613, (MSS. Harl. 7002,) the actors at the Globe are called Burbadge's Company3 note.

The following character of this celebrated player is given by Fleckno in his Short Discourse of the English Stage, 1664:

“He was a delightful Proteus, so wholly transforming himself into his parts, and putting off himself with his cloaths, as he never (not so much as in the tyring house) assumed himself again, untill the play was done. He had all the parts of an excellent orator, animating his words with speaking, and speech with action; his auditors being never more delighted than when he spake, nor more sorry than when he held his peace: yet even then he was an excellent actor still; never failing in his part when he had done speaking, but with his looks and gesture maintaining it still to the height.”

It should not, however, be concealed, that Fleckno had previously printed this character as a portrait of An excellent Actor, in general, and there is reason to believe that this writer never saw Burbadge: for Fleckno did not die till about the year 1682 or 1683, and consequently, supposing him then seventy-five years old, he must have been a boy when this celebrated player died. The testimony of Sir Richard

-- 186 --

Baker is of more value, who pronounces him to have been, “such an actor, as no age must ever look to see the like.” Sir Richard Baker was born in 1568, and died in 1644–5; and appears, from various passages in his works, to have paid much attention to the theatre, in defence of which he wrote a treatise.

In Philpot's additions to Camden's Remains, we find an epitaph on this tragedian, more concise than even that on Ben Jonson; being only, “Exit Burbidge.”

The following old epitaph on Burbadge, which is found in a MS. in the Museum, (MSS. Sloan. 1786,) is only worthy of preservation, as it shows how high the reputation of this actor was in his own age:

“Epitaph on Mr. Richard Burbage, the player4 note.
“This life's a play, scean'd out by natures arte,
“Where every man hath his allotted parte.
“This man hathe now (as many more can tell)
“Ended his part, and he hath acted well.
“The play now ended, think his grave to be
“The detiring howse of his sad tragedie;
“Where to give his fame this, be not afraid,
“Here lies the best tragedian ever plaid.”

JOHN HEMINGES is said by Roberts the player to have been a tragedian, and in conjunction with Condell, to have followed the

-- 187 --

business of printing5 note; but it does not appear that he had any authority for these assertions. In some tract, of which I have forgot to preserve the title, he is said to have been the original performer of Falstaff.

He lived in the parish of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, a residence sufficiently commodious for his performances at the Globe theatre, to which, by crossing the Thames, he could reach in a short time. I searched the register of that parish for the time of his birth, in vain. Ben Jonson in the year 1616, as we have just seen, calls him old Mr. Heminge: if at that time he was sixty years of age, then his birth must be placed in 1556. I suspect that both he and Burbadge were Shakspeare's countrymen, and that Heminges was born at Shottery, a village in Warwickshire, at a very small distance from Stratford-upon-Avon; where Shakspeare found his wife. I find two families of this name settled in that town early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Elizabeth, the daughter of John Heming of Shottery, was baptized at Stratford-upon-Avon, March 12, 1567. This John might have been the father of the actor, though I have found no entry relative to his baptism: for he was probably born before the year 1558, when the register commenced. In the village of Shottery also lived Richard Hemyng, who had a son christened by the name of John, March 7, 1570. Of the Burbadge family the only notice I have found, is, an entry in the Register of the parish of Stratford, October 12, 1565, on which day Philip Green was married in that town to Ursula Burbadge, who might have been sister to James Burbadge,

-- 188 --

the father of the actor, whose marriage I suppose to have taken place about that time. If this conjecture be well founded, our poet, we see, had an easy introduction to the theatre6 note

[unresolved image link]

.

-- 198 --

John Heminges appears to have married in or before the year 1589, his eldest daughter, Alice, having been baptized October 6, 1590. Beside this child, he had four sons; John, born in 1598, who died an infant; a second John, baptized August 7, 1599; William, baptized, October 3, 1602, and George, baptized February 11, 1603–4; and eight daughters; Judith, Thomasine, Joan, Rebecca, Beatrice, Elizabeth, Mary, (who died in 1611,) and Margaret. Of his daughters, four only appear to have been married; Alice to John Atkins in January, 1612–13; Rebecca to Captain William Smith; Margaret to Mr. Thomas Sheppard, and another to a person of the name of Merefield. The eldest son, John, probably died in his father's life-time, as by his last will he constituted his son William his executor.

William, whose birth Wood has erroneously placed in 1605, was bred at Westminster school, and in 1621 was a student of Christ Church, Oxford, where he took the degree of a Master of Arts in 1628. Soon after his father's death he commenced a dramatick poet, having produced in March, 1632–3, a comedy entitled The Coursinge of a Hare, or the Madcapp6 note, which was performed at the Fortune theatre, but is now lost. He was likewise author of two other

-- 190 --

plays which are extant; The Fatal Contract, published in 1653, and The Jews Tragedy, 1662.

From an entry in the Council-books at Whitehall, I find that John Heminges was one of the principal proprietors of the Globe playhouse, before the death of Queen Elizabeth. He is joined with Shakspeare, Burbadge, &c. in the licence granted by King James, immediately after his accession to the throne in 1603; and all the payments made by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1613, on account of plays performed at court, are “to John Heminge and the rest of his fellows.” So also in several subsequent years, in that and the following reign. In 1623, in conjunction with Condell, he published the first complete edition of our author's plays; soon after which it has been supposed that he withdrew from the theatre; but this is a mistake. He certainly then ceased to act7 note, but he continued chief director of the king's company of comedians to the time of his death. He died at his house in Aldermanbury, where he had long lived, on the 10th of October, 1630, in, as I conjecture, the 74th or 75th year of his age, and was buried on the 12th, as appears by the Register of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, in which he is styled “John Heminge, player.”

I suspect he died of the plague, which had raged so violently that year, that the playhouses were shut up in April, and not permitted to be opened till the 12th of November, at which time the weekly bill of those who died in London of that distemper, was

-- 191 --

diminished to twenty-nine8 note. His son William, into whose hands his papers must have fallen, survived him little more than twenty years, having died some time before the year 1653: and where those books of account, of which his father speaks, now are, cannot be ascertained. One cannot but entertain a wish, that at some future period they may be discovered, as they undoubtedly would throw some light on our ancient stage-history. The day before his death, John Heminges made his will, of which I subjoin a copy, extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court. In this instrument he styles himself a grocer, but how he obtained his freedom of the Grocers' Company, does not appear.

In the name of God, Amen, the 9th day of October, 1630, and in the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, Charles, by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. I John Heminge, citizen and grocer of London, being of perfect mind and memory, thanks be therefore given unto Almighty God, yet well knowing and considering the frailty and incertainty of man's life, do therefore make, ordain, and declare this my last will and testament in manner and form following.

“First, and principally, I give and bequeath my soul into the hands of Almighty God, my Maker and Creator, hoping and assuredly believing through the only merits, death and passion, of Jesus Christ my saviour and redeemer, to obtain remission and pardon of all my sins, and to enjoy eternal happiness in the kingdom of heaven; and my body I commit to the earth, to be buried in christian manner, in the parish church of Mary Aldermanbury in London, as near unto my

-- 192 --

loving wife Rebecca Heminge, who lieth there interred, and under the same stone which lieth in part over her there, if the same conveniently may be: wherein I do desire my executor herein after named carefully to see my will performed, and that my funeral may be in decent and comely manner performed in the evening, without any vain pomp, or cost therein to be bestowed.

“Item, My will is, that all such debts as I shall happen to owe at the time of my decease to any person or persons, (being truly and properly mine own debts,) shall be well and truly satisfied and paid as soon after my decease as the same conveniently may be; and to that intent and purpose my will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint, that all my leases, goods, chattles, plate, and household stuffe whatsoever, which I leave or shall be possessed of at the time of my decease, shall immediately after my decease be sold to the most and best benefit and advantage that the same or any of them may or can, and that the monies thereby raised shall go and be employed towards the payment and discharge of my said debts, as soon as the same may be converted into monies and be received, without fraud or covin; and that if the same leases, goods, and chattles, shall not raise so much money as shall be sufficient to pay my debts, then my will and mind is, and I do hereby will and appoint, that the moiety or one half of the yearly benefit and profit of the several parts which I have by lease in the several playhouses of the Globe and Black-fryers, for and during such time and term as I have therein, be from time to time received and taken up by my executor herein after named, and by him from time to time faithfully employed towards the payment of such of my said own proper debts which shall remain unsatisfied, and that proportionably to every person and persons

-- 193 --

to whom I shall then remain indebted, until by the said moiety or one half of the said yearly benefit and profit of the said parts they shall be satisfied and paid without fraud or covin. And if the said moiety or one half of the said yearly benefit of my said parts in the said play-houses shall not in some convenient time raise sufficient moneys to pay my said own debts, then my will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint, that the other moiety or half part of the benefit and profit of my said parts in the said play-houses be also received and taken up by my said executor herein after named, and faithfully from time to time employed and paid towards the speedier satisfaction and payment of my said debts. And then, after my said debts shall be so satisfied and paid, then I limit and appoint the said benefit and profit arising by my said parts in the said play-houses, and the employment of the same, to be received and employed towards the payment of the legacies by me herein after given and bequeathed, and to the raising of portions for such of my said children as at the time of my decease shall have received from me no advancement. And I do hereby desire my executor herein after named to see this my will and meaning herein to be well and truly performed, according to the trust and confidence by me in him reposed.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto my daughter Rebecca Smith, now wife of Captain William Smith, my best suit of linen, wrought with cutwork, which was her mother's; and to my son Smith, her husband, his wife's picture, set up in a frame in my house.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Margaret Sheppard, wife of Mr. Thomas Sheppard, my red cushions embroidered with bugle, which were her mother's; and to my said son Sheppard, his

-- 194 --

wife's picture, which is also set up in a frame in my house.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Elizabeth, my green cushions which were her mother's.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my daughter Merefield my clothe-of-silver striped cushions which were her mother's.

Item, I give and bequeath unto so many of my daughter Merefield's, and my daughter Sheppard's children, as shall be living at the time of my decease, fifty shillings apiece.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my grandchild, Richard Atkins, the sum of five pounds of lawful money of England, to buy him books.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my son-in-law John Atkins, and his now wife, if they shall be living with me at the time of my decease, forty shillings, to make them two rings, in remembrance of me.

Item, I give and bequeath unto every of my fellows and sharers, his majesties servants which shall be living at the time of my decease, the sum of ten shillings apiece, to make them rings for remembrance of me.

Item, I give and bequeath unto John Rice, Clerk, of St. Saviour's in Southwark, (if he shall be living at the time of my decease,) the sum of twenty shillings of lawful English money, for a remembrance of my love unto him.

Item, I give and bequeath unto the poor of the parish of St Mary, Aldermanbury, where I long lived, and whither I have bequeathed my body for burial, the sum of forty shillings of lawful English money, to be distributed by the churchwardens of the same parish where most need shall be.

Item, My will and mind is, and I do hereby limit and appoint that the several legacies and sums of

-- 195 --

money by me herein before bequeathed to be paid in money, be raised and taken out of the yearly profit and benefit which shall arise or be made by my several parts and shares in the several playhouses called the Globe and Blackfriers, after my said debts shall be paid, with as much speed as the same conveniently may be; and I do hereby will, require, and charge my executor herein after named especially to take care that my debts, first, and then those legacies, be well and truly paid and discharged, as soon as the same may be so raised by the sale of my goods and by the yearly profits of my parts and shares; and that my estate may be so ordered to the best profit and advantage for the better payment of my debts and discharge of my legacies before mentioned with as much speed as the same conveniently may be, according as I have herein before in this will directed and appointed the same to be, without any lessening, diminishing, or undervaluing thereof, contrary to my true intent and meaning herein declared. And for the better performance thereof, my will, mind, and desire is, that my said parts in the said play-houses should be employed in playing, the better to raise profit thereby, as formerly the same have been, and have yielded good yearly profit, as by my books will in that behalf appear. And my will and mind is, and I do hereby ordain, limit, and appoint, that after my debts, funerals, and legacies shall be paid and satisfied out of my estate, that then the residue and remainder of my goods, chattels, and credits whatsoever shall be equally parted and divided to and amongst such of my children as at the time of my decease shall be unmarried or unadvanced, and shall not have received from me any portion in marriage or otherwise, further than only for their education and breeding, part and part like; and I do hereby ordain and make my son William Heminge

-- 196 --

to be the executor of this my last will and testament, requiring him to see the same performed in and by all things, according to my true meaning herein declared. And I do desire and appoint my loving friends Mr. Burbage9 note and Mr. Rice to be the overseers of this my last will and testament, praying them to be aiding and assisting to my said executor with their best advice and council in the execution thereof: and I do hereby utterly revoke all former wills by me heretofore made, and do pronounce, publish, and declare this to be my last will and testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal the day and year first above written.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London coram venerabili viro, magistro Willielmo James, legum doctore, Surrogato, undecimo die mensis Octobris, Anno Domini, 1630, juramento Willielmi Heminge filii naturalis et legitim, dicti defuncti, et executoris, cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat.

AUGUSTINE PHILIPS.

This performer is likewise named in the licence granted by King James in 1603. It appears from Heywood's Apology for Actors, printed in 1612, that he was then dead. In an extraordinary exhibition, entitled The Seven deadly Sins, written by Tarleton, of which the MS. plot or scheme is in my possession8 note, he represented Sardanapalus. I have not been able to learn what parts he preformed in our author's plays; but believe that he was in the same class as Kempe, and Armine; for he appears, like the former of these players, to have published a ludicrous metrical piece, which was entered on the Stationers'

-- 197 --

books in 1595. Philips's production was entitled The Jigg of the Slippers.

WILLIAM KEMPE was the successor of Tarleton. “Here I must needs remember Tarleton, (says Heywood, in his Apology for Actors,) in his time gracious with the queen his soveraigne, and in the people's general applause; whom succeeded Will. Kemp, as well in the favour of her majestie, as in the opinion and good thoughts of the general audience.” From the quarto editions of some of our author's plays, we learn that he was the original performer of Dogberry in Much Ado About Nothing, and of Peter in Romeo and Juliet. From an old comedy called The Return from Parnassus, we may collect that he was the original Justice Shallow; and the contemporary writers inform us that he usually acted the part of a Clown; in which character, like Tarleton, he was celebrated for his extemporal wit1 note, Launcelot in The Merchant of Venice, Touchstone in As You Like It, Launce in The Two Gentlemen of Verona, and the Grave-digger in Hamlet, were probably also performed by this comedian. He was an author as well as an actor2 note

.

-- 198 --

So early as in the year 1589 Kempe's comick talents appear to have been highly estimated; for an old pamphlet called An Almond for a Parrot, written, I think, by Thomas Nashe, and published about that time, is dedicated “to that most comicall and conceited Cavaleire Monsieur du Kempe, Jestmonger, and vice-gerent generall to the Ghost of Dicke Tarleton.”

From a passage in one of Decker's tracts it may be presumed that this comedian was dead in the year 16093 note.

In Braithwaite's Remains, 1618, he is thus commemorated:


“Welcome from Norwich, Kempe: all joy to see
“Thy safe return moriscoed lustily.
“But out alas! how soone's thy morice done,
“When pipe and tabor, all thy friends be gone;
“And leave thee now to dance the second part
“With feeble nature, not with nimble art!
“Then all thy triumphs fraught with strains of mirth,
“Shall be cag'd up within a chest of earth:
“Shall be? they are; thou hast danc'd thee out of breath;
“And now must make thy parting dance with death.”

THOMAS POPE.

This actor likewise performed the part of a Clown4 note


. He died before the year 16005 note.

-- 199 --

GEORGE BRYAN.

I have not been able to gather any intelligence concerning this performer, except that in the exhibition of The Seven Deadly Sins he represented the Earl of Warwick. He was, I believe, on the stage before the year 1588.

HENRY CUNDALL is said by Roberts the player to have been a comedian, but he does not mention any other authority for this assertion but stage-tradition. In Webster's Dutchess of Malfy he originally acted the part of the Cardinal; and as, when that play was printed in 1623, another performer had succeeded him in that part, he had certainly before that time retired from the stage. He still, however, continued to have an interest in the theatre, being mentioned with the other players to whom a licence was granted by King Charles the First in 1625. He had probably a considerable portion of the shares or property of the Globe and Blackfriars theatres. This actor as well as Heminges lived in Aldermanbury, in which parish he served the office of Sideman in the year 1606. I have not been able to ascertain his age; but he appears to have married

-- 200 --

about the year 1598, and had eight children, the eldest of whom was born in Feb. 1598–99, and died an infant. Three only of his children appear to have survived him; Henry, born in 1600; Elizabeth in 1606; and William, baptized May 36, 1611. Before his death he resided for some time at Fulham, but he died in London, and was buried in his parish church in Aldermanbury, Dec. 29, 1627. On the 13th of that month he made his will, of which I subjoin a copy, extracted from the registry of the Prerogative Court:

“In the name of God, Amen. I Henry Cundall of London, gentleman, being sick in body, but of perfect mind and memory, laud and praise be therefore given to Almighty God, calling to my remembrance that there is nothing in this world more sure and certain to mankind than death, and nothing more uncertain than the hour thereof, do therefore make and declare this my last will and testament in manner and form following, that is to say; first I commend my soul into the hands of Almighty God, trusting and assuredly believing that only by the merits of the precious death and passion of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ I shall obtain full and free pardon and remission of all my sins, and shall enjoy everlasting life in the kingdom of heaven, amongst the elect children of God. My body I commit to the earth, to be decently buried in the night-time in such parish where it shall please God to call me. My worldly substance I dispose of as followeth. And first concerning all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements and hereditaments whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, whereof I am and stand seized of any manner of estate of inheritance, I give, devise and bequeath the same as followeth:

“Imprimis, I give, devise and bequeath all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements and

-- 201 --

hereditaments whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, situate, lying and being in Helmett-court in the Strand, and elsewhere, in the county of Middlesex, unto Elizabeth my well beloved wife, for and during the term of her natural life; and from and immediately after her decease, unto my son Henry Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for want of such issue unto my son William Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten; and for default of such issue unto my daughter Elizabeth Finch, and to her heirs and assigns for ever.

Item, I give, devise and bequeath all and singular my freehold messuages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, whatsoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, situate, lying and being in the parish of St. Bride, alias Bridgett, near Fleet-street, London, and elsewhere in the city of London, and the suburbes thereof, unto my well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall and to her assigns, untill my said son William Cundall his term of apprenticehood shall be fully expired by effluxion of time; and from and immediately after the said term of apprenticehood shall be so fully expired, I give, devise and bequeath the said messuages and premises situate in the city of London, and the suburbes thereof, unto my said son William Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for default of such issue, unto my said son Henry Cundall, and to the heirs of his body lawfully to be begotten, and for default of such issue unto my said daughter Elizabeth Finch, and to her heirs and assigns for ever. And as concerning all and singular my goods, chattels, plate, household stuff, ready money, debts, and personal estate, whatsoever and wheresoever, I give, devise, and bequeath the same as followeth: viz.

Imprimis, Whereas I am executor of the last will and testament of John Underwood, deceased, and by

-- 202 --

force of the same executorship became possessed of so much of the personal estate of the said John Underwood, which is expressed in an inventory thereof, made and by me exhibited in due form of law into the ecclesiastical court. And whereas also in discharge of my said executorship I have from time to time disbursed divers sums of money in the education and bringing up of the children of the said John Underwood deceased as by my accompts kept in that behalf appeareth. Now in discharge of my conscience, and in full performance of the trust reposed in me by the said John Underwood, I do charge my executrix faithfully to pay to the surviving children of the said John Underwood all and whatsoever shall be found and appear by my accompts to belong unto them, and to deliver unto them all such rings as was their late father's, and which are by me kept by themselves apart in a little casket.

Item, I do make, name, ordain and appoint my said well beloved wife, Elizabeth Cundall, the full and sole executrix of this my last will and testament, requiring and charging her, as she will answer the contrary before Almighty God at the dreadful day of judgment, that she will truely and faithfully perform the same, in and by all things according to my true intent and meaning; and I do earnestly desire my very loving friends, John Heminge, gentleman, Cuthbert Burbage, gentleman, my son-in-law Herbert Finch, and Peter Saunderson, grocer, to be my overseers, and to be aiding and assisting unto my said executrix in the due execution and performance of this my last will and testament. And I give and bequeath to every of my said four overseers the sum of five pounds apiece to buy each of them a piece of plate.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto my said son William Cundall, all the clear yearly rents and profits which shall arise and come from the time of my

-- 203 --

decease, of and by my leases and terms of years, of all my messuages, houses, and places, situate in the Blackfriars London, and at the Bankside in the county of Surry, until such time as that the full sum of three hundred pounds by those rents and profits may be raised for a stock for my said son William6 note, if he shall so long live.

Item, for as much as I have by this my will dealt very bountifully with my well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall, considering my estate, I do give and bequeath unto my son Henry Cundall, for his maintenance, either at the university or elsewhere, one annuity or yearly sum of thirty pounds of lawful money of England, to be paid unto my said son Henry Cundall, or his assigns, during all the term of the natural life of the said Elizabeth my wife, if my said son Henry Cundall shall so long live, at the four most usual feast-days or terms in the year, that is to say, at the feasts of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary, Nativity of Saint John Baptist, and St. Michael the Archangel; or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after every of the same feast-days, by even and equal portions: the first payment thereof to begin and to be made at such of the said feast-days as shall first and next happen after the day of my decease, or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after the same feast-day.

Item, I give and bequeath unto widow Martin and widow Gimber, to each of them respectively, for and during all the terms of their natural lives severally, if my leases and terms of years of and in my houses in Aldermanbury in London shall so long continue unexpired, one annuity or yearly sum of twenty shillings apiece, of lawful money of England, to be paid unto

-- 204 --

them severally, by even portions quarterly, at the feast-days above mentioned, or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after every of the same feast-days; the first payment of them severally to begin and to be made at such of the said feasts as shall first and next happen after my decease or within the space of twenty and eight days next ensuing after the same feast.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, unto the poor people of the parish of Fulham in the county of Middlesex, where I now dwell, the sum of five pounds, to be paid to master Doctor Clewett, and master Edmond Powell, of Fulham, gentleman, and by them to be distributed.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath unto my said well beloved wife Elizabeth Cundall, and to my said well beloved daughter Elizabeth Finch, all my household stuff, bedding, linen, brass, and pewter whatsoever, remaining and being as well at my house in Fulham aforesaid, as also in my house in Aldermanbury in London; to be equally divided between them part and part alike. And for the more equal dealing in that behalf, I will, appoint, and request my said overseers, or the greater number of them, to make division thereof, and then my wife to have the preferment of the choice.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my cousin Frances Gurney, alias Hulse, my aunt's daughter, the sum of five pounds, and I give unto the daughter of the said Frances the like sum of five pounds.

Item, I give, devise and bequeath unto such and so many of the daughters of my cousin Gilder, late of New Buckenham in the county of Norfolk, deceased, as shall be living at the time of my decease, the sum of five pounds apiece.

Item, I give and bequeath unto my old servant Elizabeth Wheaton, a mourning gown and forty shillings

-- 205 --

in money, and that place or priviledge which she now exerciseth and enjoyeth in the houses of the Blackfryers, London, and the Globe on the Bankside, for and during all the term of her natural life, if my estate shall so long continue in the premises; and I give unto the daughter of the said Elizabeth Wheaton the sum of five pounds, to be paid unto the said Elizabeth Wheaton, for the use of her said daughter, within the space of one year next after my decease. And I do hereby will, appoint and declare, that an acquittance under the hand and seal of the said Elizabeth Wheaton, upon the receipt of the said legacy of five pounds, for the use of her said daughter, shall be, and shall be deemed, adjudged, construed, and taken to be, both in law and in equity, unto my now executrix a sufficient release and discharge for and concerning the payment of the same.

Item, I give, devise, and bequeath, all the rest and residue of my goods, chattels, leases, money, debts, and personal estate, whatsoever, and wheresoever, (after my debts shall be paid and my funeral charges and all other charges about the execution of this my will first paid and discharged) unto my said well beloved wife, Elizabeth Cundall.

Item, My will and mind is, and I do hereby desire and appoint, that all such legacies, gifts and bequests as I have by this my will given, devised or bequeathed unto any person or persons, for payment whereof no certain time is hereby before limited or appointed, shall be well and truly paid by my executrix within the space of one year next after my decease. Finally, I do hereby revoke, countermand, and make void, all former wills, testaments, codicils, executors, legacies, and bequests, whatsoever, by me at any time heretofore named, made, given, or appointed; willing and minding that these presents only shall stand and be taken for my last will and testament, and none other.

-- 206 --

In witness whereof I the said Henry Cundall, the testator, to this my present last will and testament, being written on nine sheets of paper, with my name subscribed to every sheet, have set my seal, the thirteenth day of December, in the third year of the reign of our sovereign lord Charles, by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Henry Cundall.

Signed, sealed, pronounced and declared, by the said Henry Cundall, the testator, as his last will and testament, on the day and year above written, in the presence of us whose names are here under written:
Robert Yonge.
Hum. Dyson, Notary Publique.
And of me Ro. Dickens, servant unto the said Notary.”

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud Lond. coram magistro Richardo Zouche, legum doctore, Surrogato, 24o die Februarii, 1627, juramento Elizabethæ Cundall, relictæ dicti defuncti et executr. cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat.

WILLIAM SLY was joined with Shakspeare, &c. in the licence granted in 1603.—He is introduced, personally, in the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, 1604, and from his there using an affected phrase of Osrick's in Hamlet, we may collect that he performed that part. He died before the year 16127 note.

RICHARD COWLEY appears to have been an actor of a low class, having performed the part of Verges in Much Ado about

-- 207 --

Nothing. He lived in the parish of St Leonard, Shoreditch, and had two sons baptized there; Cuthbert, born in 1597, and Richard, born in 1599. I know not when this actor died.

JOHN LOWIN was a principal performer in these plays. If the date on his picture8 note in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is accurate, he was born in 1576. Wright mentions in his Historia Histrionica that “before the wars he used to act the part of Falstaff with mighty applause;” but without doubt he means during the reign of King Charles the First, from 1625 to 1641. When our poet's King Henry IV. was first exhibited, Lowin was but twenty-one years old; it is therefore probable that Heminges, or some other actor, originally represented the fat knight, and that several years afterwards the part was resigned to Lowin.

He is said by Roberts the player to have also performed King Henry the Eighth and Hamlet; but with respect to the latter his account is certainly erroneous; for it appears from more ancient writers, that Joseph Taylor was the original performer of that character9 note

.

Lowin is introduced in person, in the Induction to Marston's Malecontent, printed in 1604; and he and Taylor are mentioned in a copy of verses, written in the year 1632, soon after the appearance of Jonson's Magnetick Lady, as the two most celebrated actors of that time:


“Let Lowin cease, and Taylor scorn to touch
“The loathed stage, for thou hast made it such.”

Beside the parts already mentioned, this actor represented

-- 208 --

the following characters; Morose, in The Silent Woman;—Volpone, in The Fox;—Mammon, in The Alchymist;—Melantius, in The Maid's Tragedy; —Aubrey, in The Bloody Brother;—Bosola, in The Dutchess of Malfy;—Jacomo, in The Deserving Favourite;—Eubulus, in Massinger's Picture; —Domitian, in The Roman Actor;—and Belleur, in The Wild Goose Chase.

Though Heminges and Condell continued to have an interest in the theatre to the time of their death, yet about the year 1623, I believe, they ceased to act; and that the management had in the next year devolved on Lowin and Taylor, is ascertained by the following note made by Sir Henry Herbert in his office-book, under the year 1633:

“On friday the nineteenth of October1 note, 1633, I sent a warrant by a messenger of the chamber to suppress The Tamer Tamd, to the Kings players, for that afternoone, and it was obeyd; upon complaints of foule and offensive matters conteyned therein.

“They acted The Scornful Lady instead of it, I have enterd the warrant here.

‘These are to will and require you to forbeare the actinge of your play called The Tamer Tamd, or the Taminge of the Tamer, this afternoone, or any more till you have leave from mee: and this at your perill. On friday morninge the 18 Octob. 1633.

‘To Mr. Taylor, Mr. Lowins, or any of the King's players at the Blackfryers.’

“On saterday morninge followinge the booke was brought mee, and at my lord of Hollands request I returned it to the players ye monday morninge after,

-- 209 --

purgd of oaths, prophaness, and ribaldrye, being ye 21 of Octob. 1633.

“Because the stoppinge of the acting of this play for that afternoone, it being an ould play, hath raysed some discourse in the players, thogh no disobedience, I have thought fitt to insert here ther submission upon a former disobedience, and to declare that it concernes the Master of the Revells to bee carefull of their ould revived playes, as of their new, since they may conteyne offensive matter, which ought not to be allowed in any time.

“The Master ought to have copies of their new playes left with him, that he may be able to shew what he hath allowed or disallowed.

“All ould plays ought to bee brought to the Master of the Revells, and have his allowance to them for which he should have his fee, since they may be full of offensive things against church and state; ye rather that in former time the poetts tooke greater liberty than is allowed them by mee.

“The players ought not to study their parts till I have allowed of the booke.

‘To Sir Henry Herbert, Kt. master of his Ma.ties Revels.

‘After our humble servise2 note remembered unto your good worship, Whereas not long since we acted a play called The Spanishe Viceroy, not being licensed under your worships hande, nor allowd of: wee doe confess and herby acknowledge that wee have offended, and that it is in your power to punishe this offense, and are very sorry for it; and doe likewise promise herby that wee will not act any play without your hand or substituts hereafter, nor doe any thinge

-- 210 --

that may prejudice the authority of your office: So hoping that this humble submission of ours may bee accepted, wee have therunto sett our hands. This twentiethe of Decemb. 1624.


Joseph Taylor. Richard Robinson. Elyard Swanston. Thomas Pollard. Robert Benfeilde. George Burght. John Lowen. John Shancke. John Rice. Will. Rowley. Richard Sharpe.

“Mr. Knight,

“In many things you have saved mee labour; yet wher your judgment or penn fayld you, I have made boulde to use mine. Purge ther parts, as I have the booke. And I hope every hearer and player will thinke that I have done God good servise, and the quality no wronge; who hath no greater enemies than oaths, prophaness, and publique ribaldry, whch for the future I doe absolutely forbid to bee presented unto mee in any playbooke, as you will answer it at your perill. 21 Octob. 1633.”

“This was subscribed to their play of The Tamer Tamd, and directed to Knight, their book-keeper.

“The 24 Octob. 1633, Lowins and Swanston were sorry for their ill manners, and craved my pardon, which I gave them in presence of Mr. Taylor and Mr. Benfeilde.”

After the suppression of the theatres, Lowin became very poor. In 1652, in conjunction with Joseph Taylor, he published Fletcher's comedy called The Wild Goose Chase, for bread; and in his latter years he kept an inn (The Three Pidgeons) at Brentford, in which town, Wright says, he died very old3 note. But

-- 211 --

that writer was mistaken with respect to the place of his death, for he died in London at the age of eighty-three, and was buried in the ground belonging to the parish of St. Martin in the Fields, March 18, 1658-9. On the 8th of the following October administration of the goods of John Lowin was granted to Martha Lowin, I suppose the actor's widow. In the Register of persons buried in the parish of Brentford, which I carefully examined, no person of this name is mentioned between the years 1650 and 1660.

SAMUEL CROSS. This actor was probably dead before the year 1600; for Heywood, who had himself written for the stage before that time, says he had never seen him.

ALEXANDER COOKE. From The Platt of the Seven Deadly Sins, it appears that this actor was on the stage before 1588, and was the stage-heroine. He acted some woman's part in Jonson's Sejanus, and in the Fox; and we may presume, performed all the principal female characters in our author's plays.

SAMUEL GILBURNE. Unknown.

ROBERT ARMIN performed in The Alchemist in 1610, and was alive in 1611, some verses having been addressed to him in that year by John Davies of Hereford; from which he appears to have occasionally performed the part of the Fool or the Clown4 note





.

-- 212 --

He was author of a comedy called The Two Maids of More-clacke, [Mortlake it ought to be,] 1609. I have also a book, called A Nest of Ninnies simply of themselves, without Compound, by Robert Armin, published in 1608. And at Stationers' Hall was entered in the same year, “a book called Phantasm the Italian Taylor and his Boy, made by Mr. Armin, servant to his majesty.”

Mr. Oldys, in his MS. notes on Langbaine, says, that “Armin was an apprentice at first to a goldsmith in Lombard-street.” He adds, that “the means of his becoming a player is recorded in Tarleton's Jests, printed in 1611, where it appears, this 'prentice going often to a tavern in Gracechurch-street, to dun the keeper thereof, who was a debtor to his master, Tarleton, who of the master of that tavern was now only a lodger in it, saw some verses written by Armin on the wainscot, upon his master's said debtor, whose name was Charles Tarleton, and liked them so well, that he wrote others under them, prophecying, that as he was, so Armins hould be: therefore, calls him his adopted son, to wear the Clown's suit after him. And so it fell out, for the boy was so pleased with what Tarleton had written of him, so respected his person, so frequented his plays, and so learned his humour and manners, that from his private practice he came to publick playing his parts; that he was in good repute for the same at the Globe on the Bankside, &c. all the former part of King James's reign.”

WILLIAM OSTLER had been one of the children of the Chapel; having acted in Jonson's Poetaster, together with Nat. Field, and John Underwood, in 1601, and is said to have

-- 213 --

performed women's parts. In 1610 both he and Underwood acted as men in Ben Jonson's Alchemist. In Davies's Scourge of Folly, there are some verses addressed to him with this title, “To the Roscius of these times, William Ostler.” He acted Antonio in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy, in 1623. I know not when he died.

NATHANIEL FIELD. JOHN UNDERWOOD.

Both these actors had been children of the Chapel5 note; and probably at the Globe and Blackfriars theatres performed female parts. Field, when he became too manly to represent the characters of women, played the part of Bussy d'Ambois in Chapman's play of that name. From the preface prefixed to one edition of it, it appears thar he was dead in 1641.

There is a good portrait of this performer in Dulwich College, in a very singular dress.

Fleckno, in his little tract on the English Stage, speaks of him as an actor of great eminence. He was the author of two comedies called A Woman's a Weathercock, and Amends for Ladies, and assisted Massinger in writing The Fatal Dowry6 note.

The only intelligence I have obtained of John Underwood, beside what I have already mentioned, is, that he performed the part of Delio in The Dutchess of Malfy, and that he died either in the latter end of the year 1624 or the beginning of the following year, having first made his will, of which the following is a copy:

-- 214 --

“In the name of God, Amen. I John Underwood, of the parish of Saint Bartholomew the Less, in London, gent. being very weak and sick in body, but, thanks be given to Almighty God, in perfect mind and memory, do make and declare my last will and testament, in manner and form following: viz. First, I commend and commit my soul to Almighty God, and my body to the earth, to be buried at the discretion of my executors; and my worldly goods and estate which it hath pleased the Almighty God to bless me with, I will, bequeath, and dispose as followeth; that is to say, to and amongst my five children, namely, John Underwood, Elizabeth Underwood, Burbage Underwood, Thomas Underwood, and Isabell Underwood, (my debts and other legacies herein named paid, and my funeral and other just dues and duties discharged) all and singular my goods, household stuff, plate and other things whatsoever in or about my now dwelling house, or elsewhere; and also all the right, title, or interest, part or share, that I have and enjoy at this present by lease or otherwise, or ought to have, possess, or enjoy in any manner or kind at this present or hereafter, within the Blackfryars, London, or in the company of his M.ties servants, my loving and kind fellows, in their house there, or at the Globe on the Bankside; and also that my part and share or due in or out of the playhouse called the Curtaine, situate in or near Holloway in the parish of St. Leonard, London, or in any other place; to my said five children, equally and proportionably to be divided amongst them at their several ages of one and twenty years; and during their and every of their minorities, for and towards their education, maintenance, and placing in the world, according to the discretion, direction, and care which I repose in my executors. Provided always and my true intent and meaning is, that my said executors shall not alienate, change or alter by sale or otherwise, directly

-- 215 --

or indirectly, any my part or share which I now have or ought to hold, have, possess, and enjoy in the said playhouses called the Blackfryars, the Globe on the Bancke-side, and Curtaine aforementioned, or any of them, but that the increase and benefit out and from the same and every of them shall come, accrue, and arise to my said executors, as now it is to me, to the use of my said children, equally to be divided amongst them. Provided also that if the use and increase of my said estate given (as aforesaid) to my said children, shall prove insufficient or defective, in respect of the young years of my children, for their education and placing of them as my said executors shall think meet, then my will and true meaning is, that when the eldest of my said children shall attain to the age of one and twenty years, my said executors shall pay or cause to be paid unto him or her so surviving or attaining, his or her equal share of my estate so remaining undisbursed or undisposed for the uses aforesaid in their or either of their hands, and so for every or any of my said children attaining to the age aforesaid: yet if it shall appear or seem fit at the completion of my said children every or any of them at their said full age or ages, which shall first happen, my estate remaining not to be equally shared or disposed amongst the rest surviving in minority, then my will is, that it shall be left to my executors to give unto my child so attaining the age as they shall judge will be equal to the rest surviving and accomplishing the aforesaid age; and if any of them shall die or depart this life before they accomplish the said age, or ages, I will and bequeath their part, share or portion to them, him or her surviving, at the ages aforesaid, equally to be divided by my executors as aforesaid. And I do hereby nominate and appoint my loving friends (in whom I repose my trust for performance of the premises) Henry Cundell, Thomas

-- 216 --

Sanford, and Thomas Smith, gentlemen, my executors of this my last will and testament; and do intreat my loving friends, Mr. John Heminge, and John Lowyn, my fellowes, overseers of the same my last will and testament; and I give to my said executors and overseers for their pains (which I entreat them to accept) the sum of eleven shillings apiece to buy them rings, to wear in remembrance of me. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal the fourth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred twenty four. John Underwood.

A Codicil to be annexed to the last will and testament of John Underwood, late of the parish of Little St. Bartholomew, London, deceased, made the tenth day of the month of October, Anno Domini one thousand six hundred twenty four or thereabouts, viz. his intent and meaning was, and so he did will, dispose, and bequeath (if his estate would thereunto extend, and it should seem convenient to his executors,) these particulars following in manner and form following: scilt. to his daughter Elizabeth two seal rings of gold, one with a death's head, the other with a red stone in it. To his son John Underwood a seal ring of gold with an A and a B in it. To Burbage Underwood a seal ring with a blue stone in it. To Isabell one hoop ring of gold. To his said son John one hoop ring of gold. To his said daughter Elizabeth one wedding ring. To his said son Burbage one hoop ring, black and gold. To his said son Thomas one hoop ring of gold, and one gold ring with a knot. To his said daughter Isabell one blue sapphire and one joint ring of gold. To John Underwood one half dozen of silver spoons and one gilt spoon. To Elizabeth one silver spoon and three gilt spoons. To Burbage Underwood, his son

-- 217 --

aforenamed, one great gilt spoon, one plain bowl and one rough bowl. To Thomas Underwood his son, one silver porrenger, one silver taster, and one gilt spoon. To Isabell his said daughter, three silver spoons, two gilt spoons, and one gilt cup. Which was so had and done before sufficient and credible witness, the said testator being of perfect mind and memory.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum una cum codicillo eidem annex. apud London, coram judice, primo die mensis Februarii, Anno Domini 1624, juramento Henrici Cundell, unius executor. cui, &c. de bene, &c. jurat, reservata potestate similem commissionem faciendi Thome Sandford et Thome Smith, executoribus etiam in hujusmodi testamento nominat. cum venerint eam petitum.

NICHOLAS TOOLEY acted Forobosco in The Dutchess of Malfy. From the Platt of the Seven Deadly Sinns, it appears, that he sometimes represented female characters. He performed in The Alchemist in 1610.

WILLIAM ECCLESTONE. This performer's name occurs for the first time in Ben Jonson's Alchemist, 1610. No other ancient piece (that I have seen) contains any memorial of this actor.

JOSEPH TAYLOR appears from some verses already cited, to have been a celebrated actor. According to Downes the prompter, he was instructed by Shakspeare to play Hamlet: and Wright, in his Historia Histrionica, says, “He performed that part incomparably well.” From the remembrance of his performance of Hamlet,

-- 218 --

Sir William D'Avenant is said, by Downes, to have conveyed his instructions to Mr. Betterton. Taylor likewise played Iago. He also performed Truewit in The Silent Woman, Face in The Alchemist6 note, and Mosca in Volpone; but not originally7 note. He represented Ferdinand in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the death of Burbadge. He acted Mathias in The Picture, by Massinger; Paris in The Roman Actor; the Duke in Carlell's Deserving Favourite; Rollo in The Bloody Brother; and Mirabel in The Wild Goose Chase. There are verses by this performer prefixed to Massinger's Roman Actor, 1629; and a poem containing high encomiums on his performance in Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, when it was revised in 1633, prefixed to the edition of that play printed in 1634, by Shakerly Marmion.

In the year 1614, Taylor appears to have been at the head of a distinct company of comedians, who were distinguished by the name of The Lady Elizabeth's Servants8 note. However, he afterward's returned to his old friends; and after the death of Burbadge, Heminges and Condell, he in conjunction with John Lowin and Eliard Swanston had the principal management of the king's company. In Sept. 1639, he was appointed Yeoman of the Revels in ordinary to his Majesty, in the room of Mr. William Hunt. There were certain perquisites annexed to this office, and a salary of sixpence a day. When he was in attendance on the king he had 3l. 6s. 8d. per month.

I find from Fleckno's Characters, that Taylor died either in the year 1653, or in the following year9 note:

-- 219 --

and according to Wright he was buried at Richmond. The Register of that parish antecedent to the Restoration being lost, I am unable to ascertain that fact. He was probably near seventy years of age at the time of his death.

He is said by some to have painted the only original picture of Shakspeare now extant, in the possession of the Duke of Chandos. By others, with more probability, Richard Burbadge is reported to have been the painter: for among the pictures in Dulwich College is one, which, in the catalogue made in the time of Charles the Second by Cartwright the player, is said to have been painted by Burbadge.

ROBERT BENFIELD appears to have been a second-rate actor. He performed Antonio in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the death of Ostler. He also acted the part of the King in The Deserving Favourite; Ladislaus in The Picture; Junius Rusticus in The Roman Actor; and De-Gard in The Wild Goose Chase.

He was alive in 1647, being one of the players who signed the dedication to the folio edition of Fletcher's plays, published in that year.

ROBERT GOUGHE.

This actor at an early period performed female characters, and was, I suppose, the father of Alexander Goughe, who in this particular followed Robert's steps. In The Seven Deadly Sins, Robert Goughe played Aspatia; but in the year 1611 he had arrived at an age which entitled him to represent male characters; for in The Second Maiden's Tragedie1 note, which was

-- 220 --

produced in that year, he performed the part of the usurping tyrant.

RICHARD ROBINSON is said by Wright to have been a comedian. He acted in Jonson's Catiline in 1611; and, it should seem from a passage in The Devil is an Ass, 1616, that at that time he usually represented female characters:


“&lblank; We had
“The merriest supper of it there, one night
“The gentleman's landlady invited him
“To a gossip's feast: now he sir brought Dick Robinson
Drest like a lawyer's wife,” &c.

In The Second Maiden's Tragedie, he represented the Lady of Govianus. I have not learned what parts in our author's plays were performed by this actor. In The Deserving Favourite, 1629, he played Orsinio; and in The Wild Goose Chase, LeCastre. In Massinger's Roman Actor, he performed Æsopus; and in The Dutchess of Malfy, after the retirement of Condell, he played the Cardinal. Hart, the celebrated actor, was originally his boy or apprentice. Robinson was alive in 1647, his name being signed, with several others, to the dedication prefixed to the first folio edition of Fletcher's plays. In the civil wars he served in the king's army, and was killed in an engagement, by Harrison, who was afterwards hanged at Charing Cross. Harrison refused him quarter, after he had laid down his arms, and shot him in the head, saying at the same time, “Cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently2 note.”

JOHN SHANCKE was, according to Wright, a comedian. He was but in a low class, having performed the part of the Curate in Fletcher's Scornful Lady, and that of Hillario (a servant) in The Wild Goose Chase. He was

-- 221 --

a dramatick author, as well as an actor, having produced a comedy entitled Shanke's Ordinary, which was acted at Blackfriars in the year 1623–43 note.

JOHN RICE.

The only information I have met with concerning this player, is, that he represented the Marquis of Pescara, an inconsiderable part in Webster's Dutchess of Malfy. He was perhaps brother to Stephen Rice, clerk, who is mentioned in the will of John Heminges.

The foregoing list is said in the first folio to contain the names of the principal actors in these plays.

Beside these, we know that John Wilson played an insignificant part in Much Ado About Nothing.

Gabriel was likewise an inferior actor in these plays, as appears from the Third Part of King Henry VI. p. 150, edit. 1623, where we find “Enter Gabriel.” In the corresponding place in the old play entitled The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke, &c. we have—“Enter a Messenger.” Sinkler or Sinclo, and Humphrey4 note, were likewise players in the same theatre, and of the same class. William Barksted5 note, John Duke, and Christopher Beeston6 note, also belonged to this company. The latter from the year 1624 to 1638, when he died, was manager of the Cockpit theatre in Drury Lane.

In a book of the last age of no great authority, we are told that “the infamous Hugh Peters, after he

-- 222 --

had been expelled from the University of Cambridge, went to London, and enrolled himself as a player in Shakspeare's company, in which he usually performed the part of the Clown.” Hugh Peter (for that was his name, not Peters, as he was vulgarly called by his contemporaries,) was born at Fowey or Foye in Cornwall in 1599, and was entered of Trinity College, in Cambridge, in the year 1613. In 1617 he took the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and that of Master of Arts in 1622. On the 23d of December 1621, as I find from the Registry of the Bishop of London, he was ordained a deacon, by Dr. Mountaine then bishop of that see; and on June 8, 1623, he was ordained a priest. During his residence at Trinity College, he behaved so improperly, that he was once publickly whipped for his insolence and contumacy7 note; but I do not find that he was expelled. It is, however, not improbable that he was rusticated for a time, for some misconduct; and perhaps in that interval, instead of retiring to his parent's house in Cornwall, his restless spirit carried him to London, and induced him to tread the stage. If this was the case, it probably happened about the time of our author's death, when Hugh Peter was about eighteen years old.

Langbaine was undoubtedly mistaken in supposing that Edward Alleyn was “an ornament to Blackfriars.” Wright, who was much better acquainted with the ancient stage, says, “he never heard that Alleyn acted there:” and the list in the first folio edition of our author's plays proves decisively that he was not of his company; for so celebrated a performer could not have been overlooked, when that list was forming. So early as in 1593, we find “Ned Alleyn's company mentioned8 note.” Alleyn was sole proprietor and manager of the Fortune theatre, in which he performed from 1599, (and perhaps before) till 1616,

-- 223 --

when, I believe, he quitted the stage. He was servant to the Lord Admiral (Nottingham): all the old plays therefore which are said to have been performed by the Lord Admiral's Servants, were represented at the Fortune by Alleyn's company9 note

.

The history of the stage as far as it relates to Shakspeare, naturally divides itself into three periods: the period which preceded his appearance as an actor or dramatick writer; that during which he flourished; and the time which has elapsed since his death. Having now gone through the two former of these periods, I shall take a transient view of the stage from the death of our great poet to the year 1741, still with a view to Shakspeare, and his works.

-- 224 --

Soon after his death, four of the principal companies then subsisting, made a union, and were afterwards called The United Companies; but I know not precisely in what this union consisted. I suspect it arose from a penury of actors, and that the managers contracted to permit the performers in each house occasionally to assist their brethren in the other theatres in the representation of plays. We have already seen that John Heminges in 1618 pay'd Sir George Buck, “in the name of the four companys, for a lenten dispensation in the holydaies, 44s.;” and Sir Henry Herbert observes that the play called Come See a Wonder, “written by John Daye for a company of strangers,” and represented Sept. 18, 1623, was “acted at the Red Bull, and licensed without his hand to it, because they [i. e. this company of strangers] were none of the four companys.” The old comedy entitled Amends for Ladies, as appears from its title-page, was acted at Blackfriars before the year 1618, “both by the Prince's servants and Lady Elizabeth's,” though the theatre at Blackfriars then belonged to the king's servants.

After the death of Shakspeare, the plays of Fletcher appear for several years to have been more admired, or at least to have been more frequently acted, than those of our poet. During the latter part of the reign of James the First, Fletcher's pieces had the advantage of novelty to recommend them. I believe, between the time of Beaumont's death in 1615 and his own in 1625, this poet produced at least twenty-five plays. Sir Aston Cokain has informed us, in his poems, that of the thirty-five pieces improperly ascribed to Beaumont and Fletcher in the folio edition of 1647, much the greater part were written after Beaumont's death1 note










; and his account is partly confirmed

-- 225 --

by Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, from which it appears that Fletcher produced eleven new plays in the last four years of his life. If we were possessed of the Register kept by Sir George Buck, we should there, I make no doubt, find near twenty dramas written by the same author in the interval between 1615 and 1622. As, to ascertain the share which each of these writers had in the works which have erroneously gone under their joint names, has long been a desideratum in dramatick history, I shall here set down as perfect a list as I have been able to form of the pieces produced by Fletcher in his latter years.

The Honest Man's Fortune, though it appeared first in the folio 1647, was one of the few pieces in that collection, which was the joint production of Beaumont and Fletcher. It was first performed at the Globe theatre in the year 1613, two years before the death of Beaumont2 note.

The Loyal Subject was the sole production of Fletcher, and was first represented in the year 1618.

It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Manuscript, that the new plays which Fletcher had brought out in the course of the year, were generally presented at court at Christmas. As therefore The Island Princess, The Pilgrim, and The Wild Goose Chase are found among the court exhibitions of the year

-- 226 --

1621, we need not hesitate to ascribe these pieces also to the same poet. The Wild Goose Chase, though absurdly printed under the joint names of Beaumont and Fletcher, is expressly ascribed to the latter by Lowin and Taylor, the actors who published it in 1652. The Beggar's Bush, being also acted at court in 1622, was probably written by Fletcher. The Tamer Tamed is expressly called his by Sir Henry Herbert, as is The Mad Lover by Sir Aston Cockain: and it appears from the manuscript so often quoted that The Night-Walker and Love's Pilgrimage, having been left imperfect by Fletcher, were corrected and finished by Shirley.

I have now given an account of nine of the pieces in which Beaumont appears to have had no share; and subjoin a list of eleven other plays written by Fletcher, (with the assistance of Rowley in one only,) precisely in the order in which they were licensed by the Master of the Revels.


1622. May 14, he produced a new play called The Prophetess. 1622. June 22, The Sea Voyage. This piece was acted at the Globe. 1622. October 24, The Spanish Curate. Acted at Blackfriars. 1623. August 29, The Maid of the Mill, written by Fletcher and Rowley; acted at the Globe. 1623. October 17, The Devill of Dowgate, or Usury put to Use. Acted by the king's servants. This piece is lost. 1623. Decemb. 6, The Wandering Lovers; acted at Blackfriars. This piece is also lost. 1624. May 27, A Wife for a Month. Acted by the King's servants. 1624. Octob. 19, Rule a Wife and Have a Wife. 1625–6. January 22, The Fair Maid of the Inn. Acted at Blackfriars.

-- 227 --

1625–6. Feb. 3, The Noble Gentleman. Actedat the same theatre.

In a former page an account has been given of the court exhibitions in 1622. In Sir Henry Herbert's Office-book I find the following “Note of such playes as were acted at court in 1623 and 1624,” which confirms what I have suggested, that the plays of Shakspeare were not then so much admired as those of the poets of the day.

“Upon Michelmas night att Hampton court, The Mayd of the Mill, by the K. Company.”

“Upon Allhollows night at St. James, the prince being there only, The Mayd of the Mill againe, with reformations.

“Upon the fifth of November att Whitehall, the prince being there only, The Gipsye, by the Cockpitt company.

“Upon St. Stevens daye, the king and prince being there, The Mayd of the Mill, by the K. company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon St. John's night, the prince only being there, The Bondman, by the queene [of Bohemia's] company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon Innocents night, falling out upon a Sonday, The Buck is a Thief, the king and prince being there. By the king's company. At Whitehall.

“Upon New-years night, by the K. company, The Wandering Lovers, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

“Upon the Sonday after, beinge the 4 of January 1623, by the Queene of Bohemias company, The Changelinge, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

“Upon Twelfe Night, the maske being put off, More Dissemblers besides Women3 note, by the king's company, the prince only being there. Att Whitehall.

-- 228 --

“To the Duchess of Richmond, in the kings absence, was given The Winter's Tale, by the K. company, the 18 Janu. 1623. Att Whitehall.

“Upon All-hollows night, 1624, the king beinge at Roiston, no play.

“The night after, my Lord Chamberlin had Rule a Wife and Have a Wife for the ladys, by the kings company.

“Upon St. Steevens night, the prince only being there, [was acted] Rule a Wife and Have a Wife, by the kings company. Att Whitehall.

“Upon St. John's night, [the prince] and the duke of Brunswick being there, The Fox, by the &lblank;. At Whitehall.

“Upon Innocents night, the [prince] and the duke of Brunswyck being there, Cupids Revenge, by the Queen of Bohemia's Servants. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon New-years night, the prince only being there, The First Part of Sir John Falstaff, by the king's company. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon Twelve night, the Masque being putt of, and the prince only there, Tu Quoque, by the Queene of Bohemias servants. Att Whitehall, 1624.

“Upon the Sonday night following, being the ninthe of January 1624, the Masque was performd.

“On Candlemas night the 2 February, no play, the king being att Newmarket.”

From the time when Sir Henry Herbert came into the office of the Revels to 1642, when the theatres were shut up, his Manuscript does not furnish us with a regular account of the plays exhibited at court every year. Such, however, as he has given, I shall now subjoin, together with a few anecdotes which he has preserved, relative to some of the works of our poet and the dramatick writers who immediately succeeded him.

-- 229 --

“For the king's players. An olde playe called Winter's Tale, formerly allowed of by Sir George Bucke, and likewyse by mee on Mr. Hemmings his worde that there was nothing profane added or reformed, thogh the allowed booke was missinge; and therefore I returned it without a fee, this 19 of August, 1623.

“For the king's company. The Historye of Henry the First4 note, written by Damport [Davenport]; this 10 April, 1624,—1l. 0. 0.

“For the king's company. An olde play called The Honest Mans Fortune, the originall being lost, was re-allowed by mee at Mr. Taylor's intreaty, and on condition to give mee a booke [The Arcadia], this 8 Februa. 1624.”

The manuscript copy of The Honest Man's Fortune is now before me, and is dated 1613. It was therefore probably the joint production of Beaumont and Fletcher. This piece was acted at the Globe, and the copy which had been licensed by Sir George Buc, was without doubt destroyed by the fire which consumed that theatre in the year 1613. The allowed copy of The Winter's Tale was probably destroyed at the same time.

“17 July, 1626, [Received] from Mr. Hemmings for a courtesie done him about their Blackfriers hous, —3l. 0. 0.

“[Received] from Mr. Hemming, in their company's name, to forbid the playing of Shakespeare's plays, to the Red Bull Company, this 11 of April, 1627,—5l. 0. 0.

“This day being the 11 of Janu. 1630, I did refuse to allow of a play of Messinger's5 note

, because itt did

-- 230 --

contain dangerous matter, as the deposing of Sebastian king of Portugal, by Philip the [Second,] and

-- 231 --

ther being a peace sworen twixte the kings of England and Spayne. I had my fee notwithstandinge, which belongs to me for reading itt over, and ought to be brought always with the booke.

“Received of Knight6 note

, for allowing of Ben Johnsons play called Humours Reconcil'd, or the Magnetick Lady, to bee acted, this 12th of Octob. 1632, 2l. 0. 0.

“18 Nov. 1632. In the play of The Ball, written by Sherley7 note
, and acted by the Queens players, ther

-- 232 --

were divers personated so naturally, both of lords and others of the court, that I took it ill, and would have forbidden the play, but that Biston [Christopher Beeston] promiste many things which I found faulte withall should be left out, and that he would not suffer it to be done by the poett any more, who deserves to be punisht; and the first that offends in this kind, of poets or players, shall be sure of publique punishment.

“R. for allowinge of The Tale of the Tubb, Vitru Hoop's parte wholly strucke out, and the motion of the tubb, by commande from my lorde chamberlin; exceptions being taken against it by Inigo Jones, surveyor of the kings workes, as a personal injury unto him. May 7, 1633,—2l. 0. 0.”

In this piece, of which the precise date was hitherto unknown, Vitru Hoop, i. e. Vitruvius Hoop, undoubtedly was intended to represent Inigo Jones.

“The comedy called The Yonge Admirall, being free from oaths, prophaness, or obsceanes, hath given mee much delight and satisfaction in the readinge,

-- 233 --

and may serve for a patterne to other poetts, not only for the bettring of maners and language, but for the improvement of the quality, which hath received some brushings of late.

“When Mr. Sherley hath read this approbation, I know it will encourage him to pursue this beneficial and cleanly way of poetry, and when other poetts heare and see his good success, I am confident they will imitate the original for their own credit, and make such copies in this harmless way, as shall speak them masters in their art, at the first sight, to all judicious spectators. It may be acted this 3 July, 1633.

“I have entered this allowance, for direction to my successor, and for example to all poetts, that shall write after the date hereof.

“Received of Biston, for an ould play called Hymens Holliday, newly revived at their house, being a play given unto him for my use, this 15 Aug. 1633, 3l. 0. 0. Received of him for some alterations in it, 1l. 0. 0.

“Meetinge with him at the ould exchange, he gave my wife a payre of gloves, that cost him at least twenty shillings.

“Upon a second petition of the players to the High Commission court, wherein they did mee right in my care to purge their plays of all offense, my lords Grace of Canterbury bestowed many words upon mee, and discharged mee of any blame, and layd the whole fault of their play called The Magnetick Lady, upon the players. This happened the 24 of Octob. 1633, at Lambeth. In their first petition they would have excused themselves on mee and the poett.”

“On Saterday the 17th of Novemb.8 note being the Queens birth-day, Richarde the Thirde was acted by the K. players at St. James, wher the king and

-- 234 --

queene were present, it being the first play the queene sawe since her M.tys delivery of the Duke of York, 1633.

“On tusday the 19th of November, being the king's birth-day, The Yong Admirall was acted at St. James by the queen's players, and likt by the K. and Queen.

“The Kings players sent me an ould booke of Fletchers called The Loyal Subject, formerly allowed by Sir George Bucke, 16 Novemb. 1618, which according to their desire and agreement I did peruse, and with some reformations allowed of, the 23 of Nov. 1633, for which they sent mee according to their promise 1l. 0. 0.9 note

“On tusday night at Saint James, the 26 of Novemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queene, The Taminge of the Shrew. Likt.

“On thursday night at St. James, the 28 of Novemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queene, The Tamer Tamd, made by Fletcher. Very well likt.

“On tusday night at Whitehall the 10 of Decemb. 1633, was acted before the King and Queen, The Loyal Subject, made by Fletcher, and very well likt by the king.

“On Monday night the 16 of December, 1633, at Whitehall was acted before the King and Queen, Hymens Holliday or Cupids Fegarys, an ould play of Rowleys. Likte.

“On Wensday night the first of January, 1633, Cymbeline was acted at Court by the Kings players. Well likte by the kinge.

“On Monday night the sixth of January and the Twelfe Night was presented at Denmark-house, before the King and Queene, Fletchers pastorall called

-- 235 --

The Faithfull Shepheardesse, in the clothes the Queene had given Taylor the year before of her owne pastorall.

“The scenes were fitted to the pastorall, and made, by Mr. Inigo Jones, in the great chamber, 1633.

“This morning being the 9th of January, 1633, the kinge was pleasd to call mee into his withdrawinge chamber to the windowe, wher he went over all that I had croste in Davenants play-booke, and allowing of faith and slight to bee asseverations only, and no oathes, markt them to stande, and some other few things, but in the greater part allowed of my reformations. This was done upon a complaint of Mr. Endymion Porters in December.

“The kinge is pleasd to take faith, death, slight, for asseverations, and no oaths1 note, to which I doe humbly submit as my masters judgment; but under favour conceive them to be oaths, and enter them here, to declare my opinion and submission.

“The 10 of January, 1633, I returned unto Mr. Davenant his playe-booke of The Witts, corrected by the kinge.

“The kinge would not take the booke at Mr. Porters hands; but commanded him to bring it unto mee, which he did, and likewise commanded Davenant to come to me for it, as I believe: otherwise he would not have byn so civill.

“The Guardian, a play of Mr. Messengers, was acted at court on Sunday the 12 January, 1633, by the Kings players, and well likte.

-- 236 --

“The Tale of the Tub was acted on tusday night at Court, the 14 Janua. 1633, by the Queenes players, and not likte.

“The Winters Tale was acted on thursday night at Court, the 16 Janua. 1633, by the K. players, and likt.

“The Witts was acted on tusday night the 28 January, 1633, at Court, before the Kinge and Queene. Well likt. It had a various fate on the stage, and at court, though the kinge commended the language, but dislikt the plott and characters.

“The Night-Walkers was acted on thursday night the 30 Janu. 1633, at Court, before the King and Queen. Likt as a merry play. Made by Fletcher2 note

.

“The Inns of court gentlemen presented their masque at court, before the kinge and queene, the 2 February, 1633, and performed it very well. Their shew through the streets was glorious, and in the nature of a triumph.—Mr. Surveyor Jones invented and made the scene; Mr. Sherley the poett made the prose and verse.

“On thursday night the 6 of Febru. 1633, The Gamester was acted at Court, made by Sherley, out of a plot of the king's, given him by mee; and well likte. The king sayd it was the best play he had seen for seven years.

“On Shrovetusday night, the 18 of February, 1633, the Kinge dancte his Masque, accompanied with 11 lords, and attended with 10 pages. It was the noblest masque of my time to this day, the best poetrye, best scenes, and the best habitts. The kinge and queene were very well pleasd with my service,

-- 237 --

and the Q. was pleasd to tell mee before the king, ‘Pour les habits, elle n'avoit jamais rien vue de si brave.’

“Bussy d'Amboise was playd by the king's players on Easter-monday night, at the Cockpitt in court.

“The Pastorall was playd by the king's players on Easter-tusday night, at the Cockpitt in court.

“I committed Cromes, a broker in Longe Lane, the 16 of Febru. 1634, to the Marshalsey, for lending a church-robe with the name of Jesus upon it, to the players in Salisbury Court, to present a Flamen, a priest of the heathens. Upon his petition of submission, and acknowledgment of his faulte, I releasd him, the 17 Febr. 1634.

“The Second part of Arviragus and Philicia playd at court the 16 Febru. 1635, with great approbation of K. and Queene.

“The Silent Woman playd at Court of St. James on thursday ye 18 Febr. 1635.

“On Wensday the 23 of Febru. 1635, the Prince d'Amours gave a masque to the Prince Elector and his brother, in the Middle Temple, wher the Queene was pleasd to grace the entertaynment by putting of [off] majesty to putt on a citizens habitt, and to sett upon the scaffold on the right hande amongst her subjects.

“The queene was attended in the like habitts by the Marques Hamilton, the Countess of Denbighe, the Countess of Holland, and the Lady Elizabeth Feildinge. Mrs. Basse, the law-woman3 note, leade in this royal citizen and her company.

“The Earle of Holland, the Lord Goringe, Mr. Percy, and Mr. Jermyn, were the men that attended.

“The Prince Elector satt in the midst, his brother

-- 238 --

Robert on the right hand of him, and the Prince d'Amours on the left.

“The Masque was very well performed in the dances, scenes, cloathinge, and musique, and the Queene was pleasd to tell mee at her going away, that she liked it very well.

“Henry Lause made the musique.

“William Lause made the musique.

“Mr. Corseilles made the scenes.

“Loves Aftergame4 note, played at St. James by the Salisbury Court players, the 24 of Feb. 1635.

“The Dukes Mistres played at St. James the 22 of Feb. 1635. Made by Sherley.

“The same day at Whitehall I acquainted king Charles, my master, with the danger of Mr. Hunts sickness, and moved his Majesty, in case he dyed, that he would be pleasd to give mee leave to commend a fitt man to succeed him in his place of Yeoman of the Revells.

“The kinge tould me, that till then he knew not that Will Hunt held a place in the Revells. To my request he was pleasd to give mee this answer. Well, says the king, I will not dispose of it, or it shall not be disposed of, till I heare you. Ipsissimis verbis, Which I enter here as full of grace, and for my better remembrance, sinse my master's custom affords not so many words, nor so significant.

“The 28 Feb. The Knight of the Burning Pestle playd by the Q. men at St. James.

“The first and second part of Arviragus and Philicia were acted at the Cockpitt, [Whitehall] before the Kinge and Queene, the Prince, and Prince Elector, the 18 and 19 Aprill, 1636, being monday and tusday in Easter weeke.

-- 239 --

“At the increase of the plague to 4 within the citty and 54 in all.—This day the 12 May, 1636, I received a warrant from my lord Chamberlin for the suppressing of playes and shews, and at the same time delivered my severall warrants to George Wilson for the four companys of players, to be served upon them.

“At Hampton Court, 1636.

“The first part of Arviragus, Monday Afternoon, 26 Decemb.

“The second part of Arviragus, tusday 27 Decemb.

“Love and Honour, on New-years night, sonday.

“The Elder Brother, on thursday the 5 Janua.

“The Kinge and no Kinge, on tusday ye 10 Janu.

“The Royal Slave, on thursday the 12 of Janu. —Oxford play, written by Cartwright. The king gave him forty pounds.

“Rollo, the 24 Janu.

“Julius Cæsar, at St. James, the 31 Janu. 1636.

“Cupides Revenge, at St. James, by Beeston's boyes, the 7 Febru.

“A Wife for a Monthe, by the K. players, at St. James, the 9 Febru.

“Wit without Money, by the B. boyes at St. James, the 14 Feb.

“The Governor, by the K. players, at St. James, the 17 Febru. 1636.

“Philaster, by the K. players, at St. James, shrovtusday, the 21 Febru. 1636.

“On thursday morning the 23 of February the bill of the plague made the number at forty foure, upon which decrease the king gave the players their liberty, and they began the 24 February 1636. [1637–7.]

“The plague encreasinge, the players laye still untill the 2 of October, when they had leave to play.

-- 240 --

“Mr. Beeston was commanded to make a company of boyes, and began to play at the Cockpitt with them the same day.

“I disposed of Perkins, Sumner, Sherlock and Turner, to Salisbury Court, and joynd them with the best of that company.

“Received of Mr. Lowens for my paines about Messinger's play called The King and the Subject, 2 June, 1638, 1l. 0. 0.

“The name of The King and the Subject is altered, and I allowed the play to bee acted, the reformations most strictly observed, and not otherwise, the 5th of June, 1638.

“At Greenwich the 4 of June, Mr. W. Murray, gave mee power from the king to allowe of the play, and tould me that hee would warrant it.


“Monys? Wee'le rayse supplies what ways we please,
“And force you to subscribe to blanks, in which
“We'le mulct you as wee shall thinke fitt. The Cæsars
“In Rome were wise, acknowledginge no lawes
“But what their swords did ratifye, the wives
“And daughters of the senators bowinge to
“Their wills, as deities,” &c.

“This is a peece taken out of Phillip Messingers play, called The King and the Subject, and entered here for ever to bee remembered by my son and those that cast their eyes on it, in honour of Kinge Charles, my master, who, readinge over the play at Newmarket, set his marke upon the place with his owne hande, and in thes words:

‘This is too insolent, and to bee changed.’

“Note, that the poett makes it the speech of a king, Don Pedro king of Spayne, and spoken to his subjets.

“On thursday the 9 of Aprill, 1640, my Lord Chamberlen bestow'd a play on the Kinge and

-- 241 --

Queene, call'd Cleodora, Queene of Arragon, made by my cozen Abington. It was performd by my lords servants out of his own family, and his charge in the cloathes and sceanes, which were very riche and curious. In the hall at Whitehall.

“The king and queene commended the generall entertaynment, as very well acted, and well set out.

“It was acted the second tyme in the same place before the king and queene.

“At Easter 1640, the Princes company went to the Fortune, and the Fortune company to the Red Bull.

“On Monday the 4 May, 1640, William Beeston was taken by a messenger, and committed to the Marshalsey, by my Lord Chamberlens warant, for playinge a playe without license. The same day the company at the Cockpitt was commanded by my Lord Chamberlens warant to forbeare playinge, for playinge when they were forbidden by mee, and for other disobedience, and laye still monday, tusday, and wensday. On thursday at my Lord Chamberlen's entreaty I gave them their liberty, and upon their petition of submission subscribed by the players, I restored them to their liberty on thursday.

“The play I cald for, and, forbiddinge the playinge of it, keepe the booke, because it had relation to the passages of the K.s journey into the Northe, and was complaynd of by his M.tye to mee, with commande to punishe the offenders.

“On Twelfe Night, 1641, the prince had a play called The Scornful Lady, at the Cockpitt, but the kinge and queene were not there; and it was the only play acted at courte in the whole Christmas.

“[1642. June.] Received of Mr. Kirke, for a new play which I burnte for the ribaldry and offense that was in it, 2l. 0. 0.

“Received of Mr. Kirke for another new play

-- 242 --

called The Irishe Rebellion, the 8 June, 1642, 2l. 0. 0.

“Here ended my allowance of plaies, for the war began in Aug. 1642.”

Sir William D'Avenant, about sixteen months after the death of Ben Jonson, obtained from his Majesty (Dec. 13, 1638,) a grant of an annuity of one hundred pounds per ann. which he enjoyed as poet laureat till his death. In the following year (March 26, 1640,) a patent passed the great seal authorizing him to erect a playhouse, which was then intended to have been built behind The Three Kings Ordinary in Fleet-street: but this scheme was not carried into execution. I find from a Manuscript in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, that after the death of Christopher Beeston, Sir W. D'Avenant was appointed by the Lord Chamberlain, (June 27, 1639,) “Governor of the King and Queens company acting at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, during the lease which Mrs. Elizabeth Beeston, alias Hutcheson, hath or doth hold in the said house:” and I suppose he appointed her son Mr. William Beeston his deputy, for from Sir Henry Herbert's office-book, he appears for a short time to have had the management of that theatre.

In the latter end of the year 1659, some months before the restoration of K. Charles II. the theatres, which had been suppressed during the usurpation, began to revive, and several plays were performed at the Red Bull in St. John's Street, in that and the following year, before the return of the king. In June, 1660, three companies seem to have been formed; that already mentioned; one under Mr. William Beeston in Salisbury Court, and one at the Cockpit in Drury Lane under Mr. Rhodes, who had been wardrobe-keeper at the theatre in Blackfriars before the breaking out of the Civil Wars. Sir

-- 243 --

Henry Herbert, who still retained his office of Master of the Revels, endeavoured to obtain from these companies the same emoluments which he had formerly derived from the exhibition of plays; but after a long struggle, and after having brought several actions at law against Sir William D'Avenant, Mr. Betterton, Mr. Mohun, and others, he was obliged to relinquish his claims, and his office ceased to be attended with either authority or profit. It received its death wound from a grant from King Charles II. under the privy signet, August 21, 1660, authorizing Mr. Thomas Killigrew, one of the grooms of his majesty's bedchamber, and Sir William D'Avenant, to erect two new playhouses and two new companies, of which they were to have the regulation; and prohibiting any other theatrical representation in London, Westminster, or the suburbs, but those exhibited by the said two companies.

Among the papers of Sir Henry Herbert several are preserved relative to his disputed claim, some of which I shall here insert in their order, as containing some curious and hitherto unknown particulars relative to the stage at this time, and also as illustrative of its history at a precedent period.

I.

“For Mr. William Beeston,

“Whereas the allowance of plays, the ordering of players and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses, hath, time out of minde whereof the memory of man is not to the contrary, belonged to the Master of his Ma.ties office of the Revells; And whereas Mr. William Beeston hath desired authority and lycence from mee to continue the house called Salisbury Court playhouse in a playhouse, which was

-- 244 --

formerly built and erected into a playhouse by the permission and lycence of the Master of the Revells.

“These are therefore by virtue of a grand under the great seal of England, and of the constant practe thereof, to continue and constitute the said house called Salisbury Court playhouse into a playhouse, and to authorize and lycence the said Mr. Beeston to sett, lett, or use it for a playhouse, wherein comedies, tragedies, tragicomedies, pastoralls, and interludes, may be acted. Provided that noe persons be admitted to act in the said playhouse but such as shall be allowed by the Master of his Ma.ties office of the Revells. Given under my hand and seale of the office of the Revells, this &lblank;”

[This paper appears to be only a copy, and is not dated nor signed: ending as above. I believe, it was written in June, 1660.]

II.

“To the kings most excellent Majesty.

“The humble Petition of John Rogers,

“Most humbly sheweth,

“That your petitioner at the beginning of the late calamitys lost thereby his whole estate, and during the warr susteyned much detriment and imprisonment, and lost his limbs or the use thereof; who served his Excellency the now Lord General, both in England and Scotland, and performed good and faithfull service; in consideration whereof and by being so much decreapitt as not to act any more in the wars, his Excellency was favourably pleased, for your petitioners future subsistance without being further burthensome to this kingdom, or to your Majesty for a pension, to grant him a tolleration to erect a playhouse or to have a share out of them already tollerated,

-- 245 --

your petitioner thereby undertaking to suppress all riots, tumults, or molestations that may thereby arise. And for that the said graunt remains imperfect unless corroborated by your majesty.

“He therefore humbly implores your most sacred Majesty, in tender compassion, out of your kingly clemency to confirm unto him a share out of the profitts of the said playhouses, or such allowance by them to be given as formerly they used to allow to persons for to keep the peace of the same, that he may with his wife and family be thereby preserved and relieved in his maimed aged years; and he shall daily pray.”

“At the Court at Whitehall, the 7th of August, 1660.

“His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer this petition to Sir Henry Herbert, Master of his Majesties Revells, to take such Order therein, as shall be agreeable to equity, without further troubling his majesty.

“(A true Copye.) J. Hollis.”

“August 20, 1660. From the office of the Revells.

“In obedience to his M.ties command I have taken the matter of the Petitioners request into consideration, and doe thereupon conceive it very reasonable that the petitioner should have the same allowance weekly from you and every of you, for himselfe and his men6 note, for guarding your playhouse from all molestations and injuries, which you formerly did or doe

-- 246 --

allow or pay to other persons for the same or such like services; and that it be duely and truely paid him without denial. And the rather for that the Kings most excellent Ma.tie upon the Lord General Monks recommendation, and the consideration of the Petitioners losses and sufferings, hath thought fitt to commisserate the Petitioner John Rogers his said condition, and to refer unto me the relief of the said petitioner. Given at his Ma.ties office of the Revells, under my hand and the seale of the said office, the twentieth day of August, in the twelve yeare of his Ma.ties raigne.

“To the Actors of the playhouses called the Red Bull, Cockpit, and theatre in Salisbury Court, and to every of them, in and about the citties of London and Westminster.

III.

“To the kings most excellent Majestie.

“The humble petition of Sir Henry Herbert, Knight, Master of your Majesties office of the Revels.

“Sheweth,

“That whereas your Petitioner by vertue of severall Grants under the great seale of England hath executed the said office as Master of the Revells, for about 40 yeares, in the times of King James, and of King Charles, both of blessed memory, with exception only to the time of the late horrid rebellion.

“And whereas the ordering of playes and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses are peculiar branches of the said office, and in

-- 247 --

the constant practice thereof by your petitioners predecessors in the said office and himselfe, with exception only as before excepted, and authorized by grante under the said greate seale of England; and that no person or persons have erected any playhouses, or raysed any company of players, without licence from your petitioners said predecessors or from your petitioner, but Sir William D'Avenant, Knight, who obtained leave of Oliver and Richard Cromwell to vent his operas, at a time when your petitioner owned not their authority.

“And whereas your Majesty hath lately signified your pleasure by warrant to Sir Jeffery Palmer, Knight and Bar. your Majesties Attorney General, for the drawing of a grante for your Majesties signature to pass the greate seale, thereby to enable and empower Mr. Thomas Killegrew and the said Sir William D'Avenant to erect two new playhouses in London, Westminster, or the subburbs thereof, and to make choice of two companies of players, to bee under their sole regulation, and that noe other players shall be authorized to play in London, Westminster, or the subburbs thereof but such as the said Mr. Killegrew and Sir William D'Avenant shall allow of.

“And whereas your petitioner hath been represented to your Ma.ty as a person consenting unto the said powers expressed in the said warrant. Your petitioner utterly denies the least consent or fore-knowledge thereof, but looks upon it as an unjust surprize, and destructive to the power granted under the said greate seale to your petitioner, and to the constant practice of the said office, and exercised in the office ever since players were admitted by authority to act playes, and cannot legally be done as your petitioner is advised; and it may be of very ill consequence, as your petitioner is advised, by a new grante

-- 248 --

to take away and cut of a branch of your ancient powers, granted to the said office under the great seale.

“Your petitioner therefore humbly praies that your Ma.ty would be justly as graciously pleased to revoke the said warrant from your Ma.ties said Attorney Generall, or to refer the premises to the consideration of your Ma.ties said Attorney Generall to certify your Ma.ty of the truth of them, and his judgement on the whole matters in question betwixt the said Mr. Killegrew, Sir William D'Avenant, and your petitioner, in relation to the legality and consequence of their demands and your petitioners rights.

And your petitioner shall ever pray.”

“At the Court at Whitehall, 4 August, 1660.

“His Ma.tie is pleased to refer this petition to Sir Jeffery Palmer, Knight and Baronet, his Ma.ties Attorney Generall; who haveing called before him all persons concerned, and examined the petitioners right, is to certify what he finds to be the true state of the matters in difference, together with his opinion thereupon. And then his Ma.tie will declare his further pleasure. Edw. Nicholas.”

“May it please your most excellent M.ty

“Although I have heard the parties concerned in this petition severally and apart, yet in respect Mr. Killigrew and Sir William D'Avenant, having notice of a time appointed to heare all parties together did not come, I have forborne to proceed further; having also received an intimation, by letter from Sir William D'Avenant, that I was freed from further hearing this matter.

“14 Sept. 1660. J. Palmer.”

-- 249 --

IV.

“From Mr. Mosely concerning the playes, &c. August 30, 16607 note.

“Sir,

“I have beene very much solicited by the gentlemen actors of the Red Bull for a note under my hand to certifie unto your worshp. what agreement I had made with Mr. Rhodes of the Cockpitt playhouse. Truly, Sir, I am so farr from any agreement with him, that I never so much as treated with him, nor with any from him, neither did I ever consent directly or indirectly, that hee or any others should act any playes that doe belong to mee, without my knowledge and consent had and procured. And the same also I doe certify concerning the Whitefryers playhouse8 note and players.

“Sir, this is all I have to trouble you withall att present, and therefore I shall take the boldnesse to remaine, Your Worshs. most humble Servant,
“Humphrey Mosely.
“August 30. 609 note.”

V. On the 21st of August, 1660, the following grant, against which Sir Henry Herbert had petitioned to be heard, passed the privy signet:

“Charles the Second by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the fayth, &c. to all to whome these presents shall

-- 250 --

come greeting. Whereas wee are given to understand that certain persons in and about our citty of London, or the suburbs thereof, doe frequently assemble for the performing and acting of playes and enterludes for rewards, to which divers of our subjects doe for their entertainment resort; which said playes, as we are informed, doe containe much matter of prophanation, and scurrility, soe that such kind of entertainments, which, if well managed, might serve as morall instructions in humane life, as the same are now used, doe for the most part tende to the debauchinge of the manners of such as are present at them, and are very scandalous and offensive to all pious and well disposed persons. We, takeing the premisses into our princely consideration, yett not holding it necessary totally to suppresse the use of theaters, because wee are assured, that, if the evill and scandall in the playes that now are or haue bin acted were taken away, the same might serue as innocent and harmlesse diuertisement for many of our subjects; and haueing experience of the art and skill of our trusty and well beloued Thomas Killegrew, esq. one of the Groomes of our Bedchamber, and of Sir William Dauenant, knight, for the purposes hereafter mentioned, doe hereby giue and grante vnto the said Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Dauenant full power and authority to erect two companies of players, consistinge respectively of such persons as they shall chuse and appoint, and to purchase, builde and erect, or hire at their charge, as they shall thinke fitt, two houses or theatres, with all convenient roomes and other necessaries thereunto appertaining for the representation of tragydies, comedyes, playes, operas, and all other entertainments of that nature, in convenient places: and likewise to settle and establish such payments to be paid by those that shall resort to see the said representations performed, as either

-- 251 --

haue bin accustomely giuen and taken in the like kind, or as shall be reasonable in regard of the great expences of scenes, musick and such new decorations as haue not been formerly used; with further power to make such allowances out of that which they shall so receiue, to the actors, and other persons employed in the said representations in both houses respectively, as they shall think fitt: the said companies to be under the gouernement and authority of them the said Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Dauenant. And in regard of the extraordinary licentiousness that hath been lately used in things of this nature, our pleasure is that there shall be noe more places of representations, nor companies of actors of playes, or operas by recitative, musick, or representations by danceing and scenes, or any other entertainments on the stage, in our citties of London and Westminster, or in the liberties of them, then the two to be now erected by vertue of this authority. Nevertheless wee doe hereby by our authority royal strictly enjoine the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant that they doe not at any time hereafter cause to be acted or represented any play, enterlude, or opera, containing any matter of prophanation, scurrility or obscenity: And wee doe further hereby authorize and command them the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant to peruse all playes that haue been formerly written, and to expunge all prophanesse and scurrility from the same, before they be represented or acted. And this our grante and authority made to the said Thomas Killegrew and Sir William Dauenant, shall be effectuall and remaine in full force and vertue, notwithstanding any former order or direction by us given, for the suppressing of playhouses and playes, or any other entertainments of the stage. Given, &c. August 21, 1660.”

-- 252 --

VI.

The following paper is indorsed by Sir Henry Herbert:

“Warrant sent to Rhodes, and brought backe by him the 10 of Octob. 60, with this answer— That the Kinge did authorize him.

“Whereas by vertue of a grante under the great seale of England, playes, players and playmakers, and the permission for erecting of playhouses, have been allowed, ordered and permitted by the Masters of his Ma.ties office of the Revells, my predecessors successively, time out of minde, whereof the memory of man is not to the contrary, and by mee for almost forty yeares, with exception only to the late times:

“These are therefore in his Ma.ties name to require you to attend mee concerning your playhouse called the Cockpitt playhouse in Drury Lane, and to bring with you such authority as you have for erecting of the said house into a playhouse, at your perill. Given at his Ma.ties office of the Revells the 8th day of Octob. 1660. Henry Herbert.
“To Mr. John Rodes at the Cockpitt
playhouse in Drury Lane.”

VII.

Copy of the Warrant sent to the actors at the Cockpitt in Drury Lane by Tom Browne, the 13 Octob. 60.

“Whereas severall complaints have been made against you to the Kings most excellent Majesty by

-- 253 --

Mr. Killegrew and Sir William D'Avenant, concerning the unusuall and unreasonable rates taken at your playhouse doores, of the respective persons of quality that desire to refresh or improve themselves by the sight of your morrall entertainments which were constituted for profitt and delight. And the said complaints made use of by the said Mr. Killegrew and Sir William Davenant as part of their suggestions for their pretended power, and for your late restrainte.

“And whereas complaints have been made thereof formerly to mee, wherewith you were acquainted, as innovations and exactions not allowed by mee; and that the like complaints are now made, that you do practice the said exactions in takeing of excessive and unaccustomed rates uppon the restitution of you to your liberty,

“These are therefore in his Ma.ties name to require you and every of you to take from the persons of qualitie and others as daily frequent your playhouse, such usuall and accustomed rates only as were formerly taken at the Blackfryers by the late company of actors there, and noe more nor otherwise, for every new or old play that shall be allowed you by the Master of the Revells to be acted in the said playhouse or any other playhouse. And you are hereby further required to bringe or sende to me all such old plaies as you doe intend to act at your said playhouse, that they may be reformed of prophanes and ribaldry, at your perill. Given at the office of the Revells1 note. Henry Herbert.
“To Mr. Michael Mohun,
and the rest of the actors
of the Cockpitt playhouse
in Drury Lane. The 13th
of October, 1660.”

-- 254 --

VIII.

“To the Kings most excellent Majestie.

“The humble Petition of Michael Mohun, Robert Shatterell, Charles Hart, Nich. Burt, Wm. Cartwright, Walter Clun, and William Wintersell.

“Humbly sheweth,

“That your Majesties humble petitioners, having been supprest by a warrant from your Majestie, Sir Henry Herbert informed us it was Mr. Killegrew had caused it, and if wee would give him soe much a weeke, he would protect them against Mr. Killegrew and all powers. The complaint against us was, scandalous plays, raising the price, and acknowledging noe authority; all which ended in soe much per weeke to him; for which wee had leave to play and promise of his protection: the which your Majesty knows he was not able to performe, since Mr. Killegrew, having your Majesties former grante, supprest us, until wee had by covenant obliged ourselves to act with woemen, a new theatre, and habitts according to our sceanes. And according to your Majesties approbation, from all the companies we made election of one company; and so farre Sir Henry Herbert hath bene from protecting us, that he hath been a continual disturbance unto us, who were [united] by your Majesties commande under Mr. Killegrew as Master of your Majesties Comedians; and we have annext unto our petition the date of the warrant by which wee were supprest, and for a protection against that warrant he forced from us soe much a weeke. And if your majestie be graciously pleased to cast your eye upon the date of the warrant hereto annext, your majestie shall find the date to our contract succeeded; wherein he hath broke the covenants, and not your

-- 255 --

petitioners, haveing abused your majestie in giveing an ill character of your petitioners, only to force a sum from their poor endeavours; who never did nor shall refuse him all the reseits and just profitts that belong to his place; hee having now obtained leave to arrest us, only to give trouble and vexation to your petitioners, hopeing by that meanes to force a summe of money illegally from us.

“The premises considered, your petitioners humbly beseech your majestie to be gratiously pleased to signify your royal pleasure to the Lord Chamberlaine, that your petitioners may not bee molested in their calling. And your petitioners in duty bound shall pray, &c.
Nich. Burt
.
William Wintershall.
Charles Hart.
Robt. Shatterel2 note.”

Mr. Thomas Betterton having been a great admirer of Shakspeare, and having taken the trouble in the beginning of this century, when he was above seventy years of age, of travelling to Stratford-upon-Avon to collect materials for Mr. Rowe's life of our author, is entitled to particular notice from an editor of his works. Very inaccurate accounts of this actor have been given in the Biographia Britannica and several other books. It is observable, that biographical writers often give the world long dissertations concerning facts and dates, when the fact contested might at once be ascertained by visiting a neighbouring parish-church: and this has been particularly the case of Mr. Betterton. He was the son of Matthew

-- 256 --

Betterton (under-cook to King Charles the First,) and was baptized, as I learn from the register of St. Margaret's parish, August 11, 1635. He could not have appeared on the stage in 1656, as has been asserted, no theatre being then allowed. His first appearance was at the Cockpit, in Drury Lane, in Mr. Rhodes's company, who played there by a licence in the year 1659, when Betterton was twenty-four years of age. He married Mrs. Mary Saunderson, an actress, who had been bred by Sir William D'Avenant, some time in the year 1663, as appears by the Dramatis Personæ of The Slighted Maid, printed in that year3 note

. From a paper now before me, which Sir Henry Herbert has entitled a Breviat of matters to be proved on the trial of an action brought by him against Mr. Betterton in 1662, I find that he continued to act at the Cockpit till November, 1660, when he and several other performers entered into articles with Sir William D'Avenant; in consequence of which they began in that month to play at the theatre in Salisbury Court, from whence after some time, I believe, they returned to the Cockpit, and afterwards removed to a new theatre in Portugal Row near Lincoln's Inn Fields. These Articles were as follows:

-- 257 --

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT tripartite, indented, made, and agreed upon this fifth day of November, in the twelfth yeere of the reigne of our sovereigne Lord king Charles the Second, Annoque Domini 1660, between Sir Wm. Davenant of London, Kt. of the first part, and Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, of the second part; and Henry Harris, of the citty of London, painter, of the third part, as followeth.

Imprimis, the said Sir William Davenant doth for himself, his executors, administrators and assigns, covenant, promise, grant, and agree, to and with the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Mosely, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, that he the said Sir William Davenant by vertue of the authority to him derived for that purpose does hereby constitute, ordeine and erect them the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, and their associates, to bee a company, publiquely to act all manner of tragedies, comedies, and playes whatsoever, in any theatre or playhouse erected in London or Westminster or the suburbs thereof, and to take the usual rates for the same, to the uses hereafter exprest, untill the said Sir William Davenant shall provide a newe theatre with scenes.

Item, It is agreed by and between all the said parties to these presents, that the said company, (untill the said theatre bee provided by the said Sir William Davenant) bee authorized by him to act tragedies, comedies, and playes in the playhouse called Salisbury Court playhouse, or any other house, upon the conditions only hereafter following, vizt.

-- 258 --

That the generall receipte of money of the said playhouse shall (after the house-rent, hirelings4 note, and all other accustomary and necessary expences in that kind be defrayed) bee divided into fowerteene proportions or shares, whereof the said Sir William Davenant shall have foure full proportions or shares to his owne use, and the rest to the use of the said companie.

That duringe the time of playing in the said playhouse, (untill the aforesaid theatre bee provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant,) the said Sir Wm. Davenant shall depute the said Thomas Batterton, James Noakes, and Thomas Sheppey, or any one of them particularly, for him and on his behalfe, to receive his proportion of those shares, and to surveye the accompte conduceinge thereunto, and to pay the said proportion every night to him the said Sir Wm. Davenant or his assignes, which they doe hereby covenant to pay accordingly.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, and the rest of the said company shall admit such a consort of musiciens into the said playhouse for their necessary use, as the said Sir William shall nominate and provide, duringe their playinge in the said playhouse, not exceedinge the rate of 30s. the day, to bee defrayed out of the general expences of the house before the said fowerteene shares bee devided.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, and the rest of the said companie soe authorized to play in the playhouse in Salisbury Court or elsewhere, as aforesaid, shall at one weeks warninge given by the said Sir William Davenant, his heires or assignes, dissolve and conclude their playeing at the house and place aforesaid, or at any other house where they shall

-- 259 --

play, and shall remove and joyne with the said Henry Harris, and with other men and women provided or to be provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, to performe such tragedies, comedies, playes, and representations in that theatre to be provided by him the said Sir William as aforesaid.

Item, It is agreed by and betweene all the said parties to these presents in manner and form followinge, vizt. That when the said companie, together with the said Henry Harris, are joyned with the men and women to be provided by the said Sir William D'Avenant to act and performe in the said theatre to bee provided by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, that the generall receipte of the said theatre (the generall expence first beinge deducted) shall bee devided into fifteene shares or proportions, whereof two shares or proportions shall bee paid to the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assigns, towards the house-rent, buildinge, scaffoldinge, and makeing of frames for scenes, and one other share or proportion shall likewise bee paid to the said Sir William, his executors, administrators and assignes, for provision of habitts, properties, and scenes, for a supplement of the said theatre.

That the other twelve shares (after all expences of men hirelinges and other customary expences deducted) shall bee devided into seaven and five shares or proportions, whereof the said Sir Wm. D'Avenant, his executors, administrators, or assigns, shall have seaven shares or proportions, to mainteine all the women that are to performe or represent womens parts in the aforesaid tragedies, comedies, playes, or representations; and in consideration of erectinge and establishinge them to bee a companie, and his the said Sir Wms. paines and expences to that purpose for many yeeres. And the other five of the said shares or proportions is to bee devided amongst the rest of

-- 260 --

the persons [parties] to theis presents, whereof the said Henry Harris is to have an equal share with the greatest proportion in the said five shares or proportions.

That the general receipte of the said theatre (from and after such time as the said Companie have performed their playeinge in Salisbury Court, or in any other playhouse, according to and noe longer than the tyme allowed by him the said William as aforesaid) shall bee by ballatine, or tickets sealed for all doores and boxes.

That Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators or assignes, shall at the general chardge of the whole receipte provide three persons to receive money for the said tickets, in a roome adjoyning to the said theatre; and that the actors in the said theatre, nowe parties to these presents, who are concerned in the said five shares or proportions, shall dayly or weekely appoint two or three of themselves, or the men hirelings deputed by them, to sit with the aforesaid three persons appointed by the said Sir William, that they may survey or give an accompt of the money received for the said tickets: That the said seaven shares shall be paid nightly by the said three persons by the said Sir Wm. deputed, or by anie of them, to him the said Sir Wm. his executors, administrators, or assignes.

That the said Sir William Davenant shall appoint half the number of the door-keepers necessary for the receipt of the said tickets for doores and boxes, the wardrobe-keeper, barber, and all other necessary persons as hee the said Sir Wm. shall think fitt, and their sallary to bee defrayed at the publique chardge.

That when any sharer amongst the actors of the aforesaid shares, and parties to these presents shall dye, that then the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators or assignes, shall have the denomination and appointment of the successor and successors.

-- 261 --

And likewise that the wages of the men hirelings shall be appointed and established by the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assignes.

That the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, shall not bee obliged out of the shares or proportions allowed to him for the supplyeinge of cloathes, habitts, and scenes, to provide eyther hatts, feathers, gloves, ribbons, sworde-belts, bands, stockings, or shoes, for any of the men actors aforesaid, unless it be a propertie.

That a private boxe bee provided and established for the use of Thomas Killigrew, Esq. one of the groomes of his Ma.ties bedchamber, sufficient to conteine sixe persons, into which the said Mr. Killigrew, and such as he shall appoint, shall have liberty to enter without any sallary or pay for their entrance into such a place of the said theatre as the said Sir Wm. Davenant, his heires, executors, administrators, or assignes shall appoint.

That the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Moseley, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner, and Thomas Lilleston, doe hereby for themselves covenant, promise, grant and agree, to and with the said Sir W. D. his executors, administrators, and assignes, by these presents, that they and every of them shall become bound to the said Sir Wm. Davenant, in a bond of 5000l. conditioned for the performance of these presents. And that every successor to any part of the said five shares or proportions shall enter into the like bonds before he or they shall bee admitted to share anie part or proportion of the said shares or proportions.

And the said Henry Harris doth hereby for himself, his executors, administrators, and assignes, covenant, promise, grant and agree, to and with the said Sir

-- 262 --

Wm. Davenant, his executors, administrators, and assignes, by these presents, that hee the said Henry Harris shall within one weeke after the notice given by Sir Wm. Davenant for the concludinge of the playeinge at Salisbury Court or any other house else abovesaid, become bound to the said Sir Wm. Davenant in a bond of 5000l. conditioned for the performance of these [presents]. And that every successor to any of the said five shares shall enter into the like bond, before hee or they shall bee admitted to have any part or proportion in the said five shares.

Item, it is mutually agreed by and betweene all the parties to these presents, that the said Sir William Davenant alone shall bee Master and Superior, and shall from time to time have the sole government of the said Thomas Batterton, Thomas Sheppey, Robert Noakes, James Noakes, Thomas Lovell, John Mosely, Cave Underhill, Robert Turner and Thomas Lilleston, and also of the said Henry Harris, and their associates, in relation to the playes [play-house] by these presents agreed to bee erected.

On the 15th of Nov. 1660, Sir William D'Avenant's company began to act under these articles at the theatre in Salisbury-court, at which house or at the Cockpit they continued to play till March or April, 1662. In October, 1660, Sir Henry Herbert had brought an action on the case against Mr. Mohun and several others of Killigrew's company, which was tried in December, 1661, for representing plays without being licensed by him, and obtained a verdict against them, as appears from a paper which I shall insert in its proper place. Encouraged by his success in that suit, soon after D'Avenant's company opened their new theatre in Portugal Row, he brought a similar

-- 263 --

action (May 6, 1662,) against Mr. Betterton, of which I know not the event5 note

. In the declaration, now before me, it is stated that D'Avenant's company, between the 15th of November 1660, and the 6th of May 1662, produced ten new plays and 100 revived plays; but the latter number being the usual style of declarations at law, may have been inserted without a strict regard to the fact.

Sir Henry Herbert likewise brought two actions on the same ground against Sir William D'Avenant, in one of which he failed, and in the other was successful. To put an end to the contest, Sir William in June 1662 besought the king to interfere.

“To the Kings most Sacred Majesty.

“The humble petition of Sir William Davenant, Knight,

“Sheweth,

“That your petitioner has bin molested by Sir Henry Harbert with several prosecutions at law.

“That those prosecutions have not proceeded by your petitioners default of not paying the said Henry

-- 264 --

Harbert his pretended fees, (he never having sent for any to your petitioner,) but because your petitioner hath publiquely presented plaies; notwithstanding he is authoriz'd thereunto by pattent from your Majesties most royall Father, and by several warrants under your Majesties royal hand and signet.

“That your petitioner (to prevent being outlaw'd) has bin inforc'd to answer him in two tryals at law, in one of which, at Westminster, your petitioner hath had a verdict against him, where it was declar'd that he hath no jurisdiction over any plaiers, nor any right to demand fees of them. In the other, (by a Londen jury,) the Master of Revels was allowed the correction of plaies, and fees for soe doing; but not to give plaiers any licence or authoritie to play, it being prov'd that no plaiers were ever authoriz'd in London or Westminster, to play by the commission of ye Master of Revels, but by authoritie immediately from the crown. Neither was the proportion of fees then determin'd, or made certaine; because severall witnesses affirm'd that variety of payments had bin made; sometimes of a noble, sometimes of twenty, and afterwards of forty shillings, for correcting a new play; and that it was the custome to pay nothing for supervising reviv'd plaies.

“That without any authoritie given him by that last verdict, he sent the day after the tryall a prohibition under his hand and seale (directed to the plaiers in Little Lincolnes Inn fields) to forbid them to act plaies any more.

“Therefore your petitioner humbly praies that your Majesty will graciously please (two verdicts having pass'd at common law contradicting each other) to referr the case to the examination of such honourable persons as may satisfy your Majesty of the just authoritie of the Master of Revells, that so his

-- 265 --

fees, (if any be due to him) may be made certaine, to prevent extorsion; and time prescribed how long he shall keep plaies in his hands, in pretence of correcting them; and whether he can demand fees for reviv'd plaies; and lastly, how long plaies may be lay'd asyde, ere he shall judge them to be reviv'd.

“And your petitioner (as in duty bound) shall ever pray,” &c.

“At the Court at Hampton Court, the 30th of June, 1663.

“His Majesty, being graciously inclin'd to have a just and friendly agreement made betweene the petitioner and the said Sir Henry Harbert, is pleas'd to referr this petition to the right honorable the Lord high Chancellor of England, and the Lord Chamberlaine, who are to call before them, as well the petitioner, as the said Sir Henry Harbert, and upon hearing and examining their differences, are to make a faire and amicable accommodation between them, if it may be, or otherwise to certify his Majesty the true state of this business, together with their Lord.ps opinions.

Edward Nicholas.

“Wee appoint Wednesday morning next before tenn of the clock to heare this businesse, of which Sir Henry Harbert and the other parties concern'd are to have notice, my Lord Chamberlaine having agreed to that hour.

“July 7, 1662.

Clarendone.”

On the reference to the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chamberlain, Sir Henry Herbert presented the following statement of his claims:

-- 266 --

“To the R.t Honn.rble Edward Earle of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of England, and Edward Earle of Manchester, Lord Chamberlain of his M.ties Household.

“In obedience to your lordships commandes signifyed unto mee on the ninth of this instant July, do make a remembrance of the fees, profittes, and incidents, belongeinge to ye office of the Reuells. They are as followeth:


£. s. d. “For a new play, to bee brought with the booke 002 00 00 “For an old play, to be brought with the booke 001 00 00 “For Christmasse fee 003 00 00 “For Lent fee 003 00 00 “The profittes of a summers day play at the Blackfryers, valued at 050 00 00 “The profitts of a winters day6 note, at Blackfryers 050 00 00 “Besides seuerall occasionall gratuityes from the late Ks. company at B. fryers. “For a share from each company of four companyes of players (besides the Kinges Company) valued at a 100l. a yeare, one yeare with another, besides the usuall fees, by the yeare 400 00 00

-- 267 --

“That the Kinges Company of players couenanted the 11th of August, 60, to pay Sir Henry Herbert per week, from that tyme, aboue the usual fees 004 00 00 “That Mr. William Beeston couenanted to pay weekly to Sir Henry Herbert the summe of 004 00 00 “That Mr. Rhodes promised the like per weeke 004 00 00

“That the 12l. per weeke from the three forenamed companyes hath been totally deteyned from Sir Henry Herbert since the said 11th Aug. 60, by illegal and unjust means; and all usual fees, and obedience due to the office of the Revells.

“That Mr. Thomas Killigrew drawes 19l. 6s. per week from the Kinges Company, as credibly informed.

“That Sir William Dauenant drawes 10 shares of 15 shares, which is valued at 200l. per week, cleer profitt, one week with another, as credibly informed.

“Allowance for charges of suites at law, for that Sir Henry Herbert is unjustly putt out of possession and profittes, and could not obtaine an appearance gratis.

“Allowance for damages susteyned in creditt and profittes for about two yeares since his Ma.ties happy Restauration.

“Allowance for their New Theatre to bee used as a playhouse.

“Allowance for new and old playes acted by Sir William Dauenantes pretended company of players at Salisbury Court, the Cockpitt, and now at Portugall Rowe, from the 5th Novemb. 60. the tyme

-- 268 --

of their first conjunction with Sir William Dauenant.

“Allowance for the fees at Christmasse and at Lent from the said tyme.

“A boxe for the Master of the Reuells and his company, gratis;—as accustomed.

“A submission to the authority of the Revells for the future,and that noe playes, new or old, bee acted, till they are allowed by the Master of the Reuells.

“That rehearsall of plays to be acted at court, be made, as hath been accustomed, before the Master of the Reuells, or allowance for them.

“Wherefore it is humbly pray'd, that delay being the said Dauenants best plea, whch he hath exercised by illegal actinges for almost two yeares, he may noe longer keep Sir Henry Herbert out of possession of his rightes; but that your Lordshippes would speedily assert the rights due to the Master of the Reuells, and ascertaine his fees and damages, and order obedience and payment accordingly. And in case of disobedience by the said Dauenant and his pretended company of players, that Sir Henry Herbert may bee at liberty to pursue his course at law, in confidence that he shall have the benefitt of his Ma.tys justice, as of your Lordshippes fauour and promises in satisfaction, or liberty to proceed at law. And it may bee of ill consequence that Sir Henry Herbert, dating for 45 yeares meniall service to the Royal Family, and hauing purchased Sir John Ashley's interest in the said office, and obtained of the late Kings bounty a grante under the greate seale of England for two liues, should have noe other compensation for his many yeares faithfull services, and constant adherence to his Ma.tys interest, accompanyed with his great sufferinges and losses, then to bee outed of his just

-- 269 --

possession, rightes and profittes, by Sir William Dauenant, a person who exercised the office of Master of the Reuells to Oliuer the Tyrant, and wrote the First and Second Parte of Peru, acted at the Cockpitt, in Oliuers tyme, and soly in his fauour; wherein hee sett of the justice of Oliuers actinges, by comparison with the Spaniards, and endeavoured thereby to make Oliuers crueltyes appeare mercyes, in respect of the Spanish crueltyes; but the mercyes of the wicked are cruell.

“That the said Dauenant published a poem in vindication and justification of Oliuers actions and government, and an Epithalamium in praise of Olivers daughter Ms. Rich;—as credibly informed7 note.

“The matters of difference betweene Mr. Thomas Killegrew and Sir Henry Herbert are upon accommodation.

“My Lordes,

“Your Lordshippes very humble Servant,

“July 11th 62. Cary-house.

Henry Herbert.”

Another paper now before me will explain what is meant by Sir Henry Herbert's concluding words:

“ARTICLES of agreement, indented, made and agreed upon, this fourthe day of June, in the 14 yeare of the reigne of our souveraigne lord Kinge Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1662, betweene Sir Henry Herbert of Ribsford in the county of Worcester, knight, of the one part, and Thomas Killegrew of Couent Garden, Esq. on the other parte, as followethe:

“Imprimis, It is agreed, that a firme amity be

-- 270 --

concluded for life betweene the said Sir Henry Herbert and the said Thomas Killegrew.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grant, and agree, to paye or cause to be pay'd unto Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, on or before the fourthe day of August next, all monies due to the said Sir Henry Herbert from the Kinge and Queens company of players, called Mychaell Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, Charles Hart, and the rest of that company, for the new plaies at fortie shillings a play, and for the old reuiued plaies at twentie shillings a play, they the said players haue acted since the eleuenthe of August, in the yeare of our Lord, 1660.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, to paye or cause to be pay'd unto the said Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, on or before the fourthe day of August next, such monies as are due to him for damages and losses obteyned at law ag.t Michaell Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, and Charles Hart, upon an action of the case brought by the said Sir Henry Herbert in the courte of Comon Pleas agt. ye said Mychael Mohun, William Wintershall, Robert Shaterell, William Cartwright, Nicholas Burt, Walter Clunn, and Charles Hart, wherupon a verdict hath been obtayned as aforesaid ag.t them. And likewise doe promise and agree that the costes and charges of suite upon another action of the case brought by the said Sir Henry Herbert, agt the said Mychael Mohun & ye rest of ye players aboue named, shall be also payd to the said Sir Henry Herbert or to his assignes, on or before the said fourthe day of August next.

“Item, The said Thomas Killegrew doth for himselfe

-- 271 --

couenant, promise, grante, and agree, that the said Michaell Mohun and the rest of the Kinge and Queenes company of players shall, on or before the said fourthe day of August next, paye or cause to be pay'd unto the said Sir Henry Herbert, or to his assignes, the sum of fiftie pounds, as a present from them, for his damages susteyned from them and by their means.

“Item, That the said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. doth couenant, promise, grante, and agree, to be aydinge and assistinge unto the said Sir Henry Herbert in the due execution of the Office of the Reuells, and neither directly nor indirectly to ayde or assiste Sir William Dauenant, Knight, or any of his pretended company of players, or any other company of players whatsoever, in the due execution of the said office as aforesaide, soe as ye ayd soe to bee required of ye said Thomas Killegrew extend not to ye silencing or oppression of ye said King and Queenes company.

“And the said Sir Henry Herbert doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, not to molest ye said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. or his heirs, in any suite at lawe or otherwise, to the prejudice of the grante made unto him by his Ma.tie, or to disturbe the receiuinge of ye profits arysing by contract from the Kinge and Queens company of players to him, but to ayde and assiste the said Thomas Killegrew, in the due execution of the legall powers granted unto him by his Ma.te for the orderinge of the said company of players, and in the levyinge and receiuinge of ye monies due to him the said Thomas Killegrew, or which shall be due to him from ye saide company of players by any contract made or to be made between them or amongst the same; and neither directly nor indirectly to hinder the payment of ye said monies to be made weekly or otherwise by ye said company of players to ye said Thomas Killegrew, Esq. or to his assignes, but to be ayding and assistinge to the said

-- 272 --

Thomas Killegrew, Esq. and his assignes therein, if there be cause for it, and that the said Thomas Killegrew desire it of ye said Sir Henry Herbert.

“And the said Sir Henry Herbert doth for himselfe couenant, promise, grante, and agree, upon the performance of the matters which are herein contayned, and to be performed by the said Thomas Killegrew, accordinge to the daies of payment, and other things lymited and expressed in these articles, to deliver into the hands of ye said Thomas Killegrew the deede of couenants, sealed and delivered by the said Mychaell Mohun and ye others herein named, bearing date the 11 August, 1660; to be cancelled by the said Thomas Killegrew, or kept, as he shall thinke fitt, or to make what further advantage of the same in my name or right as he shall be advised8 note.”

The actors who had performed at the Red Bull, acted under the direction of Mr. Killigrew during the years 1660, 1661, 1662, and part of the year 1663, in Gibbon's tennis-court in Vere Street, near Clare-market; during which time a new theatre was built for them in Drury Lane, to which they removed in April, 1663. The following list of their stock-plays, in which it is observable there are but three of Shakspeare, was found among the papers of Sir Henry Herbert, and was probably furnished by them soon after the Restoration.


“Names of the plays acted by the Red Bull actors. The Humorous Lieutenant. The Traytor. Loves Cruelty. Wit without Money. Maydes Tragedy. Philaster. Rollo Duke of Normandy. Claricilla. Elder Brother. The Silent Woman.

-- 273 --

Beggars Bushe. Tamer Tamed. The Weddinge. Henry the Fourthe. Merry Wives of Windsor. Kinge and no Kinge. Othello. Dumboys1 note. The Unfortunate Lovers. The Widow.

Downes the prompter has given a list of what he calls the principal old stock plays acted by the king's servants (which title the performers under Mr. Killegrew acquired,) between the time of the Restoration and the junction of the two companies in 1682; from which it appears that the only plays of Shakspeare performed by them in that period, were King Henry IV. P. I. The Merry Wives of Windsor, Othello, and Julius Cæsar. Mr. Hart represented Othello, Brutus, and Hotspur; Major Mohun, Iago, and Cassius; and Mr. Cartwright, Falstaff. Such was the lamentable taste of those times that the plays of Fletcher, Jonson and Shirley were much oftener exhibited than those of our author. Of this the following list furnishes a melancholy proof. It appears to have been made by Sir Henry Herbert in order to enable him to ascertain the fees due to him, whenever he should establish his claims, which however he never accomplished. Between the play entitled Argalus and Parthenia, and The Loyal Subject, he has drawn a line; from which, and from other circumstances, I imagine that the plays which I have printed in Italicks were exhibited by the Red Bull actors, who afterwards became the king's servants.

James Boswell [1821], The plays and poems of William Shakspeare, with the corrections and illustrations of various commentators: comprehending A Life of the Poet, and an enlarged history of the stage, by the late Edmond Malone. With a new glossarial index (J. Deighton and Sons, Cambridge) [word count] [S10201].
To look up a word in a dictionary, select the word with your mouse and press 'd' on your keyboard.

Next section

Volume front matter
[unresolved image link] Title page THE PLAYS AND POEMS OF WILLIAM SHAKSPEARE, WITH THE CORRECTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS OF VARIOUS COMMENTATORS: COMPREHENDING A Life of the Poet, AND AN ENLARGED HISTORY OF THE STAGE, BY THE LATE EDMOND MALONE. WITH A NEW GLOSSARIAL INDEX. &grT;&grH;&grST; &grF;&grU;&grS;&grE;&grW;&grST; &grG;&grR;&grA;&grM;&grM;&grA;&grT;&grE;&grU;&grST; &grH;&grN;, &grT;&grO;&grN; &grK;&grA;&grL;&grA;&grM;&grO;&grN; &grA;&grP;&grO;&grB;&grR;&grE;&grX;&grW;&grN; &grE;&grI;&grST; &grN;&grO;&grU;&grN;. Vet. Auct. apud Suidam. VOL. III.
LONDON: “Upon a Stage-play which I saw when I was a Child. “Upon Kempe and his Morice, with his Epitaph.

1660.

-- 274 --

1660.

Monday the 5 Nov. Wit without Money.
Tuesday the 6 Nov. The Traytor.
Wensday the 7 Nov. The Beggars Bushe.
Thursday the 8 Nov. Henry the Fourth. [First play acted at the new theatre.]
Friday the 9 Nov. The Merry Wives of Windsor.
Saturday the 10 Nov. The Sylent Woman.
Tuesday the 13 Nov. Love Lies a Bleedinge.
Thursday the 15 Nov. Loves Cruelty.
Friday the 16 Nov. The Widow.
Saterday the 17 Nov. The Mayds Tragedy.
Monday the 19 Nov. The Unfortunate Lovers.
Tusday the 20 Nov. The Beggars Bushe.
Wensday the 21 Nov. The Scornful Lady.
Thursday the 22 Nov. The Traytor.
Friday the 23 Nov. The Elder Brother.
Saterday the 24 Nov. The Chances.
Monday the 26 Nov. The Opportunity.
Thursday the 29 Nov. The Humorous Lieutenant.
Saterday the 1 Dec. Clarecilla.
Monday the 3 Dec. A Kinge and no Kinge.
Thursday the 6 Dec. Rollo, Duke of Normandy.
Saterday the 8 Dec. The Moore of Venise.
Monday the 9 Jan. The Weddinge.
Saterday the 19 Jan. The Lost Lady.
Thursday the 31 Jan. Argalus and Parthenia.

1661.

-- 275 --

1661.

1662.

1661.

-- 276 --

1661.

1662.

Feb. Loyal Subject.
Feb. Mad Lover.
Feb. The Wild-goose Chase.
March, April, May All's Loste by Luste.
March, April, May The Mayd in the Mill.
March, April, May A Wife for a Monthe.
March, April, May The Bondman.
Decemb. 10 A Dancing Master.
Decemb. 11 Vittoria Corombona.
Decemb. 13 The Country Captaine.
Decemb. 16 The Alchymist.
Decemb. 17 Bartholomew Faire.
Decemb. 20 The Spanish Curate.
Decemb. 23 Tamer Tamed.
Decemb. 28 Aglaura.
Decemb. 30 Bussy D'ambois.
Janu. 6 Merry Devil of Edmonton.
Jan. 10 The Virgin Martyr.
Jan. 11 Philaster.
Jan. 21 Jovial Crew.
Jan. 28 Rule a Wife and have a Wife.
Feb. 15 Kinge and no Kinge.
Feb. 25 The Mayds Tragedy.
Feb. 27 Aglaura; the tragical way.
March 1 Humorous Lieutenant.
March 3 Selindra—a new play.
March 11 The Frenche Dancing Master.
March 15 The Little Theef.
April 4 Northerne Lasse.
April 19 Fathers own Son.
April 25 The Surprisal—a new play.
May 5 Kt. of the Burning Pestle.
May 12 Brenoralt.
May 17 Love in a Maze.
Octob. 26 Loves Mistress.
Octob. 26 Discontented Collonell.
Octob. 26 Love at First Sight.
June 1 Cornelia, a new play.—Sir W. Bartleys.
June 6 Renegado.
July 6 The Brothers.
July 6 The Antipodes.
July 23 The Cardinall.

From another list, which undoubtedly was made by Sir Henry Herbert for the purpose I have mentioned, I learn that Macbeth was revived in 1663 or 1664; I suppose as altered by D'Avenant.


“Nov. 3. 1663. Flora's Figaries. £2 “A pastoral called the Exposure 2 “8 more 16 “A new play 1 “Henry the 5th 2 “Revived play. Taming the Shrew 1 “The Generall 2 “Parsons Wedinge 2 “Revived play. Macbeth 1 “K. Henry 8. Revived play 1 “House to be let 2 “More for plays, whereof Elvira the last 9 “For playes £41.”

Sir William D'Avenant's Company, after having played for some time at the Cockpit in Drury Lane, and at Salisbury Court, removed in March or April, 1662, to a new theatre in Portugal Row, near Lincoln's Inn Fields. Mr. Betterton, his principal actor,

-- 277 --

we are told by Downes, was admired in the part of Pericles, which he frequently performed before the opening of the new theatre; and while this company continued to act in Portugal Row, they represented the following plays of Shakspeare, and it should seem those only: Macbeth and The Tempest, altered by D'Avenant; King Lear, Hamlet, King Henry the Eighth, Romeo and Juliet, and Twelfth-Night. In Hamlet, the Prince of Denmark was represented by Mr. Betterton; the Ghost by Mr. Richards; Horatio, Mr. Harris; the Queen by Mrs. Davenport; and Ophelia by Mrs. Saunderson. In Romeo and Juliet, Romeo was represented by Mr. Harris; Mercutio by Mr. Betterton, and Juliet by Mrs. Saunderson. Mr. Betterton in Twelfth Night performed Sir Toby Belch, and in Henry the Eighth, the King. He was without doubt also the performer of King Lear. Mrs. Saunderson represented Catherine in King Henry the Eighth, and it may be presumed, Cordelia, and Miranda. She also performed Lady Macbeth, and Mr. Betterton, Macbeth.

The theatre which had been erected in Portugal Row, being found too small, Sir William D'Avenant laid the foundation of a new playhouse in Dorset Garden, near Dorset Stairs, which however he did not live to see completed; for he died in May 1668, and it was not opened till 1671. There being strong reason to believe that he was our poet's son, I have been induced by that circumstance to inquire with some degree of minuteness into his history. I have mentioned in a preceding page that the account given of him by Wood in his Athenæ Oxonienses, was taken from Mr. Aubrey's Manuscript. Since that sheet was printed, Mr. Warton has obligingly furnished me with an exact transcript of the article relative to D'Avenant, which as it contains some particulars not noticed by Wood, I shall here subjoin:

-- 278 --

“MS. Aubrey. Mus. Ashmol. Lives. Sir WILLIAM DAVENANT, Knight, Poet-Laureat9 note,

was borne about the end of February in &lblank; street in the city of Oxford, at the Crowne Taverne; baptized 3 of March A. D. 1605–6. His father was John Davenant, a vintner there, a very grave and discreet citizen: his mother was a very beautiful woman, and of a very good witt, and of conversation extremely agreeable. They had 3 sons, viz. Robert, William, and Nicholas: (Robert was a fellow of St. John's Coll. in Oxon, then preferd to the vicarage of Westkington by Bp. Davenant, whose chaplain he was; Nicholas was an attorney:) and 2 handsome daughters; one m. to Gabriel Bradly, B. D. of C. C. C. beneficed in the vale of White Horse; another to Dr. Sherburne, minister of Pembridge in Heref. and a canon of that church. Mr. Wm Shakspeare was wont to goe into Warwickshire once a yeare, and did comonly in his journey lie at this house in Oxon. where he was exceedingly respected. I have heard Parson Robert say, that Mr. William Shakspeare has given him a hundred kisses. Now Sir William would sometimes, when he was pleasant over a glasse of wine with his most intimate friends, (e. g. Sam Butler, author of Hudibras, etc.) say, that it seem'd to him, that he writt with the very spirit that Shakspeare [wrote with], and was1 note contented enough to bee thought his son: he would tell them the story as above. Now by the way, his mother

-- 279 --

had a very light report. In those days she was called a trader2 note. He went to schoole at Oxon. to Mr. Silvester, Charles Wheare, F. [filius] Degorii W., was his schoolfellow: but I feare, he was drawne from schoole, before he was ripe enoughe. He was preferred to the first Dutchess of Richmond, to wayte on her as a page. I remember, he told me, she sent him to a famous apothecary for some unicorne's horne, which he was resolved to try with a spyder, which he empaled3 note in it, but without the expected success: the spider would goe over and through and thorough, unconcerned. He was next a servant (as I remember, a page also) to Sir Fulke Grevil Ld Brookes, with whom he lived to his death; which was, that a servant of his that had long wayted on him, and his lor— [lordship] had often told him, that he would doe something for him, but did not, but still put him off with delays; as he was trussing up his lord's pointes, comeing from stoole, [for then their breeches were fastened to the doubletts with pointes; then came in hookes and eies, which not to have fastened was in my boyhood a great crime,] stabbed him. This was at the same time that the duke of Buckingham was stabbed by Felton; and the great noise and report of the duke's, Sir W. told me, quite drown'd this of his lord's, that it was scarce taken notice of. This Sir Fulke G. was a good wit, and had been a good poet in his youth: he wrote a poeme in folio, which he printed not, till he was old, and then, as Sir W. said, with too much judgement and refining spoiled it, which was at first a delicate thing. He [Dav.] writt a play, or plays, and verses, which he did with so much sweetnesse and grace, that by it he got the love and friendship of his two Mæcenaces, Mr. Endymion

-- 280 --

Porter, and Mr. Henry Jermyn, [since E. of St. Albans] to whom he has dedicated his poem called Madegascar. Sir John Suckling also was his great and intimate friend. After the death of Ben Johnson, he was made in his place Poet Laureat. He got a terrible c&wblank;p of a black handsome wench, that lay in Axe-Yard, Westm.: whom he thought on, when he speaks of Dalga, [in Gondibert] which cost him his nose; with which unlucky mischance many witts were so cruelly bold, e. g. Sir John Menis, Sir John Denham, etc. In 1641, when the troubles began, he was faine to fly into France, and at Canterbury he was seized on by the Mayor.


“For Will had in his face the flaws
“And markes received in country's cause.
“They flew on him like lyons passant,
“And tore his nose, as much as was on't;
“And call'd him superstitious groome,
“And Popish dog, and cur of Rome.
“&lblank; 'twas surely the first time,
“That Will's religion was a crime.”

“In the Civill Warres in England, he was in the army of William Marquesse of Newcastle, [since Duke] where he was generall of the ordinance. I have heard his brother Robert say, for that service there was owing to him by King Charles the First 10000l. During that warre 'twas his hap to have two Aldermen of Yorke his prisoners, who were somethinge stubborne, and would not give the ransome ordered by the councill of warre. Sir William used them civilly, and treated them in his tent, and sate them at the upper end of his table à la mode de France. And having done so a good while to his charge, told them (privately and friendly) that he was not able to keepe so chargeable guests, and bade them take an opportunity to escape; which they did; but having been gon a little way, they considered with themselves,

-- 281 --

that in gratitude they ought to goe back, and give Sir William their thankes, which they did: but it was like to have been to their great danger of being taken by the soldiers; but they happened to gett safe to Yorke.

“The king's party being overcome, Sir W. Davenant, (who received the honour of knighthood from the D. of Newcastle by commission,) went into France, and resided in Paris, where the Prince of Wales then was. He then began to write his romance in verse called Gondibert; and had not writt above the first booke, but being very fond of it printed it, before a quarter finished, with an epistle of his to Mr. Th. Hobbes, and Mr. Hobbes' excellent epistle to him printed before it. The courtiers, with the prince of Wales, could never be at quiet about this piece, which was the occasion of a very witty but satirical little booke of verses in 8vo. about 4 sheets, writt by G. D. of Bucks, Sir John Denham, etc.


“That thou forsak'd thy sleepe, thy diet,
“And what is more than that, our quiet1 note.”

“This last word, Mr. Hobbes told me, was the occasion of their writing.

“Here he lay'd an ingeniose designe to carry a considerable number of artificers (chiefly weavers) from hence to Virginia; and by Mary the Q's. mother's meanes he got favour from the K. of France to goe into the prisons, and pick and chuse: so when the poor dammed wretches understood, what the designe was, they cryed uno ore, tout tisseran, i. e. we are all weavers. Well, 36, as I remember, he got, if not more, and shipped them; and as he was in his voyage towards Virginia, he and his tisseran were all taken

-- 282 --

by the ships then belonging to the parliament of England. The slaves, I suppose, they sold, but Sir William was brought prisoner into England. Whether he was first a prisoner in Caresbroke Castle in the Isle of Wight, or at the Towr of London, I have forgott; he was prisoner at both: his Gondibert was finished at Caresbroke Castle. He expected no mercy from the parliament, and had no hopes of escaping with his life. It pleased God, that the two aldermen of Yorke aforesaid, hearing that he was taken and brought to London to be tryed for his life, which they understood was in extreme danger, they were touched with so much generosity and goodnes, as upon their own accounts and mere motion (to try what they could to save Sir William's life, who had been so civil to them, and a means to save theirs;) to come to London; and acquainting the parliament with it, upon their petition, etc. Sir William's life was saved2 note. 'Twas Harry Martyn, that saved Sir William's life in the house: when they were talking of sacrificing one, then said Hen. that ‘in sacrifices they always offered pure and without blemish; now ye talk of making a sacrifice of an old rotten rascal.’ Vid. H. Martyn's life, where by this rare jest, then forgot, the L.d Falkland saved H. Martyn's life.

“Being freed from imprisonment, because plays (scil. trage. and comedies) were in those presbyterian times scandalous, he contrives to set up an opera, stylo recitativo; wherein Serjeant Maynard and several citizens were engagers; it began at Rutland House in Charter-house-yard: next, scilicet anno&wblank;at the Cockpit

-- 283 --

in Drury Lane, where were acted very well, stylo recitativo, Sir Francis Drake, and the Siege of Rhodes, 1st and 2nd. part. It did affect the eie and eare extremely. This first brought scenes in fashion in England: before, at plays was only an hanging3 note.

“Anno Domini 1660, was the happy restauration of his Majesty Charles II.; then was Sir William made &wblank; &wblank; &wblank; and the Tennis-Court in Little Lincoln's Inn Fields was turned into a playhouse for the Duke of York's Players4 note, where Sir William had lodgings , and where he dyed, April the &wblank; 166&sblank;. I was at his funeral: he had a coffin of walnut tree: Sir John Denham said, it was the finest coffin that ever he saw. His body was carried in a hearse from the playhouse to Westminster-Abbey, where at the great west dore he was received by the sing [ing] men and choristers, who sang the service of the church (I am the Resurrection, etc.) to his grave, near to the monument of Dr. Isaac Barrow, which is in the South Crosse aisle, on which on a paving stone of marble is writt, in imitation of that on Ben. Johnson, O rare Sir William Davenant.

“His first lady was Dr. &wblank;'s daughter, physitian, by whom he had a very beautiful and ingeniose son, that dyed above twenty years since. His second lady was the daughter of &wblank;, by whom he had several children. I saw some very young ones at the funerall. His eldest is Charles D'Avenant, the Doctor, who inherits his father's beauty and phancy. He practices at Doctor's Commons. He writt a play called Circe, which has taken very well. Sir William

-- 284 --

hath writt about 25 plays, the romance called Gondibert, and a little poem called Madagascar.

“His private opinion, was that religion at last [e. g. a hundred years hence] would come to settlement; and that in a kind of ingeniose Quakerisme4 note












































.”

-- 285 --

On the 9th of Novemb. 1671, D'Avenant's company removed to their new theatre in Dorset Gardens,

-- 286 --

which was opened, not with one of Shakspeare's plays, but with Dryden's comedy called Sir Martin Marall5 note.

-- 287 --

Between the year 1671 and 1682, when the King's and the Duke of York's servants united, (about which

-- 288 --

time Charles Hart6 note



, the principal support of the former company, died,) King Lear, Timon of Athens,

-- 289 --

Macbeth, and The Tempest, were the only plays of our author that were exhibited at the theatre in Dorset

-- 290 --

Gardens; and the three latter were not represented in their original state, but as altered by D'Avenant7 note

and Shadwell. Between 1682 and 1695, when Mr. Congreve, Mr. Betterton, Mrs. Barry, and Mrs. Bracegirdle, obtained a licence to open a new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, Othello, A Midsummer-Night's Dream, and The Taming of the Shrew, are the only plays of Shakspeare which Downes the prompter mentions, as having been performed by the united companies: A Midsummer-Night's Dream was transformed into an opera, and The Taming of the Shrew was exhibited as altered by Lacy. Dryden's Troilus and Cressida, however, the two parts of King Henry IV. Twelfth Night, Macbeth, King Henry VIII. Julius Cæsar, and Hamlet, were without doubt sometimes represented in the same period: and Tate and Durfey furnished the scene with miserable alterations of Coriolanus, King Richard II. King Lear, and Cymbeline8 note.

-- 291 --

Otway's Caius Marius, which was produced in 1680, usurped the place of our poet's Romeo and Juliet for near seventy years, and Lord Lansdown's Jew of Venice kept possession of the stage from the time of its first exhibition in 1701, to the year 1741. Dryden's All for Love, from 1678 to 1759, was performed instead of our author's Antony and Cleopatra; and D'Avenant's alteration of Macbeth in like manner was preferred to our author's tragedy, from its first exhibition in 1663, for near eighty years.

In the year 1700 Cibber produced his alteration of King Richard III. I do not find that this play, which was so popular in Shakspeare's time, was performed from the time of the Restoration to the end of the last century. The play with Cibber's alterations was once performed at Drury Lane in 1703, and lay dormant from that time to the 28th of Jan. 1710, when it was revived at the Opera House in the Haymarket; since which time it has been represented, I believe, more frequently than any of our author's dramas, except Hamlet.

On April 23, 1704, The Merry Wives of Windsor, by command of the Queen, was performed at St. James's, by the actors of both houses, and afterwards publickly represented at the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, May 18, in the same year, by Mr. Betterton's company; but although the whole force of his company was exerted in the representation, the piece had so little success, that it was not repeated till Nov. 3, 1720, when it was again revived at the same theatre, and afterwards frequently performed.

From 1709, when Mr. Rowe published his edition

-- 292 --

of Shakspeare, the exhibition of his plays became much more frequent than before. Between that time and 1740, our poet's Hamlet, Julius Cæsar, King Henry VIII. Othello, King Richard III. King Lear, and the two parts of King Henry IV. were very frequently exhibited. Still, however, such was the wretched taste of the audiences of those days, that in many instances the contemptible alterations of his pieces were preferred to the originals. Durfey's Injured Princess, which had not been acted from 1697, was again revived at Drury Lane, October 5, 1717, and afterwards often represented. Even Ravenscroft's Titus Andronicus, in which all the faults of the original are greatly aggravated, took its turn on the scene, and after an intermission of fifteen years was revived at Drury Lane in August, 1717, and afterwards frequently performed both at that theatre and the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, where it was exhibited for the first time, Dec. 21, 1720. Coriolanus, which had not been acted for twenty years, was revived at the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, Dec. 13, 1718; and in Dec. 1719, King Richard II. was revived at the same theatre: but probably neither of these plays was then represented as originally written by Shakspeare9 note. Measure for Measure, which had not been acted, I imagine, from the time of the suppression of the theatres in 16421 note, was revived at the same theatre, Dec. 8, 1720, for the purpose of producing Mr. Quin in the character of the Duke, which he frequently performed with success in that and the following years. Much Ado about Nothing, which had not been acted for thirty years, was revived at

-- 293 --

Lincoln's Inn Fields, Feb. 9, 1721; but after two representations, on that and the following evening, was laid aside. In Dec. 1723, King Henry V2 note. was announced for representation, “on Shakspeare's foundation,” and performed at Drury Lane six times in that month; after which we hear of it no more: and on Feb. 26, 1737, King John was revived at Covent Garden. Neither of these plays, I believe, had been exhibited from the time of the downfall of the stage. At the same theatre our poet's second part of King Henry IV. which had for fifty years been driven from the scene by the play which Mr. Betterton substituted in its place, resumed its station, being produced at Covent Garden, Feb. 16, 1738; and on the 23d of the same month Shakspeare's King Henry V. was performed there as originally written, after an interval, if the theatrical advertisement be correct, of forty years. In the following March the same company once exhibited The First part of King Henry VI. for the first time, as they asserted, for fifty years3 note. As You Like It was announced for representation at Drury Lane, December 20, 1740, as not having been acted for forty years, and represented twenty-six times in that season. At Goodman's Fields, Jan. 15, 1741, The Winter's Tale was announced as not having been acted for one hundred years; but was not equally successful, being only performed nine times. At Drury Lane, Feb. 14, 1741, The Merchant of Venice, which I believe, had not been acted for one hundred years, was once more restored to the scene by Mr. Macklin, who on that night first represented Shylock; a part which for near fifty years he has performed

-- 294 --

with unrivalled success. In the following month the company at Goodman's Fields endeavoured to make a stand against him by producing All's Well That Ends Well, which, they asserted, “had not been acted since Shakspeare's time.” But the great theatrical event of this year was the appearance of Mr. Garrick at the theatre in Goodman's Fields, Oct. 19, 1741; whose good taste led him to study the plays of Shakspeare with more assiduity than any of his predecessors. Since that time, in consequence of Mr. Garrick's admirable performance of many of his principal characters, the frequent representation of his plays in nearly their original state, and above all, the various researches which have been made for the purpose of explaining and illustrating his works, our poet's reputation has been yearly increasing, and is now fixed upon a basis, which neither the lapse of time nor the fluctuation of opinion will ever be able to shake. Here therefore I conclude this imperfect account of the origin and progress of the English Stage.

-- 295 --

ADDITIONS.

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH STAGE.

JUST as this work was issuing from the press, some curious Manuscripts relative to the stage, were found at Dulwich College, and obligingly transmitted to me from thence. One of these is a large folio volume of accounts kept by Mr. Philip Henslowe, who appears to have been proprietor of the Rose Theatre, near the Bankside in Southwark.

The celebrated player Edward Alleyn, who has erroneously been supposed by Mr. Oldys, the writer of his life in the Biographia Britannica, to have had three wives, was married, as appears from an entry in this book, to Joan Woodward, on the 22d of October, 1592, at which time he was about twenty-six years old. This lady, who died in 1623, was the daughter of Agnes, the widow of &wblank; Woodward, whom Mr. Philip Henslowe, after the death of Woodward, married: so that Mr. Henslowe was not, as has been supposed. Alleyn's father-in-law, but only step-father to his wife.

This MS. contains a great number of curious notices relative to the dramatick poets of the time, and their productions, from the year 1597 to 1603, during which time Mr. Henslowe kept an exact account of all the money which he disbursed for the various companies of which he had the management, for copies of plays and the apparel which he bought for their

-- 296 --

representation. I find here notices of a great number of plays now lost, with the author's names, and several entries that tend to throw a light on various particulars which have been discussed in the preceding History of the English Stage, as well as the Essay on the order of time in which Shakspeare's plays were written. A still more curious part of this MS. is a register of all the plays performed by the servants of Lord Strange and the Lord Admiral, and by other companies, between the 19th of February, 1591–2, and November 5, 1597. This register strongly confirms the conjectures that have been hazarded relative to The First Part of King Henry VI, and the play which I have supposed to have been written on the subject of Hamlet. In a bundle of loose papers has also been found an exact Inventory of the Wardrobe, play-books, properties, &c. belonging to the Lord Admiral's servants.

Though it is not now in my power to arrange these very curious materials in their proper places, I am unwilling that the publick should be deprived of the information and entertainment which they may afford; and therefore shall extract from them all such notices as appear to me worthy of preservation.

In the register of plays the same piece is frequently repeated: but of these repetitions I have taken no notice, having transcribed only the account of the first representation of each piece, with the sum which Mr. Henslowe gained by it3 note


.

-- 297 --

By the subsequent representations, sometimes a larger, and sometimes a less, sum, was gained. The figures within crotchets show how often each piece was represented within the time of each account.

“In the name of God, Amen, 1591, beginninge the 19 of febreary my g. lord Stranges men, as followeth, 1591:

-- 298 --

-- 299 --

l. s. d.
R. at fryer bacone4 note, the 19 of febreary, (saterday) [4] 0. xvii. iii.
—mulomurco5 note
, the 20 of febr. [11]
0. xxix. 0.
—orlando6 note, the 21 of febreary [1] 0. xvi. vi.
—spanes (Spanish) comedye don oracio (Don Horatio) the 23 of febreary, [3] 0. xiii. vi.
—Syr John mandeville, the 24 of febreary, [5] 0. xii. vi.
R. at harey of cornwell, (Henry of Cornwall) the 25 febreary 1591, [3] 0. xxxii. 0.
—the Jew of malltuse, (Malta) the 26 of febreary 1591, [10] 0. l. 0.
—clorys and orgasto the 28 of febreary 1591, [1] 0. xvii. 0.
—poope Jone, the 4 of marche 1591, [1] 0. xv. 0.
—matchavell, the 2 of marche 1591, [3] 0. xiii. 0.
—henery the vi7 note. the 3 of marche 1591, [13] iii. vi. 8.
—bendo8 note and Richardo, the 4 of marche 1591, [3] 0. xvi. 0.
—iiii playes in one9 note, the 6 of marche 1591, [4] iii. xi. 0.
—the looking glass1 note, the 8 of marche 1591, [4] 0. vii. 0.
—senobia (Zenobia) the 9 of marche 1591, [1] 0. xxii. vi.
—Jeronimo, the 14 marche 1591 [14] iii. xi. 0.
R. at constantine, the 21 of marche 1591, [1] 0. xii. 0.
—Jerusalem2 note, the 22 of marche 1591, [2] 0. xviii. 0.
—brandymer, the 6 of aprill 1591, [2] 0. xxii. 0.
—the comedy of Jeronimo, the 10 of April 1591, [4] 0. xxviii. 0.
—Titus and Vespasian, (Titus Vespasian) the 11 of Aprill 1591, [7] iii. iiii. 0.
—the seconde pte of tamberzanne, (Tamberlane) the 28 of april 1592, [5] iii. iiii. 0.
—the tanner of Denmarke, the 28 of maye 1592, [1] iii. xiii. 0.
—a knacke to knowe a knave3 note, 10 day [of June] 1592, [3] iii. xii. 0.

“In the name of God Amen, 1592, beginning the 29 of Desember.

l. s. d.
R. at the gelyons comedye (Julian of Brentford) the 5 of Jenewary 1592, [1] 0. xxxxiiii. 0.
—the comedy of cosmo, the 12 Jenewary 1592, [2] 0. xxxx. iiii.
—the tragedye of the guyes4 note, 30 of Jenewary5 note, [1] iii. iiii. 0.

-- 300 --

“In the name of God, Amen, beginning the 27 of Desember 1593, the earle of Sussex his men.

l. s. d.
R. at God spede the plough, [2] iii. i. 0.
—at hewen of Burdocks, (Huon of Bourdeaux) the 28 of Desember 1593, [3] iii. x. 0.
—george a-green6 note, the 28 of Desember 1593, [4] iii. x. 0.
—buckingham, the 30 of December 1593, [4] 0. li. 0.
—Richard the Confessor7 note, the 31 of Desember 1593, [2] 0. xxxviii. 0.
—william the konkerer, the 4 of Jenewary 1593, [1] 0. xxii. 0.
—frier francis, the 7 of Jenewary 1593, [3] iii. i. 0.
the piner of wakefield8 note, the 8 of Jenewary 1593, [1] 0. xxiii. 0.
—abrame & lotte, the 9 of Jenewary 1593, [3] 0. lii. 0.
—the fayre mayd of ytale (Italy) the 12 of Jenewary 1593, [2] 0. ix. 0.
—King lude, (Lud) the 18 of Jenewary 1593 [1] 0. xxii. 0.
—titus and andronicus9 note, the 23 of Jenewary, [3] iii. viii. 0.

-- 301 --

“In the name of God, Amen, beginninge at easter, the queens men and my lord of Sussex together.

l. s. d.
R. at the Rangers comedy, 2 of April 1593, [1] iii. 0. 0.
—king leare1 note, the 6 of April 1593, [2]2 note 0. xxxviii. 0.

“In the name of God, Amen, beginninge the 14 of maye 1594, by my lord admiralls men.

l. s. d.
R. at Cutlacke, the 16 of maye 1594, [1]3 note 0. xxxxii. 0.

“In the name of God, Amen, beginning at newington4 note, my lord admirell men, and my lord chamberlen men, as followeth, 1594.

-- 302 --

-- 305 --

-- 306 --

l. s. d.
R. the 3 of June 1594, at heaster and the asheweros5 note, [2] 0. viii. 0.
—5 of June 1594, at andronicus, [2] 0. xii. 0.
—6 of June 1594, at cutlacke, [12] 0. xi. 0.
R. the 8 of June, at bellendon, [17] 0. xvii. 0.
—9 of June 1594, at hamlet6 note, [1] 0. viii. 0.
—11 of June 1594, at the taminge of a shrewe7 note, [1] 0. ix. 0.
—12 of June 1594, at the Jew of malta, [18] iiii. 0. 0.
—18 of June 1594, at the rangers comedy, [10] 0. xxii. 0.
—19 of June, at the guies8 note, [10] 0. liii. 0.
—26 of June 1594, at galiase9 note, [9] iii. 0. 0.
—9 of July 1594, at phillipo and hewpolyto, [12] iii. 0. 0.
—19 of July 1594, at the 2

-- 303 --

pte of Godfrey of Bullen,

iii. 0. 0.
R. the 30 of July 1594, at the marchant of camdew2 note, [1] iii. viii. 0.
—12 of August 1594, at tassoes mellencoley3 note. [13] iii. 0. 0.
—15 of August 1594, at mahomett4 note, [8] iii. v. 0.
—25 of August 1594, at the venesyan (Venetian) comedy, [11] 0. l. vi.
—28 of August, 1594, at tamberlen, [23] iii. xi. 0.
—17 of september 1594, at palamon & arsett5 note, [4] 0. li. 0.
—24 of september 1594, at Venesyon and the love of and [an] Ingleshe lady, [1] 0. xxxxvii. 0.
—30 of september, 1594, at doctor ffostosse6 note, [24] iii. xii. 0.
—4 of october 1594, at the love of a gresyan lady [12] 0. xxvi. 0.
—18 of october, 1594, at the frenshe docter, [11] 0. xxii. 0.
—22 of october 1594, at a

-- 304 --

knacke to know a noneste7 note, [19]

0. xxxx. 0.
R. the 8 of november, 1594, at ceser and pompie8 note, [8] iii. ii. 0.
—16 of november, 1594, at deoclesyan, [2] 0. xxxxiii. 0.
—30 of november 1594, at warlam chester, [7] 0. xxxviii. 0.
—2 of desember 1594, at the wise men of chester, [20] 0. xxviii. 0.
—14 of desember 1594, at the mawe9 note, [4] 0. xxxxiiii. 0.
19 of desember 1594, at the 2 pte of tamberlen, [11] 0. xxxxvi. 0.
—26 of desember 1594, at the sege of london, [12] iii. iii. 0.
—11 of febreary 1594, at the frenshe comedey, [6] 0. l. 0.
—14 of febreary 1594, at long mege of westmester, [18] iii. ix. 0.
—21 of febreary 1594, at the macke1 note, [1] iii. 0. 0.
—5 of marche 1594, at seleo & olempo2 note, [7] iii. 0. 0.
—7 of maye 1595, at the first pte of Herculous3 note, [10] iii. xiii. 0.
—23 of maye 1595, at the 2 p. of Hercolaus, [8] iii. x. 0.
R. the 3 of June 1595, at the vii dayes of the weeke, [19] iii. 0. 0.
—18 of June 1595, at the 2 pte of sesore, (Cæsar4 note) [2] 0. lv. 0.
—20 of June 1595, at antony & vallea5 note, [3] 0. xx. 0.
—29 of august 1595, at longe-shancke6 note, [14] 0. xxxx. 0.
—5 of september 1595, at cracke mee this notte, [16] iii. 0. 0.
—17 of september 1595, at the worldes tragedy, [11] iii. v. 0.
—2 of october 1595, at the desgyses, [6] 0. xxxxiii. 0.
—15 of october 1595, at the wonder of a woman, [10] 0. liii. 0.
—29 of october 1595, at barnardo & fiamata, [7]
—14 of november 1595, at a toye to please my ladye7 note, [7]
—28 of november 1595, at harry the v.8 note [13] iii. vi. 0.
—29 of november 1595, at the welsheman, [1] 0. vii. 0.
—3 of Jenewary, 1595, at chinon of Ingland, [11] 0. l. 0.
R. the 15 of Jenewary 1595, at pethagerus9 note, [13] 0. xviii. 0.
—3 of febreary 1595, at the 1 p. of Forteunatus1 note, [7] iii. 0. 0.
—13 of febreary 1595, at the blind beger of Alexandria2 note, [13] iii. 0. 0.
—29 of aprill 1596, at Julian the apostata, [3] 0. xxxxvii. 0.
—19 of maye 1596, at the tragedie of ffocasse3 note, [7] 0. xxxxv. 0.
—22 of June 1596, at Troye, [4] iii. 0. 0.
—1 of July 1596, at paradox, [1] 0. xxxxv. 0.
—18 of July 1596, at the tincker of totnes iii. 0. 0.

“In the name of God, Amen, beginning one [on] Simon and Jewds day, my lord admeralles men, as followeth; 1596. [Here twenty plays are set down as having been performed between October 27, and November 15, 1596: but their titles have all been already given.]

“In the name of God, Amen, beginninge the 25 of november 1596, as followeth, the lord admerall players:

-- 307 --

-- 308 --

l. s. d.
R. the 4 of desember 1596, at Valteger, [12] 0. xxv. 0.
R. the 11 of desember 1596, at Stewkley4 note, [11] 0. xxxx. 0.
—19 of desember 1596, at nebucadonizer, [8] 0. xxx. 0.
—30 of desember 1596, at what will be shall be, [12] 0. l. 0.
—14 of Jenewary, 1597, at alexander & lodwicke, [15] 0. lv. 0.
—27 of Jenewary 1597, at woman hard to please, [12] 6. 7. 8.
—5 of febreary, 1597, at Oseryck, [2] 3. 2. 1.
—19 of marche 1597, at guido, [5]5 note &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—7 of aprill, 1597, at v plays in one, [10] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—13 of aprill, 1597, at times triumph and foztus, [1] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—29 of aprill 1597, at Uter pendragon, [5] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—11 of maye 1597, at the comedy of umers, (humours6 note) [11] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—26 of maye 1597, at harey the fifte life and death7 note, [6] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
R. the 3 of June, 1597, at frederycke and basellers8 note, [4] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—22 of June 1597, at Henges, [1] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—30 of June 1597, at life and death of Martin Swarte, [3] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
—14 of July 1597, at the wiche [witch] of Islyngton9 note, [2] &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;

“In the name of God, Amen, the 11 of october, beganne my lord admeralls and my lord of pembrokes men to playe at my howse, 1597:

October 11. at Jeronymo, &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
12. at the comedy of umers &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
16. at doctor fostes, &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
19. at hardacnute, &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
31. at friar spendleton, &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;
November 2. at Bourbon, &wblank; &wblank; &wblank;

The following curious paper furnishes us with more accurate knowledge of the properties, &c. of a theatre in Shakspeare's time, than the reasearches of the most industrious antiquary could have attained:

“The booke of the Inventary of the goods of my Lord Admeralles men, taken the 10 of Marche in the yeare 1598.

Gone and loste.

Item, j orenge taney satten dublet, layd thycke with gowld lace.

-- 309 --

Item, j blew tafetie sewt.

Item, j payr of carnatyon satten Venesyons, layd with gold lace.

Item, j longe-shanckes sewte.

Item, j Sponnes dublet pyncket.

Item, j Spanerds gyrcken.

Item, Harey the fyftes dublet.

Item, Harey the fyftes vellet gowne.

Item, j fryers gowne.

Item, j lyttell dublet for boye.

“The Enventary of the Clownes Sewtes and Hermetes Sewtes, with dievers other sewtes, as followeth, 1598, the 10 of March.

Item, j senetores gowne, j hoode, and 5 senetores capes.

Item, j sewtte for Nepton; Fierdrackes sewtes for Dobe.

Item, iiij genesareyes gownes, and iiij torchberers sewtes.

Item, iij payer of red strasers, [strossers] and iij fares gowne of buckrome.

Item, iiij Herwodes cottes, and iij sogers cottes, and j green gown for Maryan.

Item, vj grene cottes for Roben Hoode, and iiij knaves sewtes.

Item, ij payer of grene hosse, and Andersones sewte. j whitt shepen clocke.

Item, ij rosset cottes, and j black frese cotte, and iij prestes cottes.

Item, ij whitt shepherdes cottes, and ij Danes sewtes, and j payer of Danes hosse.

Item, The Mores lymes1 note, and Hercolles lymes, and Will. Sommers sewtte.

-- 310 --

Item, ij Orlates sewtes, hates and gorgetts, and vij anteckes cootes.

Item, Cathemer sewte, j payer of cloth whitte stockens, iiij Turckes hedes.

Item, iiij freyers gownes and iiij hoodes to them, and j fooles coate, cape, and babell, and branhowlttes bodeys, [bodice] and merlen [Merlin's] gowne and cape.

Item, ij black saye gownes, and ij cotton gownes, and j rede saye gowne.

Item, j mawe gowne of calleco for the quene2 note, j carnowll [cardinal's] hatte.

Item, j red sewt of cloth for pyge, [Psyche] layed with whitt lace.

Item, v payer of hosse for the clowne, and v gerkenes for them.

Item, iij payer of canvas hosse for asane, ij payer of black strocers.

Item, j yelow leather dublett for a clowne, j Whittcomes dublett poke.

Item, Eves bodeyes, [bodice] j pedante trusser, and iij donnes hattes.

Item, j payer of yelow cotton sleves, j gostes sewt, and j gostes bodeyes.

Item, xviij copes and hattes, Verones sonnes hosse.

Item, iij trumpettes and a drum, and a trebel viall, a basse viall, a bandore, a sytteren, j anshente, [ancient] j whitt hatte.

Item, j hatte for Robin Hoode, j hobihorse.

Item, v shertes, and j serpelowes, [surplice] iiij ferdingalles.

-- 311 --

Item, vj head-tiers, j fane, [fan] iiij rebatos, ij gyrketruses.

Item, j longe sorde.

“The Enventary of all the aparell for my Lord Admiralles men, tacken the 10 of marche 1598.— Leaft above in the tier-house in the cheast.

Item, My Lord Caffes [Caiphas'] gercken, & his hoosse.

Item, j payer of hosse for the Dowlfen [Dauphin].

Item, j murey lether gyrcken, & j white lether gercken.

Item, j black lether gearken, & Nabesathe sewte.

Item, j payer of hosse, & a gercken for Valteger.

Item, ij leather anteckes cottes with basses, for Fayeton [Phæton].

Item, j payer of bodeyes for Alles [Alice] Pearce.

“The Enventary tacken of all the properties for my Lord Admeralles men, the 10 of Marche, 1598.

Item, j rocke, j cage, j tombe, j Hell mought [Hell mouth3 note

].

Item, j tome of Guido, j tome of Dido, j bedsteade.

Item, viij lances, j payer of stayers for Fayeton.

Item, ij stepells, & j chyme of belles, & j beacon.

Item, j hecfor for the playe of Faeton, the limes dead.

-- 312 --

Item, j globe, & j golden scepter; iij clobes [clubs.]

Item, ij marchepanes, & the sittie of Rome.

Item, j gowlden flece; ij rackets; j baye tree.

Item, j wooden hatchett; j lether hatchete.

Item, j wooden canepie; owld Mahemetes head.

Item, j lyone skin; j beares skyne; & Faetones lymes, & Faeton charete; & Argosse [Argus's] heade.

Item, Nepun [Neptun's] forcke & garland.

Item, j crosers stafe; Kentes woden leage [leg].

Item, Ierosses [Iris's] head, and raynbowe; j littell alter.

Item, viij viserdes; Tamberlyne brydell; j wooden matook.

Item, Cupedes bowe, and quiver; the clothe of the Sone and Mone4 note.

Item, j bores heade & Serberosse [Cerberus] iij heades.

Item, j Cadeseus; ij mose [moss] banckes, & j snake.

Item, ij fanes of feathers; Belendon stable; j tree of gowlden apelles; Tantelouse tre; jx eyorn [iron] targates.

Item, j copper targate, & xvij foyles.

Item, iiij wooden targates; j greve armer.

Item, j syne [sign] for Mother Readcap; j buckler.

Item, Mercures wings; Tasso picter; j helmet with a dragon; j shelde, with iij lyones; j elme bowle.

Item, j chayne of dragons; j gylte speare.

Item, ij coffenes; j bulles head; and j vylter.

-- 313 --

Item, iij tymbrells; j dragon in fostes [Faustus.].

Item, j lyone; ij lyon heades; j great horse with his leages [legs]; j sack-bute.

Item, j whell and frame in the Sege of London.

Item, j paire of rowghte gloves.

Item, j poopes miter.

Item, iij Imperial crownes; j playne crowne.

Item, j gostes crown; j crown with a sone.

Item, j frame for the heading in Black Jone.

Item, j black dogge.

Item, j cauderm for the Jewe5 note.

“The Enventorey of all the aparell of the Lord Admeralles men, taken the 13th of Marche 1598, as followeth:

Item, j payer of whitte saten Venesons cut with coper lace.

Item, j ash coller satten doublett, lacyd with gold lace.

Item, j peche coller satten doublett.

Item, j owld whitte satten dublette.

Item, j bleu tafitie sewtte.

Item, j Mores cotte.

Item, Pyges [Psyches] damask gowne.

Item, j black satten cotte.

Item, j harcoller tafitie sewte of pygges.

Item, j white tafitie sewte of pygges.

Item, Vartemar sewtte.

Item, j great pechcoller dublet, with sylver lace.

Item, j white satten dublet pynckte.

Item, j owld white satten dublet pynckte.

Item, j payer of satten Venesyan satten ymbradered.

Item, j payer of French hosse, cloth of gowld.

Item, j payer of cloth of gowld hosse with sylver paines.

-- 314 --

Item, j payer of cloth of sylver hosse with satten and sylver panes.

Item, Tamberlynes cotte, with coper lace.

Item, j read clock with white coper lace.

Item, j read clocke with read coper lace.

Item, j shorte clocke of taney satten with sleves.

Item, j shorte clocke of black satten with sleves.

Item, Labesyas clocke, with gowld buttenes.

Item, j payer of read cloth hosse of Venesyans, with sylver lace of coper.

Item, Valteger robe of rich tafitie.

Item, Junoes cotte.

Item, j hode for the wech [witch].

Item, j read stamel clocke with whitte coper lace.

Item, j read stamel clocke with read coper lace.

Item, j cloth clocke of russete with coper lace, called Guydoes clocke.

Item, j short clocke of black velvet, with sleves faced with shagg.

Item, j short clocke of black vellet, faced with white fore [fur].

Item, j manes gown, faced with whitte fore.

Item, Dobes cotte of cloth of sylver.

Item, j payer of pechecoler Venesyones uncut, with read coper lace.

Item, j read scarllet clocke with sylver buttones.

Item, j longe black velvet clock, layd with brod lace black.

Item, j black satten sewtte.

Item, j blacke velvet clocke, layd with twyst lace blacke.

Item, Perowes sewt, which Wm. Sley were.

Item, j payer of pechcoler hosse with sylver corlled panes.

Item, j payer of black cloth of sylver hosse, drawne owt with tused tafittie.

Item, Tamberlanes breches, of crymson vellvet.

-- 315 --

Item, j payer of sylk howse with panes of sylver corlled lace.

Item, j Faeytone sewte.

Item, Roben Hoodes sewtte.

Item, j payer of cloth of gowld hose with gowld corlle panes.

Item, j payer of rowne hosse buffe with gowld lace.

Item, j payer of mows [mouse] coller Venesyans with R. brode gowld lace.

Item, j flame collerde dublet pynked.

Item, j blacke satten dublet, layd thyck wyth blacke and gowld lace.

Item, j carnacyon dubled cutt, layd with gowld lace.

Item, j white satten dublet, faced with read tafetie.

Item, j grene gyrcken with sylver lace.

Item, j black gyrcken with sylver lace.

Item, j read gyrcken with sylver lace.

Item, j read Spanes [Spanish] dublett styched.

Item, j peche coller satten casse.

Item, Tasoes robe.

Item, j murey robe with sleves.

Item, j blewe robe with sleves.

Item, j oren taney [orange tawney] robe with sleves.

Item, j pech collerd hallf robe.

Item, j lane [long] robe with spangells.

Item, j white & orenge taney scarf, spangled.

Item, Dides [Dido's] robe.

Item, iij payer of basses.

Item, j white tafitie sherte with gowld frenge.

Item, the fryers trusse in Roben Hoode.

Item, j littell gacket for Pygge [Psyche].

Item, j womanes gown of cloth of gowld.

Item, j orenge taney vellet gowe [gown] with sylver lace, for women.

Item, j black velvet gowne ymbradered with gowld lace.

-- 316 --

Item, j yelowe satten gowne ymbradered with sylk & gowld lace, for women.

Item, j greve armer.

Item, Harye the v. velvet gowne.

Item, j payer of crymson satten Venysiones, layd with gowld lace.

Item, j blew tafitie sewte, layd with sylver lace.

Item, j Longeshankes seute.

Item, j orange coller satten dublett, layd with gowld lace.

Item, Harye the v. satten dublet, layd with gowld lace.

Item j Spanes casse dublet of crymson pyncked.

Item, j Spanes gearcken layd with sylver lace.

Item, j wattshode [watchet] tafitie dublet for a boye.

Item, ij payer of basses, j white, j blewe, of sasnet.

Item, j freyers gowne of graye.

A Note of all suche bookes as belong to the Stocke, and such as I have bought since the 3d of March, 1598.
Blacke Jonne. The Umers. Hardicanewtes. Borbonne. Sturgflaterey. Brunhowlle. Cobler quen hive. Frier Pendelton. Alls Perce. Read Cappe. Roben Hode, 1. Roben Hode, 2. Phaeyton. Treangell cockowlls. Goodwine. Woman will have her will. Welchmans price. King Arthur, life and death. 1 pt of Hercules. 2 pte of Hercoles. Pethagores. Focasse. Elexsander and Lodwicke. Blacke Battman. 2 p. black Battman. 2 pt of Goodwine. Mad mans morris. Perce of Winchester. Vayvode.

-- 317 --

A Note of all suche goodes as I have bought for the Companey of my Lord Admiralls men, sence the 3 of Aprell, 1598, as followeth:
l. s. d.
Bowght a damaske casock garded with velvett, 0 18 0
Bowght a payer of paned rownd hosse of cloth whiped with sylk, drawne out with tafitie, 0 8 0
Bowght j payer of long black wollen stockens, 0 8 0
Bowght j black satten dublett 4 15 0
Bowght j payer of rownd howsse paned of vellevet 4 15 0
Bowght a robe for to goo invisibell 3 10 0
Bowght a gown for Nembia 3 10 0
Bowght a dublett of whitt satten layd thicke with gowld lace, and a payer of rowne pandes hosse of cloth of sylver, the panes layd with gold lace, 7 0 0
Bowght of my sonne v sewtes 20 0 0
Bowght of my sonne iiij sewtes 17 0 0

In the folio manuscript already mentioned I have found notices of the following plays and their several authors:


Oct. 1597. The Cobler. Dec. 1597. Mother Redcap, by Anthony Mundy6 note, and Michael Drayton.

-- 318 --

Jan. 1597–8. Dido and Æneas. Jan. 1597–8. Phaeton, by Thomas Dekker7 note

.
The World runs upon Wheels, by G. Chapman. Feb. 1597–8. The First Part of Robin Hood, by Anthony Mundy8 note

.
The Second Part of the Downfall of Earl Huntington, sirnamed Robinhood, by Anthony Mundy, and Henry Chettle. A Woman Will Have Her Will9 note, by William Haughton1 note. The Miller, by Robert Lee. “A Booke wherein is a Part of a Welchman,” by Michael Drayton and Henry Chettle2 note. Mar. 1598. The Triplicity of Cuckolds, by Thomas Dekker.

-- 319 --

The Famous Wars of Henry the First and the Prince of Wales, by Michael Drayton and Thomas Dekker3 note. Earl Goodwin and his Three Sons4 note, by Michael Drayton, Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, and Robert Wilson. The Second Part of Goodwin, &c. by Michael Drayton. Pierce of Exton5 note, by the same four authors. April 1598. The Life of Arthur King of England, by Richard Hathwaye. The First Part of Black Batman of the North, by Henry Chettle. The Second Part of Black Batman, by Henry Chettle, and Robert Wilson. May 1598. The First Part of Hercules, by Martin Slaughter. The Second Part of Hercules, by Martin Slaughter. Phocas, by Martin Slaughter. Pythagoras, by Martin Slaughter. Alexander and Lodowick6 note

, by Martin Slaughter.

-- 320 --

Love Prevented, by Henry Porter. The Funeral of Richard Cordelion, by Robert Wilson, Henry Chettle, Anthony Mundy, and Michael Drayton. June 1598. The Will of a Woman, by George Chapman. The Mad Man's Morris, by Robert Wilson, Michael Drayton and Thomas Dekker. Hannibal and Hermes, by Robert Wilson, Michael Drayton, and Thomas Dekker. July 1598. Valentine and Orson, by Richard Hathwaye, and Anthony Mundy. Pierce of Winchester, by Thomas Dekker, Robert Wilson, and Michael Drayton. The Play of a Woman, by Henry Chettle. The Conquest of Brute, with the First Finding of the Bath, by John Daye, Henry Chettle, and John Singer7 note. Aug. 1598. Hot Anger Soon Cold, by Henry Porter, Henry Chettle, and Benjamin Jonson. William Longsword, by Michael Drayton. Chance Medly, by Robert Wilson, Anthony Mundy, Michael Drayton, and Thomas Dekker. Catilines Conspiracy, by Robert Wilson, and Henry Chettle. Vayvoode, by Thomas Downton.

-- 321 --

Worse Afeared than Hurt, by Michael Drayton and Thomas Dekker. Sept. 1598. The First Civil Wars in France, by the same authors. The Second Part of the Civil Wars in France, by the same. The Third Part of the Civil Wars in France, by the same. The Fountain of New Fashions, by George Chapman. Mulmutius Donwallow, by William Rankins. Connan, Prince of Cornwall, by Michael Drayton, and Thomas Dekker. Nov. 1598. 'Tis No Deceit to Deceive the Deceiver, by Henry Chettle. Dec. 1598. War without Blows and Love without Suit, by Thomas Heywood. In a subsequent entry “&lblank; Love without Strife.” The Second Part of the Two Angry Women of Abington, by Henry Porter. Feb. 1598–9. Joan as Good as my Lady, by Thomas Heywood8 note

.

-- 322 --

Friar Fox and Gillian of Brentford, by Thomas Downton, and Samuel Redly. Æneas' Revenge, with the Tragedy of Polyphemus, by Henry Chettle. The Two Merry Women of Abington9 note, by Henry Porter.

-- 323 --

The Four Kings. March 1598–9. The Spencers, by Henry Porter. Orestes' Furies, by Thomas Dekker. June 1599. Agamemnon, by Henry Chettle and Thomas Dekker. The Gentle Craft, by Thomas Dekker. Bear a Brain, by Thomas Dekker. Aug. 1599. The Poor Man's Paradise, by William Haughton. The Stepmother's Tragedy, by Henry Chettle. The Lamentable Tragedy of Peg of Plymouth, by Wm. Bird, Thos. Downton, and Wm. Jubey. Nov. 1599. The Tragedy of John Cox of Colmiston, by Wm. Haughton, and John Day. The Second Part of Henry Richmond, by Robert Wilson1 note. The Tragedy of Thomas Merry, by William Haughton, and John Day. Dec. 1599. Patient Grissell, by Thomas Dekker, Henry Chettle, and William Haughton. The Arcadian Virgin, by Henry Chettle, and William Haughton. Jan. 1599–1600. Owen Tudor, by Michael Drayton, Richard Hathwaye, Anthony Mundy, and Rt. Wilson. The Italian Tragedy by John Day. Jugurtha, by William Boyle. Truth's Supplication to Candlelight, by Tho. Dekker.

-- 324 --

The Spanish Morris, by Thomas Dekker, Wm. Haughton, and John Day. Damon and Pythias, by Henry Chettle. March 1599–1600. The Seven Wise Masters, by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, William Haughton, and John Day. April 1660. Ferrex and Porrex2 note, by Wm. Haughton. The English Fugitives, by the same. The golden Ass and Cupid and Psyche, by Thomas Decker, John Daye, and Henry Chettle. The Wooing of Death, by Henry Chettle. Alice Pierce. Strange news out of Poland, by William Haughton, and &lblank; Pett. The Blind Beggar of Bethnell Green, by Henry Chettle, and John Day. June 1600. The fair Constance of Rome, by Anthony Mundy, Richard Hathwaye, Michael Drayton, and Thomas Dekker. The Second part of the Fair Constance of Rome, by the same. December 1600. Robinhood's Penn'orth's, by William Haughton. Hannibal and Scipio, by Richard Hathwaye and William Rankins. Feb. 1600–1. Scogan and Skelton, by the same. The Second Part of Thomas Strowde3 note,

-- 325 --

by William Haughton, and John Day4 note. March The Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt, by Richard Hathwaye, &lblank; Hawkins, John Day, and Wm. Haughton. All Is Not Gold That Glisters, by Samuel Rowley, and Henry Chettle. April 1601. The Conquest of the West-Indies, by Wentworth Smith, William Haughton, and John Day. Sebastian King of Portugal, by Henry Chettle, and Thomas Dekker. The Six Yeomen of the West, by William Haughton, and John Day. The Third Part of Thomas Strowde, by William Haughton, and John Day The Honourable Life of the Humorous Earl of Gloster, with his Conquest of Portugal, by Anthony Wadeson. Aug. 12. 1601. Cardinal Wolsey5 note by Henry Chettle. The Proud Woman of Antwerp, by William Haughton, and John Day The Second Part of Thomas Dough, by John Day, and William Haughton. Sept. 1601. The Orphan's Tragedy, by Henry Chettle. Nov. 12. 1601. The Rising of Cardinal Wolsey6 note, by Anthony Mundy, Michael Drayton, Henry Chettle, and Wentworth Smith.

-- 326 --

The Six Clothiers of the West, by Richard Hathway, Wentworth Smith, and Wm. Haughton. The Second Part of the Six Clothiers, by the same. Nov. 1601, Too Good To Be True, by Henry Chettle, Rich. Hathwaye, and Wentworth Smith. Jan. 1601–2. Judas, by William Haughton, Samuel Rowley7 note

, and William Borne.
The Spanish Fig. Apr. 1602. Malcolm King of Scots, by Charles Massy. May 1602. Love parts Friendship, by Henry Chettle, and Wentworth Smith. The Second Part of Cardinal Wolsey8 note, by Henry Chettle. The Bristol Tragedy, by Day9 note. Tobyas, by Henry Chettle. Jefftha, by Henry Chettle.

-- 327 --

Two Harpies, by Dekker, Drayton, Middleton, Webster, and Mundy. July 1602.A Danish Tragedy, by Henry Chettle. The Widow's Charm1 note, by Ant. Mundy. A Medicine for a Curst Wife, by T. Dekker. Sampson, by Samuel Rowley, and Edw. Jubye. Sept. 1602. Wm. Cartwright, by William Haughton. Felmelanco, by Henry Chettle, and &lblank; Robinson. Joshua, by Samuel Rowley. Oct. 1602. Randall, earl of Chester, by T. Middleton2 note. Nov. 1602. As Merry As May Be, [acted at court] by J. Daye, Wentworth, Smith, and R. Hathwaye. Albeke Galles3 note by Thomas Heywood, and Wentworth Smith. Marshal Osrick, by Thomas Heywood, and Wentworth Smith. The Three Brothers, a tragedy, by Wentworth Smith. Lady Jane, [probably Lady Jane Grey] by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywood, Wentworth Smith, and John Webster. The Second Part of Lady Jane, by Thomas Heywood, John Webster, Henry Chettle, and Thomas Dekker. Christmas Comes But Once A Year, by T. Dekker. The Overthrow of Rebels.

-- 328 --

The Black Dog of Newgate, by Richard Hathwaye, John Day, Wentworth Smith, and another poet. The Second Part of the Same. by the Same. The Blind Eats Many A Fly, by T. Heywood. The Fortunate General, a French History, by Wentworth Smith, John Day, and Richard Hathwaye. Dec. 1602. The Set of Tennis, by Anthony Mundy. The London Florentine, by Thomas Heywood, and Henry Chettle. The Second Part of the London Florentine, by Thomas Heywood, and Henry Chettle. The Tragedy of Hoffman4 note, by Henry Chettle. Singer's Voluntary, by John Singer. The Four Sons of Amon, by Robert Shawe. Feb. 1602–3. A Woman Kill'd With Kindness. by T. Heywood. March 1602–3. The Boast of Billingsgate, by John Day, and Richard Hathwaye. The Siege of Dunkerk, by Charles Massy. The Patient Man and Honest Whore, by Thomas Dekker and Thomas Middleton. The Italian Tragedy, by Wentworth Smith, and John Day. Pontius Pilate. Jane Shore, by Henry Chettle, and John Day. Baxter's Tragedy.

-- 329 --

The following notices, which I have reserved for this place, relate more immediately to our author. I have mentioned in a former page that I had not the smallest doubt that the name of Shakspeare, which is printed at length in the title-pages of Sir John Oldcastle, 16005 note, and The London Prodigall, 1605, was affixed to those pieces, by a knavish bookseller without any foundation; and am now furnished with indubitable evidence on this subject; for under the year 1599 the following entry occurs in Mr. Henslowe's folio Manuscript:

“The 16th of October, 99. Received by me Thomas Downton of Philip Henslowe, to pay Mr. Monday, Mr. Drayton, Mr. Wilson, and Hathway, for The first part of the Lyfe of Sir Jhon Ouldcastell, and in earnest of the Second Pte, for the use of the company, ten pound, I say received 10 lb.

“Received [Nov. 1599] of Mr. Hinchelo for Mr. Munday and the reste of the poets, at the playinge of Sir John Oldcastell, the firste tyme, xs. as a gifte.”

“Received [Dec. 1599] of Mr. Henslowe, for the use of the company, to pay Mr. Drayton for the second parte of Sir Jhon Ouldcasell, foure pound, I say received per me Thomas Downton, iiij lb6 note

.”

We have here an indisputable proof of a fact which has been doubted, and can now pronounce with certainty

-- 330 --

that our poet was entirely careless about literary fame, and could patiently endure to be made answerable for compositions which were not his own, without using any means to undeceive the publick.

The bookseller for whom the first part of Sir John Oldcastle was printed, “as it hath bene lately acted by the Right Honourable the earl of Notingham Lord High Admirall of England his servants,” was Thomas Pavier, who however had the modesty to put only the initial letters of his christian and surname (T. P.) in the spurious title-page which he prefixed to it. In 1602, he entered the old copy of Titus Andronicus on the Stationers' books, with an intention (no doubt) to affix the name of Shakspeare to it, finding that our poet had made some additions to that piece.

To this person we are likewise indebted for the mistake which has so long prevailed7 note, relative to the two old plays entitled The First Part of the Contention between the two famous Houses of York and Lancaster, and The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, which were printed anonymously in 1600, as acted by the earl of Pembroke's Servants, and have erroneously been ascribed to our poet, in consequence of Pavier's reprinting them in the year 1619, and then for the first time fraudulently affixing Shakspeare's name to them. To those plays, as to Oldcastle, he put only the initial letters of his christian and surname. For him likewise, The Yorkshire Tragedy was printed in the year 1608, and our poet's name affixed to it.

The Life and Death of Lord Cromwell, published in 1602, and ascribed to W. S. and the Puritan Widow, which was published in 1607, with the same

-- 331 --

initial letters, were probably written by Wentworth Smith, a dramatick writer whose name has so often occurred in the preceding pages, with perhaps the aid of Anthony Mundy, or some other of the same fraternity. Locrine, which was printed in 1595, as newly set forth, overseen and corrected, by W. S. was probably revised by the same person.

It is extremely probable from the register of dramatick pieces in a former page, that Cardinal Wolsey had been exhibited on the stage before our poet produced him in K. Henry VIII. To the list of plays written by Shakspeare upon subjects which had already been brought upon the scene, must also be added Troilus and Cressida, as appears from the following entries:

“Aprel 7, 1599. Lent unto Thomas Downton to lende unto Mr. Deckers, & harey cheattel, in earnest of ther boocke called Troyeles & Creassedaye, the some of iiilb.

“Lent unto harey cheattell, & Mr. Dickers, in pte of payment of their booke called Troyelles & Cresseda, the 16 of Aprell, 1592, xxs.

I suspect the authors changed the name of this piece before it was produced, for in a subsequent page are the following entries:

“Lent unto Mr. Deckers and Mr. Chettel the 26 of maye, 1599, in earnest of a booke called Troylles and Creseda, the sum of xxs.” In this entry a line is drawn through the words Troylles and Creseda, and “the tragedy of Agamemnon” written over them.

“Lent unto Robart Shawe, the 30 of maye 1599, in fulle payment of the boocke called the tragedie of Agamemnon, the sum of iiili. vs.—to Mr. Deckers, and harey Chettell.”

-- 332 --

“Paid unto the Master of the Revells man for lycensyng of a boocke called the Tragedie of Agamemnon the 3 of June, 1599, viis.

We have seen in the list of plays performed in 1593–4, by the servants of the earl of Sussex, the old play of Titus Andronicus, in which on its revival by the king's servants, our author was induced, for the advantage of his own theatre, to make some alterations, and to add a few lines. The old play of King Henry VI. which was played with such success in 1591, he without doubt touched in the same manner, in consequence of which it appeared in his works under the title of The First Part of King Henry VI. How common this practice was, is proved by the following entries made by Mr. Henslowe:

“Lent unto the companye, the 17 of August, 1602, to pay unto Thomas Deckers, for new adycions to Owldcastell, the some of xxxxs.

“Lent unto John Thane, the 7 of september, 1602, to geve unto Thomas Deckers for his adicions in Owldcastell, the some of xs.

“Lent unto Samuel Rowley, the 14 of desember, 1600, to geve unto Thomas Deckers, for his paynes in Fayeton, [Phaeton] some of xs. For the corte.”

“Lent unto Samuel Rowley, the 22 of desember, 1601, to geve unto Thomas Decker for altering of Fayton [Phaeton] for the corte, xxxs.

“Pd unto Thomas Deckers, at the apoyntment of the company, the 16 of janeuary 1601, towards the altering of Tasso, the some of xxs.

“Lent unto my sonne E. Alleyn, the 7 of november, 1602, to geve unto Thomas Deckers for mending of the play of Tasso, the some of xxxxs.

“Lent unto Mr. Birde, the 4 of desember, 1602,

-- 333 --

to paye unto Thomas Deckers, in pt of payment for Tasso, the sum of xxs.

These two old playes of Phaeton and Tasso's Melancholy, we have seen in a former page, had been exhibited some years before.

“Lent unto the company, the 22 of november, 1602, to paye unto William Birde, and Samuel Rowley, for ther adycions in Docter Fostes, the some of iiiilb.

“Pd. unto Thomas Hewode, the 20 of september, [1602] for the new adycions of Cutting Dick, the some of xxs.

The following curious notices occur, relative to our poet's old antagonist, Ben Jonson; the last two of which furnish a proof of what I have just observed with respect to Titus Andronicus, and the First Part of King Henry VI.; and the last article ascertains that he had the audacity to write a play, after our author, on the subject of K. Richard III.

“Lent unto Bengemen Johnson, player, the 22 of July, 1597, in redy money, the some of fower poundes, to be payd yt again whensoever either I or my sonne [Edw. Alleyn] shall demand yt. I saye iiijlb. “Witness E. Alleyn, and John Synger.”

“Lent unto Bengemen Johnsone, the 3 of desember, 1597, upon a booke which he was to writte for us before crysmas next after the date hereof, which he showed the plotte unto the company: I saye, lent in redy mony, unto hime the some of xxs.

“Lent Bengemyn Johnson, the 5 of Jenewary, 1597, [1597–8] in redy money, the some of vs.

“Lent unto the company, the 13 of agust, 1598, to bye a boocke called Hoate anger sone cowld, of Mr. Porter, Mr. Cheatell, & Bengemen Johnson, in full payment, the some of vilb.

-- 334 --

“Lent unto Robart Shawe, & Jewbey, the 23 of Octob. 1598, to lend unto Mr. Chapman, one [on] his playboocke, & ij actes of a tragedie of Bengemen's plott, the sum of iijlb.

“Lent unto Wm. Borne, alias Birde, the 10 of agust, 1599, to lend unto Bengemen Johnson and Thomas Dekker, in earnest of ther booke which they are writing, called Pagge of Plim7 note, the some of xxxxs.

“Lent unto Thomas Downton, the 3 of september, 1599, to lend unto Thomas Deckers, Bengemen Johnson, Heary Cheattell, and other jentellmen, in earnest of a playe called Robart the second kinge of Scottes tragedie, the some of xxxxs.

“Lent unto Wm. Borne, the 23 of september, 1599, to lend unto Bengemen Johnsone, in earnest of a boocke called the scottes tragedie, the some of xxs.

“Lent unto Mr. Alleyn, the 25 of september, 1601, to lend unto Bengemen Johnson, upon his writing of his adycians in Jeronymo8 note, xxxxs.

-- 335 --

“Lent unto Bengemy Johnsone, at the apoyntment of E. Alleyn, and William Birde, the 22 of June, 1602, in earnest of a boocke called Richard Crook-back, and for new adycions for Jeronimo, the some of xlb.

I insert the following letter, which has been lately found at Dulwich College, as a literary curiosity. It shows how very highly Alleyn the player was estimated. What the wager alluded to was, it is now impossible to ascertain. It probably was, that Alleyn would equal his predecessors Knell and Bentley, in some part which they had performed, and in which his contemporary, George Peel, had likewise been admired.

“Your answer the other night so well pleased the gentlemen, as I was satisfied therewith, though to the hazarde of the wager: and yet my meaning was not to prejudice Peele's credit, neither wolde it, though it pleased you so to excuse it. But beinge now growen farther in question, the partie affected to Bently scornynge to win the wager by your deniall, hath now given you libertie to make choyce of any one play that either Bently or Knell plaide; and least this advantage agree not with your mind, he is contented both the plaie and the tyme shal be referred to the gentlemen here present. I see not how you can any waie hurt your credit by this action: for if you excell them, you will then be famous; if equall them, you win both the wager and credit; if short of them, we must and will saie, Ned Allen still. “Your friend to his power,
“W. P.

-- 336 --


“Deny mee not, sweet Ned; the wager's downe,
  “And twice as muche commaunde of me or myne;
  “And if you wynne, I swear the half is thine,
“And for an overplus an English crowne:
  “Appoint the tyme, and stint it as you pleas,
  “Your labour's gaine, and that will prove it ease.”

That a contest of this kind was not uncommon among the candidates for theatrical fame, may be shown by the following passage in The Guls Hornebooke, by Decker, 1609: “And let any hooke draw you either to a fencers supper, or to a players that acts such a part for a wager.” So also, in the Induction to The Knight of the Burning Pestle:

“Wife.

Nay, gentlemen, he hath played before my husband, says Musidorus, before the wardens of our company.

“At.

Ay, and he should have played Jeronimo with a shoemaker for a wager.”

The two following letters, which were found among Mr. Henslowe's papers, ascertain the low state of the dramatick poets in his time. From the former of them it should seem, that in a few years after the accession of James the First, the price of a play had considerably risen. Neither of them are dated, but I imagine they were written some time between the years 1612 and 1615.—Mr. Henslowe died about the 8th of January, 1615–16.

“Mr. Hinchlow,

“I have ever since I saw you kept my bed, being so lame that I cannot stand. I pray, Sir, goe forward with that reasonable bargayn for The Bellman. We will have but twelve pounds, and the overplus of the second day; whereof I have had ten shillings, and desire but twenty shillings more, till you have three sheets of my papers. Good Sir, consider how for your sake I have put myself out of the assured way to get money, and from twenty pounds a play am

-- 337 --

come to twelve. Thearfor in my extremity forsake me not, as you shall ever command me. My wife can acquaint you how infinit great my occasion is, and this shall be sufficient for the receipt, till I come to set my hand to the booke.

“Yours at comand,
Robert Daborne
.”

At the bottom of this letter Mr. Henslowe has written the following memorandum:

“Lent Mr. Daborne upon this note, the 23 of agust, in earnest of a play called The Bellman of London, xxs.

“To our most loving friend,
Mr. Philip Hinchlow,
Esquire, These.

“Mr. Hinchlow,

“You understand our unfortunate extremitie, and I do not thincke you so void of christianitie but that you would throw so much money into the Thames as wee request now of you, rather then endanger so many innocent liues. You know there is xl. more at least to be receaved of you for the play. We desire you to lend us vl. of that; which shall be allowed to you; without which we cannot be bayled, nor I play any more till this be dispatch'd. It will lose you xxl. ere the end of the next weeke, besides the hinderance of the next new play. Pray, Sir, consider our cases with humanity, and now give us cause to acknowledge you our true freind in time of neede. Wee have entreated Mr. Davison to deliver this note, as well to witnesse your love as our promises, and alwayes acknowledgment to be ever “Your most thanckfull and loving friends,
Nat. Field
.”

-- 338 --

“The money shall be abated out of the money remayns for the play of Mr. Fletcher and ours. “Rob. Daborne.” “I have ever found you a true loving friend to mee, and in so small a suite, it beeinge honest, I hope you will not faile us. “Philip Massinger.”

Indorsed,

“Received by mee Robert Davison of Mr. Hinchlow, for the use of Mr. Daboerne, Mr. Feeld, Mr. Messenger, the sum of vl. “Robert Davison.”

The dimensions and plan of the Globe Playhouse, as well as the time when it was built, are ascertained by the following paper. I had conjectured that it was not built before 1596; and we have here a confirmation of that conjecture.

This Indenture made the eighte day of Januarye, 1599, and in the two and fortyth yeare of the reigne of our sovereigne ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, defender of the fayth, &c. Between Phillipp Henslowe and Edward Allen of the parishe of St. Saviours in Southwark, in the countie of Surry, gentleman, on thone parte, and Peter Streete, citizen and carpenter of London, on thother parte, Witnesseth; that whereas the said Phillipp Henslowe and Edward Allen the day of the date hereof have bargained, compounded, and agreed with the said Peter Streete for the erectinge, buildinge, and setting up of a new House and Stage for a play-howse, in and uppon a certeine plott or peece of grounde

-- 339 --

appoynted out for that purpose, scituate and beinge near Goldinge lane in the parish of Saint Giles without Cripplegate of London; to be by him the said Peter Streete or some other sufficient workmen of his providing and appoyntment, and att his propper costes and chardges, (for the consideration hereafter in these presents expressed) made, builded, and sett upp, in manner and form following: that is to saie, the frame of the saide howse to be sett square, and to conteine fowerscore foote of lawful assize everye waie square, without, and fiftie five foote of like assize square, everye waie within, with a good, suer, and stronge foundacion of pyles, brick, lyme, and sand, both withoute and within, to be wrought one foote of assize at the leiste above the ground; and the saide frame to conteine three stories in height, the first or lower storie to conteine twelve foote of lawful assize in heighth, the second storie eleaven foote of lawful assize in height, and the third or upper storie to conteine nine foote of lawful assize in height. All which stories shall conteine twelve foot and a half of lawful assize in breadth throughoute, besides a juttey forwards in eyther of the saide two upper stories of tene ynches of lawful assize; with fower convenient divisions for gentlemens roomes9 note, and other sufficient and convenient divisions for twoopennie roomes1 note; with necessarie seates to be placed and sett as well in those roomes as throughoute all the rest of the galleries of the said howse; and with suche like steares, conveyances, and divisions without and within, as are made and contryved in and to the late-erected play-howse on the Bancke in the said parish of Saint Saviours, called the Globe; with a stadge and tyreinge-howse, to be made, erected and

-- 340 --

sett upp within the saide frame: with a shadow or cover over the saide stadge; which stadge shall be placed and sett, as alsoe the stearcases of the saide frame, in such sorte as is prefigured in a plot thereof drawen; and which stadge shall conteine in length fortie and three foote of lawfull assize, and in breadth to extende to the middle of the yarde2 note of the said howse: the same stadge to be paled in belowe with goode stronge and sufficyent new oken boardes, and likewise the lower storie of the said frame withinsied, and the same lower storie to be alsoe laide over and fenced with stronge yron pyles: And the said stadge to be in all other proportions contryved and fashioned like unto the stadge of the saide Playhouse called the Globe; with convenient windowes and lights glazed to the saide tireynge-howse. And the saide frame, stadge, and stearcases, to be covered with tyle, and to have a sufficient gutter of leade, to carrie and convey the water from the coveringe of the said stadge, to fall backwards. And alsoe all the saide frame and the stearcases thereof to be sufficyently enclosed without with lathe, lyme, and haire. And the gentlemens roomes and two-pennie roomes to be seeled with lathe, lyme, and haire; and all the flowers of the saide galleries, stories, and stadge to be boarded with good and sufficient newe deale boardes of the whole thicknes, wheare neede shall be. And the said howse, and other thinges before mentioned to be made and doen, to be in all other contrivitions, conveyances, fashions, thinge and thinges, effected, finished and doen, according to the manner and fashion of the saide howse called the Globe; saveinge only that all the princypall and maine postes of the saide frame, and stadge forward, shall be square and wrought palaster-wise, with carved proportions called

-- 341 --

Satiers, to be placed and sett on the topp of every of the same postes: and saveing alsoe that the saide Peter Streete shall not be charged with anie manner of paynteinge in or aboute the saide frame, howse, or stadge, or anie parte thereof, nor rendering the walles within, nor feelinge anie more or other roomes then the gentlemens roomes, twoo-pennie roomes, and stadge, before mentioned. Nowe thereuppon the said Peter Streete doth covenante, promise, and graunte for himself, his executors, and administrators, to and with the said Phillip Henslowe, and Edward Allen, and either of them, and thexecutors, and administrators of them, by these presents, in manner and forme followinge, that is to say; That he the saide Peter Streete, his executors, or assigns, shall and will at his or their owne propper costes and chardges, well, workman-like, and substantially make, erect, sett upp, and fullie finnishe in and by all thinges accordinge to the true meaninge of theis presents, with good stronge and substancyall new tymber and other necessarie stuff, all the said frame and other works whatsoever in and uppon the saide plott or parcell of grounde, (beinge not by anie authoritie restrayned, and having ingres, egres, and regres to doe the same,) before the five and twentyth daye of Julie, next comeing after the date hereof. And shall alsoe att his or their like costes and chardges provide and find all manner of workmen, tymber, joysts, rafters, boords, dores, bolts, hinges, brick, tyle, lathe, lyme, haire, sande, nailes, lead, iron, glass, workmanshipp and other thinges whatsoever which shall be needful, convenyent and necessarie for the saide frame and works and everie parte thereof: and shall alsoe make all the saide frame in every poynte for scantlings lardger and bigger in assize than the scantlings of the timber of the saide new-erected howse called The Globe. And alsoe that he the saide Peter Streete shall furthwith,

-- 342 --

as well by him selfe as by suche other and soe manie workmen as shall be convenient and necessarie, enter into and uppon the saide buildinges and workes, and shall in reasonable manner procede therein withoute anie wilfull detraction, untill the same shall be fully effected and finished. In consideration of all which buildings and of all stuff and workmanshipp thereto belonginge, the said Philip Henslowe, and Edward Allen, and either of them, for themselves, theire and either of theire executors and administrators, doe joyntlie and severallie covenante and graunt to and with the saide Peter Streete, his executors and administrators, by theis presents, that the saide Phillipp Henslowe, and Edward Allen, or one of them, or one of them, shall and will well and trulie paie or cause to be paide unto the saide Peter Streete, his executors or assignes, att the place aforesaid appoynted for the erectinge of the said frame, the full some of fower hundred and fortie poundes, of lawfull money of Englande, in manner and forme followinge; that is to saie, at suche tyme and when as the tymber woork of the saide frame shall be raysed and sett upp by the saide Peter Streete, his executors or assignes, or within seaven daies then next followinge, twoo hundred and twentie poundes; and att suche time and when as the said frame-work shall be fullie effected and finished as is aforesaid, or within seaven daies then next followinge, thother twooe hundred and twentie poundes, withoute fraude or coven. Provided allwaies, and it is agreed betwene the said parties, that whatsoever some or somes of money the said Phillip Henslowe, or Edward Allen, or either of them, shall lend or deliver unto the saide Peter Streete, his executors or assignes, or any other by his appoyntment or consent, for or concerninge the saide woork

-- 343 --

or anie parte thereof, or anie stuff thereto belonginge, before the raiseing and setting upp of the saide frame, shall be reputed, accepted, taken and accoumpted in parte of the first payment aforesaid of the saide some of fower hundred and fortie poundes: and all such some and somes of money as they or anie of them shall as aforesaid lend or deliver betwene the razeing of the said frame and finishing thereof, and of all the rest of the said works, shall be reputed, accepted, taken and accoumpted in parte of the laste payment aforesaid of the same some of fower hundred and fortie poundes; anie thinge above said to the contrary notwithstandinge. In witness whereof the parties abovesaid to theis present indentures interchangeably have sett their handes and seales. Yeoven the daie and yeare above-written.”

The following paper is also curious, as ascertaining the structure of our ancient places of entertainment, and the various uses to which they were applied. It is endorsed by Mr. Malone: “New building of the Bear Garden in August 1613, on plan of the Swan Theatre.” The Swan Theatre, it has been already mentioned, p. 56, fell into decay about that time. Boswell.

Articles covenanted, granted, and agreements concluded and agreed upon this nyne and twentythe daie of August, Anno dmni, 1613, between Phillip Henslowe of the parish of St. Saviours in Southwarke within the countye of Surrie Esquier and Jacob Maide of the parish of Saint Olaves in Southwarke aforesaide, waterman, on thone partie, and Gilbert Katherens of the said parish of St. Saviours in Southwarke, carpenter, on thother partie, as followeth, that is to saie.

Imprimis, the saide Gilbert Katherens for him, his

-- 344 --

executors, administrators, and assignes, doth covenant, promise, and graunt, to and with the saide Phillip Henslowe and Jaconb Maide, and either of them, the executors, administrators and assignes of them and either of them, by theise presents, in manner and forme following, That he the saide Gilbert Katherens, his executors, administrators, or assignes, shall and will at his or their owne proper costes and charges uppon or before the last daie of November next ensuinge the daie of the date of these presentes above-written, not onlie take downe or pull downe all that game place or house wherein beares and bulls have been heretofore usually bayted, and also one other house or stable wherein bulls and horses did usuallie stande, sett, lyinge and beynge uppon or near the Banke syde in the saide parishe of St. Saviours in Southwarke commonlie called or knowen by the name of the Beare garden, but shall also at his or their owne proper costes and charges uppon or before the saide last daie of November newly erect, builde, and sett up one other game place or plaie house fitt and convenient in all thinges both for players to plaie in and for the game of beares and bulls, to be bayted in the same; and also a fitt and convenient tyre house and a frame to be carryed or taken away and to stande uppon tressels good substantiall and sufficient for the carrying and bearing of suche a stage; and shall new builde erect and sett up again the saide plaie house or game place neere or uppon the saide place where the same game place did heretofore stande. And to builde the same of suche large compasse, forme, wideness, and height, as the plaie house called the Swan in the libertie of Paris Garden in the saide parishe of St. Saviours now is. And shall also builde two steare casses without and adjoyning to the saide playe house in suche convenient places as shal be most fitt and convenient for them to stande uppon, and of such largnes and height as the stear casses of

-- 345 --

the saide playe house called the Swan now are or be. And shall also builde the heavens over the saide stage, to be borne or carried without any postes or supporters to be fixed or sett uppon the saide stage: and all gutters of leade needfull for the carryage of all suche raine water as shall fall uppon the same, And shall also make two boxes in the lower most storie, fitt and decent for gentlemen to sitt in; And shall make the partitions betweene the roomes as they are at the saide play house called the Swan. And to make turned cullumes [columns] uppon and over the stage, And shall make the principalls and fore front of the saide plaie house of good and sufficient oken tymber, and no firr tymber to be putt or used in the lowermost or under stories, excepte the upright postes on the backe parte of the saide stories: all the bindinge joystes to be of oken tymber, the inner principall postes of the first storie to be twelve footes in height and tenn ynches square; the inner principall postes in the midall storie to be eight ynches square: the innermost postes in the upper storie to be seaven ynches square; the &lblank; postes in the first storie to be eight ynches square in the seconde storie seaven ynches square, and in the upper storie six ynchessquare. Also the brest summers in the lowermost storie to be nyne ynches deepe and seaven ynches in thicknes and in the midall storie to be eight ynches depe and six ynches in thicknes: the byndinge joistes of the first storie to be nyne and eight ynches in depth and thicknes, and in the midell storie to be viii and vii ynches in depth and thicknes. Item, to make a good sure and sufficient foundacion of brickes for the saide playe house or game place and to make it xii ynches at the leaste above the grounde. Item to new builde erect and sett up the said bull house and stable with good and sufficient scantling tymber plankes and bordes and partitions, of that largenes and fittnes as

-- 346 --

shall be sufficient to kepe and hold six bulls and three horses or geldinges, with rackes and mangers in the same. And also a lofer [louvre] or storie over the saide house as nowe it is. And shall also at his or their owne proper coste and charges new tyle with Englishe tyles all the upper roofe of the saide playe house, game place, and bull house or stable. And shall finde and paie for at his like proper costes and charges all the lyme lears, sand, brickes, tyles, laths, nayles, workmanshippe and all other thinges needfull and necessarie for the full finishinge of the saide playe house or game place to be made in all thinges and in suche forme and fashion as the said playhouse called the Swan, the scantling of the tymbers, tyles and foundations as is aforesaide, without fraud or covin. And the saide Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Maide and either of them for them thexecutors administrators and assignes of them and either of them, doe covenant and graunt to and with the saide Gilbert Katherens his executors administrators and assignes in manner and forme followinge, that is to saie, that the saide Gilbert or his assignes shall or may have and take to his or their use and behalfe not onlie all the tymber, benches, seates, slates, tyles, brickes, and all other thinges belonginge to the saide game place, bull house or stable, and also all suche old tymber whiche the saide Phillip Henslowe hath latlie bought being of an old house in Thames Street, London, whereof most parte is now lying in the yarde or backside of the said Beare garden. And also be satisfied and paid unto the saide Gilbert Katherens his executors administrators or assignes for the doinge and finishinge of the workes and buildings aforesaid the sum of three hundred and three score poundes of good and lawful monie of Englande in manner and forme followinge, that is to saie, in handle at then

-- 347 --

sealing and delivery hereof three score poundes whiche the said Gilbert acknowledgeth himselfe by theyse presentes to have received. And moreover to paie every weeke weeklie duringe the sixe weekes unto the said Gilbert or his assignes when he shall sett workmen to worke uppon or about the buildinge the premisses the somme of tenn poundes of lawfull monie of Englande to paie them their wages yf theyre wages doth amount unto so muche monie. And when the saide plaiehouse bull house and stable are reared, then to make upp the saide wages one hundred poundes of lawfull monie of Englande, and to be paide unto the saide Gilbert Katherens or his assignes. And when the saide plaie house bull house and stable are reared, tyled, walled, then to paie unto the saide Gilbert Katherens or his assignes one other hundred poundes of lawfull monie of England And when the saide plaie house bull house and stable are fullie finished builded and done, in manner and forme aforesaide, then to paie unto the saide Gilbert Katherens or his assignes one other hundred poundes of lawfull monie of England, in full satisfac&obar;n and payment of the saide somme of ccc lxli. And to all and singuler the covenantes, grauntes, articles, and agreements, above in theise presentes contayned, whiche on the parte and behalfe of the saide Gilbert Katherens his executors administrators or assignes, are and ought to be observed, performed, fulfilled, and done, the saide Gilberte Katherens bindeth him selfe, his executors, administrators, and assignes, unto the saide Philipp Henslowe and Jacob Maide, and to either of them thexecutors administrators and assignes of them or either of them, by theise presentes. In witness whereof the saide Gilbert Katherens hath hereunto sett his hande and seal the daie and yere first above written.

The marke [G. K.] of Gilbert Katherens.

-- 348 --

As the following article in Mr. Malone's Supplement, &c. 1780, is omitted in his present Historical Account of the English Stage, it is here reprinted.— The description of a most singular species of dramatick entertainment, cannot well be considered as an unnatural adjunct to the preceding valuable mass of theatrical information. Steevens.

“A transcript of a very curious paper now in my possession, entitled, The Platt of the Secound Parte of the Seven Deadlie Sinnes, serves in some measure to mark the various degrees of consequence of several of these [our ancient] performers.

The piece entitled The Seven Deadly Sins, in two parts, (of one of which the annexed paper contains the outlines,) was written by Tarleton the comedian3 note

.

-- 349 --

From the manner in which it is mentioned by Gabriel Harvey, his contemporary, it appears to have been a new and unexampled species of dramatick exhibition. He expressly calls it a play. I think it probable, that it was first produced soon after a violent attack had been made against the stage. Several invectives against plays were published in the latter part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. It seems to have been the purpose of the author of this exhibition, to concenter in one performance the principal subjects of the serious drama, and to exhibit at one view those uses to which it might be applied with advantage. That these Seven Deadly Sins, as they are here called, were esteemed the principal subjects of tragedy, may appear from the following verses of Heywood, who, in his Apology for Actors, introduces Melpomene thus speaking;


“Have I not whipt Vice with a scourge of steele,
“Unmaskt sterne Murther, sham'd lascivious Lust,
“Pluckt off the visar from grimme treason's face,
“And made the sunne point at their ugly sinnes?
“Hath not this powerful hand tam'd fiery Rage,
“Kill'd poysonous Envy with her own keene darts,
“Choak'd up the covetous mouth with moulten gold,
“Burst the vast wombe of eating Gluttony,
“And drown the drunkard's gall in juice of grapes?
“I have shew'd Pride his picture on a stage,
“Layde ope the ugly shapes his steel-glasse hid,
“And made him passe thence meekely &lblank;.”

As a very full and satisfactory account of the exhibition described in this ancient fragment, by Mr. Steevens, will be found in the following pages, it is unnecessary to add any thing upon the subject.— What dramas were represented in the first part of the Seven Deadly Sins, we can now only conjecture, as probably the Plot of that piece is long since destroyed. The ill consequences of Rage, I suppose, were inculcated by the exhibition of Alexander, and the death

-- 350 --

of Clitus, on which subject, it appears, there was an ancient play4 note. Some scenes in the drama of Midas5 note were probably introduced to exhibit the odiousness and folly of Avarice. Lessons against Pride and ambition were perhaps furnished, either by the play of Ninus and Semiramis6 note, or by a piece formed on the story of Phaeton7 note: And Gluttony, we may suppose, was rendered odious in the person of Heliogabalus. Malone.

-- --

The Platt* note



of the Secound Parte of the Seven Deadlie Sinns.

A tent being plast on the stage for Henry the Sixt. He in it asleepe. To him the Lieutenant, a Purcevant, R. Cowley Jo Duke, & 1 Warder, R. Pollant. to them Pride, Gluttony, Wrath and Covetousnes at one dore. at another dore Envie, Sloth and Lechery. The three put back the foure and so exeunt.

Henry awaking Enter a Keeper J Sincler. to him a Servaunt T. Belt. To him Lidgate, & the Keeper Exit. then enter againe. Then Envy passeth over the stag. Lidgate speakes.

A Senitt. Dumb Show.

Enter King Gorboduk wth. Counsailers. R. Burbadg Mr Brian Th. Goodale. The Queene with Ferrex and Porrex and som attendaunts follow. Saunder. W. Sly. Harry. J. Duke. Kitt. Ro Pallant. J. Holland. After Gorboduk hath consulted with his lords he brings his 2 sonns to to several seates. They enving on on other Ferrex offers to take Porex his Corowne. he draws his weapon. The King Queene and Lords step between them. They thrust them away and menasing each other exit. The Queene and Lords depart hevilie. Lidgate speaks.

Enter Ferrex crownd with drum & coulers and soldiers one way. Harry. Kitt. R. Cowley John Duke. to them at another dore Porrex drum & collors & soldiers. W. Sly. R. Pallant. John Sincler. J. Holland.

Enter queene with 2 counsailors Mr. Brian Tho. Goodale. to them Ferrex and Porrex several waies with drums and powers. Gorboduk entering in the midst between. Henry speaks.

Alarums with excurtions. After Lidgate speakes.

Enter Ferrex and Porrex severally Gorboduk still following them. Lucius Damasus Mr. Bry T. Good.

Enter Ferrex at one dore. Porrex at another. The fight. Ferrex is slayne. To them Videna the Queene. to her Damasus. to him Lucius.

Enter Porrex sad with Dordan his man. R. P. W. Sly. To them the Queene and a Ladie. Nich. Saunder. and Lords R. Cowly Mr. Brian. To them Lucius running.

Henry and Lidgat speaks. Sloth passeth over.

Enter Giraldus Phronesius Aspatia Pompeia Rodope. R. Cowly. Th. Goodale. R. Go. Ned. Nick.

Enter Sardinapalus Arbactus Nicanor and Captaines marching. Mr. Phillipps. Mr. Pope. R. Pa. Kit. J. Sincler. J. Holland.

Enter a Captaine with Aspatia and the Ladies. Kitt.

Lidgat speake.

Enter Nicanor wth. other Captaines R. Pall. J. Sincler. Kitt. J. Holland. R. Cowly. to them Arbactus Mr. Pope. to him Will Foole† note J. Duke. to him Rodopeie Ned. to her Sardanapalus like a woman wth. Aspatia Rodope Pompeia Will. Foole. to them Arbactus & 3 musitions Mr. Pope J. Sincler. Vincent. R. Cowley. to them Nicanor and others R. P. Kitt.

Enter Sardanapa. wth. the Ladies. to them a Messenger Tho Goodale. to him Will Foole running. Alarum.

Enter Arbactus pursuing Sardanapalus. and the Ladies fly. After enter Sarda. with as many jewels robes and gold as he can cary.

alarum.

Enter Arbactus Nicanor and the other Captains in triumph. Mr. Pope R. Pa. Kitt. J. Holl. R. Cow. J. Sinc.

Henry speakes and Lidgate. Lechery passeth over the stag.

Enter Tereus Philomela Julio. R. Burbadge Ro. R. Pall. J. Sink.

Enter Progne Itis and Lords. Saunder. Will. J. Duke. W. Sly. Harry.

Enter Philomele and Tereus. to them Julio.

Enter Progne Panthea Itis and Lords. Sander. T. Belt. Will. W. Sly. Hary Th. Goodale. to them Tereus with Lords R. Burbadge. J. Duk. R. Cowley.

A dumb show. Lidgate speaks.

Enter Progne with the sampler. to her Tereus from hunting wth. his Lords. to them Philomele with Itis hed in a dish. Mercury comes and all vanish. to him 3 Lords. Th. Goodale. Harey. W. Sly.

Henry speaks to him Lieutenant Pursevaunt and Warders. R. Cowley J. Duke J. Holland. Joh. Sincler. to them Warwick Mr. Brian.

Lidgate speaks to the audiens and so

Exitts. FINIS.
[unresolved image link]

I met with this singular curiosity in the library of Dulwich College, where it had remained unnoticed from the time of Alleyn who founded that society, and was himself the chief or only proprietor of the Fortune playhouse.

The Platt (for so it is called) is fairly written out on pasteboard in a large hand, and undoubtedly contained directions appointed to be stuck up near the prompter's station. It has an oblong hole in its centre, sufficient to admit a wooden peg; and has been converted into a cover for an anonymous manuscript play entitled The Tell-tale. From this cover8 note

-- 351 --

I made the preceding transcript; and the best conjectures I am able to form about its supposed purpose and operation, are as follows.

It is certainly (according to its title) the groundwork of a motley exhibition, in which the heinousness of the seven deadly sins9 note was exemplified by aid of scenes and circumstances adapted from different dramas, and connected by choruses or occasional speakers. As the first part of this extraordinary entertainment is wanting, I cannot promise myself the most complete success in my attempts to explain the nature of it.

The period is not exactly fixed at which moralities gave way to the introduction of regular tragedies and comedies. Perhaps indeed this change was not effected on a sudden, but the audiences were to be gradually weaned from their accustomed modes of amusement. The necessity of half indulging and half repressing a gross and vicious taste, might have given rise to such pieces of dramatick patchwork as this. Even the most rigid puritans might have been content to behold exhibitions in which Pagan histories were rendered subservient to Christian purposes. The dulness of the intervening homilist would have half absolved the deadly sin of the poet. A sainted audience would have been tempted to think the representation of Othello laudable, provided the piece were at once heightened and moralized1 note



by choruses spoken in the characters of Ireton and Cromwell.—Let it be

-- 352 --

remembered, however, that to perform several short and distinct plays in the course of the same evening, was a practice continued much below the imagined date of this theatrical directory. Shakspeare's Yorkshire Tragedy was one out of four pieces acted together; and Beaumont and Fletcher's works supply a further proof of the existence of the same custom.

This “Platt of the second part of the seven deadly sins” seems to be formed out of three plays only, viz. Lord Buckhurst's Gorboduc, and two others with which we are utterly unacquainted, Sardanapalus and Tereus2 note

. It is easy to conceive how the different sins might be exposed in the conduct of the several heroes of these pieces. Thus, Porrex through envy destroys his brother;—Sardanapalus was a martyr to his sloth:


Et venere, et cœnis, et pluma Sardanapali. Juv. Sat. x.

Tereus gratified his lechery by committing a rape on his wife's sister. I mention these three only, because

-- 353 --

it is apparent that the danger of the four preceding vices had been illustrated in the former part of the same entertainment. “These three put back the other four,” as already done with, at the opening of the present exhibition. Likewise Envy crosses the stage before the drama of Gorboduc, and Sloth and Lechery appear before those of Sardanapalus and Tereus.—It is probable also that these different personages might be meant to appear as in a vision to King Henry VI. while he slept; and that as often as he awaked, he introduced some particular comment on each preceding occurrence. His piety would well enough entitle him to such an office. In this task he was occasionally seconded by Lidgate, the monk of Bury, whose age, learning, and experience, might be supposed to give equal weight to his admonitions. The latter certainly, at his final exit, made a formal address to the spectators.

As I have observed that only particular scenes from these dramas appear to have been employed, so probably even these were altered as well as curtailed. We look in vain for the names of Lucius and Damasus in the list of persons prefixed to the tragedy of Gorboduc. These new characters might have been added, to throw the materials that composed the last act into narrative, and thereby shorten the representation; or perhaps all was tragick pantomime, or dumb show3 note, except the alternate monologues of Henry and Lidgate; for from the Troie Boke of the latter I learn that the reciters of dramatick pieces were once distinct from the acting performers or gesticulators. But at what period this practice (which was perhaps

-- 354 --

the parent of all the pageantry and dumb shows in theatrical pieces during the reign of Elizabeth,) was begun or discontinued, I believe (like many customs of greater importance,) is not to be determined.


  “In the theatre there was a smale aulter
“Amyddes sette that was halfe circuler,
“Which into easte of custome was directe,
“Upon the whiche a pulpet was erecte,
“And therein stode an auncient poete
“For to reherse by rethorykes swete
“The noble dedes that were hystoryall
“Of kynges and prynces for memoryall,
“And of these olde worthy emperours
“The great empryse eke of conquerours,
“And how they gat in Martes hye honour
“The lawrer grene for fyne of their labour,
“The palme of knighthod diserved by old date,
“Or Parchas made them passen into fate.
  “And after that with chere and face pale,
“With style enclyned gan to tourne his tale,
“And for to synge after all their loose,
“Full mortally the stroke of Attropose,
“And tell also for all their worthy head
“The sodeyne breaking of their lives threde,
“How piteously they made their mortall ende
“Thrugh false fortune that al the world wil shende,
“And how the fyne of all their worthynesse
“Ended in sorowe and high tristesse.
“By compassynge of fraud or false treason,
“By sodaine murder or vengeance of poyson,
“Or conspyryng of fretyng false envye
“How unwarily that they dydden dye,
“And how their renowne and their mighty fame
“Was of hatred sodeynly made lame,
“And how their honour downward gan decline,
“And the mischiefe of their unhappy fyne,
“And how fortune was to them unswete,
“All this was told and red by the poete.
“And whyle that he in the pulpit stode
“With deadly face all devoyde of blode,
“Synging his dittees with muses all to rent,
“Amyd the theatre shrowded in a tent,
“There came out men gastfull in their cheres,
“Disfygured their faces with viseres,
“Playing by sygnes in the peoples syght
“That the poete songe hath on heyght.

-- 355 --


“So that there was no manner discordaunce
“Atwene his ditees and their countenaunce;
“For lyke as he alofte dyd expresse
“Wordes of joye or of heavinesse,
“Meaning and chere beneth of them playing
“From poynt to poynt was alway answering;
“Now triste, now glad, now hevy, and now light,
“And face ychaungid with a sodeyne syght
“So craftely they coulde them transfygure,
“Conforming them unto the chante plure,
“Now to synge and sodaynely to wepe,
“So well they could their observaunces kepe.
“And this was done,” &c. Troie Boke, b. ii. c. xii.

I think Gravina has somewhere alluded to the same contrivance in the rude exhibitions of very early dramatick pieces.

It may be observed, that though Lidgate assures us both tragedies and comedies were thus represented in the city of Troy, yet Guido of Colonna (a civilian and poet of Messina in Sicily) whom he has sometimes very closely followed, makes mention of no such exhibitions. The custom, however, might have been prevalent here, and it is probable that Lidgate, like Shakspeare, made no scruple of attributing to a foreign country the peculiarities of his own.

To conclude, the mysterious fragment of ancient stage directions, which gave rise to the present remarks, must have been designed for the use of those who were familiarly acquainted with each other, as sometimes, instead of the surname of a performer, we only meet with Ned or Nich4 note. Let me add, that on the whole this paper describes a species of dramatick entertainment of which no memorial is preserved in any annuals of the English stage. Steevens.

-- 356 --

To the preceding extract are now annexed three other “Plotts” of three of our old unpublished dramatick
King Henry VI.
E. of Warwick, Geo. Bryan*.
Lieutenant, Rich. Cowley*.
Pursuivant, John Duke† note.
Warder, R. Pallant.
Gorboduc.
Gorboduc, R. Burbage*.
Porrex, W. Sly*.
Ferrex, Harry (i. e. Condell)*.
Lucius, G. Bryan.
Damasus, T. Goodale.
Videna, (the Queen,) Saunder (i. e. Alexander Cooke)*.
Tereus.
Tereus, R. Burbage.
Philomela, R. Pallant.
Panthea, T. Belt.
Itys, Will.
Julio, J. Sincler‡ note.
Progne, Saunder.
Sardanapalus.
Sardanapalus, Aug. Phillips*.
Arbactus, Tho. Pope*.
Nicanor, R. Pallant.
Giraldus, R. Cowley.
Phronesius, T. Goodale.
Will. Fool, J. Duke.
Aspatia, R. Gough*.
Pompeia, Ned (perhaps Edward Alleyn)
Rodope, Nich. (Nicholas Tooley)*.
Steevens.

-- 357 --

pieces5 note. See No. I. II. and III. The originals are in my possession.

There is reason to suppose that these curiosities once belonged to the collection of Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College; nor am I left without expectation that at some future period I may derive more important intelligence from the dispersed remains of that theatrical repository.

The Dead Man's Fortune and Tamar Cam6 note, will not, I believe, be found in any catalogues of dramatick performances. At least they are not enumerated among such as have fallen within Mr. Reed's observation, or my own.

That the play of Frederick and Basilea was acted, by the Lord Admiral's Company, four times in the year 1597, may be ascertained from Mr. Malone's Additions, p. 308.

-- 358 --

In these three “Plotts” the names of several ancient players, “unregister'd in vulgar fame,” are preserved. —But to luckier and more industrious antiquaries of the scene I must resign the task of collecting anecdotes of their lives: so that “Pigg, Ledbeter, White and Black Dick and Sam, Jack Gregory, Little Will Barne, and the red-faced fellow,” &c. appear at present with less celebrity than their brethren who figured in the plays of Shakspeare.

Notwithstanding the reader must observe that the drift of the foregoing dramatick pieces cannot be collected from the mere outlines before us, he may be ready enough to charge them with absurdity. Justice therefore requires me to add, that even the scenes of our authour would have worn as unpromising an aspect, had their skeletons only been discovered.

For several reasons I suspect that these “Plotts” had belonged to three distinct theatres, in which at different periods Alleyn might have held shares.— The names of the performers in each company materially disagree6 note



; the “Plotts” themselves are written

-- 359 --

out in very different hands; and (though the remark may seem inconsiderable) their apertures are adapted to pegs of very different dimensions. See the second paragraph in p. 350. Steevens.

-- --

The plotte of the deade mans fortune.

Enter the prolouge.

Enter laertes Eschines and vrganda.

Enter pescodde to him his father.

Enter Tesephon allgeryus laertes wth
atendantes: Darlowe: lee: b samme: to
them allcyane and statyra.

Enter validore and aspida at severall dores
to them the panteloun* note.

Musique.

&stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam;

Enter carynus and Prelior to them
statyra and allcyane.

Enter vrganda laertes Eschines: Exit
Eschines and enter for Bell veile.

Enter panteloun and his man to them his wife
aspida to her validore.

Dar.
lee.
sam.

Enter Tesephonn allgerius alcyane & statyra
wm atendantes to them carynus and
prelior to them laertes & Bell veile.

Enter valydore & aspida cuttynge of
ruffes to them the maide.

Enter panteloun whiles he speakes
validore passeth ore the stage disguisde
then Enter pescode to them aspida to
them the maide wth pescodds apparell.

Musique

&stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam;

Enter carynus and prelyor = here the
laydes speakes in prysonn.

Enter laertes and Bell veile to them the
Jayler to them the laydes.

Enter Tesephon Allgerius at severall dores
disguisd wth meate to them the Jayler.

Enter panteloun & pescode = enter aspida
to sir validore & his man b. samme to
them the panteloun and pescode wth spectakles† note



.

Musique

&stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam;

Enter Tesephon allgerius wth attendantes Dar. &
tyre man & others to them Burbage‡ note a messenger
to them Euphrodore—Robart lee & b. samme.

Enter carynus & prelior to them vrganda
wth a lookinge glasse accompaned wth satires
plainge on ther Instruments.

Enter carynus madde to him prelyor
madde.

Enter aspida & pescode to her
Enters rose.

Enter panteloun & pescodde.

Enter aspida and validore disguisd like rose wth
a flasket of clothes to them rose wth a
nother flasket of clothes to them the panteloun
to them pescodde.

Musique.

&stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam;

Enter Vrganda Alcione Statira Enter Laertes
Eschines enters wt out disguise.

Enter kinge Egereon allgeryus tesephon
wth lordes the executioner wth his
sworde & blocke & offycers wth holberds
to them carynus & prelyor then after that
the musicke plaies and then enters 3 antique
faires dancynge on after a nother
the first takes the sworde from the executioner
and sendes him a waye the other
caryes a waie the blocke and the third sends
a waie the offycers & unbindes allgeryus
& tesephon and as they entred so they departe.

Enter to them vrganda laertes and
Eschines leadinge their laides hand in hand.

Enter the panteloun & pescode.

Enter validore.

Enter aspida to her rose.

Enter the panteloun & causeth the
cheste or truncke to be broughte forth.

FINIS.
[unresolved image link]

-- --

The plott of The First parte of Tamar Cam.

Enter Chorus Dic Jubie.

Sound Sennet.

Enter Mango Cham, 3 noblemen: Mr.
Denygten 1 W. Cart. 2 & Tho. Marbeck
& (3) W. Parr. attendants: Parsons & George:
To them Otanes: Tamar: & Colmogra:
H. Jeffs: Mr. Allen & Mr. Burne. exit

Sound flourish

Mango & nobles: manet the rest Exit Tamor
& Otanes manet Colmogra Exit.

Sound.

Enter the Persian Shaugh: Artaxes: Trebassus:
Mr. Towne, Mr. Charles & Dick Jubie
attendants: To them a
Scowt: W. Parr: Exeunt.

Alarum.

Enter Tamor Cam: Otanes: Parsons:
Tho: Marbeck: & W. Cart: Exeunt.

Alarum.

Enter Assinico* note: & a Persian: Mr. Singer
& Parsons: To them Colmogra Exeunt.
manet Colmogra: To him Tamor Cam
Otanes: 3 nobles: W. Cart: Tho: Marbeck:
& W. Parr: Exit Colmogra To them
Colmogra & Mango: guard George: parsons.

Sound.

Exeunt, manet Colmogra: Exit.

Enter Chorus Dick Jubie: Exit.

Thunder.

Enter Otanes: To him a spirritt: Parsons:
To him another Spirrit: Pontus: Tho Marbeck:
To him another Diaphines: Dick Jubie.
To him another: Ascalon† note: Mr.Sam: Exit
Spirritts: To him Tamor Cam: Exit Tamor.
To him Spirritts againe: Exeunt.

Sound.

Enter Colmogra: & 3 noblemen: W. Cart:
Tho: Marbeck & W. Parr. To them Mango.

Enter Otanes: To him Spirritts: Ascalon.
To him Diaphines: Exeunt.

Enter Colmogra: To him 3 nobles
& a Drum: To them Assinico Drunk:

Sound.

To them Tamor Cam: Otanes: & guard:
& George Parsons: to them Diaphines:
Dick Jubie: Exeunt.manet clowne. Exit.

Sound. Alarm.

Enter Tamor Cam: Otanes: attendants:
W. Cart: W. Parr: & Tho. Marbeck: Parson
& George: To them a Trumpet. Dick
Jubie: Exeunt.

Enter Chorus: exit.

Enter Colmogra: To him Otanes & Mr. Charles a
pledge for Tamor: W. Cart: for the Persian Tho: Marbeck.

Sound.

Enter at one dore Tamor Cam: Otanes:
a Trompett: W. Parr: Attendaunts: Parsons:
To him at another dore: the Persian:
Mr. Towne attendants Mr. Charles: Dick Jubie.

Windhorne.

Exeunt. manet Tamor: Otanes & Persian:
To them Colmogra like a post: Exit
Colmogra: To Otanes enter Ascalon:
Mr. Sam: exeunt.

Sound.

Enter Colmogra: & 3 nobles: W. Cart:
Tho: Marbeck & W. Parr: To them a
Messinger: Tho. Parsons: To them an
other Messinger: Dick Jubie.

Drum a far of.

To them Tamor Cam: King of Persia: Tarmia his daugher:
Otanes: noblemen: Mr. Charles: Dick Jubie: Guard

Sound.

George & Parsons. Exeunt Otanes & nobles
wth the 3 Rebbells: To them Otanes: wth a head.
To them Mr. Charles wth an other head.
To them Dick Jubie wth an other head.

Sound.

Exeunt. manet Otanes. Exit.

Enter Captaine & guarde. George &
Parsons: & W. Parr: Exeunt.

Enter Clown, Ascalon & Diaphines:
To them Otanes & Palmeda.

Enter Tarmia & guarde: Thom. Marbeck,
Parsons: W. Parr & George: To her the
orracle speakes Mr. Towne. Exeunt.

Enter Chorus‡ note


.

Enter Cam: Otanes: attendants:
W. Cart: & W. Parr: To them Tarmia
the nurss Tho. Parsons wth children. Tho. Marbeck:
& George: To them Otanes & Palmida:
& 2. spirritts: Exit. manet spirritts. To them
Assinico: To them Palmida. Exeunt.
manet Palmida. To herr Tamor Cam:
To them Tarmia: To them guard:
Tho. Marbeck: W. Parr: Parsons: To them
the 2. spirritts: To them the Persian
attendants: Mr. Charles: Parsons: George
& soldiers: To them Colmogra: To
them Tarmia & her 2 sonns: Jack
grigerie & Mr. Denygtens little boy. Exeunt.

Enter Chorus.

Enter Persian: Tarmia, nobles: Mr.
Charles: Dick Jubie: & Mr. Bourne.

Enter Tamor Cam; Otanes: & Palmeda.
To them Pitho & linus 2 Satire: & 2
nymphes, Heron, and Thia: Mr. Jubie, A. Jeffs.
Jack Grigorie & the other little boy. To
them Captaines: Tho. Marbeck: & W. Cartwright:
To them Ascalon & Diaphines: to them
Palmida : Exeunt.

Enter Attaxes: & Artabisus: Mr.
Charles: Mr. Boorne: attendants: George
W. Parr: & Parsons: Drom and Culler:
To them Captaine Tho Marbeck: To
them Tamor Cam: & Palmida & Otanes:
1. Enter the Tartars: Mr. Towne, Mr. Denygten.
2. Enter the Geates: Gedion & Gibbs.
3. Enter the Amozins: Jack Grigorie & little Will.
4. Enter the Nagars: Tho: Rowley: and the red fast fellow§ note.
5. Enter the ollive cullord morres: A. Jeffs Mr. Jubie.
6. Enter Canniballs: Rester: old Browne.
7. Enter Hermophrodites: Jeames, Parsons.
8. Enter the people of Bohare: W. Parr: W. Cart.
9. Enter Pigmies: gils his boy & little will Barne.
10. Enter the Crymms: Mr. Sam. Ned Browne.
11. Enter Cattaians, Dick Jubie and George.
12. Enter the Bactrians: W. Parr&verbar2; note: Tho. Marbeck.

FINIS.

[unresolved image link]

-- --

The plott of ffrederick and Basilea.

Enter Prologue: Richard Alleine.

Enter Frederick kinge: Mr. Jubie R. Alenn To them
Basilea servants Black Dick. Dick.

Enter Gouernor Athanasia Moore: Mr. Dunstann. Griffen.
Charles. To them Heraclius Seruants. Tho. Hunt black Dick.

Enter Leonora, Sebastian, Theodore, Pedro, Philippo Andreo.
Mr. Allen, Will, Mr. Martyn, Ed. Dutton, ledbeter, Pigg* note:
To them king Frederick Basilea Guarde. Mr. Juby. R. Allen,
Dick, Tho. Hunt, black Dick.

Enter Myron-hamet, lords. Tho: Towne. Tho Hunt ledbeter
To them Heraclius, Thamar, Sam. Charles.

Enter Gouernor Mr. Dunstann, To hym Messenger Th: Hunt
To them Heraclius Sam: To them Myran-hamet, goliors.

Enter ffrederick Basilea, R. Allen, Dick, To them kinge.
Mr. Jubie To them Messenger Black Dick, To them
Sebastian, Heraclius, Theodore, Pedro, Phillippo Andreo,
Thamar, Mr. Allen, Sam: Mr. Martyn, leadr: Dutton Pigg.
To them Leonora, Will.

Enter ffrederick Basilea, R. Allen: Dick. To them
Phillippo, Dutton. To her king ffrederick. Mr. Jubie
R. Allenn.

Enter Myron-hamet, Sebastian, Pedroe, lords.
Tho. Towne, Mr. Allenn, ledbeter. Attendaunts.

Enter king Theodore ffrederick. Mr. Jubie, Mr. Martyn,
R. Allenn. To them Phillipo, Basilea, E. Dutton his boye,
Guard. Tho. Hunt, gatherers† note. To them Messenger
Black Dick. To them Sebastian Myron-hamet
leonora Pedroe Andreo. Mr. Allen: Tho. Towne,
Will: leadbeter Pigg guards gatherers.

Enter ffrederick Basilea To them Pedro, confederates.
Robt. leadb: Black Dick Gatherers.

Enter ffrederick Guard. Mr. Juby R. Allen
Th: Hunt &c. To them Sebastian leonora
Theodore Myron-hamet Guard. Mr. Allen. Martyn.
To them Pedro Basilea upon the walls. come doune
Pedro, Basilea, ledb: Dick.

Enter Theodore Andreo. Mr. Martyn Pigg. To hym
Thamar Heraclius Sam. Charles.

Enter ffrederick Basilea, ffryer, R. Allen: Dick
Mr. Dunstann.

Enter Heraclius, Thamar, Andreo, Sam. Charles,
Pigg.Pigg. To them ffryer. Mr. Dunstann, To them
Theodore Martynn.

Enter ffrederick Basilea R. Allen. Dick. To them
ffryer Mr. Dunstann. To them Heraclius Sam.

Enter Leonora Myron-hamet Sebastian goliors.
Will: Mr. Towne, Mr. Allen. Tho. Hunt, black Dick.

To the queene Theodore Martyn.

Enter Heraclius Thamar Sam Charles. To hym
Theodore ffryer Dunstann Martynn. To them
Enter King Basilea ffrederick Messenger
Mr. Juby R. Allen Dick Black Dick. To them
Sebastian Leonora Myron-hamet Thamar goliors.
Mr. Allen Will Tho. Towne Charles, Tho: Hunt,
Black Dick, gatherers.

Epilogus R. Allenn‡ note

. Finis.

[unresolved image link]

-- 360 --

APPENDIX TO MR. MALONE'S HISTORY OF THE STAGE.

The following very curious extracts were doubtless intended by Mr. Malone to have been incorporated in his History of the Stage, but as this was not effected by himself, I have not thought myself at liberty to make so important an alteration in the contexture of his work, and have therefore placed here what additional information his papers supplied, as an Appendix. Boswell.

It struck me, many years since, that much information relative to the state of the stage at this important era might be obtained, if the Accounts of the Master of the Revels and Treasurer of the Chamber, furnished annually during that period, could be found; and with this view I made several unsuccessful attempts to discover those documents in the office of the late Auditors of the Imprest: but all the more ancient records belonging to that office, were then in such a state as to be absolutely inaccessible. Since the former edition1 of this work, by the laudable zeal and care of the present respectable Board of Auditors, all the papers, however ancient, relative to matters of account, which were formerly suffered to moulder in a damp and dark room at Westminster, were selected

-- 361 --

and methodically arranged, previous to their removal to the new office in Somerset Place; and by the favour of the late Sir William Musgrave, first Commissioner of that board, who, in the midst of very laborious offices, which he executed with great ability, always found time, not only for many curious historical researches of his own, but to promote, by every means in his power, the literary undertakings of others, I had free access to such of the Revels' Accounts as have escaped the corrosive hand of time. To be able to ascertain the real state of the stage, by the most authentick documents, from the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth almost to the period when there is good ground for supposing that our Poet commenced his theatrical career, has been long an object of my wish, though I scarcely could flatter myself with the hope of effecting it: at length, however, I am enabled to throw no inconsiderable light on this obscure period of our dramatick history; and the review will, I am confident, be highly interesting to my readers; for while it furnishes us with much curious information, it will at the same time form the highest eulogy on the great poet, whom nature formed to disregard the wretched models that were set before him, and to create a drama from his own native and original stores. Malone.

State of the Books of Account, and Records of the Master of the Revells, the Treasurer of the Chamber, the Board of Works, and the Great Wardrobe, still remaining in the Office for Auditing the Publick Accounts, 1st Nov. 1791.
Revells.Records. 14 Eliz. May to 15 Eliz. October8 note 1604 Thence to 16 Eliz. February9 note 1605

-- 362 --

Thence to 17 Eliz. February1 note 1606 Thence to February, 1576 1607 February 1577 to November 1579 1609 November 1580 to October 1581 1610 February 1582 to November 1583 1611 February 1584 to October 1585 1612 October 1587 to November 1588 1613 November 1660 to December 1670 1614
Treasurer of Chamber. 2 to 3 Eliz. Nov. 1559 to Nov. 1560 3 Eliz. 3 to 4 Eliz. Nov. 1560 to Nov. 1561 4 4 to 5 Eliz. Nov. 1561 to Nov. 1562 82 note 7 Eliz. Nov. 1564 to Nov. 1565 92 note 10 to 12 Eliz, Nov. 1567 to Nov. 1569 102 note 17 Eliz. Nov. 1574 to Nov. 1575 143 note 18 to 19 Eliz. Nov. 1575 to Nov. 1576 153 note 28 to 29 Eliz. Nov. 1785 to Nov. 1786 163 note 30 to 31 Eliz. Nov. 1786 to Nov. 1786 17 40 Eliz. Nov. 1797 18 41 to 42 Eliz. Nov. 1728 to Nov. 1799

Works.

Rotten, till a recent date.

12 15 17 18 20 21 22 23 24 and 27 Elizabeth.

Great Wardrobe.

Complete from the beginning to the end of Elizabeth except the 2d Account.

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 26 27 and 28 Elizabeth.

[I subjoin Sir William Musgrave's letter to Mr.

-- 363 --

Malone, containing a description of the nature and history of these documents. Boswell.]

Park Place, St. James's,
7th Nov.
91.

Dear Sir,

Unfortunately we have been under circumstances too much alike; for at the time when I last did myself the honour of writing to you, I was and still am confined by indisposition, which prevents me from personally paying my respects to you; I am however so much recovered, that I propose, with proper precautions, to resume my attendance at the Board this week, where I shall be glad to see you on Wednesdays (and not Tuesday) and Fridays, except the 23d and 25th of this month, between the hours of 12 and 3 o'clock. In the mean time it may be proper to give you a fuller explanation of the List of Accounts than my indisposition would allow me to do when I sent it, by informing you, that those described under the title of “Books of Account” are the original Accounts delivered to the Auditor by the Publick Officers; the “Recorded Accounts” are what the Auditor has prepared to be enrolled in the Exchequer from the Officer's Book and Vouchers. For the most part these last describe the transactions more particularly than the “Recorded Accounts;” so that where both are existing for the same year, the “Officer's Book” will best answer the objects of your researches, and the “Recorded Account” need only to be resorted to when there is any hiatus in the other.

The List I sent you contains the earliest of both sorts that are now in existence, and are coeval with the office of the (late) Auditors of the Imprests, who were not regularly established till the beginning of the reign of Q. Elizabeth; from that time the Books of Account and Records have been continued to the present year, and all of them that could be found upon a most

-- 364 --

careful search, in four lumber rooms adjoining to Westminster Hall, and appropriated to the late Auditors, have been selected from the immense load of rubbish under which they were concealed, and have been removed to the Office for Auditing the Publick Accounts, the first door on the east side of Somerset-place, where they are placed in proper presses, and ranged in such order as to be consulted with the greatest facility, which I hope you will soon be well enough to experience, and that they will furnish you with the information that you desire.

I am,

Dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely,

W. Musgrave.

The oldest book of Revels in the office of the Auditors of the Imprest is that of 1571.

I.

Revels in one yeare ending on Shrovetewsdaye in the xiiijth yeare of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth.

The whole Charges of thoffice aforesaide for one whole yeare, viz. from Shrove Tewsday in the xiiith yeare untill Shrove Tewsdaye in the xiiijth yeare of her Ma.ties reaigne, growing as well by meanes of wages and allowances due to sundry persons woorking and attending within the saide office & aboute thaffares therof; as also by meanes of sundry Emptions & Provisions this yeare within the same time made and provided by Sr Thomas Benger, Knighte, being Master of the seide office, for the apparelling, discharginge, furnishing, fitting, garnishing, and orderly setting

-- 365 --

forth of men, woomen, and children, in sundry tragedies, playes, maskes, and sports, with their apte houses of paynted canvas, and properties incident, suche as might most lively expresse the effect of the histories, plaies, and devises in masks, this yeare showen at the Coorte for her ma.ties regal disporte and recreacion; whose tytles and numbers with the tymes wherein they were showen, breefly are sett owte in the ende of this booke, wherein first foloweth the ordinary chardge.

Wages and allowances due to the partyes folowing for woorks doone and attendaunce geaven within the seide office betweene the first of December aforesaide [1571] on which daye the new woorks and preparacions for playes and maskes agaynst the tymes aforeseide did begyn, and the aforeseide Shrove Tewsday, on which nighte the Revells for that yeare did ende, according to the conclusion of this booke.

Thomas Clatterbooke, &c.

At the end of this booke the following List above referred to, is found:

Playes vi. viz. of

Lady Barbara, showen on Saint Johns day at Nighte by Sir Robert Lanes men.

Effigenia a tragedye showen on the Jnnosents daie at nighte, by the children of Powles.

Ajax and Ulisses, showen on New yeares daie at nighte, by the children of Wynsor.

Narcissus4 note, showen on Twelfe daye at nighte by the children of the Chappell.

Cloridon and Radiamanta, showen on Shrove sundaye at nighte by Sir Robert Lanes men.

Paris and Vienna, showen on Shrove tewsdaie at nighte by the Children of Westminster.

All whiche vi playes being chosen owte of many,

-- 366 --

and founde to be the best that then were to be had5 note, the same also being often perused and necessarely corrected and amended by all thafforeseide officers; then, they being so orderly addressed were lykewise throwghly apparelled and furnished with sundry kindes and sutes of apparell, and furnished perfected and garnished necessarely and answerable to the matter, person, and parte to be played; having apt howses made of canvasse, framed, fashioned, and paynted accordingly, as mighte best serve theier severall purposes; together with sundry properties incident, fashioned, paynted, garnished and bestowed as the partyes themselves required and needed, whereupon so muche of all manner of the emptions and provisions aforeseide as was expedient and requisite was aptly employed; together with parte of the worrkmanshipp and attendaunces aforeseide: And the residue of the emptions not then employed thereon was by the seide Mr. of this office, and others whome he did put in trust, reserved for farder service in thoffice; the most parte whereof was also employed together with the rest of the woorkmanshipp done upon the Maskes following:

Masks vi. viz. of

Cloth of Golde, of which one maske was yolow garded with black velvet, garnished with sylver lace and fringe, viz. vi long gownes, having vi hatts of black velvett edged with golde lace; and for theier torche bearers, vi long gownes of changeable taffata red and yolow, garnished withe lyke lace and frenge; with vi hatts answerable and vizards, skarfes, fawchions, buskins,

-- 367 --

wrestbands, and suche like necessaries incident. The tother maske was of crymson purple and greene cloth of golde, viz. viii. long gownes garnished with silver frenge and lace and buttons; whose torche bearers had viii long gownes of red damask likewise garnished, and all furnished with straunge heades, vyzardes, skarfes, fawchins, buskins, garters and wrestbands according.

Loomeworke. White and blacke braunched. vi long gownes garded with black velvett imbrodred with lace, lyned with tynsell, and edged with frenge: whose torche bearers had vi long gownes of changeable Taffata, blew and yolo, garnished with sylver lace and frenge, having likewise straunge heades and vizards with scarfes, fawchins, buskins, &c.

Murre Sattyn, one of vi longe gownes, and for the torchebearers vi long gownes of changeable taffata, garnished with sylver lace and frenge, having straunge heades curiusly decked with vyzards, skarfes, fachyns, buskins, &c.

The other ij maskes were but translated and otherwise garnished, being of the former number, by meanes whereof the chardge of woorkmanshipp and attendaunce is theerby to be respected.

Itm. One of the forenamed Masks had going before it a Child gorgeusly decked for Mercury, who uttered a speeche and presented iij flowers wroughte in silke and golde to the Queenes Ma.tie signefieng victory, peace, and plenty to ensue. He had also ij torchebearers in long gownes of changeable taffata with him.

Implements for Propertyes suche as sundry playes required, provided and employed by John Carow— note

-- 368 --

For sundry parcells of stuff by him bowghte and provyded for the use of this office, and for the plaies, masks and showes sett foorth theroff by the seide Mrs. co&mbar;andement, viz. Sparres, rafters, boords, punchyns, nayles, wires, hookes, hinges, horstayles, hobbyhorses, pitchers, paper, branches of sylke and other garniture for pageants, feathers, fagbroches, tow, trenchers, black gloves, septers, wheatestaves, bodyes of men in tymber, dishes for devills eyes, devices for hell, hell-mowthe, staves for banners, &c bowes, bills, daggs, targetts, swoordes, daggers, fawchins, [falchions] fierwoorke, bosses for bitts, speares, paste, glew, packthrede, whipcorde, holly ivy and other greene bowes, & strewing erbes, and such like implements by him employed at the coorte and in thoffice, &c. xiijli. xis. id.

The Furryer. Sachary Bennet, for x dozen of kydde skynnes, together with the woorkmanship by him and his servaunts doone upon the hobbyhorses that served the children of Westminster in the Triumphe (where Paris wan the chrystal sheelde for Vienna at the turneye and barryers) in all xlijs. vid.

The Cullorer. Willyam Lyzard, for golde sylver and sundry other cullers by him spent in paynting the howses that served for the playes and players at the coorte, with theier properties and necessaries incident, &c. xiijli. xvis. id.

Wyerdrawer and his Parcells. Thomas Leveritt for mony to him due for wyer, plates, launtornes, cansticks, staples, snakes, packing needles, ropes, bitts, and such like trinkets, with his attendaunce &c. vili. xvis.

Vizards. Thomas Gyles7 note for mony to him due for xxi fine vyzards with long birdes, lxxs. and for

-- 369 --

vi Turks vyzards xvs. in all as by his bill therof appereth, iiiijl. vs.

Hunters. John Tryce for money to him due for leashes, and doghookes, with staves and other necessaries by him provyded for the hunters that made crye after the fox (let loose in the coorte;) with their hownds, hornes, and hallowing, in the playe of Narcissus, which crye was made of purpose even as the woords then in utteraunce, and the parte then played, did requier; for the whiche the same Sir T. Benger also appointed him to gette certeyne rewards, the whole amounting to xxs. viijd.

Thunder and Lightning. John Izarde for mony to him due for his device in counterfeting thunder and lightning in the playe of Narcisses, being requested therunto by the seide Mr. of this office, and for sundry necessaries by him spent therein xxijs.

Chandler. Barnard Fabian, for mony to him due for sundry parcells of his ware, namely torches, lincks, other lights, seringcandle, corde, &c... &pluscirc; c. xvs. vd.

Armourer. Morris Pickering and Willm. Jening, for mony by them disbursed for the hier of certeine armour for the playe of Paris & Vienna, to furnish the triumphe therein, and for rewards by them gevin to the armourers that attended by the appointment of the said Mr. lis. vid.

Bryan Dadmer for mony by him disbursed for a chrystal sheelde and certaine bumbaste, &c. lxs.

Wyllyam Rowl,—for


Gloves for maskers, xii paier, vis. Raw sattin silke for heare, xvijs. vid. Lambeskins for Moores iijs. ixd. Flowers wroughte with needle worke, whereof iij were presented to her Ma.tie the residue garnished maskers heades, iijli. xiis. Heare for hozen, iijs. xid. Fewell & Rushes, xis. Gloves for players and maskers, lis.

-- 370 --

The Taffita, Sattyn Sarcenet, Cloth of Gold, Velvet, Damask, Tinsel, &c. employed within the time of this account came to near 800l.

The total expence of the Office of the Revels for this year was 1558l. 17s.d.

II.

The Booke of Charges growen within the office of the Queenes Ma.ties Revels,—from the last of May, 1572, to the last daye of October, 1573.

[In the months of June, July, August, September, and October, it is observed, that “there was works and attendaunces, especially agaynst the Progress in Kent.”]

Among the particulars of the expence of a mask shewn at Whitehall in June 1573, before her Majesty and the Duke of Montmerency, Embassador from France, which cost near 400l. are the following:

John Rosse, Gent. Property maker, for mony to him due for making of a Chariott of xiiij foote long and viij foote brode, withe a rocke upon it, and a fountayne therein, with the furnishing and garnishing thereof, for Apollo and the Nine Muzes, by the composition and appoyntment of thaforeseide John Forteskue, Esquier, [Master of the great Wardrobe] and Henri Sackford, Esquier, lxvili. viijs. iiijd.

James Macredye, Property maker, for making of a Castell for Lady Peace to sytt in, and be browghte in before the Queenes Ma.tie &c. xijli. xvs.

In the Joiners bill are charges “for a bolte, shackles and a coller for Discorde:—for boordes for the floore [of the Castle] and shelves for the counting howse;—for frames for the windowes;—for making of a Portal, shelves, dores, boxes, &c.

Willyam Lyzarde, Painter, for banners iiij, at vis. viiid. the peece, xxvis. viiid.—Crownes ii, vs.—for

-- 371 --

paynting vi. Marshalls staves iis.—for paynting a Castell, xs. the rocke and churche in the castle, xs.— The pillers, arcatrye [architrave], frize, cornishe, and the roofe gilt with golde and fine silver, cs. the armes of England and France upon it, xs. the wings, iiijs. certeyne garlonds, xxs. Ollyf braunches and snakes, viis.—A vizard for Argus, ijs. Candlesticks lykewise by him paynted, ij dozen, iiijli. A prison for Discord, vs. for drawing of dyvers hed peces, vis. viiid. for gilding iiij pillers of a waggon, iijs. iiijd.

Gyles Haberdasher for ij dozen of fyne womens vizardes, at xxiijs. the doozen, iijli. Itm. vi fyne Turkes vizardes, after xxiiijs. the doozen, xiis.

Thomas Greene the Cofer maker, for covering the seate of the Chariott whereon the Muzes sate, &c. xxijs. vid.

John Ogle, Property maker, for curling of heare made of black silk, for Discords heade (being lx ounces,) price of his woorkmanshipp thereon only is viis. viiid.

Thomas Leverett, Wyerdrawer, for white rownde plates, turnde in with a crest for xxiiij braunches, eche bearing iiij for lights at viiid. the peece, lxiiijs. Wyer to hand them by, viijs. greate wyers that went across the hall w. iiij lb. the piece at xvid. the lb. xxis. iiijd. A light for the Churche, xiid.

Haunce Eotts, Paynter, for drawing and paynting of dyvers and sundry patternes, viz. of the Chariott and Mounte (which Rose made) with all the personages apparel and instruments, and setting them owte in apte coollers, &c. iiijli. xixs.

To the Porters that watched all nighte at the Blackfryars brydge, for the cumming of the stuffe from the Coorte, ijs.

The Banketting Howse made at White Hall (then) for thentertaynment of the seide Duke did draw the charges insuing, for the covering thereof with Canvasse the decking therof with birche and ivie, and the

-- 372 --

fretting and garnishing therof with flowers, compartements, with pendents and armes paynted and gilded for the purpose; the floore therof being all strewed with rose leaves pickt and sweetned with sweet waters, &c. The particulars are ther all enumerated, and the total cost of this Banqueting House was 224l. 6s. 10d.

The plays represented at Court this year, were performed at Hampton Court and at Greenwich, but are not enumerated in this account: but I find among the items of expence the following articles, which furnish us with the names of some of them:

Willm. Lyzarde for gilding and payntyng sundry things at his house, viz. patternes for personages of men and women in strange attyer, hed pieces, for frutes and fishes, in all xxs. iiijd.

John Arnold for cotten to lyne ij pe of hoze for Mulkesters play, ijs. Gloves for Munkesters boyes, ij doz. xs. [Richard Mulcaster, at this time Master of Merchant Taylors School] Canvas for a Monster, vii ells vs. xd. A nett for the fishers maskers, xs. vid. for wool to stuff the fishes xiid. ij speares for the play of Cariclea, xvid. A tree of holly for the Duttons play, iijs. iiijd. A new fawchin iiis. iiij. A desk for Farrants play, iijs. [Farrant was Master of the children at Windsor] A vizarde for an apes face iijs. iiijd. A monster xxs. An awlter for Theagines3 note, iijs. iiijd. Eggs counterfet, vii doozen, xiiijs. Roches, counterfet, vis. Whitings xviijs, vis. [various other counterfeit fishes are enumerated] An image of canvas stuft, iijs. Boords to beare lights for the hall, iiijs.

Robert Moorer, thappoticary, for sugar plate, musk kumfets, corianders prepared, clove cumfetts, Synnamon cumfetts, ginger cumfetts, rose water, spike water, &c. all which served for flakes of yse and hayle stones in the Maske of Janus,—the rose water sweetened

-- 373 --

the balls made for snow balls and presented to her Ma.tie by Janus. xxviis. iiijd.

John Arnolde, Yeoman of the office for mony by him payd to Arnolde the paynter for the picture of Andromeda. xs.

Thomas Blagrave, esquier, for mony by him disbursed in rewards to Muzitians that plaide at the proofe of Dutton's play, ijs. vid. to Robert Barker for drawing of patternes for the play of Fortune, and altering the same, vis. viijd. the hier of a barge for a marke, vijs. to Benbow for playing in the monster, ijs. vid.—for mouldes to cast the frutes and fishes in, and to those that tempered the stuff and made up the same. xxs.

John Moyle, Senior, Haberdasher for viij. long white berds at xxd. the piece, xiijs. iiijd. Aberne berds ij, and j black fyzicians bearde, xiiijs. vijd. Berds for fishers, vi,—ixs. Curled heare for fishers capps, vxd. Heares for palmers ij, ijs. viijd. Red berds vi. ixs.

“Edward Buggin Clerk Comptroller,—for xxtie sacks of Coles, xs. iiijd. iij. thousand of billets, xls. A waggon for the first playe of my lord of Leicesters men, xviijs. to Henri Cellaweye for provizion and cariage of trees and other things to the Coorte for a Wildernesse in a playe, viijs. vid. The hier of a waggon for cariage to the Coorte at the second playe of my Lord of Leicesters men, xviijs. To Lambe for springes for snoballs, vs. iiijd. Tymber for the forest, ijs. vid. ijm. billets xxxvis. viijd. Coles, ii bushels, ixd. Coles, x sacks, vis. viijd.—To Clatterbookes dawghter, for cloth, for ruffs, aprones, neckerchers, and rayles, for Eldertons playe, xis. vid.—Itm. more fore mony by him payd to Arnolde the paynter in full payment for Andromedas picture, xxs.

Total Expence of the Revels during the time of this account—1427l. 12s.d.

-- 374 --

III.

The Booke of all the charges growen within thoffice of her Maties Revells aforesaid from the last of October 1573, until the first of Marche 1573 [1573–4] being iiii moneths, including Christmas, Twelftyde, Candellmas, and Shrovetyde, during all which tyme Thomas Blagrave esquier servid therein as Master, according to her Ma.ts pleasure to him signifyed by the Right honourable L. Chamberlaine, &c.

Workes donne and attendance geven by the parties hereunder named, about the translatyng, fytting, furnishing, garnishing, and setting foorth and taking in agayne of ij sutes of apparell and furniture for choyse of a mask shewen at Greenwitche after the marriage of Willyam Drurye esquier........ And sundry other tymes for calling together of sundry players, and for perusing, fitting and reforming theier matters othewise not convenient to be showen before her matie—And finally upon the entraunce of the said Blagrave into the execucion of the masters office, for collection and showe of eche thinge prepared for her ma.ts royal disporte and recreacion, as also the store wherewith to furnish, garnish, and sett foorth the same, &c.

Christmas, Newyeares tyde, & Twelfe tyde.

Between the xx.th of December and the xi.th of January An. R R.na E. pd. xvil.

Woorks donne and attendaunce geven aboute the making, translating, fitting, furnishing, garnishing, setting oute and taking in againe making cleane and safe bestowing of sundry kynds of apparell, properties, furniture, and implements for the playes and masks followeing, sett foorth and showen before her ma.tie within the tyme aforesaide for her royal disporte

-- 375 --

and recreacion; the charges whereof together with the partyes names to whome any mony is due or hath bene paid for the same particularly ensueth.

VI. Playes showen at Whitehall, all fytted and furnished with the store of the office and with the workmanshipp and provisions herein expressed, &c. viz.

Pedor and Lucia, played by therle of Leicesters servaunts, upon St. Steevens daye at nighte at Whitehall aforesaide.

Alkmeon, played by the children of Powles on St Johns daye at nighte there.

Mamillia, playde by therle of Leicesters Servaunts on Innocents daye at nighte there.

Truth, faythfulnesse and mercye, playde by the children of Westminster for Elderton, upon New yeares daye at nighte there.

Herpetulus, the blew knighte, and Perobia [or Probia] playde by my Lord Klinton's servants the third of January, beinge the Sundaye after New yeares daye there.

Quint9 Fabi9 [Quintus Fabius] playde by the children of Wyndsor for Mr. Farrant, on Twelfe daye at nighte likewise at Whitehall.

Masks showen at Whitehall within the time aforesaide all fitted and thoroughly furnished with all manner of properties and necessaries incident, sc. III.

Lance Knights vi., in blew sattyn gaskon cotes and sloppes.

Torche bearers vi. in black and yolo tufatta, &c. showen on St. John's daye at nighte.

Forresters or Hunters vi. in green sattyn gaskon cotes and sloppes.

Torche bearers attyred in mosse and ivye, &c. shewen on New-yeares daye at nighte.

Sages vi. in long gownes of counterfet cloth of golde, &c.

-- 376 --

Torchebearers vi. in long gownes of red damask showen on Twelfe daye at night.

Among the charges for sundry expences are the following:

Paper for patternes, and for leaves of trees and other garnishing iiij Reames—xxiiijs.

Mrs. Dane, the Lynnen Draper for canvas to paynte for howses for the players, and for other properties, as monsters, greate hollow trees, and such other, xii. ells xx [twenty dozen ells] at xxid the ell—xiil.

Gloves washt and paynted for maskers, xii. paier— xiis. for torche bearers, xii payer,—viiis. for children v dozen, xxviiis. vid.

The Grocer, Robert Moorer,3 note for Confects, in the maske of Wyldemen, for dyverse parcells of his wares, viz. for sugar xliiijlb i ounce at xiiijd the lb, Rose water, Gum tragachant, Almons Quinces preservde, walnutts reddy made, Cloves to stick in the peares, peares reddy made of marchpane stuff, &c. ciiis. iiijd.

Beards nearly as before. See p. 33.

Property parcells. Mosse and yong okes for wylde men—Poles and Wands for the Lictors—Bayes for the Prologgs and properties—Ivy for the wilde men and tharlor—Armes of okes for the hollo tree—Expences at Highgate one nighte & two daies for provision hereof—In all xxs. vid.

John Rosse for poles and skyvers for draft of the Curtains before the Senat Howse; curtin rings, edging the curtins with fringe; tape and corde for the same —flavor and paste with a pelt for the same.—A Jebbett to hang up Diligence.—In all viiis. vd.

-- 377 --

Past paper iiij dozen, for pendents to the lights—viiis.

Thomas Leverett, wyre drawer, for plating iij. fawchins [faulchions]—xd.

Bodkins, and Dowts [extinguishers] for lights— xiijd.

Roser Tynhall, the Armerer, for lending his Armor and for his servants attending to arme and unarme the children in the play of Q. Fabius.—xl. vis. viiid.

William Elom for vi hornes garnisht with sylver by him delivered into the office for the hunter's mask on New yeres nighte, which hornes the maskers detayned and yet dooth kepe, against the will of all the officers—xviiis.

John Caro, Property maker, for money to him due for sundry parcells Holly and Jug for the play of Predor.—Fishes counterfet for the same, viz Whiting, Place, Mackarell, &c.—A payle for the castell top—Bayes for sundry purposes,—Lathes for the hollo tree—Hoopes for tharbor and top of an howse,—A truncheon for the Dictator,—Paste and paper for the Dragons head,—Deale boordes for the Senat Howse,—A long staf to reach up and downe the lights,—Fawchins for Farrants play—Pynnes styf and greate for paynted clothes,—Formes ii. and stooles xii, &c.—In all lxixs. ixd.

Richard Gwynne & others for cariage of the frames for the howses that served in the playes, and other stuf and apparell for the playes and maskers, with their attendances daye and nighte sundry times at St. John's and at the coorte between Christmas and the munday after Twelfe daye, xxvis.

To Willm Wode for ii lodes of coles, xls.

John Okes for a Close Stoole for the maskers and players &c. to use at the coorte, viijs.

All themptions between the xxth of December 1573 and the xith of January 1573–4.—ccxxviijl—vijd.

-- 378 --

For Candellmas, betweene the xith of January aforesaide and the fyfte of February 1573 Anno R R.na E. pd. xvito.

Woorkes doone and Attendaunce geven upon the new making, translating, fittyng, furnishing, garnishing, setting foorth and taking in agayne of sundry kindes of apparell, properties and necessaries incident for one playe Timoclia at the Sege of Thebes by Alexander, showen at Hampton Coorte before her Ma.tie by M. Munkestors [Mulcastors] children; and one maske of Ladies with lights, being vi Vertues, likewise prepared and brought thither in redynesse, but not showen for the tediousnesse of the playe that nighte, the charges of all which, with the parties names to whom any mony is due, &c.

Richard Sharpe, the Waxchandler, for the wax and workmanshipp of vi personages, with the rest of the properties on vi candellsticks, at viijs. the peece, xlviijs. vi sweete lights of white wax for the same, vijs.

The haberdasher, for sylver paper for the maskers sleeves, iiij dozen. dd. at iiijs. the dozen—xviijs.

The Silkwoman, for buttons and flouers for maskers hedds, vij. and one silke tree for a device in one of the Candellsticks, &c. xxiiijs.

The Scrivener, for writing in fayre text the viij speeches dd to her Ma.tie vijs. xd.

For cariage of frames for the players howses to Hampton Coorte, and bringing them backe from the coorte Saint Jones, &c. xxs. viijd.

John Caro, Property maker, for bills, targetts, gunnes, flasks and tuchboxes, arming swords, truncheons, howes, arrowes, boordes for the lights, long poles to hang them, daggers,—in all lxxvis. viijd.

For Shrovetyde.

Between the v.te of Februarye and the fyrste of

-- 379 --

Marche Ao R. Rna E. pd. xvi.to Playes playde at Hampton Coorte as followeth;

Philimon and Philecia, play by the Erle of Leicesters men on Shrovemundaye nighte.

Perseus and Anthomeris [Andromeda], playde by Mankesters children on Shrovetewsdaye at nighte.

ij. Maskes showen at Hampton Coorte.

Warriers vii. with one Shippmaster that uttered speeche.

Torchebearers vi. The warriers had hargabusses.

Ladyes vii. with one that uttered a speeche.

Torchbearers vi. both which masks were showene on Shrovetewsday nighte.

Marten Handrett the Milliner for iiij braunches of Ollyffs made of greene silk, iiijs.

The fethermaker for vi bands of fethers for the new Maskers, and one for the Tronckwomanes, in all vii. price, liiis. iiijd.

Richard Robynson for wyres and wrests to draw the wyers tighter whereon the lights did hang crosse the hall. iiijs.

John Drawater for cariage of frames and painted clothes for the players howses to Hampton Court, &c. lis. iiijd.

Item, for the dietts and lodging of dyvers children at St Jones [Johns] while they learned theier parts and jestures meete for the maske in which ix of them did serve at Hampton Coorte, xxxiijs. iiijd.

John Owgle, the vizarde maker, for xiiij. beards marquesotted at xvid. the peece xviijs. viiid. and for eggs to make cleane vizards iiijd.

To Bruton of Powles Wharfe for a barge and vi oares with ij tylt whirroyes that caryed the masking geare and children with theier tutors and x Italian Woman &c. to dresse theier heads, as also the tayleurs, propertymakers, and haberdashers, xviijs.

-- 380 --

Expences at the Blackfryers on Ash Wednisdaye

To Thomas Totnall for fyer and vittells for the children when they landed, some of them being sick and colde, and hungry, viis. vid.

To the nine children that served at the Coorte, ixs. To the Italian Woman & her daughter for lending the heares, &c. and for theier service and atteundances, xxxiijs. iiijd.

To the clerk for his ordinary green cloth, paper inke, cownters, and other necessaries incident to his office, lxvis. viijd.

The total sum of this whole volume from the last day of October 1573 untill the fyrste of Marche 1573, [1573–4] Dclxxijli. xiiijs. ijd.

IV.

Revells in one yeare from the last of February, 1573, [1573–4] Anno R Rna Elizabethe xvito untill the last daye of February 1574, [1574–5,] Anno R. Rna Elizabethe pd xvij.mo

Betweene the last of February aforesaide 1573, [1573–4] and the first daye of November in the saide yeare, Anno R. Rna. Elizabethe xvi.to.

For the Progresse to Reading, &c. and lykewyse for the ayryngs, repayryngs, translatings, preparing, fitting, furnishing garnishing, attending, and setting foorth of sundry kyds of apparell, propertyes and furnyture for the Italyan Players that followed the progresse, and made pastyme, fyrst at Wynsor, and afterwards at Reading: as also for the whole charges of these viij monthes any waye ryzing by the saide office and thaffares therto belonging particularly ensueth.

In this book the plays performed are not enumerated, but the following articles of expence occur:

To John Carow for iron woorke for a frame for a seate in a pageant, xvs. Item, for the workmanshipp of the seate or chayer &c xviijs. iiijd.

-- 381 --

Item, for ladles and dishes to beare the lightes at Wynsor for the Italyan, and for paynting and garnishing of them &c xis. vid.

Item, for preparations at Reading the xvth of July 1574.

Lambeskinnes for shepperds, iiijs.

Horstayles for the wylde mannes garment, iiijs. viijd.

Arrowes for nymphes, vid.

Lights and Shepherds staves, hoopes for garlands, plates for the candellsticks, boordes for the plates, wyer to hang the lights, Baye leaves and flowers, for payntyng sundry devices, the hier of a scythe for Saturne, the hier of a trunk, &c cvis. xd.

Thomas Clatterbooke for hier of iij Devells cotes and heads, and one olde mannes frier cote for the Italian Prayers [Players] at Wynsor, vs.

For Christmas and Twelftyde, Candellmas and Shrovetyde Anno R Rna Elizabethe xvij.mo

Woorkes doone and attendaunce geaven betweene the fyrst of November 1574 Anno R. Rna Elizabethe xvi.to and the last of February 1574 [1574–5] Anno R Rna Elizabethe xvij.mo by meanes of preparing new making, translating, repayring, fitting, furnishing, garnishing and attending of the playes, maskes, apparell, furniture, wares, propertyes, &c. at the tymes aforesaide.

Will&mbar; Pylkynton for imbrodering of vi. bands for hatts for Maskers, ritchly wroughte with Venys silver, and for silk and sylver for the same, iiijli.

Richard Rowlande Property maker, for skynnes to cover hornes, horsetayles and manes, corde and a halter for an asse, turning of pillers, leaves and mosse, 12 firr poles, hunters staves, &c. iiijli. iiijs. xid.

Henry Devenish, Property maker, for iiij. plates for the rock, iiij ports, upper pieces for the top, quarters for the dore, eves boordes 159 foote, elme boordes 76

-- 382 --

foote, seeling boorder 113 foote, Eves boordes more 47 foote, &c. xlis. iijd.

Richard Barne, Mercer, for cclxvi ells of sarcenet of sundrey cullers, at vs. the ell, lxvli. vis. iijd. Black velvet xvii yards iij qutrs at 15s, xiijli. vis. iijd. Whit sarcenet xxv ells at vs. the elle, xili. vs. Black buckeram of the fynest pece, xiijs. iiijd.

Walter Fyshe, for damask, taffata, gloves for players and maskers, furres of woolverings for pedlers capps, cutting of gards, the hire of a marryners whissell, a sack for the players, heare to stuff bootes for the horses, and for ij payer of spurres, bottles for pilgrymes, &c. xliili. vis. vijd.

John Hill for ten thousand of Billets by him delyvered unto the said office at xiis. viijd. the thousand, vili. vis. viijd.

Thomas Leverett, Wyerdrawer, at Candlemas for bitts with bosses for the hobbyhorses, iiijs. Cownters to cast awaye by players iijs. Wyer for the horses leggs, iiijlb. iiijs. Wyer of the great sort to hang or to strayne crosse the hall at H. xxvs.

Thomas Blagrave esquire 26o November 1574 for horsehyer and charges by the waye at Wynsor, &c. and for perusing and reforming of Farrants playe, xl. iis. vid. 5o Decembrs 1574 Horsehyer to Hampton Coorte to confer with my L. Chamberlayne the L. Hawarde, and Mr. Knevett upon certayne devices, and to peruse Farrant's playe there againe, &c. xxvijs. viijd.

14o Decembr.

Perusing and Reforming of plaies

The expences and charges where my L. Chamberlens players did show The History of Phædrastus, and Phigon and Lucia, together amounteth unto ixs. iiijd.

18 Decembr.

The expencs and chargs wheare my L. of Leicesters men shewed theier matter of Panecia.

-- 383 --

Mirrors or looking glasses for the pedlers mask xii small at ijs. the peece, and vi. greater at iiijs. the peece, and for Frenche pinnes viiid. in all xlviijs. viijd.

26o Decembr.

The hyer of one Waggon and syx horses from London to Hampton Coorte, xls.

20o Die.

The chargs and expencs where my L. Clyntons players rehearsed a matter called Pretestus, xiijs.

21 die

The chargs and expencs where the showed ij other playes, with iijs. for torches, and iiijd. for an howerglasse xiijs. iiijd. For gloves for my L. of Leicesters boyes yt played at the coorte, ijs. For carriage of theier stuf, and for the carters attendaunce that nighte, xvid. White and sweete English balls 1 dozen, vis. Gloves perfumed ij dozen, xxis. Fayer wryting of pozies for the mask, vis. viijd.

1 January 1574, [1574–5].

Long poles with brushes for chymney sweepers in my L. of Leicesters mens playe, and for mosse and styks and other implements for them, ijs. vid.

Rodds for Lictos [Lictors] bundells, in ye playe, xvid.

Will&mbar; Davyson, Glazier for xi square peeces of glasse for the rock, for ij peeces to make shilds, &c. xxvs. viijd.

Wax for a cake, in Farrants playe iijs. vid.

Coles 1 lode xxs.

To John Rosse property maker for vi branches of flowers, made of fethers, flowers for garlands iiij dozen, long boordes for the stere of a cloude, pulleys for the clowde & curteynes, dubble gyrts to hang the soon

-- 384 --

[sun] in the clowde, for sowing the curtyns and setting on the frenge for the same, wyer to hang the curtyns, wyres for the pulleys, xlis. ijd. A peece of elme boorde for the clowde, xviijd.

To John Caron, Property maker, in his lyfetime not long before his death, vili. And to his wyfe after his deathe, in full satisfaction for all the wares by him delivered this yeare into the saide office, or is to be by him the saide Carow his executors or administrators demawnded, for any debt due before the third of February 1574, or not entered in this booke, vili, xiiijs. iiijd. as which grew by propertyes, vid. monsters, mountaynes, forrestes, beasts, serpents, weapons for warr, as gunnes, doggs, bowes, arrowes, bills, halberds, borespeares, fawchions, daghers, targetts, polleaxes, clubbs, headds and headpeeces, armor counterfet, mosse, holly, ivye, bayes, flowers, quarters, glew, past paper, and such lyke, with nayles, hoopes, horstayles, dishes for devells eyes, heaven, hell and the Devell and all, the Devell I should saie, but not all, xiili. xiiijs.

The fether maker for a Cote, a hatt, and buskins all over covered with fethers of cullers, for Vanytie in Sebastians playe, &c. xxvis.

To the French woman for her paynes and her dawghters paynes, that went to Richemond, and there attended upon Mr. Hunnyes4 note his children, and dressed theier heads, &c. when they played before her Magestye—xviijs. vid.

To John Rosse for long vires to joyne frames together, iij dozen and viij—xvis.

To &wblank; for his paynes in perusing and reforming of playes sundry tymes as neede required for her Ma.tie lyking—xls.

-- 385 --

Fringe of copper sylver and sylke, bone lace of copper sylver and sylke, brayded lace, brayded tassells & frenge, black sylke and sylver frenge, &c. xxxviiili. xiijs. iiijd.

Henri Seckford esquier, for canvas by him delyvered into the saide office cl.ti elles at xiiijd. the ell, imployed upon the howses and propertyes made for players at Christmas, Twelftyde, Candellmas and Shrovetyde aforesaide, viijli. xvs.

Edward Buggyn, Clerk comptroller of thoffice, for mony by him disbursed, vide

15o Decembris. Cariage of iiij lodes of tymber for the rock which Mr Rosse made for my L of Leicesters menns playe, and for other frames for players howses, ijs. iiijd.

Cariage of one hundred seeling boordes to make branches to beare lyghts—iiijd.

27o Decembris The hier of a waggon to carye a lode of stuf to the Coorte for the Duttons playe—xxs.

1 die Januarii for Spangles xxiiij thowsand—xiis.

Cariage of one hundred of boorde from Saint Pulkers, to thoffice—vid.

xio Januarii For a periwigg of heare for king Xerxces syster in Farrants playe,—iiijs. viijd.

For cariage of iij lode of stuf for the playe, &c. on Twelfe nighte to the water syde at the Blackfryers— iijs.

1o Februarii. For ij ells of canvas to make frenge for the players howse in Farrants playe—xxd.

Skynnes to furr the hoode in Seebastians playe— ijs.

For making of ij sarcenet hoods for cyttyzens in the same playe—ijs.

Holly, Ivye, firr poles and mosse for the rocke in Mr. Hunnyes playe—xs.

Hornes iij, collers iij, leashes iij, and doghookes iij with bawdricks for the hornes in Hunnyes playe—xs.

-- 386 --

13 Februarii Cariage of tymberwoorke for the same Mr. Hunnyes playe downe to the watersyde—ijs. vid.

Bryan Dodmer for his bote hier, hors hier, jorneyeng chargs and expencs betweene the saide first of November in the xvith yeare and the last of February in the xvijth yere, specially to Hampton Coorte and there attending upon the Lorde Chamberlayne, the Lorde Treasurer and Mr. Secretary Walsinghaml for mony in prest. to be imployed upon the premisss1 note, being after long attendaunce (and that none of the aforenamed could get the Queenes Ma.tie to resolve therin) driven to trouble her Ma.tie him selfe, and by special peticion obtained as well the graunt for ccli. in prest, as the dett to be pd. &c.—vili. viijs. iiijd.

Total expence of the Revells this year—582l. 1s. 2d.

V.

Chrystmas, Newyeires tide, Twelftide and Candlemas Anno R. Rna Eliz. pd. xixo. 1576.

The Charges of those tymes, vidz. Betweene the xxth of December 1576 Anno Regni Regine Eliz. predict xixo. at which tyme the woorks began for the providing, apting, preparing, furnishing and setting fourth of divers plaies or showes of Histories and other inventions and devyces followinge and the iiijth of Februarii 1576 [1576–7] in the said xixth yere of her Ma.ts reigne, at which tyme the woorkes and attendaunces did ende; together with all themptions and provisions of stuff and necessaries, cariadges and other incidents, bought, provided, done, and attended, by divers persons whose severall names, rates, and wages, with their rewardes and allowances do particulerlie in their apt places ensue.

Histories and Inventions showen within the tyme aforesaid vi. viz.

-- 387 --

The Paynters Daughter, showen at Hampton Court on St. Stevens daie at night; enacted by therle of Warwicks servants.

Toolie, showen at Hampton Court on St. Johns daie at night; enacted by the L. Howards servants.

The Historie of the Collyer shewen at Hampton Court on the Sundaie following; enacted by therle of Leicesters men.

The Historie of Error, showen at Hampton Court on New yeres daie at night; enacted by the children of Powles.

The Historye of Mutius Scevola, showen at Hampton Court on Twelf daie at night; enacted by the children of Wyndsor and the Chappell.

The Historie of the Cenofalls2 note, showen at Hampton Court on Candlemas daie at night; enacted by the L. Chamberleyn his men.

Taylours and others working and attending the premiss, the first at xxd. the daie, and as much for the night, the residue at xiid. vidz. Thomas Clatterbuck, &c.

[Of the painters, joiners, carvers, haberdashers, carpenters, & wire drawers, one painter and one joiner or carver had 2s. p day; the rest in general xvid.]

Richard Rowland Propertymaker for wainscott to make blades for rapiers. iiijd.

Barnard Fabian for xxiiij staffe torches at xiiijd. the pece xxviiijs. Item, foure dozen of lynkes, at iiijs. the dozen—xvis.

John Farrington for xii shepe skynnes at vid. the pece vis. for paring and russeting of them, ijs. for the soles and making of vi paire of buskins of those skinnes, xiis.

Thomas Wright for a dozen of round trenchers

-- 388 --

with a box for them xiid. for a quir of paper, vd. For a car to carry stuff for the erle of Leicesters men, —xiijd. for a whirry to Hampton Court, ijs.

Rowland Allen for vi feltes for the Cenofalles heade —vs.

The Mowldeman for a houndes heade3 note mowlded for a Cenofall, ijs.

Wydow Lease for two dozen of rushes, with vid. for the cariadge—vs. xd.

Edward Buggyn gent. for ynke wexe quilles, pindust, &c. xxs.

&lblank; for a realme of wryting paper—viiis.

For cariadge by water of a paynted cloth and two frames, for the earle of Leicesters men to the courte, 28 December—vs.

For waggon 26o Decembr. to carry stuff to the court for the earle of Warwicke his mens plaie— xviijs.

For a waggon to the court two or three daies after, (for that their playe was deferred untill the sundaie folowing) to bring their stuff to the Revells,—xs.

For a waggon to carry stuff to Hampton Court for the L. Chamberlyn his mens plaie on Candlemas daie—xviijs.

For the hier of a horse and a man from London to Bedwyn, for that which Blagrave was sent for upon my L. Chamberlyn his co&mbar;aundement, going and returning by the space of 4 daies at xxd. the daie for the horse hier and for his horsemeate and his owne meate at ijs. the daie and night with vid. for hors-showings being the 4, 5. 6 and 7 of November— xvs. ijd.

[From another article it appears that the price of horse meat for a day and night was xiid.

For cariadge of the new frames to Paules wharfe by carr the 4 of January—xiid.

-- 389 --

To Nicholas Newdigate, gent, for his paynes in hearing and trayninge of the boyes that should have spoken the speeches in the Mask, and for their charges and cariadge back again,—xl. iijs. viiid.

To those boyes. vz. to everie one of them for their paynes, iis. vid.—xvijs. vid.

To John Kelsey, for using of his dro&mbar;e, in the Duttons plaie iis. vid.

Shrovetyde. Anno R Rna Eliz pd, xixo. 1576.

Betweene the xiith of February 1576 and the xxith of the same moneth when the woorkes and attendaunces did ende.

Histories and Inventions showen within the tyme aforesaide iii. viz.

The Historie of the Solitarie Knight, showen at Whitehall on Shrove sundaie at night; enacted by the L. Howardes servaunts.

The Irishe Knighte, shewen at Whitehall on Shrove mundaie at night; enacted by the Earle of Warwick his servaunts.

The Historye of Titus and Gisippus, showen at Whitehall on Shrovetuysdaie at night; enacted by the children of Pawles.

Maskes. 1.

viz. A longe maske of murrey satten crossed all over with silver lace, with sleeves of gold tyncell, with headpeeces full of pipes of white silver lawne laid bias; prepared for Twelf nyght with a device of 7 speeches framed correspondent to the daie. Their torchebearers vi had gownes of crymson damask and headepeeces new furnished; showen on Shrovetuysdaie night without anie speeche.

Thomas Leverett, wyer drawer, for the furnishing of two great braunches with wyer and plate— xxvis. viiid.

-- 390 --

Ten pound of wyer for the coming up of the small lightes, at xiid. the lb.—xs.

Richard Moorer, haberdasher, for the making of vi Senators cappes of crymson taffeta—vis. For the making of a large Frenche cappe of blue tyncell sarcenett—xiid.

John Edwyn, Armorer, for the lone of certeine armor, with a base and targetts, which the L Howardes servants used in their plaie of The Solitarie Knight—vijs.

Richard Rowland, for two glasse voyalls for the L. Howards servants on Shrovesundaie—ijd. For a line to draw a curteyne, 4d.

John Davys, for two formes for the Senators in the Historie of Titus and Gisuppus—vis.

John Drawater, for the cariadge of the earle of Warwick his mens stuffe from the Revells to Whitehall and backe againe to recyte before my L. Chamberleyn —ijs.

For the hier of a barge the 14 of Febr. for the cariadge of the earle of Warwick his men and stuff for them to the court and back againe for the 14 and 16 of Februer. for recytal of playes, and the 17 and 18 for the playes before the Queene xxijs.

For the cariadge of the partes of the well counterfeit from the Bell in Gracious streete to St. Johns to be performed for the play of Cutwell—xd.

Walter Fishe gent for 30 sacks of coles [for the office of the Revells] xxii. vids. [It appears from other articles in these books that a load of coals consisted of 30 sacks.]

VI.

Christmas, Newyeares tide, Twelftide, and the Sondaie following, Ao R Rna Elizabeth pred. xximo. 1578.

-- 391 --

The chardges of those tymes viz. betweene the xxth of December 1578, Anno regni Regine Elizabeth pd xxio. at which tymes the works begann for the providing, preparing, hearing, devising, furnishing and setting forth of diverse plaies or showes of histories and other speciall inventions, devises, and showes for that tyme incident, and the xvth of Januarie in the saide xxith yeare of her Mats. raigne, a which time the works and attendaunces did end: together with all themptions, provisions of stuff, &c.

Histories and invencions showen within the tyme aforesaide vi. viz.

An Inventyon or Playe of the Three Systers of Mantua, showen at Richmond on St. Stevens daie at night; enacted by the earle of Warwick his servants, furnished in this office with sondrey requisites for the same.

The Historie of1 note
showen at Richmond on St. John's day at night; enacted by the children of the Queene's Mats Chappell, furnished in this office with verie manie things aptly fitted for the same.

An Historie of the Creweltie of a Stepmother, shewen at Richmond on Innocents daie at night; enacted by the Lord Chamberlaynes servants, furnished in this office with sondry things.

A Morrall of the mariage of Mynde and Measure, shewen at Richmond on the sondai next after New yeares daie; enacted by the children of Pawles, furnished with some things in this office.

A Pastorall or Historie of a Greek Maide shewen at Richemonde on the sondai next after New yeares daie; enacted by the Earle of Leicester his servants, furnished with some things in this office.

The Historie of the Rape of the Second Helene,

-- 392 --

shewen at Richmonde on Twelfdaie at night, well furnished in this office with manie things for them.

Maskes shewen before her Matie the French Imbassador being present the sondaie night after Twelf daie, whereof one was A Maske of Amasons2 note in all armore compleat parcell gilte gilded within this office, with counterfett murryons silvered and parcell guilte (besides their headpeeces belonging to their armours) and a creste on the toppe of every of them, having long heare hanging downe behind them: their kirtles were of crymson cloth of gold being indented at the skirte and laied with silver lace and frindge, with pendants of gold tassels, gold knobbes, and set on with broches of golde, plated uppon the skirte with plates of silver lawne with tassels of golde laid under belowe, in steed of petticots, with white silver rich tincle fringed with golde fringe: Buskins of oringe cullor velvet, antick fawcheons and shields with a devise painted theron, and javelings in their hands. One with a speach to the Queenes Matie delivering a table with writings unto her highnes, comyng in with musitions playing on cornetts apparrelled in long white taffata sarcenett garments; torche bearers with the torcheman wearing long gownes of white taffeta with sleaves of the same, and uppon them had long crymson taffeta gownes without sleaves, indented at the skirte, and frindged, laced, and tasselled with silver and gold, tucked up with the girding almoste to the knee; bowes in their hands and quivers of arrowes at their girdles; head peeces of golde lawne, and woemens heare wrethed verie faire. And after the Amasons had dawnsed with Lords in her Mats presence, in came

An other Maske of Knights all likewise in armours compleate parcell guilte also within this office, with

-- 393 --

like counterfett murryons uppon their heads, silvered and parcel guylte; with plomes of feathers in the toppes of every of them, with bases of rich gold tyncell, frynged with gold frendge, garded with riche purple silver tyncell; lardge bawdricks about their necks of black gold tyncell; having silver truncheons in their hands guylte, and guylded sheilds with a posey written on every of them; their showes [shoes] of gold lawne tyncel, and co&mbar;yng with one before them with a speach unto her highnes and delivering a table written; their torchbearers being Rutters apparelled in greene satten jerkins payned, laid with silver lace and drawne owte with tincell sarcenett, their hose being verie long, paned, of rased velvet ground yealowe and rasing greene; likewise laid with silver lace and drawne out with tyncell sarcenett; their hatts of crymson silk and silver thromed and waythed bands with feathers. The Amasons and the Knights, after the knightes had dawnced a while with ladies before her Matie did then in her Mts presence fight at Barriers.

Upholsters parcells—For vi dozen of guylte bolles for the Amasons, vis. for vi pieces of buckromes at iijs. viiid. the peece xxviiis. For a close stoole, xs.

John Ogle, for the cullering the yealow heare, and stuffe to curle it, iiijs. and for vi beardes for the vizards for the knights, xs.

Willyam Lyzarde, for xii murryons counterfeite mowlded and guilt, at vis. viiid. the peece, iiijli. For xii lyons heads counterfeiete and guilt, at ijs. vid. the peece, xxxs. For xxxtie dozen of roases mowlded and guylded, at xvid. the dozen, xls.

Edward Buggin, for half a Reame of fine lardge paper vs. for a hundred of choice quills, vd.

-- 394 --

Thomas Wright, for iij yards of gray cloth to make my Lo. of Leicesters men a fishermans coat, vs.

Two carres to carry the maske from Pawles Wharfe to St. Johns, xviijd.

Thomas Blagrave, esquier, for his bote hier from London to Richmond the xxiith of December 1578, to speake with my Lo. Chamberlayne and back agayne, vs. For ij wherries from London to the courte the xiith of Januarie, for him selfe and others, that wente to sett forth the mask, vs. And for bote hier to Whitehall for choice of stuffe to Barnesey [where Lord Chamberlain resided] for choice and conference about masks, &c. vis. viiid.

John Drawater, the firste of Januarie, for cariage of a frame for Master Sebastian to the courte iijs. vid. For the hier of a horse ij daies to the courte to furnishe my Lo. of Leicesters players, the frost being so greate no bote could goo and come back againe at xxd. the daie, iijs. iiijd. for his meate those two daies, ijs. viiid. For holly and ivie for my Lo. of Leicesters servants, xiid. The sixte of Januarie for Mr. Blagraves bote hier to and from the courte, being sent for by my Lord Chamberlayne, vs. For bote hier of diverse workemen that went to conferre with my Lord aboute the maske to the courte and back agayne with xiid. bestowed on them at Mortlock the same daie, vs. 6 Januarie for cariage of the Revells stuffe to the courte and back agayne that served my L. Chamberleynes players second plaie, viis. 7 Januarie for the cariage of ij frames from the courte to London in a carte, iiijs. 9 of Januarie 1578 to Will&mbar; Lyzard for his bote hier to the courte to showe certen patterns to my L. Chamberlayne ijs. vid. 29 of December, 1578 for the cariage of a greate cheste and a close stoole by water to the courte, ijs. viiid.

Thomas Stronge for a loade of coales, xxijs. Fagotts

-- 395 --

ij c. xis. viijd. Billets ij thousand xxvs. iiijd. In all lviijs. viiid.

Edmond Byrcholl, Wyerdrawer, for stocke candlesticks ij dozen, iiijs. Pricke candlesticks, vi. xxid.

John Drawater, for money by him disbursed as followeth: To Mr. Harris a groome of the chamber for bringing a Lre to the Mr the 31 of December 1578, ijs.

To Patrichius Ubaldinas by the co&mbar;andment of the Lord Chamberleyne for the translating of certen speaches into Italian to be used in the maske, the making the titles for them, the writing faire in the same tables, and for his chardges in travelling about the same, lxijs. ijd.

The xixth of December to—Harris groome of the chamber comyng from Richmond to Bedwyn by the Lo. Chamberleyne his co&mbar;andement, iijs. iiijd.

Total expence of the Revells from the 14th of Feb. 1777–8 to the 14th of Jan. 1578–9 224l. 7s. 4d.

Candlemas—Shrovetyde. Anno Regni Regine Elizabethe xximo, 1578.

Histories and Invencions prepared for and furnished shewen and to be shewen within the tyme aforesd. iiij, viz.

The History of8 note
provided to have ben showen at Whitehall on Candlemas daie at nighte by the Earle of Warwicks servants; furnished in this office with sondrey garments and properties, being in redines and place to have erected the same; but the Quenes Matie could not come to heare the same and therefore put of.

The History of the Knight in the burnyng rock, shewen at Whitehall on Shrove sondaie at night, enacted by the Earle of Warwicks servaunts, and furnished in this office with sondrey garmts and properties.

-- 396 --

The History of Loyalty and Bewtie, shewen at Whitehall on Shrovemonday at night, enacted by the children of the Quenes Mats chappell, furnished in this office with verie manie riche garments and properties aptly fitted for the same.

The History of Murderous Mychaell, shewen at Whitehall on Shrove tuesdaie at night, enacted by the L Chamberleynes servaunts, furnished in this office with sondrey things.

John Rose, Senyor, for certayne parcells by him bestowed in and about a rock at the courte for a playe enacted by the earle of Warwick's servants viz. longe sparre poles of furr, vis. xd. peeces of elm cut compas, iiijs.

Rowland Robynson for oken bord three hundred, xxis. elme bord xxi foote xviijd. firr poles xxi wherof xiiij for altering the lights on Shrovetuesdaie, and the rest for the frames, xs. vid.

Ulryck Netsley for an iron for the wagon that shewed in the plaie of Loyaltie and bewtie, ijs. vid. and for mending a scaling ladder that shewed at the rock, viijd.

John Rose, Senior, for nayles of sondry sorts used about the clowde and drawing it upp and downe, vis. viijd.

John Davies, for coales at the courte to drie the painters worke on the rock, vid.

Thomas Wright, for a painted cheste for my Lo. Chamberleyns men, xvid.

John Rose, Senior, for lead for the chaire of the burning Knight, ijs. vid. for a coard and pullies to drawe upp the clowde, iijs.

John Davies for ivie and holly for the rock in the play enacted by the Earle of Warwicks servaunts,

-- 397 --

iiijs. ijd, Aquavite to burne in the same rocke, iijs. Rose water to allay the smell therof, xiid.

John Drawater for gloves for the children of the Chappell xviij.ten paire, xs. A garland of grapes and leaves for Baccus and other of roses for9 note
used in the play of Loyaltee and Bewtie ijs. iiij for ijli of sises to have served in the play that should have ben shewed on Candlemas daie at night, ijs. iiijd. for the hire of ij vizars that should have served that night, ijs. iiijd. For a hoope and blewe lynnen cloth to mend the clowde that was borrowed and cut to serve the rock in the plaie of the Burning Knight, and for the hire thereof and setting upp the same where it was borrowed, xs.

Willyam Lyzard Painter for cullers and other necessaries by him provided, viz

Three masking coats made of doble paper, there hatts covered with the same; iij broomes painted; v staves and a Quinten painted with a fooles head, xxs.

For fine cullers gold and silver for patorns for the Mores Maske that should have served on Shrovetuesdaie, iiijs.

For syze xiiij gallons, xiiij. For copper culler for the lights in the hall, iijs. iiijd. For masticott, blew, vert, smalt &c. [including the above] cxvs. iiijd.

Edmond Tylney Esquir M.r of the said office having by grante from her Matie by her Lres patents dated the9 note
of Julie in the xxith yeare of her ma.ts raigne the office of the mastershipp of the said office, and a mansion howse with thappurtenaunces, the same office being specially appointed continued and used within the howsing and precincte of St Johnes, where all the store and furniture of the said office have bene and is kept and remayning, the howsing and romes there apperteyning to him being imploied

-- 398 --

that he cannot yet convenyently have the same but is driven to hire an other, he is to be allowed for the rent whereof from Christmas 1578 Ao xxio R Regine pred. untill mydsomer 1579 Ao R. Regine pd xxio by the space of one half yeare after [the rate] of xiijli. vis. viid. p Ann, vili. xiijs. iiijd.

Total expence of the Revells from Feb. 14, 1577–8 to the 1st of Nouember 1579, 348l. 5s. 8d.

VII.

Revells, 1580, Anno R Regine Elizabethe xxijd Christmas Twelftyde Candlemas & Shrovetye.

The Chardges of these tymes, viz from the first daie of November 1579 Anno xxio R Regine Elizabeth [at which tyme the booke for the last yeare ended]. The begynnyng was of making choise of sondrye playes, comodies, and inventions, at dyvers and sondrye tymes for the tymes aforesaid untill the xix daie of December then next followinge, at whiche tymes the workes began, as well for furnyshinge and settinge forthe of sondrye of the said playes, comedies, and inventions, as also in emptions and provisions made togeather with the workes done and attendauncs geven by dyvers artyficers, workmen, and attendaunts, workinge and attendinge the same at sondry tymes from the said xixth of December untill the xxth of February 1579 [1579–80] Anno xxiio R Regine pred. at whiche tymes the woorkes and attendauncs for these tymes did end; for the new makinge translatinge, repairinge, fytting, furnishinge, settinge forth of sondrye payntinges, howses, vestures, garments, utencelles and properties incydent and requisite for the shewe of the said playes, comedies, pastymes, inventions, and devises, prepared, made, sett forthe, and shewen before her ma.tie for her regal disporte and pastyme, within the tyme aforesaid The whole charges whereof &c.

-- 399 --

Histories and Inventions shewen within the tyme aforesaid ix. viz

A History of the Duke of Millayn and the Marques of Mantua shewed at Whitehall on St Stephens daie at nighte; enacted by the lord Chamberlaynes servants; wholie furnished in this office, some newe made and moche altered, whereon was imployed for iiijor newe head attyers, with traynes scarfes, garters and other attyers, xiij elles of sarcenett, a countrie howse, a cyttie, and xii paire of gloves.

A History of Alucius6 note
shewed at Whitehall on St John's daie at nighte, enacted by the children of her Ma.ties chappell; wholly furnyshed in this office with many garments newe made, manye altered and translated: whereon was imployed for head attyers, sleeves and anyons [quere] cases for hoase, scarfes, garters and other reparacions, tenne elles of sarcenett, a cittie, a battlement and xviij paire of gloves.

A Historye of6 note
provided to have bene shewen at Whitehall on Innocents daie at nighte by the earle of Leicesters servnts beinge in readynes in the place to have enacted the same: whollye furnyshed with sondrye thinges in this offyce. But the Queenes Ma.tie coulde not come forth to heare the same: therefore put of.

A History of the foure sonnes of Fabyous, shewed at Whitehall on Newe yeares daie at nighte; enacted by the Earle of Warwicks servnts; wholie furnyshed in this offyce with garments some newe some altered and repaired; whereon was imployed for newe lyninge translatinge and alteringe of the Senators gownes, iij head attyres with traynes, for womens scarfes, and girdles, xiij elles of sarcenett, a cytie, a mounte, and vi paire of gloves.

The History of Cipio Africanus, shewen at Whitehall

-- 400 --

the sondaie night after New yeares daie; enacted by the children of Pawles, furnyshed in this office with sondrie garments and triumphant ensignes and banners, newe made, and their head peeces of white sarcenett, scarfes and garters; whereon was imployed7 note
ells of sarcenett, a citie, a battlement, and xviij paire of gloves.

The History of7 note
shewen at Whitehall on Twelvedaye at nighte by the Earle of Leicesters servants, furnished in this offyce with many garments, utensells, and properties, some made newe, some translated and made fitt, whereon was imployed of head attyers, scarfes, and garters7 note
elles of sarcenett; a citie, a countrye house and vij paire of gloves.

The History of Portio and Demorantes, shewen at Whitehall on Candlemas daie at nighte, enacted by the Lord Chamberleyns servants, wholly furnished in this offyce: whereon was ymployed for searfes, garters, head attyers for women and lynynges for hatts vi ells of sarcenett, a cytie, a towne, and vi paire of gloves.

The History of the Soldan and the Duke of7 note
shewen at Whitehall on Shrovesondaie at nighte, enacted by the Earle of Derby his servants, wholly furnyshed in this offyce; whereon was ymployed for two robes of blacke sarcenett, head attyers and scarfes,7 note
ells of sarcenett, a citie, and xii payre of gloves.

The History of Serpedon, shewen at Whitehall on Shrovetuesdaie at nighte, enacted by the Lord Chamberleyns servants, wholly furnyshed in this offyce; whereon was ymployed for head attyers for women, and scarfes, xi ells of sarcenett, a greate citie, a wood, a castell, and vi payre of gloves.

-- 401 --

John Digges for Canvas fower peeces, contayninge in the whole, elles 142, at xxid. the ell, viili. ijs.

Coles one loade, xxvis.

Faggots one hundred, viijs.

Billets one thousand and the carryage thereof, xxs.

Hoopes to make a mounte, iijs.

Barnard Fabyan for cotton candells at iiijd. the li vi dozen, xxvis. Searinge candells ijli, ijs. vid.

John Sherborne for sondrye thinges by him boughte provided used expended and brought into the Masters lodginge for the rehearsall of sondrye playes to make choyse of dyvers of them for her Ma.tie viz Cotton Candells at sondry pries xv dozen, iijli. is. iijd. Plates for to hang upon walles to sett candells in vij, vis. Torches ijo dozen at xiiijs. the dozen xxviiis. Billets, coals, rushes, &c. &c.

Edmond Tylney Esquier for his attendaunce, botehier, and other chardges, to and from the court at Greenewitch, by the space of ij monethes and more, by com&mbar;aundement, for settinge downe of dyvers devises to receave the Freenche, cs.

For his chardges with the chardges of the players, the carriage and recarriage of their stuffe, for examynynge and rehersinge of dyvers playes and choisemakinge of x of them to be shewen before her Ma.tie at Christmas, Twelfetide, Candelmas, and Shrovetide, and their sondry rehersalls afterwards, till to be presented before her Matie, xli.

John Drawater for x furre poles to make nayles for the battlements, and to make the prison for my L. of Warwicks men at vid the peece, vs. Single quarters to enlardge the scaffolde in the Hall one [on] Twelfe nighte, vi. xviii doble quarters for the same cause, vijs. vid.

Will&mbar; Lyzarde for syze cullers, pottes, nayles and pensills used and occupyed upon the payntinge of vii cities, one villadge, one countreyhowse, one battlement,

-- 402 --

ix axes, a braunche, lillyes, and a mounte, for Christmas iij holidaies, liijli. xvs. vijd.

Syse cullers, potts, Assydewe, golde, and silver, used and occupied for the garnyshinge of xiiij titles, iiij facynges of sarcenett powdered with ermyns, a backe of armor, a paier of wyngs, a banner, a penndaunt, and foure guilte balls, againste New yeares daie, the sonday after Twelfeday, and Candelmas, liis. iiijd.

Syse cullers, assidew, and other necessaries, used and occupied aboute the furnyshinge and garnyshinge of three greate braunches of lights in the Hall, fower and twenty small braunches, all twise garnyshed, for Twelfe tyde and Shrove tyde, liijs. iiijd.

Total Expence of the Revels within the time of this account, 269l. 1. 0.

VIII.

Christmas Twelftide Candlemas and Shrovetide.

Twoo challendges and the choise making of playes anno regni Regine Elizabethe xxiij.o 1580.

Attendaunce geven and worke done betwene the firste of November 1580 and the last of October 1581 anno &c. by meanes of choise making, reforming and attending of such plaies comodies and invenc&obar;ns as were presented and set furth before her Ma.tie at the tymes aforesaid The whole chardges whereof &c. particularly ensueth.

The Earle of Leicesters men. A Comodie called Delighte shewed at Whitehall on St. Stephens daie at night, wheron was ymployed newe one cittie, one battlement and xii paire of gloves.

The Earle of Sussex men. A Storie of6 note
enacted on St. Johns daie at night whereon

-- 403 --

was imploied newe one howse one battlement and thirtene paire of gloves.

The Earle of Derbies men. A storie of7 note
shewed at Whitehall on newe yeres daye at night, wheron was ymployed newe one cittie one battlement, and xiij paire of gloves.

The Children of Pawles. A Storie of Pompey enacted in the Hall on twelf nighte wheron was ymploied newe one great citty, a Senate howse and eight ells of dobble sarcenet for curtens, and xviij. paire of gloves.

A Challendge. A challendge at the Tilte proclaimed on twelf nighte, and performed by therle of Arundle the xxii.th of January following, duringe all w.ch tyme the Mr of the Revells attended for the presenting of diverse devises which happened in that meane season.

The Earle of Sussex men. A Storie of7 note
shewed on Candlemas daie at night, wheron was ymployed newe one cittie, one battlement and xii paire of gloves, besides other furniture out of thoffice.

The Children of the Quenes Ma.ts Chappell. A Storie of7 note
enacted on Shrove sondaie night, wheron was ymployed xvij newe sutes of apparrell, ij new hats of velvet xxtie ells of single sarcenet for facings bands scarfes and girdles, one citty one pallace and xviij paire of gloves.

The Earle of Leicesters men. A Storie of7 note
shewed on Shrovetuesdaie at night in the hall, wheron was ymploied one great citty and xii paire of gloves.

The Maister of the Revells as well for his attendaunces at the tymes aforesaid as also for the choise making of playes at iiijs. the daie from All hollan Eve untill Ashe wednesdaie being ex daies xxiili.

-- 404 --

William Lyzard—Paynting by greate of vi small citties and three battlements ixli.

Paynting by great of twoo great clothes at iijli. xs. the peece viili.

Silvering of one heraults coate—xs.

Painting and working the braunches in the hall by great—lvs.

Painting of ix tilles with copartments—xvs.

Ironmongers Parcells. An iron cradle to make fire in for the players—xxs.

Carpenters Parcells.

Bordes vic [six hundred] at vijs. the hundred xlijs.

Rafters—xiis.

Firre poles—xs.

Dobble Quarters—viijs.

Single quarters—vijs.

Cariage—iijs.

Thomas Digges for canvas cxl ells at xijd the ell— vijli. Gloves viij dozen at vijs the dozen—lvis.

[In the latter end of March, 1581, it appears from this book that certain masks were exhibited at Court by command of the Lord Chamberlain “for the receiving of the French Comissioners.”]

The total expence of the Revells within the time of this account from Nov. 1, 1580, to Nov. 1, 1581, was 232l. 13s. 4d.

IX.

Christmas Twelftide and Shrovetide and making choise of playes anno R. Re. Eliz. xxvto. 1582.

The Chardges of those tymes viz. betwene the
daie of
158
Anno xx
regni regine Elizabeth and the xiiij of February 1582 [1582–3] annoque R. Reg. Eliz. xxvto. did rise as well by meanes of making choise reforming and attending of such plaies comodies masks and inventions as were prepared, set furth, and presented before her Matie at

-- 405 --

the tymes aforesaide, as also of wages, workmanship &c. the particularities wherof &c. ensueth.

A Comodie or Morral devised on A Game of the Cards8 note, shewed on St. Stephens daie at night before her Matie at Wyndesor enacted by the children of her Ma.ts chapple, furnished with many things within this office, wherof some were translated, and some newe made and imploied therein, viz. Twoo clothes of canvas, xxtie ells of sarcenet, for iiijpr pavilions, and girdles for the boyes, and viij paire of gloves.

A Comodie of Bewtie and Huswyfery, shewed before her Ma.tie at Wyndesor on St. Johns daie at night, enacted by the Lord of Hundesdons servaunts, for which was prepared newe, one cloth and one battlement of canvas, iij ells of sarcenet and eight paire of gloves, with sondrey other things of this office.

A Historie of Love and Fortune, shewed before her Matie at Wyndesor on the sondaie at night next before newe yeares daie, enacted by the Earle of Derbies servaunts, for which newe provision was made of one citty and one battlement of canvas, iij ells of sarcenet. A9 note
of canvas, and viij paire of gloves, with sondrey other furniture in this office.

Sundrey feates of tumbling and activitie were shewed before her Ma.tie on Newe yeares daie at night by the Lord Straunge his servaunts; for which was bought and imploied xxjtie yards of cotten for the Matachius, iij ells of sarcenet, and viij paire of gloves.

A Maske of Ladies presented them selves before her Ma.tie at Wyndesor at Twelf eve at night, where unto was prepared and imploied, beside the stuff of this office, xv yards of black and white lawne or cipres for head attires and vizards, xi ells of sarcenet,

-- 406 --

viij paire of gloves for boyes and torch bearers, and one paire of white shoes.

A Historie of Ferrar1 note, shewed before her Matie at Wyndesor, on Twelf daie at night, enacted by the Lord Chamberleynes servaunts, furnished in this office with diverse newe things, as one citty, one battlement of canvas, iij ells of sarcenet and x paire of gloves, and sondrey other things in this office, whereof some were translated for fitting of the persons.

A Historie of Telomo shewed before her Ma.tie at Richmond on Shrove sondaie at night, enacted by the Earle of Leicesters servaunts; for which was prepared and imployed one citty, one battlement of canvas iij ells of sarcenet, and viij paire of gloves; and furnished with sondrey other garments of the store of the office.

A Historie of Ariodante and Geneuora shewed before her Ma.tie on Shrovetuesdaie at night, enacted by Mr. Mulcasters children; for which was newe prepared and imployed one citty, one battlement of canvas, vii ells of sarcenet and ij dozen of gloves; the whole furniture for the reste was of the store of this office, whereof sondrey garments for fytting of the children were altered and translated.

A Maske of Sixe Seamen prepared to have been shewed, but not used, made of sondrey garments and store within the office into vi cassocks of carnoc&obar;n cloth of silver garded with greene cloth of gold laid with copper silver lace and tassels with hanging sleeves of russet cloth of silver; vi paire of Venetians of russet gold tyncell with flowers; buskins of crymson cloth of gold and caps of black gold tyncell playne lyned with white silver tincell birds eyes, and counterfeete pearles upon them. The torche bearers sixe; three

-- 407 --

in cassocks and hanging sleeves of crymson damaske garded with yeallowe damaske and three paire of Venetians of yeallowe damaske garded with crymson damaske; and three cassocks with hanging sleeves of yeallow damaske garded with crymson damaske, and three paire of Venetians of crymson damaske garded with yeallow damaske, wearing sleeves for all the said sixe torchebearers of purple satten striped with silver: and sixe cappes for the same torch bearers of oringe cullor damaske laid with silver lace.

Edmond Byrcholl Wierdrawer, for xxvi small braunches to hang lights in the hall at Wyndesor— vli. iiijs.

For three great braunches for the same purpose—vili.

John Sherborne for billets at Wyndesor for the office and for the M.rs chamber there ij thowsand at xs. the thousand—xxs.

Coles one load—xviijs.

A close stoole—xs.

Edward Buggin, Gent. for sondrey patterns of masks which he procured to be drawed and brought into the office by the M.rs appointment—lxs.

To Will&mbar; Lyzard for paynting by greate of ccx yards of canvas at xijd the yard—xli. xs.

John Drawater for paper, a standish—penknife, pynduste, cownters, inck quills, &c. xxijs. xid.

Edmond Tylney Esquire Mr of the office, being sente for to the courte by letter from Mr. Secretary [Walsingham] dated the x.th of Marche 1582 [1582–3] to choose out a companie of Players for her Ma.tie—for money by him laid out, viz.

For horse hire to the Courte and back agayne—xs.

For his owne chardges, his mens, and horse meate there ij daies—xs.

The whole charges of the Revels during the time of this account amounted to 288l. 9s.d.

-- 408 --

X8 note.

Christmas Twelftyde and Shrovetyde, and making choice of plaies Anno R Regine Elizabeth xxvijo. 1584.

The chardges of those tymes viz. betwene the last daie of October 1584 and the
of February 1584 [1584–5] anno &c. did rise as well &c. the particulars whereof &c. ensueth.

Playes, Shewes, and Devises, before her highnes in the tyme aforesaid vii. viz.

A Pastorall of Phillyda and Choryn, presented and enacted before her Ma.tie by her highnes servaunts on St. Stephens daie at night at Grenew.ch whereon was ymployed xxxviij yards of Buffyn for Shepherds coats, xxxtie ells of sarcenet for fowre matachyne sutes, one greate curteyne and scarfes for the nymphes, one mountayne, and one greete cloth of canvas, and vi peeces of buccram.

The History of Agamemnon and Ulysses, presented and enacted before her Ma.tie by the Earle of Oxenford his boyes on St. John's daie at nighte at Grenewiche.

Dyvers feates of Actyvytie were shewed and presented before her Ma.tie in Newe yeares daie at night at Grenewiche by Symons and his fellows, whereon was ymployed the pages sute of oringe tawney tissued vellet w.ch they spoyled, xxiiijor yards of white cotten, a battlement, and ij Janes sutes of canvas and iiij ells of sarcenett.

The History of Felix and Philiomena shewed and enacted before her highnes by her Ma.ts servaunts on the sondaie next after newe yeares daie at night at

-- 409 --

Grenewiche, whereon was ymploied one battlement and a house of canvas.

An Invention called Fyve Playes in one, presented and enacted before her Ma.tie on Twelfe daie at night in the hall at Grenewiche by her highnes servaunts, whereon was ymploied a greate cloth and a battlement of canvas, and canvas for a well and a mounte, xv ells of sarcenet, ix yards of sullen cloth of gold purple.

An Invention of three playes in one prepared to have ben shewed before her highnes on Shrove sondaie at night, and to have ben presented by her Ma.ts servaunts at Somerset Place: but the Quene came not abroad that night, yet was ymploied in the same one house and a battlement.

An Antick Play and a Comody shewed presented and enacted before her highnes on Shrovetuesdaie at night at Somerset place by her Ma.ts servaunts, whereon was ymploied one house.

Total expence of the Revels from last of October 1584 to last of October 1585 was 279l. 13s. 1d.

The Books from 1st of Novr. 1585 to 1 Nov. 1587 are wanting.

That from 1 Novr. 1587 to 1 Novr. 1588 does not contain the names of the Plays represented.

There is no subsequent Revels Account in the reign of Queen Elizabeth now extant.

-- 410 --

FARTHER ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. BY GEORGE CHALMERS, ESQ.

When we turn our attention to the pastimes of our ancestors, who were brave, but illiterate, we perceive, that they delighted more in such sports, as resembled the grappling vigour of war, than the modest stillness of peace. Tournaments were, in those times, not only the delight of barons, bold; but of ladies, gay7 note. In the regulation of the household by Henry VII. it is ordained, that three dayes after the coronation, “the Queene, and all the ladies in their freshest array, may go to behold the justes8 note; but not

-- 411 --

to see the play.” Even as late as 1515, Henry VIII. on May-day, in the morning, with Queen Katharine, and many lords and ladies, rode a-maying from Greenwich to Shooter's Hill; where they were entertained by Robin Hood, and his men, to their great contentment9 note. While the people were yet gross, the sports of the field being agreeable to their natures, were more encouraged, from policy, than the effeminate pastimes of “a city-feast.”

It was with the revival of learning, during the middle ages, that a new species of entertainment was introduced, which was addressed rather to the intellect, than to the eye. A religious colloquy, which was aptly called a mystery, was contrived, without much invention, indeed, and without plan; consisting, often, of the allegorical characters, Faith, Hope, Charity, Sin, and Death. The mysteries were originally represented in religious houses, in which places only learning was, in those days, cultivated; and whence instruction of every kind was dispersed among a rude people. The ancient mysteries were introduced upon the same principle, which has often been adduced in defence of the modern drama, that they instructed by pleasing, and pleased by instructing. While few could read; and at a time when few were allowed to peruse the Scriptures, religious truths of the greatest importance were, in this manner, pleasantly conveyed to illiterate minds. Thus, too, was the rudeness of their manners gradually changed into the softer modes of polished life: And, at length, the mysteries obtained a conquest over the tournament, which was less relished, as manners were more refined, and were less frequented, as the mind was elevated to a greater desire of gentle peace.

But, the invention of printing, and the introduction

-- 412 --

of learning, made the mysteries of ruder times, less necessary; when a new age was induced by more knowledge, and civility, to practise new customs. Henry the Eighth tried to abolish the mysteries by act of1 note parliament; and the Puritans with a wilder spirit, but more effectual success, exploded the religious dramas, as sinful, and sacrilegious; though they had been authorised by popes, for the propagation of the gospel, and encouraged by bishops, for the polish of manners.

As the people advanced from rudeness to refinement, the mysteries were succeeded by the moralities. Simplicity now gave way a little to art. Characters began to be delineated, by the introduction of historical personages, in the room of allegorical beings; and plot to be attempted, by the unravelment of some fable, for the inculcation of some moral. The reign of Edward the IVth is supposed to be the epoch of moralities. The reign of Henry the VIIth was the period of the greatest prevalence of those moralities: But, they were not often acted, during Elizabeth's reign of gradual improvement.

The moralities gave place, in their turn, to the interlude2 note; something played, says Johnson, at the intervals of festivity, a farce, or drama, of the lowest order. It seems certain, then, that in every period of our annals, we had players of some species, for the benefit of instruction, and the purpose of amusement. Henry the VIIth, “the qwene, and my ladye the Kyng's moder,” amused themselves with a play at Candlemas3 note. Henry the VIIIth was, probably, the

-- 413 --

first of our kings, who formed an establishment of players, for the amusement of his many qwenes: but, he was the first, who introduced a master of the revels, for promoting mirth, and at the same time preserving order.

But, abuse, and the use, are the necessary concomitants of each other. Even the Reformation, a necessary good, brought with it religious contest, its concomitant evil. The poets, and the players, who were to live by pleasing, presented to the people such dramas, as pleased, rather than instructed; offered to a coarse populace what was profitable, rather than what was fit.


“Next, Comedy appear'd, with great applause,
“Till her licentious and abusive tongue,
“Weaken'd the magistrate's coercive power.”

Such a government, indeed, as Henry the VIIIth bequeathed to his infant son, necessarily produced every kind of grievance. One of the first complaints of Edward VIth's reign, was the seditiousness of the “common players of interludes and playes, as well within the city of London, as else where.” On the 6th of August, 1547, there issued “A proclamacion for the inhibition of players4 note

.” And, the maker was,

-- 414 --

in that reign, sent to the Tower, for the writing of playes; the offence being probably aggravated by disobedience to some injunction5 note. The jealousy, and strictness, of that period, would only permit the players of the highest noblemen to play, within their own houses6 note. The court of Edward had, however,

-- 415 --

a few joyous moments. Military triumphs were exhibited “at Shrovetide, and at Twelftide7 note.” At the festivals of Christmas, and Candlemas, A lord of the pastimes was appointed, and playes were acted: and for the greater joyousance, poets of the greatest talents were sought, to promote festivity. George Ferrers, a person of superior rank, who was educated at Oxford, and entered at Lincoln's Inn, and who was a gentleman belonging to the Protector Somerset, was employed, as the lord of the pastimes8 note. William Baldwyn, who was a graduate of Oxford, and another of the celebrated authors of the Myrrour for Magistrates, was appointed to set forth a play9 note. Edward had a regular establishment of players of interludes; and of mynstrels1 note, and singing men, who sung in the King's presence2 note. But, the festivities of Edward's days

-- 416 --

were soon clouded over by the reign of blood, which succeeded his premature demise.

The gloom, which hung over the court of Mary, did not spread far beyond the influence of her presence. In London, and in Canterbury, in Essex, and in Yorkshire, plays continued to be acted, because they were agreeable to the country, however displeasing to the court, which, in its own darkness, saw danger from merriment, and, from its own weakness, perceived sedition, in the hilarity of the drama. Special orders were, accordingly, issued to prevent the acting of plays in particular places3 note. When these failed of effect, a general order was issued from the star-chamber, in Easter term 1557; requiring the justices of the peace, in every shire, to suffer no players, whatsoever the matter were, to play, within their several jurisdictions. But, these injunctions, as they were displeasing to the people, were not every where enforced; and the strolling players found means to save themselves from the penalties, which the law inflicted on vagabonds4 note. The magistrates of Canterbury were

-- 417 --

remarkably active in obeying those orders; in committing the players, and seizing their lewd playbook5 note. But, the Mayor of London seems not, like his brother of Canterbury, to have merited, on that occasion, the thanks of the privy council, for his zeal against plays6 note.

-- 418 --

On the 5th of September, 1557, he was ordered to cause his officers forthwith to repair to the Boar's Head, without Aldgate, and to apprehend the players, who were then, and there, to represent a lewd play, called A Sack full of News; which was thereupon so completely suppressed, as to prevent its subsequent publication. The representation of this lewd play induced the privy council to direct the Lord Mayor to suffer no plays to be played, within London, but such as were seen and allowed by the Ordinary. In the mean time, the Queen continued the household establishment, which her father had made, for eight players of interludes. The great poet of her reign was John Heywood, the epigrammatist, who fled from the face of Elizabeth, at the revival of the reformation, which immediately succeeded her accession. If any drama were printed, during the reign of Mary, it has escaped the eyes of the most diligent collectors.

The sun of Elizabeth rose, in November, 1558, and went not down, until March, 1603. This reign, as it thus appears to have been long in its duration, and is celebrated for the wisdom of its measures, enabled learning, by its kindly influences, to make a vast progress; and assisted the stage, by its salutary regulations, to form a useful establishment. What Augustus said of Rome, may be remarked of Elizabeth, and the stage, that she found it brick, and left it marble. The persecutions of preceding governments had, indeed,

-- 419 --

left her without a theatre, without dramas, and without players7 note
. These positions appear, from what has been already said; and are confirmed by A Breif Estimat, which I discovered in the paper-office; and which, being very interesting in its matter, and curious in its manner, is subjoined in the marginal note below.8 note

.

-- 420 --

Such was the state of the drama, when Shakspeare was born. We shall perceive that, before he came

-- 421 --

out upon the stage, great improvements had been made in the plays; in the actors; and in the theatre; but that much was still wanting to reduce dramatick representations into the most perfect form.

When we throw our eyes upon the scenick pastimes of those days, we see that Queen Elizabeth was chiefly entertained by children; by the children of Paul's; by the children of Westminster; by the children

-- 422 --

of the chapel; and by the children of Windsor. The truth is, that our drama first took its rise in the schools; which were settled in the monasteries, or were established in the Universities9 note. The sock, and the buskin, passed, by an easy transition, from the school boys to the singing boys. As early as the year 1430, the choristers, or eleemosinary boys of Maxtoke-priory, near Coventry, acted a play every year1 note. Henry the VIIth was entertained, in a similar manner, by the choristers of Winchester, in 14872 note. Henry the VIIIth, Edward the VIth3 note, and Mary, were, in their turns, dramatically amused by singing boys. As early as the year 1378, the choristers of St. Paul's cathedral, in London, petitioned Richard the IId, that he would prohibit ignorant persons from acting The History of the Old Testament, which the clergy of that church had prepared, at a great expence, for publick representation, during the ensuing Christmas. From acting mysteries, these choristers passed, by a gradual progress, to the performance of more regular dramas4 note. They became so famous for the superiority of their scenick skill, that they were sent for, whenever great entertainments were given in the country; in order to contribute, by their mimick art, diversion to the Briton reveller5 note.

The children of St. Paul's were the favourite actors, at the accession of Elizabeth: And, in consequence of their celebrity, and success, they at length found imitators, and rivals, in the children of Westminster, in the children of the Chapel6 note, and in the children of

-- 423 --

Windsor; who all continued to entertain Elizabeth while she lived; though much seldomer towards the conclusion of her reign, as the established actors, necessarily, gained a superiority over them in the art, and its accommodations7 note
.

-- 424 --

Whether those choristers were always children may admit of some doubt. The word child had

-- 425 --

formerly a very different signification, than it has lately had; as we may learn from our old English ballads; in the same manner, as the word bairn, in the Scottish poets, and in Shakspeare's dramas7 note, denotes a youth, as well as a child; and as the word child signifies a youth, and a youth of a higher rank; so child and knight, and bairn and knight, came to be synonimous; as we may perceive in the Reliques of Ancient Poetry: Hence, the children of the chapel, and the youths of the chapel, were, really, the same, though, nominally, different. From those seminaries, some of the ablest actors were transplanted into the regular companies8 note. Contributing so much

-- 426 --

to festivity, by their acting, they, in some measure, communicated their denomination of children to the professed actors, by the name of the children of the Revels. By the celebrity of their performances, they even envenomed the established comedians with rival-hating envy, as we may learn from Shakspeare. During Elizabeth's reign, there had been four companies of children, who, under distinct masters, gave life to the revelry of that extended period. They continued, after the accession of King James, to exhilarate the faint slumbers of his peaceful reign. And, they were deemed so important, that there sometimes were granted royal patents to particular persons; empowering them, “to bring up companies of children, and youths, in the quality of playing interludes, and stage plays9 note


.”

-- 427 --

Thus have I tried to shed a few rays of brighter light on this curious subject, which had been thrown too much into shade, by the pencil of our scenick painters. Yet, have I perhaps raised, rather than gratified curiosity. And those, who find a pleasure, in reviewing the amusements of former times, may wish for more gratification, from additional notices. It was with design to gratify this reasonable desire, that I compiled a Chronological List of such plays, as were acted by those companies of theatrical children, which is subjoined in the note1 note
The chronology

-- 428 --

was adjusted from the several dates of the successive publications; whence may be conjectured, rather

-- 429 --

than ascertained, when each play was acted. Amid other novelties, it is curious to remark, that none of the many plays, which were presented by the children of Paul's, and the children of the Chapel, before the year 1571, have been preserved, at least been published; and none of the plays are said to have been acted by the children of the revels, subsequent to the year 1633. An attention to this date would

-- 430 --

carry the inquirer into the gloom of puritanism: And, from authority, he would be told:


“You cannot revel into dukedoms there.”

Thus much, then, for the children of St. Paul's, of Westminster, of Windsor, of the Chapel, and of the Children of the Revels. As early as the reign of Henry the VIIth, French players appeared in London, though not as an established company; for we see nothing of them in the subsequent reigns. The Italian language became as much the object of cultivation, during Elizabeth's reign, as the French had ever been, or is at present. And, Italians showed their tricks, daily, in our streets, and exhibited their dramas, often, in our halls2 note: In January, 1577–8, Drousiano, an Italian commediante, and his company, were authorised by the privy council, to play within the jurisdiction of the city of London. It does not, however, appear, that there was then any settled company of foreign players; though Lord Strange's tumblers may have had strangers among them.

As soon as the acting of plays became a profession, jealousy of abuse made it an object of regulation. Accordingly, in 1574, the puritanick zeal, or the prudential caution of the Lord Mayor, Hawes, procured various bye-laws of the common council, to regulate

-- 431 --

the representation of plays within the city of London3 note. Yet, this zeal was not wholly approved of at Whitehall. And the privy council wrote the Lord Mayor, on the 22d of March, 1573–4, “to advertize their Lordships what causes he hath to restrain playes; to the intent their Lordships may the better answer such as desire liberty for the same4 note.”

The year 1574 is probably the epoch of the first establishment of a regular company of players. It was on the 10th of May, 1574, that the influence of the Earl of Leicester obtained for his servants, James Burbadge, John Parkyn, John Lanham, William Johnson, and Robert Wilson, a license under the privy seal, “to exercise the faculty of playing, throughout the realm of England5 note.” Leicester was not a man who would allow the Queen's grant to be impugned, or his own servants to be opposed. And, his influence procured, probably, directions from the privy council to the Lord Mayor, on the 22d of July, 1574,” to admit the comedy players within the city of London; and to be otherwise favourably used6 note.”

But, the zeal of the Lord Mayor neither darkened the gaiety of the city, nor obstructed the operations of the players so much as did the plague; which, in that age, frequently afflicted the nation with its destructive

-- 432 --

ravages. During several years of Elizabeth's reign, the privy council often gave directions for restraining players, within the city and its vicinage; on account of the frequent pestilence, which was supposed to be widely propagated, by the numerous concourse of people, at theatrical representations. It is to this cause that we ought to attribute the many orders which were issued under the prudent government of Elizabeth, with regard to players; and which are contradictory in appearance, more than in reality: When the city was sickly, the playhouses were shut; when the city was healthy, they were opened; though dramatick entertainments were not always allowed in the dog-days.

Among those expedient orders, the privy council required the Lord Mayor, on the 24th of December, 1578, “to suffer the children of her Majesty's chapel, the servants of the Lord Chamberlain, of the Earl of Warwick, of the Earl of Leicester, of the Earl of Essex, and the children of Paul's, and no companies else, to exercise plays within the city; whom their Lordships have only allowed thereunto, by reason that the companies aforenamed are appointed to play this Christmas before her Majesty.” Yet, it is said7 note, that there were then, within the city, eight ordinary places for playing publickly, to the great impoverishment of the people.

No sooner was the drama protected by the wise ministers of Elizabeth, who distinguished, nicely, between the use, and the abuse, of every institution, than plays, and players, were persecuted by the Puritans, whose enmity may be traced up to the publication of the Laws of Geneva, which prohibited stage plays, as sinful8 note. In 1574, A Form of Christian

-- 433 --

Policy was drawn out of the French, and dedicated to Lord Burleigh, by Geoffry Fenton8 note. Gosson printed his School of Abuse, in 1578, which was dedicated to Sir Philip Sydney, by whom it was disdainfully rejected. In 1579, John Northbrooke published A Treatise, wherein dicing, dauncing, vaine plaies, or enterludes, with other idle pastimes were reprooved9 note. Stubbes exhibited his Anatomie of Abuses, in 1583; showing the wickedness of stage playes, and enterludes. The churches continually resounded with declamations against the stage. And, in 1592, the vanity, and unlawfulness, of plaies, and enterludes, were maintained, in the university of Cambridge1 note, by Doctor Rainolds, against Doctor Gager, the celebrated dramatist. This academical controversy was soon followed by a kind of theatrical rescript in the form of a letter to the vice chancellor of Cambridge2 note

, from the privy council, dated at Oatlands, on

-- 434 --

the 29th of July, 1593; the same year, in which appeared the first heir of Shakspeare's invention.

-- 435 --

From this outcry against the drama, loud as it was, and long as it continued, some good effects resulted; as there did from a similar outcry, which was raised by Collier against the stage, in more modern times. As early as 1578, the privy council endeavoured, though not with complete success, to prevent the acting of plays, during Lent3 note. This solicitude, for the interests of religion, was soon after extended to the preventing of stage plays on Sundays4 note

. Yet, this care did not extend to the court, where plays were presented, for Queen Elizabeth's recreation, during her whole reign, on Sundays. This restriction against acting plays, on Sundays, was continued, by successive orders of the privy council, till it was at length enacted by parliament, that no plays should be presented on the Lord's-day5 note.

-- 436 --

The players were also obstructed in the exercise of their profession by orders, which originated from a less pious source, and deprived of their profits, by injunctions, which proceeded from a less disinterested motive. The royal bearward found, that the people, who are entitled to praise for such a preference, took more delight in stage-playing, than in bear-baiting; their second sight foreseeing, no doubt, that Shakspeare was at hand, to justify their choice: Accordingly, in July, 1591, an order was issued by the privy council6 note that there should be no plays, publickly, showed on Thursdays; because, on Thursdays, bear-baiting, and such like pastimes, had been usually practised. In this manner, were the ministers of Elizabeth, at times, gravely, and wisely, occupied.

By those various causes, were the players, who had no other profession, deprived of their livelihood; by the recurrence of pestilence, by the intervention of Lent, by the return of Sunday, and by the competition of bearwards. On the 3d of December, 1581, the players stated their case to the privy council; represented their poor estates, as having no other means to sustain their wives, and children, but their

-- 437 --

exercise of playing; showed, that the sickness within the city were well slacked; and prayed that their Lordships would grant them license to use their playing as heretofore: The privy council, thereupon, for those considerations, and recollecting also, “that they were to present certain plays before the Queen's Majesty, for her solace, in the ensuing Christmas,” granted their petition; ordered the Lord Mayor to permit them to exercise their trade of playing, as usual. On the 22d of April, 1582, this order was extended for a further time, and enforced by weightier considerations; “for honest recreation sake, and in respect, that her Majesty sometimes taketh delight in these pastimes7 note.”

-- 438 --

Yet, the privy council did not, in their laudable zeal for honest recreation, depart, in the least, from accustomed prudence; requiring, as essential conditions of removing those restrictions, that “the comedies and interludes be looked into” for matter, which might breed corruption of manners; and that fit persons might be appointed, for allowing such plays only, as should yield no example of evil. We shall find, in our progress, that regular commissioners were appointed in 1589, for reviewing the labours of our dramatists; for allowing the fit, and rejecting the unmannerly; which appointment seems to be, only, a systematick improvement of Queen Elizabeth's ecclesiastical injunctions, in 1559.

-- 439 --

Of such players, and such companies, that incited honest merriment, during Elizabeth's days, and were regarded as objects of consideration, by some of the wisest ministers, that have ever governed England, who would not wish to know a little more? The children of St. Paul's appear to have formed a company, in very early times. At the accession of Elizabeth, Sebastian Westcott was the master of those children. With his boyish actors, he continued to entertain that great Queen, and to be an object of favour, and reward, till the year 1586. He was succeeded, as master of the children of Paul's, by Thomas Giles, who, in the same manner tried to please, and was equally rewarded for his pains. Thomas Giles was succeeded, in 1600, by Edward Piers, as the master of the children of Paul's, who was to instruct them in the theory of musick, and direct them “to hold, as 'twere, the mirrour up to nature.” The establishment of the children of her Majesty's honourable chapel seems to have been formed on the plan of that of the children of St. Paul's. Richard Bower, who had presided over this honourable chapel under Henry the Eighth, continued to solace Elizabeth, by the singing, and acting, of the children of the chapel, till 1572. Richard Bower was then succeeded, in his office, and in those modes of pleasing, by John Honnys. This master was followed by William Hunnis, one of the gentlemen of the chapel; who, not only endeavoured to gladden life, by the acting of his children, but to improve it, by the publication of the penitential psalms, with appropriate musick8 note. The children of Westminster had for their director, John Taylor, from the year 1565, for a long succession of theatrical

-- 440 --

seasons. And, the children of Windsor were, in the same manner, employed by Richard Ferrant, during Elizabeth's residence there, “to ease the anguish of a torturing hour.”

It was from those nurseries, that many a cyon was grafted into the more regular companies of players. During the infancy of the drama, the players were driven, by the penalties of the statutes against vagabonds, to seek for shelter under private patronage, by entering themselves, as servants, to the greater peers, and even to the middling sort of gentlemen. At the accession of Elizabeth, the Lord Robert Dudley's players became conspicuous. When, by his influence, they were incorporated, into a regular company, in 1574, their leaders were James Burbadge9 note; John Perkyn; John Lanham1 note; William Johnson; and Robert Wilson. None of these rose to eminence, or contributed much to the advancement of the stage. When the Earl of Leicester died, in September, 1588, they were left to look for protection from a new master.

In 1572, Sir Robert Lane had theatrical servants, at the head of whom was Laurence Dutton, who appears to have joined the Earl of Warwick's company: but Lane's servants seem not to have long continued,

-- 441 --

either to profit, by pleasing others, or to please themselves, by profit.

In 1572, Lord Clinton entertained dramatick servants, who, as they did little, have left little for the historian of the stage to record. When the Lord Clinton died, on the 16th of January, 1584–5, those servants found shelter probably from some other peer, who, like him, was ambitious of giving and receiving the pleasures of the stage.

In 1575, appeared at the head of the Earl of Warwick's company, Laurence Dutton, and John Dutton, who, as they did not distinguish themselves, cannot be much distinguished by the historian of the theatre.

In 1575, the Lord Chamberlain had a company of acting servants: whether William Elderton, and Richard Mouncaster, were then the leaders of it, is uncertain: But, Shakspeare was, certainly, admitted into this company, which he has immortalized more by his dramas, than by his acting. In 1597, John Heminges, and Thomas Pope2 note, were at the head of the Lord Chamberlain's servants, who were afterwards retained by King James; and long stood the foremost, for the regularity of their establishment, and the excellency of their plays.

In 1576, the Earl of Sussex had a theatrical company, which began to act at The Rose, on the 27th of December, 1593; yet, never rose to distinguished eminence.

In 1577, Lord Howard had dramatick servants, who, as they did not distinguish themselves, have not been remembered by others.

-- 442 --

In 1578, the Earl of Essex had a company of players, who probably finished their career, when he paid the penalty of his treason, in 1601.

In 1579, Lord Strange had a company of tumblers, who, at times, entertained the Queen with feats of activity; and who began to play at The Rose, under the management of Philip Henslow, on the 19th of February, 1591–2; yet, were never otherwise distinguished, than like the strutting player, whose conceit lay in his hamstring.

In 1579, the Earl of Darby entertained a company of comedians, which had at its head, in 1599, Robert Brown, to whom William Slye devised, in 1608, his share in the Globe.

In 1585, the Queen had certainly a company of players, which is said, without sufficient authority, to have been formed, by the advice of Walsingham, in 1581. The earliest payment, which appears to have been made to the Queen's company, was issued on the 6th of March, 1585–62 note. And, in March, 1589–90, John Dutton, who was one of Lord Warwick's company, and John Lanham, who belonged to Lord Leicester's, appear to have been at the head of Elizabeth's company, which must be distinguished from the ancient establishment of the household, that received a salary at the Exchequer, without performing any duty at court.

In 1591, the Lord Admiral had a company of comedians, who began to act at The Rose, on the 14th of May, 1594; and who had at its head, in 1598, Robert Shaw, and Thomas Downton. Connected with them, in the management, and concerns, of the company, were Philip Henslow, and

-- 443 --

Edward Alleyn; two persons, who are better known, and will be longer remembered, in the theatrical world3 note

. At the accession of King James, the theatrical

-- 444 --

servants of the Lord Admiral had the honour to be taken into the service of Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales3 note
.

In 1592, the Earl of Hertford entertained a company of theatrical servants, who have left few materials for the theatrical remembrancer.

In 1593, the Earl of Pembroke sheltered, in the same manner, under his protection, a company of persons, who equally made a profession of acting, as a mode of livelihood, and who were more desirous of profit, than emulous of praise. This company began to play at The Rose, on the 28th of October, 1660.

The Earl of Worcester had also a company of theatrical servants, who, at the accession of King James, had the honour to be entertained by Queen Anne, in the same capacity.

Thus, we see, in this slight enumeration, fifteen distinct companies of players; who, during the protracted reign of Elizabeth, and in the time of Shakspeare, successively gained a scanty subsistence, by lascivious pleasing. The demise of the Queen brought along with it the dissolution of those companies, as retainers to the great: And, we shall find, that the accession of King James gave rise to a theatrick policy, of a different kind. The act of parliament4 note, which took away from private persons the

-- 445 --

privilege of licensing players, or of protecting strolling actors, from the penalties of vagrancy, put an end for ever to the scenick system of prior times.

This subject, though curious, has hitherto remained very obscure. A laudable curiosity still requires additional information, which can only be furnished, by the communication of new notices, in a distinct arrangement. This, I have endeavoured to perform, by compiling a chronological series of the several payments, which were made, from time to time, by Elizabeth's orders, to those various companies, for their respective exhibitions: And, this chronological series, I have subjoined in the marginal note; because it will show more clearly, than has yet been done, in which company Elizabeth oftenest “took delight;” on what days she enjoyed this recreation; and what she gave for each day's enjoyment; whether that delight was communicated, by the acting of the players, the feats of the tumblers, or the grosser sports of the bear-garden5 note
.

-- 446 --

While the actors were chiefly children; and while the theatrical companies were noblemen's servants;

-- 447 --

the theatres, on which they presented their interludes, and displayed their various powers of performance,

-- 448 --

could not have been very large, or commodious. When Queen Elizabeth did her best, to entertain the

-- 449 --

French ambassador, with her tayllors, payntors, silk-wemen, and drappars, “to garnish the old garments

-- 450 --

to make them same fresh againe;” and with all her houses, and clouds, and hills, and other devices, she

-- 451 --

appears neither to have made any splendid show, nor furnished any adequate accommodations. The children of St. Paul's probably exhibited their pastimes in the hall of their own school-house. The regular companies had only the publick inns, within the city of London, where they could please by acting, and obtain their subsistence by pleasing.

The year 1570 has been marked, by our theatrical historians, as the probable epoch, of the first erection of regular playhouses. As early as the year 1576, there certainly existed a building which was appropriated to scenick representations, and was emphatically called The Theatre. It was probably situated in the Blackfriers, without the Lord Mayor's jurisdiction6 note. Before the year 1583, theatres and curtaines were familiarly known, and puritanically reprobated, as Venus palaces7 note. Before the year 1586, there was a playhouse at Newington-butts, in the county of Surrey, which was denominated the Theatre8 note. The passion for theatrical representations was, at that time, become excessive: as we may learn,

-- 452 --

indeed, from Stubbs's Anatomy of Abuses: So there were managers, who endeavoured to gratify the popular passion for scenick amusement, by erecting theatres. But, it is not easy to calculate the number of playhouses, in those days, nor to ascertain their sites. It seems, however, certain, that, while the beams of Shakspeare's sun brightened the stage, there were seven principal theatres in London, and its suburbs: The Globe on the Bankside, the Curtain in Shoreditch, the Red Bull in St. John's Street, and the Fortune in White-cross Street; the Theatre in Blackfriers, the Cockpit in Drury Lane, and a more private playhouse in Whitefriers: Add to these the several theatres, which had, in the mean time, arisen in St. Saviour's parish from this passion of the people, who laudably preferred the sentimental pleasure of the drama, to the savage entertainment of bear-baiting.

But this preference, which encreased the number of theatres, gave offence to those, who wished to influence the people, in their religious opinions, and to direct them, in their social conduct. A violent outcry was, now, raised against the number of playhouses. Complaints were repeatedly made to the privy-council9 note, of the manifold abuses, that had

-- 453 --

grown from the many houses, which were employed in, and about London, for common stage plays. These complaints were, at length, fully considered by the privy-council. The wise men, who composed the councils of Elizabeth declared, that stage-playing was not evil in itself. They distinguished between the use, and the abuse, of salutary recreations, in a well governed state. And they determined, “as her Majestie sometimes took delight in seeing, and hearing the stage-plays,” to regulate the stage, by reducing the number of theatres, and encreasing their usefulness. For these ends, the privy-council, who did not distrust their owne power, issued, on the 22d of June, 1600, an order “for the restraint of the immoderate use of playhouses,” which, as it does honour to their wisdom, and is curious in itself, I have subjoined in a marginal note1 note

.

-- 454 --

In this theatrical edict of the privy-council, we see the wisdom of Elizabeth's ministers. They allowed

-- 455 --

the use of theatres, but endeavoured, by corrective regulations, to prevent the abuses of them; acknowledging, in the language of John Taylor, the water-poet:
“For, plays are good, or bad, as they are us'd;
“And, best inventions often are abus'd.” For all the salutary purposes of honest recreation, they deemed two playhouses sufficient; one in Middlesex, which was to be The Fortune; and one in Surrey, to be The Globe: And, foreseeing that those regulations would be of little effect, without enforcement, either for enjoying the use, or correcting the abuse of many playhouses, the privy-council wrote letters from Greenwich, on the 22d of June, 1600, to the Lord Mayor of London, and to the justices of Middlesex, and of Surrey; urging them, by every proper motive, to carry those wise regulations into effectual execution2 note. Owing to whatever cause, whether want of authority, in the magistrates, or want of

-- 456 --

inclination in the men, these orders of the privy-council were not executed. The disorders of the playhouses rather increased, than diminished. The mayor, and aldermen of London felt the grievance, without being able to apply the remedy: For, they were neither urged, by the clamour of the multitude, nor supported, by the voice of the people; who now relished theatrical amusements, as they were better accommodated, in the many new playhouses, and better gratified by the representation of Shakspeare's dramas. The privy-council did not so much partake of the scenick enthusiasm of the people, as they viewed the popular concourse to scenick representations, in the light of a political disorder; which, having increased under restraint, required correction, rather than countenance. In this spirit, they wrote a stronger letter to the Lord Mayor, and aldermen, of London, on the 31st of December, 1601; reprehending past neglects, and requiring future compliance with the former orders3 note

. The privy-council, on the

-- 457 --

same day, wrote, with a sharper pen, to the justices of Middlesex, and Surrey, letters of reproof, rather than directions, in these energetick terms: “It is in vain for us to take knowledge of great abuses, and to give order for redress, if our directions find no better execution, than it seemeth they do: and we must needs impute the blame thereof to you, the justices of peace, that are put in trust to see them performed; whereof we may give you a plain instance in the great abuse continued, or rather increased, in the multitude of playhouses, and stage plays, in, and about, the city of London4 note.”

In those proceedings, for restraining the number of playhouses, and checking the popular concourse to scenick entertainments, a discerning eye may perceive, that stage plays, rather than the English stage in general, had risen to great, though not to the greatest splendour. At the demise of Elizabeth, Shakspeare had produced two and twenty of his immortal dramas. The commission, which Elizabeth established, in 1589, for revising plays, before Shakspeare's

-- 458 --

appearance, as a dramatist, had an obvious tendency to form the chastity of his muse; as the chastity of Shakspeare's muse had the same tendency to reform the popular taste. To this pure source of refinement, and of pleasure, we may trace the popular passion for theatrical representations, which the ministers of Elizabeth regarded as a disorder, requiring necessary reform. The concourse of the people to the playhouse enabled the managers of them, first, to furnish simple accommodation, then to give greater convenience, and lastly, to superadd ornamental splendour: This progress of improvement, we may remark, drew still more the popular resort; while more ample recompense supplied the means of higher gratification to the multitudes, who, at the demise of Elizabeth, found in theatrical representations their greatest amusement.

Such are the various views, which those new notices give of the stage, in England, at every step of its progress. As Scotland was inhabited, during every period, by people of the same lineage, its laws, its customs, and its amusements, were, in every age, nearly alike. When the warlike sports of the field were fashionable among the valorous people of England, tournaments, and other martial pastimes, were the delight of the hardy inhabitants of Scotland5 note. When London had its abbot of misrule, Edinburgh had its abbot of unreason6 note; when the citizens of

-- 459 --

London amused themselves with the festive feats of Robin Hood, the citizens of Edinburgh diverted themselves with the manly exercises of Robert Hude7 note; and while the youth of London rose in tumult, when their sports were restrained, the bairns8 note of Edinburgh ran into insurrection, when an attempt was made, at the æra of the Reformation, to suppress the game of Robin Hood. In Scotland, the drama held the same course, as in England, from rudeness to refinement; beginning with scriptural mysteries9 note; improving with moralities; and finishing off with monarchicke tragedies1 note.

It was not at Edinburgh alone, that the Abbot of Unreason practised his rustick revelry. At Aberdeen, a city, noted in every age for hilarity, they had in very early times, an Abbot of Bonne-Acorde2 note, who gratified the citizens with a play; a scriptural play, or mystery3 note. About a century after the acting

-- 460 --

of the mystery of the Haliblude on the Wyndmyllhill, at Aberdeen, Sir David Lyndsay exhibited his moralities upon the Castlehill, near Cowpar-in-Fife. The sarcasm of the satirist was chiefly levelled at the prelats, the monks, and the nuns, who were exhibited, as extremely worthless; But, what must have been the coarseness of the barons, the dames, and the monarch, who could hear such ribaldry, without indignation, and see such obsceneness, without a blush4 note.

A reformation was, however, at hand, which is said to have been brought forward, full as much by the moralities of Lindsay, as by the sermons of Knox. The Church of Scotland, as it adopted its fundamental principles, from the religious practices of Geneva, at the same time assumed its enmity to dramatick exhibitions. It is, nevertheless, certain, that a company of players performed at Perth, in June, 1589. In obedience, indeed, to the act of the assembly, which had been made in 15755 note

, they applied to the consistory

-- 461 --

of the church, for a licence; showing a copy of their play: And, they were, accordingly, permitted to act the play, on condition, however, that no swearing, banning, nor any scurrility shall be spoken, which would be a scandal to religion, and an evil example to others6 note.” Thus, it appears, that the church of Scotland adopted analogous measures to the judicious regulations of the wise ministers of England, at the same epoch; by allowing the use, but preventing the abuse of dramatick exhibitions. As a scholar, and a poet, King James admired the drama. And, some English comedians coming to Edinburgh, in 1599, he gave then a license to act, though he thereby offended the ecclesiasticks, who wanted not such provocation to disturb his government7 note.

-- 462 --

Yet, plays and players may be considered, as sightless substances, in Scotland, during that age. Nor, has diligence been able to show in the Scottish literature, any thing like a comedie, historie, or tragedie, from the revival of learning, to the accession of King James. The scurrilities of Lyndsay can no more be considered as legitimate dramas, than the scurril jests of Skelton, “a sharpe satirist indeed,” says Puttenham, “but with more rayling and scoffery than became a poet laureat8 note.” Philotus, which, when originally printed, in 1603, was entitled, “Ane verie excellent, and delectabill Treatise,” was called a comedie, when it was republished in 1612. The marriage of Philotus, as we see it, in this rhapsodical colloquy, can scarce be called “a wedding mannerly modest:” Nor ought we to be surprized, that the church of Scotland preferred “a sad funeral feast,” to the coarse and immodest dialogues which were presented on the playfield to an unenlightened people. But Lord Stirling was now “weaving warp, and weaving woof,” the winding sheet of obscene plays: And, the monarchicke tragedies, which must be allowed to have sentiments that sparkle, though no words that burn, were entitled to the honour of James's acceptance, and to the higher honour of Shakspeare's adoption.

The historian of the English stage has aptly divided his subject into three periods: The first, from the origin of dramatick entertainments, to the appearance of Shakspeare's dramas; the second, during the illumination of the scene, by the sun of Shakspeare; and the third, from the time that this great luminary ceased to give light, and heat, and animation to the

-- 463 --

theatrick world. Of the first of those periods, much has already been said; of the second, something remains to be added; and of the last, little need be remarked: It has been my constant endeavour, as it will be my subsequent practice, to add the new to the old, rather than to make the old seem new.

The demise of Elizabeth gave a different order to the several parts of our theatrical arrangements. King James is said “to have patronized the stage with as much warmth, as his predecessor:” But, after all the inquiries, which have been hitherto made, it has remained unknown, that a kind of theatrick revolution took place, on the arrival of James from Scotland. While he was bestowing grace on every rank, he showed particular favour to the actors9 note. He accepted the Lord Chamberlain's servants, as his own; the Queen retained the Earl of Worcester's servants, as her's; and Prince Henry took the Earl of Nottingham's players, for his dramatick servants. King James arrived, at the Charterhouse, London, on the 7th of May, 1603; which may be deemed the epoch of that revolution. On the 19th of May he granted the license, which was first published by Rhymer, in 1705, to his servants, Laurence Fletcher, William Shakspeare, Richard Burbadge, Augustine Phillipes, John Hemings, Henrie Condel, William Slye, Robert Armin, and their associates, “freely to exercise the

-- 464 --

faculty of playing comedies, tragedies, histories, interludes, morals, pastorals, stage plaies, as well within their now usual house, called the Globe, as within any convenient places, in any city, and universitie, within his kingdoms, and dominions.” Ample, and favourable, as this license was to those servants, it did not give them any exclusive privilege, which could prevent the actors of the Queen, or the servants of the prince, from acting similar plays, within his realms; though they were thus distinguished by the royal license. Of such players, who were still more distinguished, as the original actors of Shakspeare's characters, it may gratify curiosity, to know a little more of the life, and end.

LAURENCE FLETCHER.

Of this personage, who now appeared at the head of the King's servants, in the royal license of 1603, Mr. Malone, the historian of our stage, has said nothing1 note. Fletcher was probably of St. Saviour's, Southwark; where several families of the name of Fletcher dwelt, as appears from the parish register. He was placed before Shakspeare and Richard Burbadge, in King James's license, as much perhaps by accident, as design. Augustine Phillips, when he made his will, in May, 1605, bequeathed to his fellow, Laurence Fletcher, twenty shillings. And this fellow of Phillips, and of Shakspeare, was buried in St. Saviour's church, on the 12th of September, 16082 note.

-- 465 --

It does not appear that he ever published any work, either in prose or verse.

WILLIAM SHAKSPEARE.

The great outlines of the life of this illustrious dramatist are sufficiently known. He was born on the 23d of April, 1564; and died, where he was born, on the 23d of April, 1616. Early in life, before he could have acquired any profession, he became a husband, and a father. Whether he ever removed his family to London is uncertain3 note. At what time he first visited London is still more uncertain. He certainly rose to excellence as a player, before the year 1591: And he began to produce those dramas, which have eternized his name, about the year 1591. He was celebrated as a poet in 1594. He became greatly

-- 466 --

distinguished as a dramatist, before the demise of Elizabeth. He was adopted as one of the theatrical servants of King James: And he was placed the second in the list of those players who were specified in the royal license of 1603. In 1605, Augustine Phillips, by his will, recollected Shakspeare, as his fellow, and bequeathed him “a thirty shilling piece in gould,” as a tribute of affection. How long he acted is uncertain; although he continued to write for the stage till the year 1614, in which year he is said to have produced Twelfth-Night, his thirty-fourth play.— When he retired from the stage he probably disposed of his property in the theatre; as there is no specifick bequest of his share by the testament which he made on the 25th of March, 1616.

The will of Shakspeare has been often published, though not always with sufficient accuracy. It is not easy to tell who, of all the admirers of our illustrious dramatist, first had the curiosity to look into his will. It is even a point of some difficulty to ascertain when, and by whom, the will of Shakspeare was first published. Mr. Malone, indeed, is studious to reprobate Theobald, for publishing it most blunderingly. It was not published by the player editors in 1623; nor by Rowe, in 1709; nor by Pope, in 1725, or 1728; nor by Theobald, in 1733, or 1740; and he died in 1744; nor was it published by Hanmer, in 1744; nor by Warburton, in 1747: But, it was certainly published, with the original errors, in the Biographia Britannica3 note, 1763, for the first time, I believe. Why, then, does Mr. Malone accuse Theobald, who was dead before the event, of that publication, and of those errors4 note?

-- 467 --

RICHARD BURBADGE.

This celebrated comedian, who was, probably, born before the year 1570, in Holywell Street, and who rose, by his talents, to the highest rank of his profession, was the son of James Burbadge, who died in February, 1596–7, and may be regarded as one of the elders of the English stage: Yet, he lived to enjoy one of the greatest pleasures of a parent; to see his son at the head of his profession, and admired by the world. Richard Burbadge, probably, appeared on the stage, as soon as he could speak. In the year 1589, he represented Gorboduc, and Tereus, in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns. In 1597, Richard Burbadge played the arduous character of Richard III. for the first time of its being performed. In the Cambridge comedy, called The Return from Parnassus, which was probably written about the year 1602, he is introduced, in his proper person; instructing a Cambridge scholar how to act Richard III. He performed the most difficult parts in Shakspeare's dramas; and was “such an actor, (says Sir Richard Baker, with an unprophetick spirit,) as no age must ever look to see the like.” He was an eminent partner in the Globe and Blackfriars theatres; so that the

-- 468 --

actors, who performed there, were called Burbadge's Company. He was appointed by Augustine Phillips, in 1605, one of the overseers of his will. He continued to distinguish himself, and to amuse the lovers of the drama, till March 1618–19, when he was carried off by the plague; leaving his wife Winifrid5 note, pregnant with her seventh child, and executrix of his nuncupative will. An epitaph, which was written for him, though not inscribed on his tomb, has the following couplet:


“This man hathe now, (as many more can tell)
“Ended his part; and he hath acted well6 note

.”

AUGUSTINE PHILLIPS

Was placed next to Richard Burbadge, in the royal license, of 1603. He was an author, as well as

-- 469 --

an actor; And left behind him some ludicrous rhymes, which were entered in the Stationers' books, in 1593, and were entitled, The Jigg of the Slippers. In Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns, Phillips represented the effeminate Sardanapalus, in the year 1589. He is supposed to have represented characters in low life, with Kempe, and Armin, rather than royal personages, with Burbadge. Whatever he were, in the theatre, he certainly was a respectable man, in the world. He amassed considerable property by his prudence. And he died at Mortlake, in Surrey, in May, 1605; and was buried, by his dying request, in the chancel of the church of that parish; leaving his wife, Ann, executrix of his will, with this proviso, however, that if she married again, John Hemynges, Richard Burbadge, William Slye, and Timothie Whithorne, should be his executors. His widow did marry again: and John Hemynges immediately proved the will, on

-- 470 --

the 16th of May, 1607; and assumed the trust, which Augustine Phillips had reposed in him. As the will of Phillips has escaped Mr. Malone's researches, and contains many curious particulars, I subjoin, in the note, a copy, which was extracted from the registry of the prerogative-court7 note

.

-- 471 --

JOHN HEMINGES.

The earliest notice, with regard to this respectable player, is his marriage, on the 10th of March, 1587–8,

-- 472 --

to Rebecca Knell, the widow, as I conjecture, of William Knell, the comedian8 note. As early as November,

-- 473 --

1597, he appears to have been the manager of the Lord Chamberlain's company9 note. This station, for which he was qualified by his prudence, he held, probably during forty years. There is reason to believe, that he was, originally, a Warwickshire lad; a shire, which has produced so many players and poets; the Burbadges; the Shakspeares; the Greens; and

-- 474 --

the Harts. Of Heminges's cast of characters, little is known: There is only a tradition, that he performed the arduous part of Falstaff. If this were true, it would prove, what indeed is apparent in his life, that he was a man of strong sense, and circumspect humour. He was adopted, with Shakspeare, by King James, on his accession, as one of his theatrical servants; and was ranked the fifth, in the royal license of 1603. He seems, indeed, to have been too busy, or too wise, during a long life, to write for the publick; though he left a son, with much less wisdom and more time, who did write. It is a strong recommendation of his character, for discretion, and honesty, that he was called upon, by many friends, to perform the trust of their executor. He had the honour to be remembered in Shakspeare's will, and to be the first editor of Shakspeare's dramas. He lost his wife, who had brought him thirteen children, in 16191 note. He himself died, at the age of seventy-five, in the parish of St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, where he had lived respectably through life; and was buried, as the parish register proves, on the 12th of October, 1630. He left his son William, the executor of an unexecuted2 note

-- 475 --

will; and much property, and many kind tokens of remembrance to his relations, and fellows.

HENRY CUNDALL. The origin of this honest man, rather than great actor, or celebrated writer, is unknown. He does not appear so prominent, on the page of theatrical history, as Heminges; though he had appeared in the theatrical world, before the year 1589: He represented Ferrex, in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns. He formed one of the Lord Chamberlain's company, and was adopted, with Shakspeare and Heminges, by King James, as one of his theatrical servants: He was ranked the sixth, in the royal license of 1603. In 1605, Augustine Phillips bequeathed to him, as he did to Shakspeare, a “thirty shillings piece in gould.” In 1606, Cundall served the parish office of sidesman, in St. Mary's, Aldermanbury. Before the year 1623, he ceased to act; yet retained his property in the playhouses. With Heminges he shared the honour of the recollection of Shakspeare, in his will, and of the editorship of Shakspeare's dramas.

-- 476 --

The country residence of Cundall, for some years before his death, was Fulham. He died, however, in St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, where he had lived long: And, here he was buried, on the 29th of December, 1627. By his will he appointed his wife, Elizabeth, his executrix, and bequeathed much property, together with his shares in the Globe, and Blackfriars, theatres, to his children: besides many legacies of friendship, and charity3 note

.

WILLIAM SLY. Of this player much less is known than of Cundall. Before the year 1589, Sly was an actor; having in that year represented Porrex, in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinnes. He was one of the Lord Chamberlain's company; and, being adopted by King

-- 477 --

James into his theatrical company, was placed the seventh in the royal license, among the royal players, in 1603. Sly was, in 1604, introduced personally with Burbadge, Cundall, and Lowin, in Marston's Malecontent, to act an introductory prologue; which, by satirizing, illustrates the manners of the age4 note

. He died, says the historian of the stage, before the year 16125 note. In May, 1605, Sly was appointed by Augustine Phillips, one of the overseers of his will. He was himself obliged to make a nuncupative will, on the 4th of August, 1608, which was proved on the 24th: He thereby bequeathed “To Jane Browne, the daughter of Robert Browne, and Sisely, his wife, the house, where he now dwelles to her &c for ever; to Robert Brown his part of The Globe; to James Saunder fortie pounds; the rest to Sisely Browne; making her his executrix6 note.” By a codicil, Sly bequeathed

-- 478 --

his sword, and hat, to Cuthbert Burbaige7 note, and forty shillings, to the poor of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch. Sly lived in Holywell-Street, among the other players, and greater personages, who then resided in that quarter, before it became the more frequent resort of meaner men. And, he was buried, in the cemetery of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, as appears by the register, on the 16th of August, 1608. William Sly, the next of kin, disputed his will, which bears a very suspicious appearance8 note; but, was nevertheless established by the prerogative court, though the testator, when he made it, was plainly in the hands of designing persons. The legacy to Cuthbert Burbaige, who was a respectable character, and the bequest to the poor of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, were mere artifices to cover the odious design of imposing upon weakness9 note.

ROBERT ARMIN.

My researchers have not enabled me to add much to the little, which is already known, with regard

-- 479 --


“To honest gamesome Robert Armin,
“Who tickl'd the spleen, like a harmless vermin.”

He was certainly one of the Lord Chamberlain's players, at the accession of King James, and was received, with greater actors, into the royal company. He was ranked the eighth, after Sly, in the King's license of 1603. As a fellow, Armin was affectionately remembered by Augustine Phillips, in 1605; who left him a legacy of twenty shillings. Armin was an author, as well as an actor: He produced in 1608, A Nest of Ninnies simply of Themselves, without Compound; in the same year, Phantasm the Italian Taylor and his Boy; and, in 1609, a comedy called The Two Maids of Moreclacke, [Mortlake] whether with any allusion to the family of Augustine Phillips, his fellow, I know not. He was not buried in St. Saviour's, Southwark, as we may infer from the silence of the register: Nor, have I been able to discover any will of Armin, or administration to his effects1 note.

-- 480 --

RICHARD COWLEY

Is said to have been an actor of a low class; having performed the part of Verges in Much Ado About Nothing: He probably acted such parts, as gamesome Armin; such characters as required dry humour, rather than splendid declamation. In 1589, he represented the character of Giraldus in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns. He was, however, adopted, from the Lord Chamberlain's company, by King James into his, and was ranked the last, in the royal license of 1604. He was recognized as a fellow by Augustine Phillips, in 1605, and distinguished as a friend, by a legacy of twenty shillings. He lived among the other players, and among the fashionable persons of that period, in Holywell Street. “I know not when this actor died,” says Mr. Malone, the historian of the stage2 note. He was buried, says the register of the parish, in St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, on the 13th of March, 1618–193 note, three days before the great Burbadge finished his career, in the same cemetery. But, my searches in the prerogative-office have not found either his will, or an administration to his estate.

Such were the nine patentees, who were named in King James's license of 1603; and who were, thereby, empowered to show their stage plays, to their best commoditie. The royal license, however, was not

-- 481 --

only granted to the nine, who were specified; but, also “to the rest of their associates, freely to exercise the faculty of playing4 note.”

ALEXANDER COOKE. It appears that this actor was the heroine of the stage, even before the year 1589. He acted as a woman in Jonson's Sejanus and in The Fox: And it is thence reasonably supposed, that Cooke represented the lighter females of Shakspeare's dramas. Thus far Mr. Malone. Alexander Cooke was recollected, in 1605, as a fellow by Augustine Phillips, and distinguished as an intimate, by a legacy. He outlived Phillips nine years. On the 3d of January, 1613–14, he wrote his will, with his own hand, though he was “sick of body;” appointing his wife his executrix5 note,

-- 482 --

and Heminges, and Cundall, and Caper, his overseers of it: He died, in April, 1614; leaving his wife, pregnant; and a son, Francis; and a daughter, Rebecca. I subjoin, in the note, a copy of his will; for it contains some curious particulars6 note

.

-- 483 --

NICHOLAS TOOLEY Was also another of the unnamed associates of Shakspeare, Burbadge, and Heminges, at The Globe; and was one of the original actors of Shakspeare's characters: He too represented women, as early as 1589, and acted Rodope in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadlie Sinns: He performed in The Alchemist, in the year 1610. Thus much from Mr. Malone. Tooley, I suspect, from some expressions in his will, had been the apprentice, or the servant, of Richard Burbadge7 note. Tooley, was remembered by Augustine Phillips, as a fellow, and distinguished by a legacy. He played his part, as a witness, in the last scene of Richard Burbadge's life, when the Roscius of that age made his will, on the 12th of March, 1618–19. Tooley, made his own will, on the 3d of June, 1623; appointing Cuthbert Burbadge, and Henry Cundall, his executors. He died, soon after, in the house of Cuthbert Burbadge, in Holywell Street; to whose wife, Elizabeth, the testator left a legacy of ten pounds “as a remembrance of his love, in respect of her motherly care of him.” Tooley, appears, plainly, to have been a benevolent man. While he bustled in the world, he did many kind acts: And, when he could no longer act, he left considerable legacies to the poor of the two parishes of St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, and of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, which, administer

-- 484 --

to the comfort of the needy, even to the present day. He was buried, as the parish register proves, on the 5th of June, 1623, in St. Giles's, Cripplegate8 note.

-- 485 --

WILLIAM KEMPE.

This player, who danced through life on light fantastick toe, is neither mentioned in the license of

-- 486 --

1603, by King James, as one of his servants, nor recognized by Augustine Phillips, in 1605, as one of his

-- 487 --

fellows. Kempe is said to have been the successor of Tarleton, who was buried on the 3d of September,

-- 488 --

1588, as well “in the favour of her Majesty as in the good thoughts of the general audience.” His favour

-- 489 --

with both arose from his power of pleasing. As early as 1589, his comick talents appear to have been highly estimated by those, who were proper judges, being wits themselves9 note. He usually represented the clowns, who are always very rogues; and, like Tarleton, gained celebrity, by his extemporal wit; whilst, like other clowns, Kempe raised many a roar by making faces, and mouths, of all sorts1 note. He probably performed Launce, in the Two Gentlemen of Verona, in 1595; the Grave-digger, in Hamlet, in 1596; Lancelot, in The Merchant of Venice, in 1598; and Touchstone, in As You Like It, in 1600: He appears, from the quarto plays of Shakspeare, to have been the original performer of Peter, in Romeo and Juliet, in 1595: and of Dogberry, in Much Ado About Nothing, in 1600. In the Cambridge comedy, called The Return from Parnassus, which is supposed to have been written about the year 1602, Burbadge, and Kempe, were personally introduced, to entertain the scholars at a low rate. Kempe seems to have disappeared, at the accession of King James, when his fellows were rising to higher honours. Perhaps, as a veteran, he had retired from “the loathed stage;”

-- 490 --

Perhaps, as a mortal, the pestilence of 1603 put an end to Kempe's nine days wonder. He was certainly dead, in 1618, when his epitaph was published:—


“Then, all thy triumphs, fraught with strains of mirth,
“Shall be cag'd up within a chest of earth;
“Shall be! they are: thou hast danc'd thee out of breath,
“And now must make thy parting dance with death2 note.”

Before the year 1609, Kempe had vanished from the publick eye; as we may infer from The Gul's Hornbooke; although not, that he was dead, as Mr. Malone decides; For, Kempe may have only retired from the scene. When Augustine Phillips, with fond recollection, remembered so many of his fellows, in May, 1605, he did not remember Kempe; Yet, at the same hour, Phillips forgot Lowen also, who outlived him more than fifty years.—Amidst so much uncertainty, I have ascertained an important fact, that on the 2d of November, 1603, one William Kempe was buried, in the cemetery of St. Saviour's, Southwark3 note.

-- 491 --

Considering every circumstance, the time, the place, the person, the name, the previous probability; I have little doubt, but that William Kempe, the vicegerent of Tarleton, was then caged up within a chest of earth. I have not found any will of Kempe, nor any administration to his effects, in the prerogative-office.

Kempe was an author, as well as an actor4 note: Yet, he was as illiterate, probably, as he was, certainly, jocose. The Cambridge scholars laughed at his gross illiterature. In The Return from Parnassus, Kempe is made to say to Burbadge: “Few of the university pen plays well; they smell too much of that writer Ovid, and that writer Metamorphosis, and talk too much of Proserpina and Juppiter.” Philomusus says, sneeringly: “Indeed, Master Kempe, you are very famous: but, that is as well for works, in print, as your part in cue.” There was a sentiment then assigned to Kempe, which was known, perhaps, to be his real opinion, that, it is better to make a fool of the world, as I have done, than like you scholars, to be fooled of the world. The publication of The Orchestra of Davis, and The Jigg of Kempe, about the same time, furnished Marston the satirist, in 1599, with an opportunity of joining Davis, Kempe, and

-- 492 --

perhaps Shakspeare, in the same laugh against them:—


“Prayse but Orchestra, and the skipping art,
“You shall commaund him; faith, you have his hart,
“Even cap'ring in your fist. A hall, a hall;
“Roome for the spheres, the orbes celestiall
“Will daunce Kempe's Jigg: They'le revel with neate jumps;
“A worthy poet hath put on their pumps5 note

.”

Such were the patentees of King James; and such the associates, who were adopted among the royal servants: and though they were not named in the license of 1603, yet were the original actors of Shakspeare's characters. We have seen, upon the accession of King James, three companies established, by collecting the discarded servants of the several noblemen. At the epoch of Shakspeare's death, there were, probably, five companies of players in London: viz. The King's servants, who performed at The Globe, and in the Blackfriars; the Queen's servants, who acted at The Red Bull, and became afterwards distinguished as the Children of the Revels; the Prince's servants, who played at The Curtaine; the Palsgrave's servants, who exhibited at The Fortune; and the Lady Elizabeth's servants, who performed at the Cockpit, in Drury Lane. During the same period, there were seven regular playhouses, including

-- 493 --

three on the Bankside; the Swan, the Rose, and the Hope; which, however, were not much frequented, and, early in the reign of James, fell into disuse: Yet, one Rosseter obtained a patent, under the great seal, for erecting a playhouse, without the liberties of London; and by virtue thereof, proceeded to convert the house of Lady Sanclair, on Puddle-wharff, into a theatre. The Lord Mayor and aldermen were alarmed: They considered this measure as an infringement of their jurisdiction: and feared the interruption of publick worship, on the week days, from its nearness to a church. These considerations, upon complaint made to them, induced the privy-council to determine, that no playhouse should be erected in that place6 note

. But, it is always more easy to resolve,

-- 494 --

than to execute. Rosseter seems not to have been terrified by the threats of commitment. Notwithstanding several prohibitions, he proceeded, though with some interruptions, to execute his purpose. New complaints were made; and fresh orders were issued. At length, in January, 1617, the Lord Mayor was directed to cause Rosseter's playhouse to be pulled down7 note

. Yet, such directions are seldom executed, unless they be loudly called for by the publick voice. At the general pulling down of playhouses and bear-gardens, in 1648, Major-General Skippon was sent, with a body of horse, to assist the levellers8 note.

But, a new power was at hand, which, without direction, or authority, could pull a playhouse down with armipotent speed. “On Shrove-tuesday, the fourth of March, 1616–17,” saith Howes, the chronicler of the times, “many disordered persons, of sundry kinds, assembled in Finsbury-field, Stepneyfield, and Lincoln's-inn-fields; and in riotous manner did beat down the walls and windows of many victualling houses, which they suspected to be bawdy

-- 495 --

houses: and that afternoon they spoiled a new playhouse, and likewise did more hurt in other places.” It was the playhouse in Drury Lane, belonging to the Queen's servants, which was thus spoiled; though the cause of this outrage does not appear. This foul disorder was deemed of dangerous consequence. And the privy-council directed the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London, and the Justices of Middlesex, to hold a special sessions: for inquiring, strictly, after the offenders, and punishing, examplarily, the guilty9 note

.

-- 496 --

Leaving those directions behind him, King James departed for Scotland, on the 14th of March, 1616–17; “taking such recreations by the way,” says the malignant Wilson, “as might best beguile the days, but lengthen the nights; for what with hawking, hunting, and horse-racing, the days quickly ran away, and the nights with feasting, masking, and dancing, were the more extended.” Amid sik dauncing and deray, King James had three plays acted before him, for preventing hearts discontent, and sour affliction1 note.

The reign of James saw the English stage advance to its full maturity, and to the greatest splendour; not indeed in the external form, and scenick œconomy, of the ancient or present theatres, but in ingenuity of fable, felicity of dialogue, and sublimity of style, which then animated the English dramas: Such were the happy productions of the creative genius of Shakspeare! When his influence was withdrawn, by his retirement from the theatrick world, the stage as rapidly declined, till it was totally suppressed, by violence, in 1648. Owing to a remarkable coincidence, or singular fatality, the stage was deprived of its principal pillars, about the same period. Alexander Cooke died, in 1614. Shakspeare ceased to write, in 1615. Philip Henslow, the great patron of poets, and of players, died

-- 497 --

in 1616. Edward Alleyn retired, almost immediately, from the Bankside to Dulwich. On the 13th of March, 1618–19, Richard Cowley was buried in St. Leonard's Shoreditch. In three days, Richard Burbadge, the Roscius of his time, followed him to the same cemetery. Robert Armin departed before the year 1622. Nicholas Tooley died in 1623. Heminges, and Cundal, seceded from the stage, about the same time; satiated with praise, rather than with profit. There remained, nevertheless, several companies of actors, who can scarcely be traced in the obscure annals of the stage, as when little has been done, less can be related: And the successors of the race of Shakspeare neither illuminated the scene, by their brilliancy of genius, nor supported the drama, by their powers of acting.

-- 498 --

ADDENDA TO FARTHER PARTICULARS OF THE EARLY ENGLISH STAGE. (BY THE SAME.)

The annals of the Theatre, as they illustrate the manners of the times, and gratify the curiosity, which is natural to mankind, will, in every age, incite enquiry, and enchain attention. The history of our stage has exercised the pens of Dr. Percy2 note, of Mr. Thomas Warton3 note, of Mr. Malone4 note, and of other writers of diligence and learning. In addition to their curious researches, I too presumed to publish many documents5 note, which a hasty search discovered among the state papers; and which, as they ascertain new facts, and throw some light upon the dark passages of our drama, during the age of Shakspeare, will enable the writer, to whom shall be assigned the difficult task of writing a complete history of the stage, to instruct, by more ample notices, and to amuse, by more striking views of an attractive object.

After many revolutions in our publick sports, both

-- 499 --

in representation, and sentiment, from justs to mysteries; from mysteries to moralities; and from moralities to interludes; the English stage remained extremely rude, at the accession of Elizabeth, and still unformed, at the appearance of Shakspeare. She inherited, indeed, the dramatick establishments of her predecessors; however imperfect they were in theory, and inconvenient in exhibition. She had, evidently, as a necessary officer, a keeper of the vestures of her maskes, revelles, and disguisings: And, the earliest keeper of such appearell, from what I have been able to trace, was John Arnolde; who died, probably, in 1573. In the subsequent year, was appointed as his successor, her well beloved servant Walter Fyshe, in consideration of good service, theretofore done to a grateful mistress6 note

A specimen

-- 500 --

of the vestures, which Walter Fyshe was thus appointed to keep, I have already exhibited to the curious beholder7 note.

It was said by me, that our earliest actors were children: Children of St. Paules, children of Westminster, children of the chapel8 note. And it became, early, a common practice to purvey boys, who had musical voices, for the Royal Chapel. Tusser, who wrote The Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry, appears to have been thus taken, and appropriated, during the reign of Henry VIII9 note:


“Thence, for my voice, I must (no choice)
  “Away of force, like posting horse,
“For sundry men, had placards then,
  “Such Child to take.”

The right, and the practice, of purveying such children, continued until the reign of James, although

-- 501 --

I know not on what principle it was justified; except by the maxim, that the King had a right to the services of all his subjects. Sir Francis Bacon, speaking in the House of Commons, upon the grievance of purveyance, on the 7th of March, 1605–6, said, “that children for the chapel may be taken1 note.” It was, probably, from this abundant source, that some of the earliest and best of our players originated, who derived a livelihood, and rose often to eminence, by amusing the publick.

It is more than probable, that James Burbadge, who appeared at the head of the first incorporated company of players in 1574, may have been purveyed, like Tusser, in early life, and may have forgotten his parentage. Certain it is, that during the heraldick visitation of London, in 1634, Cuthbert Burbadge, the eldest son of James, did not know his grandfather; for he could only give an account of his brother Richard, the “famous actor on the stage,” and of his father James, who married Ellen, the daughter of Mr. Brayne, of London2 note. Whatever

-- 502 --

may have been their originals, there can be no doubt, that the several Burbadges performed, respectably, on that “Stage, where every one must play a part;” and where, many individuals play “a sad one.”

A similar doubt has also existed, with regard to the origin of Edward Alleyn, though the biographers, indeed, assure us, “that he was born of reputable parents, who lived in good fashion and credit3 note.” Yet, are we left, by biographical indolence, to enquire, who were the father, and mother, of that celebrated comedian, and beneficent man. The record of the fact is, however, to be found in the College of Heralds. His grandfather was Thomas Alleyn of Willen, in the County of Bucks, and of Mesham, in the County of Bedford: His father was Edward Alleyn, of Willen aforesaid: and his mother, Margaret, was the daughter of John Townley, of Townley, in the County of Lancashire, of a respectable family, which, to this day, “lives in good fashion and credit.” Edward Alleyn was born on the 1st of September, 1566, and was baptized, as I found by

-- 503 --

searching the parish register of St. Botolph, without Bishopsgate, on the 2d of the same month: Nor, can it now be any longer, reasonably, doubted, whether London be entitled to the honour of his birth. Though a younger man than Shakspeare, Alleyn was sooner praised by wits, and distinguished by the world. In the Pierce Pennylesse of Nash, which was first printed, in 1592, may be seen “the due commendation of Ned Allen:”—“Not Roscius,” says Nash, “or Æsop, those admired tragedians, that have lived ever since before Christ was born, could ever perform more in action, than famous Ned Allen.” Nash went on to add, in the same strain of encomium, what arose from his enthusiastick admiration: “If ever I write any thing in Latin, (as I hope one day I shall,) not a man of any desert here among us, (the players particularly) but I will have up; Tarleton, Ned Allen, Knell, Bently, shall be known in France, Spain, and Italy; and not a part that they surmounted in more than other, but I will there note, and set down, with the manner of their habits and attire4 note





.” In the silence of Nash, we may perceive, that neither Shakspeare, nor Richard Burbadge, had distinguished themselves, as players, in 1592, when Shakspeare, indeed, had but just appeared, as a dramatick writer5 note. It is a memorable circumstance,

-- 504 --

which ought to be strongly marked, by the historian of our Stage, that such great actors should have existed, to whom Shakspeare, at length, supplied dramas, which were fully equal to their powers of performance: And it will be found, perhaps, that the dramatist derived an advantage from the player, and the player a benefit from the dramatist. Among the players, as Alleyn was the first, so he appears to have been the most distinguished; and is even supposed, though not upon the most satisfactory evidence, to have furnished Shakspeare, by his just representation of characters, with some intimations of the celebrated precepts, which were given to the actors by Hamlet6 note. When such doubts arise, from the difficulty of ascertaining facts of so remote a period, with regard to the principal players, we ought not to be surprised, that still greater doubts should exist, with respect to the

-- 505 --

inferior actors of Shakspeare's dramas, especially as we are without the same means of giving light to darkness.

George Bryan, who, like greater men, will only be remembered from his connection with Shakspeare, appeared as early as 1589, in Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadly Sins: he represented Lucius, in Gorboduc; he played the Earl of Warwick, in Henry the Sixth, during 1592; he performed some of the characters in Shakspeare's earlist plays; but he did not live long enough to represent any part in Ben Jonson's Every Man in his Humour, during 1598: George Bryan was certainly dead at this epoch; though I have not been able to discover either the time, or place, of his burial; or any record of his will.

Samuel Crosse had the honour, certainly to embody some of Shakspeare's fictions: and is celebrated, by Heywood, together with Knell7 note, Bently, Mills, Wilson8 note, and Lanam, as players, who “by the report of many judicial auditors performed many parts so absolute, that it were a sin to drowne their worths in Lethe9 note.” Crosse died, probably, before the year 1596; though I have not been able to find when or where; nor to discover his will; nor any administration to his estate; if indeed he left any behind him.

Thomas Pope played his part as early as 1589, in

-- 506 --

Tarleton's Platt of the Seven Deadly Sins: he represented Arbactus, in Sardanapalus; he was, in 1597, and 1598, at the head of the Lord Chamberlayne's Servants, together with Hemings; who had the honour of being the first who represented Shakspeare's characters. Pope lived respectably in St. Saviour's parish, Southwark; and rose to such eminence, as a fellow of Shakspeare, as to have equally had a share in the Globe, and Curtain, theatres; and to have employed under him theatrical servants. He died in February, 1603–4; leaving considerable property to those whom he most regarded1 note


Of Gabriel

-- 507 --

Singer, Pope, Phillips, and Slye, it was remarked, by Heywood, in 1612, “that though they be dead, their deserts yet live in the remembrance of many.”

-- 508 --

Robert Goughe, who had the honour of representing parts, in the Tragedyes, Comedyes, and Histories,

-- 509 --

of Shakspeare, was, probably, bred by Thomas Pope. Goughe appeared, with his master, in Sardanapalus, in the character of Aspasia; he had a legacy from Pope, in 1603, of the testator's wearing apparel, and arms; he played in the Second Mayden's Tragedy, during the year 1611: But, he disappeared, soon afterwards, so as not to be traced, either in the play bills, or at Doctor's Commons. The Puritans, who regarded plays, and actors, with a very evil eye, considered “players, as an abomination, that put on women's raiment2 note.” Whether Goughe, and his fellows, who, generally, represented women, were much affected by this reproach, it is not easy to discover, amid the disputes, about the lawfulness of the theatres. It seems to have been forgotten by the Puritans, in their zeal, that if recreation be necessary to mankind, rational amusement may be justified, as fit, from the necessity.

Samuel Gilburne, who also had the honour of representing some of the inconsiderable characters of our great dramatist, served his apprenticeship with Augustine Phillips, one of the fellows of Shakspeare. When Phillips made his will, in 1605, he bequeathed to Gilborne, “his late apprentice, the sum of fortye shillings, his mouse coloured velvet hose, and a white taffety dublet, a black taffety sute, his purple cloke,

-- 510 --

sword, and dagger, and his base violl.” Other notices about Gilburne, who probably lived, and died, in obscurity, I have not been able to find, either in the play bills, or in the Prerogative Office.

William Ostler, from the obscurity of his origin, may be supposed to have been purveyed, like Tusser, in early life, as a singing boy. Certain it is, that as one of the children of Queen Elizabeth's Chapel, he represented one of Ben Jonson's Characters in The Poetaster, during the year 1601. When he ceased to be a child, Ostler played in Jonson's Alchymist, in 1610: in Catiline, during the year 1611; and in the Dutchess of Malfy, of Webster, in 1623. In Davis, the Epigrammatist's Scourge of Folly, Ostler is praised as the Roscius of the times: But, so many of the players were addressed by our Poets, by the name of the great player of the Roman state, that we may reasonably suppose, they did not very nicely discriminate, when their desire to praise was scattering with a lavish pen, their encomiums, which cease to be praise, if generally applied.

Nathaniel Field was also one of the children of the chapel, and one of the performers of Shakspeare's characters. In Ben Jonson's Comical Satyre, called Cynthia's Revells, which was acted by the Queen's Children of the Chapel, in 1600, Field played a principal part. In the subsequent year, he acted as one of the chief comedians, in Jonson's Poetaster. When he left the Chapel, he became, after the accession of King James, one of the company called the Children of Her Majesty's Revells. In 1607, he acted the part of Bussy D'Ambois, in Chapman's Drama, and he performed, in 1609, one of the first characters in Ben Jonson's Silent Woman. Whether Field were a writer, as well as an actor, of plays, has admitted of some doubt: Roberts, the players, who, smartly, animadverted on Pope's preface, spoke affirmatively, on the

-- 511 --

point; the intelligent writer of the Biographia Dramatica speaks, negatively; giving the disputable Dramas, to Nathaniel Field, of New College, Oxford. But, a begging letter of Field, the player, which was preserved by Ned Alleyn, among Henslowe's papers, and published by Mr. Malone, has decided the contest, in the actor's favour: For the letter proves, that Field asked, and received, money from the liberality of honest Henslowe, for play writing3 note. Field, the player, published, in 1612, a comedie, called, “A Woman is a Weathercock;” in 1618, another comedie, entitled, “Amends for Ladies;” and, in 1632, “The Fatal Dowry,” which he wrote in cooperation with Massinger4 note, who, being equally poor, and equally engaged in writing, when confined in durance with Field, joined with him, in begging the help of Henslowe. The facts before stated decide, in opposition to the Commentators, that Field, the player, was the writer of the dramas. He died before the year 1641, though I have not been able to discover either his will, or the date of his burial. It is a remark of Anthony Wood, which applies pertinently to Field, the poet-player; “So it is, and always has been, that poets live poor, and die in obscurite.”

John Underwood appears to have held nearly the same course, through life, as Nathaniel Field. Underwood was also one of the children of the Chapel: He performed in Cynthia's Revels, during the year 1600; in the Poetaster, during 1601; with the King's Servants, he played in the Alchymist, in 1610, and in Catiline, in 1611: and he represented Delio, in The Dutchess of Malfy, in 1623. In this year, when Nicholas Tooley, made his will, he kindly forgave Underwood the several sums of money, which were due by him to the testator. Underwood

-- 512 --

had the honour to be one of the performers of Shakspeare's characters, and enjoyed the benefit of being a fellow sharer in the Globe, Blackfriars, and Curtain, Theatres. He died, in January, 1624–5; leaving five children, who had before lost their mother; and now, had only their father's “kind fellows, his Majesties Servants” to protect their infant weakness.

William Ecclestone was also one of the King's Servants, and equally represented with them Shakspeare's characters at the Globe, and at their usual house, in the Blackfriars. He played in the Alchymist, during 1610, and, during the subsequent year, in Catiline. Nicholas Tooley, with his usual benevolence, forgave Ecclestone, in 1623, all the debts, which were due to him. He disappeared, before the 6th of May, 1629, at which time he was no longer one of the King's players: but, I have not been able to find his will in the registers, either of the Bishop of London, or of the Archbishop of Canterbury. He who acts an insignificant part on the stage of life, cannot hope to be long remembered, while so many men of greater eminence are daily disappearing from the publick eye.

Joseph Taylor is said by tradition, which is not supported by circunstances, to have played Hamlet, and Iago, when these characters were first represented; to have performed True-wit, in the Silent Woman, and Face in the Alchymist; though this assertion is not confirmed by Ben Jonson himself. The player-editors ranked Joseph Taylor, however, among those, who had the honour to represent Shakspeare's characters. He is said to have been at the head of the Lady Elizabeth's players, in 1614. Whatever parts he may have acted, before the year 1623, he was still poor, and low: When the kind-hearted Nicholas Tooley, in that year, made his will, he directed that, “Whereas I stand bound for Joseph

-- 513 --

Taylor, as his surety, for payment of ten pounds, or thereabouts, my Will is, that my Executors, shall out of my estate pay that debt for him, and discharge him out of that bond.” It is remarkable, that Tooley does not call Taylor a fellow. Certain it is, however, that he was enumerated among the King's Players, on the 6th of May, 1629, next to Hemmings, and Lowin. In this year, he performed the part of Paris, the tragedian, in Massinger's Roman Actor, at the private Playhouse, in the Blackfriars, with the King's Servants. Among other wits, Taylor prefixed some encomiastick verses, “to his long known, and loved friend, Mr. Philip Massinger, upon his Roman Actor:


“&lblank; But, why I write to thee,
“Is to profess our loves Antiquitie,
“Which to this Tragedie must give my test;
“Thou hast made many good, but this thy best.”

In 1629, Taylor played the Duke in Carlell's Deserving Favourite: In 1630, he represented Mathias, a Knight of Bohemia, in Massinger's Picture, “a true Hungarian History.” From this epoch, during many years, Joseph Taylor acted, a conspicuous part, as one of the chiefs of the King's Company, with Lowin, and Swanston. In September, 1639, he was appointed the Yeoman of the Revels, under Sir Henry Herbert, who found him an intelligent assistant. Taylor was one of the ten players, who, in dedicating Beaumont and Fletcher's Comedies and Tragedies to the Earl of Pembroke, in 1647, spoke with feeling recollection of “the flowing compositions of the then expired sweet swan of Avon, Shakspeare.” Taylor died, in 1654, at a very advanced age, indeed, if he represented Hamlet, in 1596.

Robert Benfield appears to have come late into the King's Company, and to have represented, originally, but few of Shakspeare's characters. He appeared, distinctly, among the King's Players on the

-- 514 --

6th of May, 1629. He bustled through several parts of no great difficulty; but he seems to have never risen above the general level of the “Harlotry players.” He lived to be one of the ten comedians, who, in 1647, dedicated to Philip, the earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, Beaumont and Fletcher's Comedies and Tragedies; but I have not found any memorial of his last Will, or of his final End.

Richard Robinson came early enough into life, and into action, to represent Shakspeare's characters, in the same scenes, with Heminges and Burbadge. In 1611, he acted with them, and the King's other players, in Ben Jonson's Catiline. Even as late as 1616, he represented female characters, long after the Puritans had exhausted their malignity, in thundering out anathemas against such supposed profanations. In 1623, when Nicholas Tooley was disposing of his property by will, he gave, “to Sara Burbadge, the daughter of his late Master, Richard Burbadge, that some of twenty nine pounds, and thirteen shillings, which was owing to him by Richard Robinson.” He appeared in the fourth place among the King's players on the 6th of May, 1624. He joined with the nine other players, in the dedication of Beaumont and Fletcher's plays, in 1647. There is a story told by Mr. Malone, which is repeated by Mr. Steevens, that General Harrison killed Robinson during the civil wars; the general crying out with a fanatical tongue, when he gave the stroke of death; “cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently5 note.” But the fact is, which is more credible than the story, that Richard Robinson died, quietly, at London, in March, 1647, and was buried, without an Anathema, in the cemetery of St. Anne's, Blackfriars6 note.

-- 515 --

John Schanke was a comedian of an inferior cast though he is ranked among those players, who had the honour of representing Shakspeare's characters. He acted the Curate in Beaumont and Fletcher's Scornful Lady, during the year 1616. Schanke was a writer, as well as an actor; And produced a comedy, called Schanke's Ordinary, in March, 1623–47 note. He stood the fifth, in the list of the King's Players, in May, 1629. He was also one of Prince Henry's Company. But, he died, probably, before the year 1647; though I have not been able to discover the time or place of his death, or the will of this poetical player, who like other poets, had little to leave behind him, to his fellows or relations8 note

.

-- 516 --

John Rice has still less pretensions to fame, though he, too, performed some of Shakspeare's characters. He acted the part of Pescara, in The Dutchess of Malfy, during the year, 1623. He probably died before the year 1629; as he does not appear in the List of the King's Players, at that epoch; yet, have I not found the date of his decease, nor the record of his testament.

John Lowin, who was probably born in 1576, seems first to have appeared upon the Stage in Ben Jonson's Sejamus, with Burbadge, and Shakspeare, in 1603, after the accession of King James. In the subsequent year, he came out with Burbadge, and Slye, in the Induction to Webster and Marston's Male-content. The traditions, which have been handed down by Wright, and Roberts, about Lowin's representations of Falstaff, Hamlet, and Henry VIII. cannot be true, if applied to any preceding period to the accession of Charles I. More experienced actors performed Shakspeare's characters, when they were first presented to the publick. He certainly played in the Fox of Jonson, in 1605, in the Alchymist, during 1610, and in Catiline, during 1611. He stood the second in the enumeration of the King's players in the list of 1629, after Hemings, and before Taylor. In the sarcastick verses which were addressed to Ben Jonson, in consequence of his insolent treatment of the publick, it is said:—


“Let Lowin cease, and Taylor scorn to touch
“The loathed stage; for thou hast made it such.”

These two players certainly became the chiefs of the King's Company, after the secession of Condel,

-- 517 --

and Hemmings, about the year 1627. In December, 1624, this whole company, with Lowin, and Taylor, at their head, were obliged to make a submission to Sir Henry Herbert, for acting the play, called The Spanishe Viceroy, without his licence, as Master of the Revels. At a subsequent period, Lowin and Swanston were obliged to ask Sir Henry's pardon, “for theirill manners.” In 1647, Lowin, and Taylor, stood at the head of the ten player-editors of Beaumont and Fletcher's dramatical folio. In 1652, these two concurred in publishing, as a trifling resource, during the miseries of the grand rebellion, The Wild Goose Chase of Fletcher. During a very advanced age, Lowin, for a livelihood, kept an inn, at Brentford, called The Three Pigeons. And, he finished his lengthened career of life, being buried in the cemetery of St. Martin's in the Fields, on the 18th of March, 1658–9, when administration to his goods was granted to Martha Lowin, who was probably either his widow, or his daughter9 note.

Such were the players, who, in conjunction with those more celebrated persons, whom I formerly mentioned1 note, were the actors, that represented Shakspeare's characters, either when his dramas first appeared, or when the original players had retired from the scene. It was little foreseen by any of them, that Shakspeare's name would emblazon theirs; that their fame would be carried along the oblivious stream of time, borne up by his strength, and eternized by the immortality of his renown.

It must be allowed, however, that both the actors, and the dramatists, owed great obligations to the Privy Council, and to Parliament, for their several regulations of the scene; though they were not always grateful to their best friends, who supported their

-- 518 --

usefulness, if at the same time they corrected their abuses. The gentle Shakspeare sometimes touched his superiors with a fine edged lancet; Ben Jonson was prompted, by his natural ruggedness, to strike them with a butcher's cleaver. In this manner did he attempt to resist the Privy Council's order, in June, 1600, “for the restraint of the immoderate use of Playhouses.” In his Poetaster, which was acted, in the subsequent year, by the Children of the Chapel, he made Tucca say: “Thou shalt have a monopoly of playing confirmed to thee and thy Covey, under the Emperor's broad Seal for this Service1 note.” Jonson's sarcasm incited the playhouse proprietors to persevere in opposing a salutary measure; and their perseverance, in obstinate error, induced the Privy Council to enforce, by severer injunctions, an useful regulation.

It is from those regulations, as they stand recorded, in the Council Registers, and the Statute Book, that we now know so many theatrical facts, which gave rise to the many conjectures of the historians of our stage. It was not known, or at least, had been little noticed, that, by a regulation of the fanatick Mary, which had been enforced by the wiser Elizabeth, plays had been looked into, and reviewed, even before Shakspeare came out into scenick life. This circumspection, in respect to the morals of youth, was carried to the two Universities, about the time, that Shakspeare began to write for the stage. From their attention to morality, the prudent councils of Elizabeth extended their care to the interests of religion: As early as 1578, stage playing was forbidden in Lent;

-- 519 --

and in 1587, the acting of plays, at the theatres, was prohibited on Sundays. For all the purposes of honest recreation, the number of playhouses was restrained to two, in 1600, the year when the bright Sun of Elizabeth began to set in Clouds.

The dawn of a new reign brought with it uncommon changes in the scenick world. The contemporaries of Shakspeare, who, at that epoch, were placed under a better regimen, almost all disappeared, with the effluxion of time, before the demise of James, in 1625. It is a curious fact, that at this epoch, the established Companies of London strolled often into the country; owing, no doubt, to the multiplicity of associated players, and the paucity of attractive plays2 note. A still more remarkable fortune attended the Playhouses than the actors. In 1589, there existed in, and about, London, only two; The Theatre and the Curtain3 note: Before the year 1629, there were erected, notwithstanding every opposition, fifteen additional Stages, or Common Playhouses, though these did not all exist, during the same period. In 1613, the Globe Theatre was burnt, by the negligent discharging

-- 520 --

of a peal of ordnance, during the acting of Henry VIII. but it was rebuilt, in the subsequent year, in a more commodious form, and with more splendid decorations. In 1617, the Fortune theatre, in Golden Lane, was also burnt, by negligence; but, was soon rebuilt, in a handsomer style. Five Inns, or Common Ostleries, were converted into playhouses; also a Cockpit, and St. Paul's singing School; a theatre was erected in the Blackfriars: and during the year 1629, another was established in the Whitefriars4 note. While playhouses were thus destroyed, and built; while the managers of publick amusements did not yield prompt obedience to publick Authority; Sir William Davenant was empowered, on the 26th of March, 1639, to erect a new Theatre, near the The Three King's Ordinary, in Fleet Street: But, on some disagreement with the Earl of Arundel, the Landlord, D'Avenant was obliged to relinquish a project, which he was ere long enabled to prosecute, in a different place, and form5 note




.

-- 521 --

The internal œconomy of the Stage, which our theatrical historians have laboured to display, though not in absolute clearness, may receive some illustration from the sarcasm of a satirist, during King James's reign, who has been little noticed, by our scenick

-- 522 --

writers. In Follies Anatomy, by Henry Hutton, was said, sarcastically6 note:


“Blackfriers, or the Paris-garden bears,
“Are subjects fittest to content your ears.
“An amorous discourse, a Poet's wit
“Doth humour best your melancholy fit.
“The Globe to-morrow acts a pleasant play,
“In hearing it consume the irksome day:
“Go take a pipe of To, the crowded stage
“Must needs be graced with you and your page:
“Swear for a place with each controlling fool,
“And send your hackney servant for a stool.”

Whether Henry Hutton lived to write more of Follies Anatomy, at a later period, I am unable to tell: Another wit of an higher vein of humour found abundant materials, for his satyrick muse, during subsequent scenes of religious, and political, Contention, “when civil dudgeon first ran high.” The remnant of the commons of England, in setting forth parliamentarily, their own merits, to the general assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, boasted, “that they had suppressed all Stage Plays, and interludes, the nurseries of vice, and profaneness7 note.”

-- 523 --

Mr. Malone, in the commencement of his History of the Stage, has remarked, that the efforts of our drama before the appearance of Shakspeare were so rude and uncultivated that a minute investigation of their origin and progress would scarcely repay the labour of inquiry. If we regard them merely as specimens of literary excellence, the observation would be unquestionably true: but if we take that philosophical view of the subject suggested by Mr. Burke, in the letter which I have prefixed to this volume, and consider the history of the stage as peculiarly illustrative of the history of Man, we shall be led to form a much higher notion of its importance. To trace the progress of the drama in any nation—to investigate how far it was connected with the general intellectual culture, or influenced by the manners of the time—to contrast its course in one country with that which it is found to have taken in others, and from thence to collect how far it is to be looked upon as an artificial institution, or, as I should rather contend, one which finds its source in the universal feelings and habits, would be a topick susceptible of no small degree both of amusement and information. But to enter into such a discussion with that minuteness of detail, and extensive illustration, which alone could render it satisfactory, would require a larger space than I should feel myself permitted to occupy, at least upon the present occasion. Yet a portion of this subject is so intimately connected with Mr. Malone's Essay, that it demands attention here. Mr. Roscoe, a gentleman whom I can never speak of but in terms of respect, and whose elegant researches into Italian literature must make it a subject of regret that he should ever have deserted that province which he can so well command, for one with which I may venture to say he is comparatively unacquainted, has delivered it as

-- 524 --

his in opinion, rather a peremptory manner1 note, that the year 1500 is the earliest date to which a dramatick performance, in England, accompanied with dialogue, can be assigned. In order to support this assertion, he has added that the Chester Mysteries, which have been ascribed to the year 1327, are manifestly antedated nearly two centuries. It were to be wished that he had furnished us with the grounds of a decision, which, if just would prove that all the most distinguished antiquaries, who have written on the subject, were manifestly wrong. Mr. Tyrwhitt, indeed, while he coincides with others in thinking that these compositions are probably as ancient as they have been said to be, in their original state; yet conjectures that their diction and orthography, as they now appear in the Harleian MSS. are as late as 1600. It is hazardous to call in question the opinion of this distinguished critick, but I should almost suspect that this date must have been an error of the press. The language of 1600, when all of Spenser's, and many of Shakspeare's works had been written, was surely very different from the extract which he himself has given:


“Yea Sir set up your saile,
“And rowe forth with evil haile,
“For without any faile.
  “I will not oute of this toune,
“But I have my gossepes everich one,
“One foote further I will not gone, &c.”

But I will no longer detain the reader with any imperfect remarks which I can furnish on this subject, from the perusal of the following able disquisition on this subject, by my friend Mr. Markland, of the Temple, through whose kindness I am permitted to lay it before the publick at large. It was originally prefixed as an introduction to a specimen of the Chester Mysteries, which that gentleman printed for private

-- 525 --

distribution among a select circle of his friends, in a volume remarkable for its typographical elegance, and the beauty of its embellishments, but deriving a much higher value from the acuteness and skilful research which enabled him to throw so much light on this very curious branch of our early literature. Boswell.

CHESTER MYSTERIES.

The series of Mysteries performed at Chester, usually attributed to Randle or Ralph Higden2 note, a Benedictine of St. Werburg's Abbey in that city, although not the most numerous, has been considered, by a competent judge, as the most ancient, as well as the most complete collection of the kind now in existence3 note. The date usually assigned to their composition is the year 1327–84 note; the accuracy of which has been questioned solely by Mr. Roscoe, who not only conceives that these plays have been antedated by nearly two centuries, but that it is scarcely possible “to adduce a dramatic composition in the English language that can indisputably be placed before the year 1500, previous to which time they were common in Italy5 note

These positions naturally demand attention, though in considering them it may be convenient to invert the order in which they are stated.

In tracing the antiquity of the several theatres of

-- 526 --

Europe, a difficulty must always attend the inquiry, from the doubts that exist, whether the earliest recorded performances of each country were accompanied with dialogue, or were mere pantomimical exhibitions. The language of M. Paris and Fitz-Stephens however, when speaking of the plays acted in the Abbey of Dunstaple, and in London, in the twelfth century, can scarcely be deemed equivocal, but as referring to written compositions6 note. One argument, in favour of their having been united with dialogue is grounded on the circumstance that a specimen of the Corpus Christi Pageant, instituted at York early in the thirteenth century, is yet in existence amongst the archives of that city7 note.

As to the comparative degree of antiquity that the English Stage possesses over those of other countries of Europe, it may be observed, that the first dramatic representation of a religious character in Italy is fixed by Tiraboschi in the year 14498 note, and Mr. Roscoe admits, “that it was not till the age of Lorenzo de Medici that these ill-judged representations began to assume a more respectable form, and to be united with dialogue9 note.” The Istrioni of the 12th Century, Forsyth

-- 527 --

observes, were mere ballad-singers, and never rose to histrionic imitation. No dialogue was attempted before the moralities of the next age, nor did these monkish pastimes bear any other mark of drama, until the history of Abraham appeared at Florence, in 14491 note. In the works of Boccacio, whilst he gives us a most accurate picture of the whole constitution of social life, we do not find the smallest trace of plays, and this, in the judgment of Schlegel, is satisfactory evidence that they were unknown to him2 note.

M. Le Grand has traced the existence of the drama in France to a period far more remote than Riccoboni, (who claimed, for the stage of his own country, a decided priority over all others3 note,) and appears to have satisfactorily overthrown the statement of that author, in dating its origin at the end of the fourteenth century. “L'epoque du Théâtre François (Riccoboni observes) ne peut être fixée avant 1398, tems auquel le Mystère de la Passion fut represénté à St. Maur4 note. The theatrical spectacles in Paris in 1313, when Philip the Fair gave a splendid fete, “à l'occasion de la Chevalerie conféré à ses enfans,” the same writer regards only as “représentations en figures denuées de tout dialogue5 note:” but Le Grand does not rest his theory on the authority of a Chronicle; he has furnished not only Mysteries, or miracle plays, of the thirteenth century, but others of a totally opposite character, and of equal antiquity, and views them “comme des monumens précieux pour l'histoire du Théâtre et de la Poésie Française.—Ce sont eux qui ont ouvert en France la carriere dramatique6 note.” Henault,

-- 528 --

who traced the French stage no higher than 1398, considers the miracle play of St. Catherine, acted at Dunstaple, “bien antérieur a nos représentations des Mystères4 note;” and Vonder-Hardt expressly attributes to the English, though at a later period, the invention of Mysteries or miracle plays in Germany5 note. The authorities before cited sufficiently prove that both in France and England6 note dramatic performances indisputably prevailed at a period of very remote antiquity, and, added to other testimony, confirm the theory, which it is the object of these

-- 529 --

pages to support, that the Chester Mysteries are of an earlier date than the year 1328, as stated by Mr. Malone, and therefore that the opinion of Mr. Roscoe, which would place them as late as the commencement of the sixteenth century, is widely erroneous. As Higden's claim to the composition of these plays appears to rest upon tradition only, a short statement of facts which may throw light upon the question will not be unimportant.

From the opening of the “Banes,” or Prologue, it appears that the Chester Mysteries were first performed during the mayoralty of John Arneway, who filled that office from 1268 to 1276, and not subsequently:—


Reverende Lordes, and Ladyes all
That at this tyme here assembled bee,
By this messauge understande you shall
That some tymes there was mayor of this Citie
Sir John Arnway Knighte, who moste worthilye
Contented hym selfe to sett out in playe
The devise of one Done7 note Rondall, moonke of Chester Abbey.

This moonke, not moonke-like, in scriptures well seene
In storyes travilled with the best sorte;
In pagentes set fourth, apparently to all eyne,
The olde and newe testament with livelye comforte;
Interminglinge there with, onely to make sporte,
Some things not warranted by any writt,
Which to gladd the hearers he woulde men to take yt.

This is also confirmed by the statement of Archdeacon Rogers, hereafter quoted, who nevertheless confounds the mayoralty of Arneway with the years 1328 and 13398 note, while the following entry of Randle Holme, in a list of the Mayors of Chester, fixes their origin during the mayoralty of the same individual,

-- 530 --

and carries them back to the earlier period before stated.

“1269. Sir John Arneway, Knight. In this year ye Whitson plays were invented in Chester by one Rondoll Higden, a monk in the Abby of Chester, and afterwards set forth in action, at the cost and charges of the Cittizens, which was great charges; and note, yt this monk was a pious man, and a great writer in yt Abby, as his bookes yet shew; in great devotion and discretion he published ye storie of ye Bible, yt the simple in their owne language might understand.” (Harl. MSS. 2125, fol. 272.) That the date of Arneway's mayoralty, assigned by Holme, is the accurate one, has been satisfactorily established by the following entry:—

“1278. Obiit Johannes Arneway, Civis Cestrensis, qui etiam dedit Deo, et S. Werburgæ, et Monachis ibidem servientibus ad sustentationem duorum capellanorum, quod patet per epitaphium super tumbam ipsius ante altare S. Leonardi, in australi parte ecclesiæ9 note.”

If the Chester Mysteries were actually represented in 1269, or in any year during the mayoralty of Arneway, as we may assume to be the fact; it is scarcely possible to assign them to Higden for the following reasons. Leland, Bale, and Pits, although they bear ample testimony to the industry and talents of Higden, and to the value of his Chronicle, are wholly silent as to his being the composer of any religious plays. The date of Higden's birth does not appear to have been recorded. Bale and Pits both mention sixty-four years, as the period, during which he was a monk of the Abbey of St. Werburg, and that he died at an advanced age; but they differ materially as to the time of his death: the former gives the

-- 531 --

date of 1363, and the latter 13771 note. In one of the Harl. MSS. (No. 2125) we find this event placed in 1357. That Higden was living in 1344 is proved, by his having continued the Polychronicon to that period; and the variations perceptible in the preceding statements sufficiently shew, that this date is almost the only one upon which any dependance can be placed. Mr. Burnett informs us, but without quoting his authority, that “Higden was born in the reign of Henry III. though in what year is unknown; but if (he continues) we assume even the last year of the reign of that prince, or 1272, for the time of his birth, his age (taking 1363 as the year of his death) will amount to no less than ninety-one years2 note.”

Amidst this contradictory evidence it is scarcely possible to arrive at the truth; but it may be observed, that no one of these statements will allow us to regard Higden, at least whilst a monk of St. Werburg's, as the compiler of the Chester Mysteries between 1269 and 1276.

Ritson, though without stating his reasons, repels Higden's claim, and asserts that the Chester Whitsun Plays have been ascribed to him by Warton, “upon very idle and nonsensical evidence3 note.” The Banes merely state them to be “the devise of one Done Rondall, moonke of Chester Abbey;” and who is described by Rogers in the same general terms. Now this being the name of Randle Blundeville, a celebrated

-- 532 --

and popular Earl of Chester, who died in 1232, as well as of two of his predecessors, it was likely, as Mr. Ormerod conjectures, “to be one of very frequent occurrence within the walls of Chester Abbey4 note.” The inference therefore seems to be, that an Ecclesiastic of this abbey, who bore the name of Randle was the author of these Mysteries; and that as Higden lived nearly contemporaneous with their first appearance, common fame, in after times, without duly attending to dates, ascribed them to him. As the compiler of the Polychronicon, and of other works, he must then have enjoyed a certain portion of celebrity; and it also appears from a note prefixed to one copy of the plays, (Harl. MSS. No. 2124) that he actually interested himself in their performance, and “was thrise at Rome, before he could obtaine leave of the Pope to have them in the English tongue.” From this latter fact Warton presumes “that all our Mysteries before 1328 were in Latin, and that these plays have the merit of being the first English interludes5 note.”

In the proclamation 24th Henry VIII6 note

. Sir Henry

-- 533 --

Frances, also a monk of Chester, is named as the author, and is considered by Pennant7 note to have been a joint labourer with Higden; but Messrs. Lysons conjecture that Frances only procured the pardons from the Pope and the Bishop of Chester, mentioned in that proclamation for persons resorting to them8 note. It is however by no means improbable, that in the composition of these plays, two, or even a greater number of monks, might have been concerned, or at least that some additions might be subsequently made to the original series. It will be observed that the proclamation speaks of the performance of these plays in “ould tyme,” and to the indulgences obtained by Frances from Pope Clement and the Bishop of

-- 534 --

Chester. It is therefore evident that these must have been granted by Clement VI. who filled the papal chair from 1342 to 1352, and not by Clement VII. who was then living. We also find the mayoralty of Arneway referred to, as the period when the Mysteries were “devised;” and though the dates do not correspond, it is very clear that even in the reign of Henry VIII. these plays were known to have existed beyond the recollection of persons then in being: and we are thus furnished with an additional proof, that the antiquity assigned to them does not rest upon a slight foundation9 note.

From several passages in the Banes, they appear to have been written long after the Mysteries themselves; most probably about the date of the Proclamation, as well from an allusion that the Scriptures were then more generally read, as also from the apologies made to the audience for the “grosse wordes” which they might hear, owing to “the tyme of ignorance” when the plays were composed.

The following extract from Archdeacon Rogers' MSS. presents a curious statement of the manner in which these performances were represented. It is here given from a copy1 note, which, being more minute in

-- 535 --

its details, is probably more accurate than the transcript in Harl. MSS. 1948, fol. 48, or that referred to by Messrs. Lysons in their History of Cheshire, p. 590.

“Now of the playes of Chester called the Whitson playes—when the weare played, and what occupations bringe forthe at theire charges the playes or pagiantes.

Heare note that these playes of Chester, called the Whitson playes weare the worke of one Rondoll, a Moncke of the Abbaye of Sainte Warburghe in Chester, who redused the whole historye of the bible into englishe storyes in metter in the englishe tounge, & this Monke in a good desire to doe good published the same. Then the firste maior of Chester, namely Sr. John Arnewaye Knighte, he caused the same to be played: the m&abar;ner of which playes was thus. they weare divided into 24 pagiantes according to the c&obar;panyes of the Cittie—& every companye broughte forthe theire pagiant wch. was the cariage or place wch. the played in—and before these playes weare played, there was a man wch. did ride as I take it upon Sr. Georges daye throughe the Cittie & there published the tyme, & the matter of the playes in breeife—the weare played upon Mondaye, Tuesday, & Wensedaye in Whitson weeke. And thei first beganne at the Abbaye gates—& when the firste pagiante was played at the Abbaye gates then it was wheled from thense to [the] Pentice, at the hyghe Crosse, before the maior, & before that was donne the seconde came—and the firste went into the Watergate Streete, & from thense unto the Bridge Streete, & so one after an other 'till all the pagiantes weare played appoynted for the firste daye, & so likewise for the seconde & the thirde daye—these pagiantes or carige was a highe place made like a howse with 2 rowmes beinge open on the tope—the lower rowmes theie apparrelled & dressed themselves, & the higher rowme theie played,

-- 536 --

and thei stoode upon vi wheeles. & when the had donne with one cariage in one place theie wheled the same from one streete to another. first from the Abbaye gate—to the pentise—then to the Watergate streete—then to the bridge streete through the lanes, & so to the este gate streete—and thus the came from one streete to another kepinge a directe order in everye streete, for before thei firste carige was gone from one place, the seconde came, & so before the seconde was gone, the thirde came, & so till the laste was donne all in order withoute anye stayeinge in anye place, for worde beinge broughte howe every place was neere doone, the came & made no place to tarye tell the laste was played.”

This description of the moveable theatre used on these occasions agrees with that given by Dugdale, who, in speaking of the plays acted in the city of Coventry on Corpus Christi day, informs us, “that these pageants being acted with mighty state and reverence by the Friers of this house [Gray-Friars], had theaters for the severall scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels, and drawn to all the eminent parts of the city, for the better advantage of spectators; and contained the story of the New Testament, composed into old English rithme, as appeareth by an ancient MS. entituled, Ludus Corporis Christi, or Ludus Coventriæ. [In Bibl. Cotton, Vesp. D. VIII.] I have been told by some old people, who in their younger years were eye-witnesses of these Pageants so acted, that the yearly confluence of people to see that shew was extraordinary great, and yielded no small advantage to this city1 note.”

An inhibition was sent from the Archbishop of

-- 537 --

York in 1571, forbidding the performance of the Chester Plays2 note, but which was not strictly obeyed, as it appears from the city annals that they were represented a few years afterwards. According to Smith, in his Annals of the City of Chester, Sir John Savage, in 1575, “caused the popish plays of Chester to be played the Sunday, Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday after Midsummer-day, in contempt of an inhibition and the Primate's letters from York, and from the Earl of Huntingdon. For which cause he was served by a pursuivant from York the same day that the new mayor was elected, as they came out of the common-hall; notwithstanding, the said Sir John Savage took his journey towards London, but how his matter sped is not known. Also Mr. Hankey was served by the same pursuivant for the like contempt when he was mayor. Divers others of the citizens and players were troubled for the same matter.” Webb states that “the Whitsun plays were played at Midsummer, and then but some of them, leaving others unplayd, which were thought might not be justified, for the superstition that was in them, although the mayor was not enjoined to proceed therein.” It would seem that Warton, Tyrwhitt, Malone and Pennant3 note, when stating that they were exhibited as late as 1600, were led into that error from one of the transcripts in the Brit. Mus. (Harl. MSS. No. 2013) made by George Bellin, bearing that date; but there does not appear to be the slightest

-- 538 --

ground for supposing them to have been ever revived after 15744 note

. A second copy in the same collection, No. 2124, transcribed by James Miller, is dated 1607; but in the latter the Banes are not given. A third copy, and which is believed to be the only remaining one in existence, transcribed by William Bedford in 1604, is preserved in the Bodleian Library. Each MS. contains twenty-four Mysteries, comprehending, according to the usual plan, a representation of the most striking incidents recorded in the Old and New Testament, from the Creation of the World to the Last Judgment; but as the subjects are not only distinctly mentioned in the Banes, but assigned to the different trading companies, at whose expence they were performed, it is unnecessary again to particularize them. Mr. Tyrwhitt preferred the Bodleian transcript to the others5 note: but the variations it contains are too inconsiderable to claim for it any decided superiority.

It happens unfortunately, owing to the liberties taken by the several copyists in departing from the author's text, or in having themselves made use of later transcripts, that we are disabled from forming

-- 539 --

an accurate judgment of the original diction and orthography of these compositions, and are thus deprived of the most certain means of fixing their genuine date. Yet, notwithstanding these alterations, many words and phrases of frequent occurrence in Chaucer and earlier poets have kept their place. In the present work the Harleian transcript, No. 2013, is taken for the text, and the variations in the two others of any importance are preserved in the margin.

Various proofs occur that the composers of religious plays did not adhere very rigidly to the text of Scripture, but introduced both characters and incidents calculated to relieve the solemnity of the plot, and to amuse the fancies of a mixed, and, for the most part, an unlettered audience. In the Deluge, the quarrel between Noah and his wife forms a prominent feature. It occurs also in the Coventry6 note and Townley7 note

, series of Mysteries, and is probably to be

-- 540 --

found in every English play, where this narrative is dramatized. In the Milleres Tale of Chaucer, when Nicholas is conferring with John the Carpenter, he asks him,


“Hast thou not herd (quod Nicholas) also
“The sorwe of Noe with his fellowship,
“Or that he might get his wif to ship?8 note

It is perhaps impossible to trace the origin of this absurd dispute, except to the stage. Warton was not aware that it occurred in any supposititious book of Genesis; and as we find the second Mystery, “De

-- 541 --

occisione Innocentium,” referred to in the same tale9 note

, Mr. Tyrwhitt's conjecture acquires additional strength, that Nicholas quoted it from the Mysteries, with which the Carpenter was doubtless better acquainted than with his Bible.

When discussing this mixture of historical fact with fable, and of tragedy with farce, Warton's reasoning appears somewhat inconclusive. “Neither the writers nor the spectators (he observes) saw the impropriety, nor paid a separate attention to the comic and the serious part of these motley scenes; at least they were persuaded that the solemnity of the subject covered or excused all incongruities. They had no just idea of decorum, consequently but little sense of the ridiculous: what appears to us to be the highest burlesque, on them would have made no sort of impression1 note.” Now it may be asked, if the composers of the Mysteries had not had some object in view, in the introduction of burlesque incidents and characters, why did they depart from the plain narrative of Scripture? A passage in the Banes2 note



tends to remove all doubt upon the subject, as it proves that the gratification of the populace was one of the chief motives for acting these plays, and that this end would not have been obtained had not the sombre character of the plots been relieved by a species of buffoonery adapted to their taste. It should also be remembered that the Moralities had their Vice, and that the Fools and Clowns of Shakspeare still keep possession of the stage.

The traces of resemblance apparent in the English

-- 542 --

and Foreign Mysteries, as well in the choice of subjects, as in the manner of treating them, are so numerous and striking, that we cannot but attribute these productions to one common source. How far the Chester Mysteries may claim the priority of invention ascribed to them by Mr. Malone, can now, as far as internal evidence is concerned, be matter of conjecture only, from the comparatively modern orthography of the existing copies, and the changes which their diction appears to have undergone, in order to render them intelligible to the audience at successive periods. But from the many proofs that have been adduced of their remote antiquity, we may surely regard them as having been, in their original state, amongst the very earliest dramatic performances of Europe.

In the second Mystery of “The Murder of the Innocents,” the Child of Herod is stated to be destroyed in the general massacre; and this, like the domestic quarrel of Noah and his Wife, is another instance of circumstances being admitted into religious Plays “not warranted by any writt” of Scripture. The same incident is introduced by Jean Michel into a French Mystery, entitled, “Le Mystere de la Conception, Nativité, Mariage et Annonciation de la Benoîte Vierge Marie” (Paris 1486); and from this writer it is probable that Margaret de Valois, Queen of Navarre, borrowed the hint for one of her religious dramas, founded upon this subject, called “Comedie des Innocens,” 15473 note. Her Majesty has nevertheless heightened the cruelty of Herod's character, by causing him to receive the intelligence of his son's death with little regret, from the certainty of having accomplished the object of his massacre. In answer to

-- 543 --

the entreaties of the nurse to avenge the loss of his child, “tant aymable,” the father replies with great coolness,


J'ay un filz perdu,
Aussi j'ay rendu
Mort mon ennemy,
Je l'aime mieux mort,
Que voir vif et fort
Mon filz et amy.
&lblank;
Metz en sepulture
Ceste creature
Et l'oste d'icy.

She has also put into the nurse's mouth the well-known saying, that it were “better to be Herod's hog than his son.”
Son porc, non son filz, vault mieux estré
Le Juif ne tue nul pourceau4 note

. The Murder of the Innocents was undoubtedly a very favourite plot in the age when these performances prevailed. It occurs amongst the religious plays of York and Coventry, and in the Townley MS. A play with a similar title was acted at Constance, as noted in a preceding page, in the year 1417; and in Hawkins's Collection of Plays we have a Mystery, entitled, “Candlemas Day, or the Killing of the Children of Israel.” The editor informs us that it was written “by one Ihan Parfre in 1512,” and refers his readers to the original, (Cod. MSS. Kenelmi Digby, 1734, 133) should any doubt arise as to the

-- 544 --

authenticity of this date5 note. Warton seems to regard it as the identical play performed at Constance. If this notion be well founded, Parfre must have been merely the translator or transcriber, or he might have compiled a new play from older materials, as the representation at Constance took place nearly a century prior to the date given by Hawkins. It bears a close resemblance both in language and incident to the Chester Mystery; but as the comparison can be so readily instituted, it is unnecessary to supply extracts. The comic character of Watkin the “Messanger,” a boaster and a coward, and who may be regarded as the Sir Kay6 note of Herod's court, appears to have been substituted for Sir Lancelot and Sir Grimbald, who figure in the latter. The introduction of these knights of romance at the court of Judæa, and the defiance which they breathe against a King of Scotland, are amusing instances of that total disregard of all chronological accuracy apparent in these homely compositions. We find that Herod upon many occasions appeals to Mahound or Mahomet as the object of his adoration. This was an effectual mode of increasing the indignation of the audience against his atrocious massacre, “from the generous contempt in which our ancestors held infidels of every description7 note.” In the Townley Mystery, intituled Magnus Herodes, there is a boast of Herod's near relationship to the Prophet, being styled “Cousyn to Mahowne;” and in the play of Candlemas-day, the King, at the

-- 545 --

point of death, thus commends himself to the impostor:


“My Lord Mahound, I pray the with hert enteer,
“Take my soule in to thy holy hande;
“For I fele by my hert, I shall dey evyn heer,
“For my leggs falter, I may no lenger stande.”

When the legendary stories of the Saracens were fashionable (says Warton) Mahound or Mahomet was a formidable character on our stage: thus Skelton:


“Like Mahound in a play,
“No man dare him withsaye8 note.”

The Sowdan, or Soldan, an eastern tyrant, was a personage of the same description, equally grim and terrific, and obnoxious to the feelings of the audience.

If we regard the state of literature, religion, and manners, during the period when these performances prevailed, we cannot wonder that they should be promoted by the Church, or that their popularity amongst the laity should have been so extensive and lasting9 note. Ecclesiastics perceiving with jealousy the avidity with which the lays of the Minstrels were received, determined by similar arts to engage the exclusive attention of the people, even in their amusements. The following lines seem to confirm this supposition, as they prove that on the festival of Corpus Christi, celebrated by the performance of Plays at Coventry, York, and other places, the fictions of the Minstrels were at one period resorted to for recreation.

-- 546 --


“Ones y me ordayned, as y have ofte doon,
“With frendes, and felawes, frendemen, and other;
“And caught me in a company on Corpus Christi even,
“Six, other seven myle, oute of Southampton,
“To take melodye, and mirthes, among my makes;
With redyng of Romaunces, and revelyng among,
“The dym of the derknesse drowe into the west,
“And began for to spryng in the grey day1 note.”

The popular fictions of romance certainly offered much richer materials, but the Clergy could only with propriety be engaged in dramatic representations of a religious character; and thus the Bible, and the legendary histories of Saints and Martyrs, were resorted to, from absolute necessity. Excluded from society and from secular concerns, the Monks would not unwillingly promote a species of amusement, which relieved the tedium of monastic life, and afforded them occasional opportunities of mixing with the world. It has been often urged, that Mysteries and Moralities taught little except licentiousness and impiety. The coarse language, the irreverent use of sacred names, and the familiar exhibition of the most awful events, must now be acknowledged extremely offensive; but we must be cautious not to judge of the simplicity of those times by the sensitive delicacy of our own. They at least conveyed some scriptural knowledge, and diverted the mind from an exclusive devotion to war and warlike sports. In those days, when “darkness covered the earth, and gross darkness the people,” the Bible was to the multitude a sealed book, and religion was impressed upon their minds by the gorgeous ceremonies of the Church, or by its terrific anathemas, rather than by the pure and simple precepts of its divine Founder. But the insight even thus afforded into the most striking narratives

-- 547 --

of Holy Writ, by sensible representations of awful facts, where the punishment of vice, and the reward of virtue, were unfolded, could have taught nothing hurtful; and in this view these religious dramas rest upon much less questionable principles of morality than many of the popular productions of more civilized ages. Might not these plays also excite the desire of examining the source whence they were derived, and thus conduce, in a partial degree, to a general knowledge of the Scriptures, an investigation of the errors of the existing creed, and eventually to the overthrow of the papal power? In a later age the stage was successfully resorted to, as an auxiliary to the pulpit. Both the Roman Catholics and Protestants rendered religious plays the vehicles of opinion2 note, where truths were frequently elicited, though too often sullied by expressions of the bitterest censure and intolerance3 note. Amongst the Reformers, Bale stood foremost in seizing this weapon, and, whilst dramatizing in his “Comedies” various parts of the Scriptures, he powerfully exposed the abuses of the Romish Church4 note

, and inculcated

-- 548 --

the principles he had espoused. Edward VI. was induced to employ his pen in the same cause, and doubtless thought himself better employed than in “scribbling controversial ribaldry,” as Walpole styles it5 note, when he furnished, what one of his eulogists terms, “a most elegant comedy, the Whore of Babylon6 note.”

“It is of all things (says Burke) the most instructive, to see not only the reflection of manners and characters at several periods, but the modes of making their reflection, and the manner of adapting it at those periods to the taste and disposition of mankind. The stage indeed may be considered as the republic of active Literature, and its history as the history of that state.” Under these impressions the Editor has committed two of these singular productions to the press; in the hope also, that although they may appear offensive to the taste of the present age, no apologies are requisite for giving a limited circulation to compositions so curious, and, in many respects, so interesting. He offers them as relics of the literature and amusements of our ancestors; and when we regard the spirit in which they were written, and the reverence with which they were viewed, suspicion of intentional profaneness or indelicacy cannot attach to the pen from which they proceeded.—“Such spectacles,” says an

-- 549 --

elegant and lamented writer7 note, “indicate the simplicity, rather than the libertinism, of the age in which they were exhibited.—The distinction between modesty of thought and decency, which resides in the expression, is a modern refinement; a compromise between chastity and seduction, which stipulates not the exclusion, but only the disguise of licentiousness; and may, perhaps, be a proof of a purer taste, but is no evidence of a very severe and rigid morality.”

James Heywood Markland. Temple, 1818.

Next section


James Boswell [1821], The plays and poems of William Shakspeare, with the corrections and illustrations of various commentators: comprehending A Life of the Poet, and an enlarged history of the stage, by the late Edmond Malone. With a new glossarial index (J. Deighton and Sons, Cambridge) [word count] [S10201].
Powered by PhiloLogic