Note return to page 1 1&lblank; earl of Warwick;] The Earl of Warwick who makes his appearance in the first scene of this play is Richard Beauchamp, who is a character in King Henry V. The Earl who appears in the subsequent part of it, is Richard Nevil, son to the Earl of Salisbury, who became possessed of the title in right of his wife, Anne, sister of Henry Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, on the death of Anne his only child in 1449. Richard, the father of this Henry, was appointed governor to the king, on the demise of Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, and died on 1439. There is no reason to think that the author meant to confound the two characters. Ritson.

Note return to page 2 2Hung be the heavens with black,] Alluding to our ancient stage-practice when a tragedy was to be expected. So, in Sidney's Arcadia, book ii.: “There arose, even with the sunne, a vaile of darke cloudes before his face, which shortly had blacked over all the face of heaven, preparing (as it were) a mournfull stage for a tragedie to be played on.” See also Mr. Malone's Historical Account of the English Stage. Steevens.

Note return to page 3 3Brandish your crystal tresses &lblank;] Crystal is an epithet repeatedly bestowed on comets by our ancient writers. So, in a Sonnet, by Lord Sterline, 1604: “When as those chrystal comets whiles appear.” Spenser, in his Fairy Queen, book i. c. x. applies it to a lady's face: “Like sunny beams threw from her chrystal face.” Again, in an ancient song entitled The falling out of Lovers is the renewing of Love: “You chrystal planets shine all clear   “And light a lover's way.” “There is also a white comet with silver haires,” says Pliny, as translated by P. Holland, 1601. Steevens.

Note return to page 4 4That have consented &lblank;] If this expression means no more than that the stars gave a bare consent, or agreed to let King Henry die, it does no great honour to its author. I believe to consent, in this instance, means to act in concert. Concentus, Lat. Thus Erato the muse, applauding the song of Apollo, in Lyly's Midas, 1592, cries out: “O sweet consent!” i. e. sweet union of sounds. Again, in Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. iv. c. ii.: “Such musick his wise words with time consented.” Again, in his translation of Virgil's Culex: “Chaunted their sundry notes with sweet consent.” Again, in Chapman's version of the 24th book of Homer's Odyssey: “&lblank; all the sacred nine “Of deathless muses, paid thee dues divine: “By varied turns their heavenly voices venting; “All in deep passion for thy death consenting.” Consented, or as it should be spelt, concented, means, have thrown themselves into a malignant configuration, to promote the death of Henry. Spenser, in more than one instance, spells this word as it appears in the text of Shakspeare, as does Ben Jonson, in his Epithalamion on Mr. Weston. The following lines, “&lblank; shall we curse the planets of mishap, “That plotted thus,” &c. seem to countenance my explanation; and Falstaff says of Shallow's servants, that “&lblank; they flock together in consent, like so many wild geese.” See also Tully de Natura Deorum, lib. ii. ch. xlvi.: “Nolo in stellarum ratione multus vobis videri, maximéque earum quæ errare dicuntur. Quarum tantus est concentus ex dissimilibus motibus.” &c. Milton uses the word, and with the same meaning, in his Penseroso: “Whose power hath a true consent “With planet, or with element.” Steevens. Steevens is right in his explanation of the word consented. So, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, the Merchant says to Merrythought: “&lblank; too late, I well perceive, “Thou art consenting to my daughter's loss.” and in The Chances, Antonio, speaking of the wench who robbed him, says: “And also the fiddler who was consenting with her.” meaning the fiddler that was her accomplice. The word appears to be used in the same sense in the fifth scene of this Act, where Talbot says to his troops: “You all consented unto Salisbury's death, “For none would strike a stroke in his revenge.” M. Mason. Consent, in all the books of the age of Elizabeth, and long afterwards, is the usual spelling of the word concent. See vol. xi. p. 92, n. 3. In other places I have adopted the modern and more proper spelling; but, in the present instance, I apprehend, the word was used in its ordinary sense. In the second Act, Talbot, reproaching the soldiery, uses the same expression, certainly without any idea of a malignant configuration: “You all consented unto Salisbury's death.” Malone.

Note return to page 5 5Henry the fifth,] Old copy, redundantly,—“King Henry,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 6 6&lblank; too famous to live long!] So, in King Richard III.: “So wise so young, they say, do ne'er live long.” Steevens.

Note return to page 7 7His arms spread wider than a dragon's wings;] So, in Troilus and Cressida: “The dragon wing of night o'erspreads the earth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 8 8&lblank; the subtle-witted French, &c.] There was a notion prevalent a long time, that life might be taken away by metrical charms. As superstition grew weaker, these charms were imagined only to have power on irrational animals. In our author's time it was supposed that the Irish could kill rats by a song. Johnson. So, in Reginald Scot's Discoverie of Witchcraft, 1584: “The Irishmen addict themselves, &c. yea they will not sticke to affirme that they can rime either man or beast to death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 9 9&lblank; moist eyes &lblank;] Thus the second folio. The first, redundantly, —moisten'd. Steevens.

Note return to page 10 1Our isle be made a nourish of salt tears,] Mr. Pope—marish. All the old copies read, a nourish: and considering it is said in the line immediately preceding, that babes shall suck at their mother's moist eyes, it seems very probable that our author wrote, a nourice, i. e. that the whole isle should be one common nurse, or nourisher, of tears: and those be the nourishment of its miserable issue. Theobald. Was there ever such nonsense! But he did not know that marish is an old word for marsh or fen; and therefore very judiciously thus corrected by Mr. Pope. Warburton. We should certainly read—marish. So, in The Spanish Tragedy: “Made mountains marsh, with spring-tides of my tears.” Ritson. I have been informed, that what we call at present a stew, in which fish are preserved alive, was anciently called a nourish. Nourice, however, Fr. a nurse, was anciently spelt may different ways, among which nourish was one. So, in Syr Eglamour of Artoïs, bl. l. no date: “Of that chylde she was blyth, “After noryshes she sent belive.” A nourish therefore in this passage of our author may signify a nurse, as it apparently does in The Tragedies of John Bochas, by Lydgate, b. i. c. xii.: “Athenes whan it was in his floures “Was called nourish of philosophers wise.” &lblank; Jubæ tellus generat, leonum Arida nutrix. Steevens. Spenser, in his Ruins of Time, uses nourice as an English word: “Chaucer, the nourice of antiquity.” Malone.

Note return to page 11 2Than Julius Cæsar, or bright—] I can't guess the occasion of the hemistich and imperfect sense in this place; 'tis not impossible it might have been filled up with—Francis Drake, though that were a terrible anachronism (as bad as Hector's quoting Aristotle in Troilus and Cressida); yet perhaps at the time that brave Englishman was in his glory, to an English-hearted audience, and pronounced by some favourite actor, the thing might be popular, though not judicious; and, therefore, by some critick in favour of the author, afterwards struck out. But this is a mere slight conjecture. Pope. To confute the slight conjecture of Pope, a whole page of vehement opposition is annexed to this passage by Theobald. Sir Thomas Hanmer has stopped at Cæsar—perhaps more judiciously. It might, however, have been written—or bright Berenice. Johnson. Pope's conjecture is confirmed by this peculiar circumstance, that two blazing stars (the Julium sidus) are part of the arms of the Drake family. It is well known that families and arms were much more attended to in Shakspeare's time, than they are at this day. M. Mason. This blank undoubtedly arose from the transcriber's or compositor's not being able to make out the name. So, in a subsequent passage the word Nero was omitted for the same reason. See the Dissertation at the end of the third part of King Henry VI. Malone.

Note return to page 12 3Guienne, Champaigne, Rheims, Orleans,] This verse might be completed [as Mr. Capell observes] by the insertion of Roüen among the places lost, as Gloster in his next speech infers that it had been mentioned with the rest. Steevens.

Note return to page 13 4A third man thinks,] Thus the second folio. The first omits the word—man, and consequently leaves the verse imperfect. Steevens.

Note return to page 14 5&lblank; her flowing tides.] i. e. England's flowing tides. Malone.

Note return to page 15 6&lblank; their intermissive miseries.] i. e. their miseries, which have had only a short intermission from Henry the Fifth's death to my coming amongst them. Warburton.

Note return to page 16 7Having full scarce, &c.] The modern editors read—scarce full, but, I think, unnecessarily. So, in The Tempest: “&lblank; Prospero, master of a full poor cell.” Steevens.

Note return to page 17 8&lblank; above human thought, Enacted wonders &lblank;] So, in King Richard III.: “The king enacts more wonders than a man.” Steevens.

Note return to page 18 9&lblank; he slew:] I suspect the author wrote flew. Malone.

Note return to page 19 1And rush'd into the bowels of the battle.] Again, in the fifth Act of this play: “So, rushing in the bowels of the French.” The same phrase had occurred in the first part of Jeronimo, 1605: “Meet, Don Andrea! yes, in the battle's bowels.” Steevens.

Note return to page 20 2If sir John Fastolfe, &c.] Mr. Pope has taken notice, “That Falstaff is here introduced again, who was dead in Henry V. The occasion whereof is, that this play was written before King Henry IV. or King Henry V.” But it is the historical Sir John Fastolfe (for so he is called in both our Chroniclers) that is here mentioned; who was a lieutenant general, deputy regent to the duke of Bedford in Normandy, and a knight of the garter; and not the comick character afterwards introduced by our author, and which was a creature merely of his own brain. Nor when he named him Falstaff do I believe he had any intention of throwing a slur on the memory of this renowned old warrior. Theobald. Mr. Theobald might have seen his notion contradicted in the very line he quotes from. Fastolfe, whether truly or not, is said by Hall and Holinshed to have been degraded for cowardice. Dr. Heylin, in his Saint George for England, tells us, that “he was afterwards, upon good reason by him alledged in his defence, restored to his honour.”—“This Sir John Fastolfe,” continues he, “was, without doubt, a valiant and wise captain, notwithstanding the stage hath made merry with him.” Farmer. See vol. xvi. p. 410; and Oldys's Life of Sir John Fastolfe in the General Dictionary. Malone. In the 18th Song of Drayton's Polyolbion is the following character of this Sir John Fastolph: “Strong Fastolph with this man compare we justly may; “By Salsbury who oft being seriously imploy'd “In many a brave attempt the general foe annoy'd; “With excellent successe in Main and Anjou fought, “And many a bulwarke there into our keeping brought; “And chosen to go forth with Vadamont in warre, “Most resolutely tooke proud Renate duke of Barre.” Steevens. For an account of this Sir John Fastolfe, see Anstis's Treatise on the Order of the Garter; Parkins's Supplement to Blomfield's History of Norfolk; Tanner's Bibliotheca Britannica; or Capel's notes, vol. ii. p. 221; and Sir John Fenn's Collection of the Paston Letters. Reed.

Note return to page 21 3He being in the vaward, (plac'd behind,] Some of the editors seem to have considered this as a contradiction in terms, and have proposed to read—the rearward,—but without necessity. Some part of the van must have been behind the foremost line of it. We often say the back front of a house. Steevens. When an army is attacked in the rear, the van becomes the rear in its turn, and of course the reserve. M. Mason.

Note return to page 22 4The king from Eltham I intend to send, And sit at chiefest stern of public weal.] The King was not at this time so much in the power of the Cardinal, that he could send him where he pleased. I have therefore no doubt but that there is an error in this passage, and that it should be read thus: “The king from Eltham I intend to steal, “And sit at chiefest stern of publick weal.” This slight alteration preserves the sense, and the rhyme also, with which many scenes in this play conclude. The King's person, as appears from the speech immediately preceding this of Winchester, was under the care of the Duke of Exeter, not of the Cardinal: “Exe. To Eltham will I, where the young king is, “Being ordain'd his special governor.” M. Mason. The second charge in the Articles of Acusation preferred by the Duke of Gloster against the Bishop, (Hall's Chron. Henry VI. f. 12, b.) countenances this conjecture. Malone. The disagreeable clash of the words—intend and send, seems indeed to confirm the propriety of Mr. M. Mason's emendation. Steevens.

Note return to page 23 5Mars his true moving, &c.] So, Nash, in one of his prefaces before Gabriel Harvey's Hunt is Up, 1596: “You are as ignorant in the true movings of my muse, as the astronomers are in the true movings of Mars, which to this day they could never attainp to.” Steevens.

Note return to page 24 6&lblank; as their hungry prey.] I believe it should be read: “&lblank; as their hungred prey.” Johnson. I adhere to the old reading, which appears to signify—‘the prey for which they are hungry.&mrquo; Steevens.

Note return to page 25 7England all Olivers and Rowlands bred,] These were two of the most famous in the list of Charlemagne's twelve peers; and their exploits are rendered so ridiculously and equally extravagant by the old romancers, that from thence arose that saying amongst our plain and sensible ancestors, of ‘giving one a Rowland for his Oliver,&mrquo; to signify the matching one incredible lie with another. Warburton. Rather, to oppose one hero to another; i. e. “to give a person as good a one as he brings.” Steevens. The old copy has—breed. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 26 8And hunger will enforce them to be more eager:] The preposition to should be omitted, as injurious to the measure, and unnecessary in the old elliptical mode of writing. So, Act IV. Sc. I. of this play: “Let me persuade you take a better course.” i. e. to take, &c. The error pointed out, occurs again in p. 30: “Piel'd priest, dost thou command me to be shut out?” Steevens.

Note return to page 27 9&lblank; gimmals &lblank;] A gimmal is a piece of jointed work, where one piece moves within another, whence it is taken at large for an engine. It is now by the vulgar called a gimcrack. Johnson. In the inventory of the jewels, &c. belonging to Salisbury cathedral, taken in 1536, 28th of Henry VIII. is “A faire chest with gimmals and key.” Again: “Three other chests with gimmals of silver and gilt.” Again, in The Vow-breaker, or The faire Maide of Clifton, 1636: “My actes are like the motionall gymmals “Fixt in a watch.” See also King Henry V. Act IV. Sc. II. Steevens.

Note return to page 28 1Their arms are set, like clocks,] Perhaps our author was thinking of the clocks in which figures in the shape of men struck the hours. Of these there were many in his time. Malone. To go like clockwork, is still a phrase in common use, to express a regular and constant motion. Steevens.

Note return to page 29 2Bastard of Orleans,] That this in former times was not a term of reproach, see Bishop Hurd's Letters on Chivalry and Romance, in the third volume of his Dialogues, p. 233, who observing on circumstances of agreement between the heroick and Gothick manners, says, that “Bastardy was in credit with both.” One of William the Conqueror's charters begins, “Ego Gulielmus cognomento Bastardus.” And in the reign of Edward I. John Earl Warren and Surrey being called before the King's Justices to show by what title he held his lands, “produxit in medium gladium antiquum evaginatum—et ait, Ecce Domini mei, ecce warrantum meum! Antecessores mei cum Will&obar; Bastardo venientes conquesti sunt terras suas,” &c. Dugd. Orig. Jurid, p. 13. Dugd. Bar. of Engl. vol. i. Blount 9. “Le Bastarde de Savoy,” is inscribed over the head of one of the figures in a curious picture of the Battle of Pavia, in the Ashmolean Museum. In Fenn's Paston Letters, vol. iii. p. 72–3, in the articles of impeachment against the Duke of Suffolk, we read of the “Erle of Danas, bastard of Orlyaunce &lblank;.” Vaillant. Bastardy was reckoned no disgrace among the ancients. See the eighth Iliad, in which the illegitimacy of Teucer is mentioned as a panegyrick upon him, ver. 284: &grK;&gra;&grig; &grs;&gre;, &grn;&groa;&grq;&gro;&grn; &grp;&gre;&grr; &gres;&groa;&grn;&grt;&gra;, &grk;&gro;&grm;&gria;&grs;&grs;&gra;&grt;&gro; &grwsc; &gres;&grn;&grig; &gro;&grisa;&grk;&grw;. Steevens. Mr. Steevens's quotation rather tends to overthrow the position which it is brought to support: &grn;&groa;&grq;&gro;&grn; &grP;&grE;&grR; &gres;&groa;&grn;&grt;&gra; means although he was a bastard. Yet he might have produced the authority of Eustathius in favour of his explanation of the passage in Homer. See Potter's Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 377, edit. 1715, where this topick is fully discussed. Boswell.

Note return to page 30 3&lblank; your cheer appall'd;] Cheer is jollity, gaiety. M. Mason. Cheer, rather signifies—countenance. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “All fancy-sick she is, and pale of cheer.” See vol. v. p. 265, n. 2. Steevens.

Note return to page 31 4&lblank; nine sibyls of old Rome;] There were no nine sibyls of Rome; but he confounds things, and mistakes this for the nine books of Sibylline oracles, brought to one of the Tarquins. Warburton.

Note return to page 32 5&lblank; Believe my words,] It should be read: “&lblank; Believe her words.” Johnson. I perceive no need of change. The Bastard calls upon the Dauphin to believe the extraordinary account he has just given of the prophetick spirit and prowess of the Maid of Orleans. Malone.

Note return to page 33 6To shine on my contemptible estate:] So, in Daniel's Complaint of Rosamond, 1594: “&lblank; thy king, &c. “Lightens forth glory on thy dark estate.” Steevens.

Note return to page 34 7&lblank; a vision full of majesty,] So, in The Tempest: “This is a most majestick vision &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 35 8&lblank; which you see.] Thus the second folio. The first, injudiciously as well as redundantly,—which you may see. Steevens.

Note return to page 36 9Resolve on this:] i. e. be firmly persuaded of it. So, in King Henry VI. Part III: “&lblank; I am resolv'd “That Clifford's manhood lies upon his tongue.” Steevens.

Note return to page 37 1Deck'd with five flower-de-luces, &c.] Old copy—fine; but we should read, according to Holinshed,—five flower-de-luces. “&lblank; in a secret place there among old iron, appointed she hir sword to be sought out and brought her, that with five floure-de-lices was graven on both sides,” &c. Steevens. The same mistake having happened in A Midsummer-Night's Dream, and in other places, I have not hesitated to reform the text, according to Mr. Steevens's suggestion. In The MSS. of the age of Queen Elizabeth, u and n are undistinguishable. Malone.

Note return to page 38 2Out of a deal of old iron, &c.] The old copy yet more redundantly —Out of a great deal, &c. I have no doubt but the original line stood, elliptically, thus: “Out a deal of old iron I chose forth.” The phrase of hospitals is still an out door, not an out of door patient. Steevens.

Note return to page 39 3Impatiently I burn with thy desire;] The amorous constitution of the Dauphin has been mentioned in the preceding play: “Doing is activity, and he will still be doing.” Collins. The Dauphin in the preceding play is John, the elder brother of the present speaker. He died in 1416, the year after the battle of Agincourt. Ritson.

Note return to page 40 4Expect St. Martin's summer,] That is, expect prosperity after misfortune, like fair weather at Martlemas, after winter has begun. Johnson.

Note return to page 41 5Glory is like a circle in the water, Which never ceaseth to enlarge itself, Till, by broad spreading, it disperse to nought.] So, in Nosce Teipsum, a poem by Sir John Davies, 1599: “As when a stone is into water cast, “One circle doth another circle make, “Till the last circle reach the bank at last.” The same image, without the particular application, may be found in Silius Italicus, lib. xiii.: Sic ubi perrumpsit stagnantem calculus undam, Exiguos format per prima volumina gyros, Mox tremulum vibrans motu gliscente liquorem Multiplicat crebros sinuati gurgitis orbes; Donec postremo laxatis circulus oris, Contingat geminas patulo curvamine ripas. Malone. This was a favourite simile with Pope. It is to be found also in Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, book viii. st. 63, of Sir John Harrington's translation: “As circles in a water cleare are spread, “When sunne doth shine by day, and moone by night, “Succeeding one another in a ranke, “Till all by one and one do touch the banke.” I meet with it again in Chapman's Epistle Dedicatorie, prefixed to his version of the Iliad: “&lblank; As in a spring, “The plyant water, mov'd with any thing “Let fall into it, puts her motion out “In perfect circles, that move round about “The gentle fountaine, one another raysing.” And the same image is much expanded by Sylvester, the translator of Du Bartas, 3d part of 2d day of 2d week. Holt White.

Note return to page 42 6&lblank; like that proud insulting ship, Which Cæsar and his fortune bare at once.] This alludes to a passage in Plutarch's Life of Julius Cæsar, thus translated by Sir Thomas North: “Cæsar hearing that, straight discovered himselfe unto the maister of the pynnace, who at the first was amazed when he saw him; but Cæsar, &c. said unto him, Good fellow, be of good cheere, &c. and fear not, for thou hast Cæsar and his fortune with thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 43 7Was Mahomet inspired with a dove?] Mahomet had a dove, “which he used to feed with wheat out of his ear; which dove, when it was hungry, lighted on Mahomet's shoulder, and thrust its bill in to find its breakfast; Mahomet persuading the rude and simple Arabians, that it was the Holy Ghost that gave him advice.” See Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World, book i. part i. ch. vi. Life of Mahomet, by Dr. Prideaux. Grey.

Note return to page 44 8Nor yet Saint Philip's daughters,] Meaning the four daughters of Philip mentioned in the Acts. Hanmer.

Note return to page 45 9How may I reverently worship thee enough?] Perhaps this unmetrical line originally ran thus: “How may I reverence, worship thee enough?” The climax rises properly, from reverence, to worship. Steevens.

Note return to page 46 1&lblank; there is conveyance.] Conveyance means theft. Hanmer. So Pistol, in The Merry Wives of Windsor: “Convey the wise it call: Steal! foh; a fico for the phrase.” Steevens.

Note return to page 47 2Break up the gates,] I suppose to break up the gate is to force up the portcullis, or by the application of petards to blow up the gates themselves. Steevens. To break up in Shakspeare's age was the same as to break open. Thus, in our translation of the Bible: “They have broken up, and have passed through the gate.” Micah, ii. 13. So again, in St. Matthew, xxiv. 43: “He would have watched, and would not have suffered his house to be broken up.” Whalley. Some one has proposed to read— “Break ope the gates &lblank;,” but the old copy is right. So Hall, Henry VI. folio 78, b: “The lusty Kentishmen hopyng on more friends, brake up the gaytes of the King's Bench and Marshalsea,” &c. See also Florio's Italian Dictionary, 1598: “Rottura. A burglarie, or breaking up of a house.” Malone.

Note return to page 48 3&lblank; Tawny Coats.] It appears from the following passage in a comedy called, A Maidenhead Well Lost, 1634, that a tawny coat was the dress of a summoner, i. e. an apparitor, an officer whose business it was to summon offenders to an ecclesiastical court: “Tho I was never a tawny-coat, I have play'd the summoner's part.” These are the proper attendants therefore on the Bishop of Winchester. So, in Stowe's Chronicle, p. 822: “&lblank; and by the way the bishop of London met him, attended on by a goodly company of gentlemen in tawny-coats,” &c. Tawny was likewise a colour worn for mourning, as well as black; and was therefore the suitable and sober habit of any person employed in an ecclesiastical court: “A croune of bayes shall that man weare   “That triumphs over me; “For blacke and tawnie will I weare,   “Whiche mournyng colours be.” The Complaint of a Lover wearyng blacke and tawnie; by E. O. [i. e. the Earl of Oxford.] Paradise of Dainty Devises, 1576. Steevens.

Note return to page 49 4How now, ambitious Humphrey? what means this?] The first folio has it—umpheir. The traces of the letters, and the word being printed in Italicks, convince me that the Duke's christian name lurked under this corruption. Theobald.

Note return to page 50 5Piel'd priest,] Alluding to his shaven crown. Pope. In Skinner (to whose Dictionary I was directed by Mr. Edwards) I find that it means more: Pill'd or peel'd garlick, cui pellis, vel pili omnes ex morbo aliquo, præsertim é lue venerea, defluxerunt. In Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, the following instance occurs: “I'll see them p&wblank;'d first, and pil'd and double pil'd.” Steevens. In Weever's Funeral Monuments, p. 364, Robert Baldocke, bishop of London, is called a peel'd priest, pilide clerk, seemingly in allusion to his shaven crown alone. So, bald-head was a term of scorn and mockery. Tollet. The old copy has—piel'd priest. Piel'd and pil'd were only the old spelling of peel'd. So, in our poet's Rape of Lucrece, 4to. 1594: “His leaves will wither, and his sap decay, “So must my soul, her bark being pil'd away.” See also Florio's Italian Dictionary, 1598: “Pelare. To pill or pluck, as they do the feathers of fowle; to pull off the hair or skin.” Malone.

Note return to page 51 6Thou, that giv'st whores indulgences to sin:] The public stews were formerly under the district of the bishop of Winchester. Pope. There is now extant an old manuscript (formerly the office-book of the court-leet held under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Winchester in Southwark,) in which are mentioned the several fees arising from the brothel-houses allowed to be kept in the bishop's manor, with the customs and regulations of them. One of the articles is: “De his, qui custodiunt mulieres habentes nefandam infirmitatem.” “Item. That no stewholder keep any woman within his house, that hath any sickness of brenning, but that she be put out upon pain of making a fyne unto the lord of C shillings.” Upton.

Note return to page 52 7I'll canvas thee in thy broad cardinal's hat,] This means, I believe—“I'll tumble thee into thy great hat, and shake thee, as bran and meal are shaken in a sieve.” So, Sir W. D'Avenant, in The Cruel Brother, 1630: “I'll sift and winnow him in an old hat.” To canvas was anciently used for to sift. So, in Hans Beerpot's invisible Comedy, 1618: “&lblank; We'll canvas him.— “&lblank; I am too big &lblank;.” Again, in The Epistle Dedicatory to Have With You to Saffron Walden, or Gabriel Harvey's Hunt is up, &c. 1596: “&lblank; canvaze him and his angell brother Gabriell, in ten sheets of paper,” &c. Steevens. Again, in The Second Part of King Henry IV. Dol Tearsheet says to Falstaff—“If thou dost, I'll canvas thee between a pair of sheets.” M. Mason. Probably from the materials of which the bottom of a sieve is made. Perhaps, however, in the passage before us Gloster means, that he will toss the cardinal in a sheet, even while he was invested with the peculiar badge of his ecclesiastical dignity.— Coarse sheets were formerly termed canvass sheets. See vol. xvii. p. 92, n. 7, Malone.

Note return to page 53 8This be Damascus, be thou cursed Cain,] About four miles from Damascus is a high hill, reported to be the same on which Cain slew his brother Abel. Maundrel's Travels, p. 131. Pope. Sir John Maundeville says: “And in that place where Damascus was founded, Kaym sloughe Abel his brother.” Maundeville's Travels, edit. 1725, p. 148. Reed. “Damascus is as moche to saye as shedynge of blood. For there Chaym slowe Abell, and hidde hym in the sonde.” Polychronicon, fo. xii. Ritson.

Note return to page 54 9&lblank; Winchester goose,] A strumpet, or the consequences of her love, was a Winchester goose. Johnson.

Note return to page 55 1&lblank; a rope! a rope!] See The Comedy of Errors, vol. iv. p. 238, n. 7. Malone.

Note return to page 56 2&lblank; out, scarlet hypocrite!] Thus, in King Henry VIII. the Earl of Surrey, with a similar allusion to Cardinal Wolsey's habit, calls him—“scarlet sin.” Steevens.

Note return to page 57 3&lblank; the Mayor of London,] I learn from Mr. Pennant's London, that this Mayor was John Coventry, an opulent mercer, from whom is descended the present Earl of Coventry. Steevens.

Note return to page 58 4Here's Gloster too, &c.] Thus the second folio. The first folio, with less spirit of reciprocation, and feebler metre,—Here is Gloster, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 59 5Gloster, we'll meet; to thy dear cost, be sure:] Thus the second folio. The first omits the epither—dear. Steevens.

Note return to page 60 6I'll call for clubs, if you will not away:] This was an outcry for assistance, on any riot or quarrel in the streets. It hath been explained before. Whalley. So, in King Henry VIII.: “&lblank; and hit that woman, who cried out, clubs!” Steevens. That is, for peace-officers armed with clubs or staves. In affrays, it was customary in this author's time to call out clubs, clubs! See As You Like It, vol. vi. p. 490, n. 3. Malone.

Note return to page 61 7&lblank; stomachs &lblank;] Stomach is pride, a haughty spirit of resentment. So, in King Henry VIII.: “&lblank; he was a man “Of an unbounded stomach &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 62 8&lblank; that nobles should such stomachs bear! I myself fight not once in forty year.] Old copy—these nobles. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone. The Mayor of London was not brought in to be laughed at, as is plain by his manner of interfering in the quarrel, where he all along preserves a sufficient dignity. In the line preceding these, he directs his Officer, to whom without doubt these two lines should be given. They suit his character, and are very expressive of the pacific temper of the city guards. Warburton. I see no reason for this change. The Mayor speaks first as a magistrate, and afterwards as a citizen. Johnson. Notwithstanding Warburton's note in support of the dignity of the Mayor, Shakspeare certainly meant to represent him as a poor, well-meaning, simple man, for that is the character he invariably gives to his Mayors. The Mayor of London, in Richard III. is just of the same stamp. And so is the Mayor of York, in the Third Part of this play, where he refuses to admit Edward as King, but lets him into the city as Duke of York, on which Gloster says— “A wise stout captain! and persuaded soon. “Hast. The good old man would fain that all were well.” Such are all Shakspeare's Mayors. M. Mason. Such seems to have been the general representation of mayors on our ancient stage. Kempe, in The Return from Parnassus, describes himself as being accustomed to play a foolish mayor. Malone.

Note return to page 63 9The prince's espials &lblank;] Espials are spies. So, in Chaucer's Freres Tale: “For subtilly he had his espiaille.” Steevens. The word is often used by Hall and Holinshed. Malone.

Note return to page 64 1Wont, through a secret grate of iron bars, &c.] Old copy —went. See the notes that follow Dr. Johnson's. Steevens. That is, the English ‘went not through a secret grate,&mrquo; but ‘went to over-peer the city through a secret grate which is in yonder tower.&mrquo; I did not know till of late that this passage had been thought difficult. Johnson. I believe, instead of went, we should read—wont. The third person plural of the old verb wont. The English—wont, that is, are accustomed—to over-peer the city. The word is used very frequently by Spenser, and several times by Milton. Tyrwhitt. The emendation proposed by Mr. Tyrwhitt is fully supported by the passage in Hall's Chronicle, on which this speech is formed. So, in The Arraignment of Paris, 1584: “&lblank; the usual time is nie, “When wont the dames of fate and destinie “In robes of chearfull colour to repair &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 65 2&lblank; Now, boy, do thou watch, For I can stay no longer.] The first folio reads: “And even these three days have I watcht “If I could see them. Now do thou watch, “For I can stay no longer.” Steevens. Part of this line being in the old copy, by a mistake of the transcriber, connected with the preceding hemistich, the editor of the second folio supplied the metre by adding the word—boy, in which he has been followed in all the subsequent editions. Malone. As I cannot but entertain a more favourable opinion than Mr. Malone of the numerous emendations that appear in the second folio, I have again adopted its regulation in the present instance. This folio likewise supplied the word—fully. Steevens.

Note return to page 66 3&lblank; Talbot,] Though the three parts of King Henry VI. are deservedly numbered among the feeblest performances of Shakspeare, this first of them appears to have been received with the greatest applause. So, in Pierce Penniless's Supplication to the Devil, by Nash, 1592: “How would it have joyed brave Talbot (the terror of the French,) to thinke that after he had lien two hundred years in his tombe, he should triumph againe on the stage, and have his bones new embalmed with the teares of ten thousand spectators at least (at several times,) who in the tragedian that represents his person, imagine they behold him fresh bleeding?” Steevens.

Note return to page 67 4&lblank; so pil'd esteem'd.] Thus the old copy. Some of the modern editors read, but without authority—“so vile-esteem'd.” —So pill'd, may mean—so pillag'd, so stripp'd of honours; but I suspect a corruption, which Mr. M. Mason would remedy, by reading either vile or ill-esteemed. It is possible, however, that Shakspeare might have written— Philistin'd; i. e. treated as contumeliously as Samson was by the Philistines.—Both Samson and Talbot had been prisoners, and were alike insulted by their captors. Our author has jocularly formed more than one verb from a proper name; as for instance, from Aufidius, in Coriolanus: “&lblank; I would not have been so fidius'd for all the chests in Corioli.” Again, in King Henry V. Pistol says to his prisoner: “Master Fer? I'll fer him,” &c. Again, in Hamlet, from Herod, we have the verb “out-herod.” Shakspeare, therefore, in the present instance, might have taken a similar liberty.—To fall into the hands of the Philistines has long been a cant phrase, expressive of danger incurred, whether from enemies, association with hard drinkers, gamesters, or a less welcome acquaintance with the harpies of the law. Talbot's idea would be sufficiently expressed by the term—Philistin'd, which (as the play before us appears to have been copied by the ear,) was more liable to corruption than a common verb. I may add, that perhaps no word will be found nearer to the sound and traces of the letters, in pil-esteem'd, than Philistin'd. Philistine, in the age of Shakspeare, was always accented on the first syllable, and therefore is not injurious to the line in which I have hesitatingly proposed to insert it. I cannot, however, help smiling at my own conjecture; and should it excite the same sensation in the reader who journeys through the barren desert of our accumulated notes on this play, like Addison's traveller, when he discovers a cheerful spring amid the wilds of sand, let him— “&lblank; bless his stars, and think it luxury.” Steevens. I think vile-esteem'd was the author's word. We meet with it again in his 121st Sonnet: “'Tis better to be vile than vile-esteem'd.” Malone.

Note return to page 68 5&lblank; the terror of the French, The scare-crow that affrights our children so.] From Hall's Chronicle: “This man [Talbot] was to the French people a very scourge and a daily terror, insomuch that as his person was fearful, and terrible to his adversaries present, so his name and fame was spiteful and dreadful to the common people absent; insomuch that women in France to feare their yong children, would crye, the Talbot commeth, the Talbot commeth.” The same thing is said of King Richard I. when he was in the Holy Land. See Camden's Remaines, 4to. 1614, p. 267. Malone.

Note return to page 69 6Here, through this grate, I can count every one,] Thus the second folio. The first, very harshly and unmetrically, reads: “Here, thorough this grate, I count each one.” Steevens.

Note return to page 70 7&lblank; enfeebled.] This word is here used as a quadrisyllable [as Mr. Capell has observed]. Malone.

Note return to page 71 8&lblank; thy cheek's side struck off!] Camden says, in his Remaines, that the French scarce knew the use of great ordnance, till the siege of Mans in 1455, when a breach was made in the walls of that town by the English, under the conduct of this earl of Salisbury; and that he was the first English gentleman that was slain by a cannon-ball. Malone.

Note return to page 72 9One eye thou hast, &c.] A similar thought occurs in King Lear: “&lblank; my lord, you have one eye left, “To see some mischief on him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 73 1&lblank; and like thee, Nero,] The first folio reads: “Plantagenet, I will; and like thee &lblank;.” Steevens. In the old copy, the word Nero is wanting, owing probably to the transcriber's not being able to make out the name. The editor of the second folio, with his usual freedom, altered the line thus: “&lblank; and Nero-like will &lblank;.” Malone. I am content to read with the second folio (not conceiving the emendation in it to be an arbitrary one,) and omit only the needless repetition of the word—will. Surely there is some absurdity in making Talbot address Plantagenet, and invoke Nero, in the same line. Steevens.

Note return to page 74 2Pucelle of puzzel, dolphin or dogfish,] Pussel means a dirty wench or a drab, from puzza, i. e. malus fætor, says Minsheu. In a translation from Steevens's Apology for Herodotus, in 1607, p. 98, we read—“Some filthy queans, especially our puzzles of Paris, use this other theft.” Tollet. So, Stubbs, in his Anatomie of Abuses, 1595: “No nor yet any droye nor puzzel in the country but will carry a nosegay in her hand.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Commendatory Verses, prefixed to the works of Beaumont and Fletcher: “Lady or Pusill, that wears mask or fan.” As for the conceit, miserable as it is, it may be countenanced by that of James I. who looking at the statue of Sir Thomas Bodley in the library at Oxford. “Pii Thomæ Godly nomine insignivit, eoque potius nomine quam Bodly, deinceps merito nominandum esse censuit.” See Rex Platonicus, &c. edit. quint. Oxon. 1635, p. 187. It should be remembered, that in Shakspeare's time the word dauphin was always written dolphin. Steevens. There are frequent references to Pucelle's name in this play: “I 'scar'd the dauphin and his trull.” Again: “Scoff on, vile fiend, and shameless courtezan!” Malone.

Note return to page 75 3And then we'll try what these dastard Frenchmen dare.] Perhaps the conjunction—and, or the demonstrative pronoun— these, for the sake of metre, should be omitted at the beginning of this line, which, in my opinion, however, originally ran thus: “Then try we what these dastard Frenchmen dare.” Steevens.

Note return to page 76 4Blood will I draw on thee,] The superstition of those times taught that he that could draw the witch's blood, was free from her power. Johnson.

Note return to page 77 5&lblank; hunger-starved &lblank;] The same epithet is, I think, used by Shakspeare, [Henry VI. P. III. Act I. Sc. IV.] The old copy has—hungry-starved. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone. Why not hungry, starved, without the hyphen? Boswell.

Note return to page 78 6&lblank; like a potter's wheel;] This idea might have been caught from Psalm lxxxiii. 13: “&lblank; Make them like unto a wheel, and as the stubble before the wind.” Steevens.

Note return to page 79 7&lblank; by fear, &c.] See Hannibal's stratagem to escape by fixing bundles of lighted twigs on the horns of oxen, recorded in Livy, lib. xxii. c. xvi. Holt White.

Note return to page 80 8&lblank; so timorous &lblank;] Old copy—treacherous. Corrected by Mr. Pope. Malone.

Note return to page 81 9&lblank; from the English wolves, &c.] Thus the second folio. The first omits the word—wolves. Steevens. The editor of the second folio, not perceiving that English was used as a trisyllable, arbitrarily reads—English wolves; in which he has been followed by all the subsequent editors. So, in the next line but one, he reads—bright Astræa, not observing that Astræa, by a licentious pronunciation, was used by the author of this play, as if written Asteræa. So monstrous is made a trisyllable;—monsterous. See Mr. Tyrwhitt's note, Two Gentlemen of Verona, vol. iv. p. 31, and p. 137. Malone. Here again I must follow the second folio, to which we are indebted for former and numerous emendations received even by Mr. Malone. Shakspeare has frequently the same image. So, the French in King Henry V. speaking of the English: “They will eat like wolves, and fight like devils.” If Pucelle, by this term, does not allude to the hunger or fierceness of the English, she refers to the wolves by which their kingdom was formerly infested. So, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “Peopled with wolves, thy old inhabitants.” As no example of the proper name—Astræa, pronounced as a quadrisyllable, is given by Mr. Malone, or has occurred to me, I also think myself authorized to receive—bright, the necessary epithet supplied by the second folio. Steevens.

Note return to page 82 1&lblank; like Adonis' gardens,] It may not be impertinent to take notice of a dispute between four criticks, of very different orders, upon this very important point of the “gardens of Adonis.” Milton had said: “Spot more delicious than those gardens feign'd, “Or of reviv'd Adonis, or &lblank;.” which Dr. Bentley pronounces spurious; “for that the &grK;&grhc;&grp;&gro;&gri; &grA;&grd;&grw;&grn;&gri;&grd;&gro;&grst;, the gardens of Adonis, so frequently mentioned by Greek writers, Plato, Plutarch, &c. were nothing but portable earthen pots, with some lettice or fennel growing in them. On his yearly festival every woman carried one of them for Adonis's worship; because Venus had once laid him in a lettice bed. The next day they were thrown away,” &c. To this Dr. Pearce replies, “That this account of the gardens of Adonis is right, and yet Milton may be defended for what he says of them: for why (says he) did the Grecians on Adonis' festival carry these small gardens about in honour of him? It was, because they had a tradition, that, when he was alive, he delighted in gardens, and had a magnificent one: for proof of this we have Pliny's words, xix. 4: ‘Antiquitas nihil priùs mirata est quàm Hesperidum hortos, ac regum Adonidis et Alcinoi.&mrquo;” One would now think the question well decided: but Mr. Theobald comes, and will needs be Dr. Bentley's second. “A learned and reverend gentleman (says he) having attempted to impeach Dr. Bentley of error, for maintaining that there never was existent any magnificent or spacious gardens of Adonis, an opinion in which it has been my fortune to second the Doctor, I thought myself concerned, in some part, to weigh those authorities alledged by the objector,” &c. The reader sees that Mr. Theobald mistakes the very question in dispute between these two truly learned men, which was not whether Adonis' gardens were ever existent, but whether there was a tradition of any celebrated gardens cultivated by Adonis. For this would sufficiently justify Milton's mention of them, together with the gardens of Alcinous, confessed by the poet himself to be fabulous. But hear their own words. “There was no such garden (says Dr. Bentley) ever existent, or never feign'd.” He adds the latter part, as knowing that that would justify the poet; and it is on that assertion only that his adversary Dr. Pearce joins issue with him. “Why (says he) did they carry the small earthen gardens? It was because they had a tradition, that when alive he delighted in gardens.” Mr. Theobald, therefore, mistaking the question, it is no wonder that all he says, in his long note at the end of his fourth volume, is nothing to the purpose; it being to show that Dr. Pearce's quotations from Pliny and others, do not prove the real existence of the gardens. After these, comes the Oxford editor; and he pronounces in favour of Dr. Bentley, against Dr. Pearce, in these words, “The gardens of Adonis were never represented under any local description.” But whether this was said at hazard, or to contradict Dr. Pearce, or to rectify Mr. Theobald's mistake of the question, it is so obscurely expressed, that one can hardly determine. Warburton. The proverb alluded to, seem always to have been used in a bad sense, for things which make a fair show for a few days and then wither away: but the author of this play, desirous of making a shew of his learning, without considering its propriety, has made the Dauphin apply it as an encomium. There is a very good account of it in Erasmus's Adagia. Blakeway.

Note return to page 83 2Why ring not out the bells throughout the town?] The old copy, unnecessarily as well as redundantly, reads— “Why ring not out the bells aloud,” &c. But if the bells rang out, they must have rang aloud; for to ring out, as I am informed, is a technical term with that signification. The disagreeable jingle, however, of out and without, induces me to suppose the line originally stood thus: “Why ring not bells aloud throughout the town?” Steevens.

Note return to page 84 3Than Rhodope's,] Rhodope was a famous strumpet, who acquired great riches by her trade. The least but most finished of the Egyptian pyramids (says Pliny, in the 36th book of his Natural History, ch. xii.) was built by her. She is said afterwards to have married Psammetichus, King of Egypt. Rhodope is mentioned in the play of The Costly Whore, 1633: “&lblank; a base Rhodope, “Whose body is as common as the sea “In the receipt of every lustful spring.” I would read [as Mr. Capell has proposed]: “Than Rhodope's of Memphis ever was.” Steevens. The brother of Sappho was in love with Rhodope, and purchased her freedom (for she was a slave in the same house with Æsop the fabulist) at a great price. Rhodope was of Thrace, not of Memphis. Memphis, a city of Egypt, was celebrated for its pyramids: “Barbara Pyramidum sileat miracula Memphis.” Mart. De spectaculis Libel. Ep. I. Malone. The question, I apprehend, is not where Rhodope was born, but where she obtained celebrity. Her Thracian birth-place would not have rescued her from oblivion. Steevens. The emendation proposed by Mr. Steevens must be adopted. The meaning is—not that Rhodope herself was of Memphis, but —that her pyramis was there. I will rear to her, says the Dauphin, a pyramid more stately than that of Memphis, which was called Rhodope's. Pliny says the pyramids were six miles from that city; and that “the fairest and most commended for workmanship was built at the cost and charges of one Rhodope, a verie strumpet.” Ritson.

Note return to page 85 4&lblank; coffer of Darius,] When Alexander the Great took the city of Gaza, the metropolis of Syria, amidst the other spoils and wealth of Darius treasured up there, he found an exceeding rich and beautiful little chest or casket, and asked those about him what they thought fittest to be laid up in it. When they had severally delivered their opinions, he told them, he esteemed nothing so worthy to be preserved in it as Homer's Iliad. Vide Plutarchum in Vitâ Alexandri Magni. Theobald. The very words of the text are found in Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie, 1589: “In what price the noble poems of Homer were holden with Alexander the Great, insomuch as everie night they were layd under his pillow, and by day were carried in the rich jewel coffer of Darius, lately before vanquished by him in battaile.” Malone. I believe, we should read with Puttenham, “jewel-coffer,” and not, as in the text, “jewel'd-coffer.” The jewel-coffer of Darius was, I suppose, the cabinet in which he kept his gems. To a jewelled coffer (i. e. a coffer ornamented with jewels) the epithet rich would have been superfluous. My conjecture, however, deserves not much attention; because Pliny, lib. ii. ch. 29, informs us, that this casket, when found, was full of precious oils, and was decorated with gems of great value. Steevens.

Note return to page 86 5Before the kings and queens of France.] Sir Thomas Hanmer supplies the obvious defect in this line, by reading— “Ever before the kings,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 87 6&lblank; court of guard.] The same phrase occurs again in Othello, Antony and Cleopatra, &c. and is equivalent to the modern term—guard-room. Steevens.

Note return to page 88 7&lblank; unready so?] Unready was the current word in those times for undressed. Johnson. So, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1638: “Enter Sixtus and Lucrece unready.” Again, in The Two Maids of More-clacke, 1609: “Enter James unready in his night-cap, garterless,” &c. Again, in A Match at Midnight, 1633, is this stage-direction: “He makes himself unready.” “Why what do you mean? you will not be so uncivil as to unbrace you here? Again, in Monsieur D'Olive, 1606: “You are not going to bed, I see you are not yet unready.” Again, in Heywood's Golden Age, 1611: “Here Jupiter puts out the lights, and makes himself unready.” Unready is equivalent to the old French word—di-pret. Steevens.

Note return to page 89 8Hearing alarums at our chamber doors.] So, in King Lear: “Or, at the chamber door I'll beat the drum &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 90 9&lblank; platforms &lblank;] i. e. plans, schemes. Steevens.

Note return to page 91 1Enter an English Soldier crying, a, Talbot! a Talbot!] And afterwards: “The cry of Talbot serves me for a sword.” Here a popular tradition, exclusive of any chronicle-evidence, was in Shakspeare's mind. Edward Kerke, the old commentator on Spenser's Pastorals, first published in 1579, observes in his notes on June, that Lord Talbot's “noblenesse bred such a terrour in the hearts of the French, that oftimes greate armies were defaited and put to flight, at the only hearing of his name: insomuch that the French women, to affray their children, would tell them that the Talbot cometh.” See also Sc. III. T. Warton. The same is said in Drayton's Miseries of Queen Margaret, of Lord Warwick: “And still so fearful was great Warwick's name, “That being once cry'd on, put them oft to flight, “On the king's army till at length they light.” Steevens. In a note on a former passage, p. 39, n. 5, I have quoted a passage from Hall's Chronicle, which probably furnished the author of this play with this circumstance. It is not mentioned by Holinshed, (Shakspeare's historian,) and is one of the numerous proofs that have convinced me that this play was not the production of our author. See the Essay at the end of The Third Part of King Henry VI. It is surely more probable that the writer of this play should have taken this circumstance from the Chronicle which furnished him with this plot, than from the Comment on Spenser's Pastorals. Malone. This is one of the floating atoms of intelligence which might have been orally circulated, and consequently have reached our author through other channels, than those of Spenser's annotator, or our English Chronicler. Steevens.

Note return to page 92 2Now have I paid my vow unto his soul; &c.] So, in the old spurious play of King John: “Thus hath king Richard's son perform'd his vow, “And offer'd Austria's blood for sacrifice “Unto his father's ever-living soul.” Steevens.

Note return to page 93 3&lblank; where she lies;] i. e. where she dwells. Malone.

Note return to page 94 4&lblank; their censure &lblank;] i. e. their opinion. So, in King Richard III.: “And give your censures in this weighty business.” Steevens.

Note return to page 95 5That with his name the mothers still their babes?] Dryden has transplanted this idea into his Don Sebastian, King of Portugal: “Nor shall Sebastian's formidable name “Be longer us'd, to lull the crying babe.” Steevens.

Note return to page 96 6&lblank; writhled &lblank;] i. e. wrinkled. The word is used by Spenser. Sir Thomas Hanmer reads—wrizled, which has been followed in subsequent editions. Malone. The instance from Spenser, is the following: “Her writhled skin, as rough as maple rind.” Again, in Marston's fourth Satire, b. i.: “Cold, writhled eld, his lives-wet almost spent.” Steevens.

Note return to page 97 7&lblank; captivate.] So, in Solyman and Persida; “If not destroy'd and bound, and captivate, “If captivate, then forc'd from holy faith.” Steevens.

Note return to page 98 8&lblank; so fond,] i. e. so foolish. So, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “Fondly brought here, and foolishly sent hence.” Steevens.

Note return to page 99 9&lblank; I am but shadow of myself:] So, in King Henry VIII.: “I am the shadow of my poor Buckingham.” Steevens.

Note return to page 100 1This is a riddling merchant, &c.] So, in Romeo and Juliet: “What saucy merchant was this?” See a note on this passage, vol. vi. p. 108, n. 7 Steevens.

Note return to page 101 2That will I show you presently.] The deficient foot in this line may properly be supplied, by reading: “That, madam, will I show you presently.” Steevens.

Note return to page 102 3&lblank; bruited,] To bruit is to proclaim with noise, to announce loudly. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; one of greatest note “Seems bruited.” Steevens.

Note return to page 103 4&lblank; and another Lawyer.] Read—a lawyer. This lawyer was probably Roger Nevyle, who was afterward hanged. See W. Wyrcester, p. 478. Ritson.

Note return to page 104 5Or, else, was wrangling Somerset in the error?] So all the editions. There is apparently a want of opposition between the two questions. I once read: “Or else was wrangling Somerset i' th' right?” Johnson. Sir T. Hanmer would read: “And was not &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 105 6&lblank; bear him best,] i. e. regulate his motions most adroitly. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “He bears him like a portly gentleman.” Steevens.

Note return to page 106 7In dumb significants &lblank;] I suspect, we should read—significance. Malone. I believe the old reading is the true one. So, in Love's Labour's Lost: “Bear this significant [i. e. a letter] to the country maid, Jaquenetta.” Steevens.

Note return to page 107 8From off this brier pluck a white rose with me.] This is given as the original of the two badges of the houses of York and Lancaster, whether truly or not, is no great matter. But the proverbial expression of saying a thing under the rose, I am persuaded came from thence. When the nation had ranged itself into two great factions, under the white and red rose, and were perpetually plotting and counterplotting against one another, then, when a matter of faction was communicated by either party to his friend in the same quarrel, it was natural for him to add, that he said it under the rose; meaning that, as it concerned the faction, it was religiously to be kept secret. Warburton. This is ingenious! What pity, that it is not learned too!— The rose (as the fables say) was the symbol of silence, and consecrated by Cupid to Harpocrates, to conceal the lewd pranks of his mother. So common a book as Lloyd's Dictionary might have instructed Dr. Warburton in this: “Huic Harpocrati Cupido Veneris filius parentis suæ rosam dedit in munus, ut scilicet si quid licentius dictum, vel actum sit in convivio, sciant tacenda esse omnia. Atque idcirco veteres ad finem convivii sub rosa, Anglicè under the rose, transacta esse omnia ante digressum contestabantur; cujus formæ vis eadem esset, atque ista, &grM;&gri;&grs;&grwc;&grm;&grn;&gras;&grm;&gro;&grn;&gra; &grs;&gru;&grm;&grp;&gro;&grt;&gra;&grn;. Probant hanc rem versus qui reperiuntur in marmore: Est rosa flos Veneris, cujus quo furta laterent   Harpocrati matris dona dicavit Amor. Inde rosam mensis hospes suspendit amicis,   Convivæ ut sub ea dicta tacenda sciant. Upton.

Note return to page 108 9I love no colours;] Colours is here used ambiguously for tints and deceits. Johnson. So, in Love's Labour's Lost: “&lblank; I do fear colourable colours.” Steevens.

Note return to page 109 1&lblank; well objected;] Properly thrown in our way, justly proposed. Johnson. So, in Goulart's Admirable Histories, 4to. 1607: “And because Sathan transfigures himselfe into an angell of light, I objected many and sundry questions unto him.” Again, in Chapman's version of the 21st book of Homer's Odyssey: “Excites Penelope t' object the prize, “(The bow and bright steeles) to the woers' strength.” Again, in his version of the seventeenth Iliad: “Objecting his all-dazeling shield,” &c. Again, in the twentieth Iliad: “&lblank; his worst shall be withstood, “With sole objection of myselfe.”— Steevens.

Note return to page 110 2&lblank; but anger,—that thy cheeks, &c.] i. e. it is not for fear that my cheeks look pale, but for anger; anger produced by this circumstance, namely, that thy cheeks blush, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 111 3I scorn thee and thy fashion,] So the old copies read, and rightly. Mr. Theobald altered it to faction, not considering that by fashion is meant the badge of the red rose, which Somerset said he and his friends would be distinguished by. But Mr. Theobald asks, “If faction was not the true reading, why should Suffolk immediately reply— “Turn not thy scorns this way, Plantagenet.” Why? because Plantagenet had called Somerset, with whom Suffolk sided, peevish boy. Warburton. Mr. Theobald, with great probability, reads—faction. Plantagenet afterward uses the same word: “&lblank; this pale and angry rose— “Will I for ever, and my faction, wear.” In King Henry V. we have pation for paction. We should undoubtedly read—and thy faction. The old spelling of this word was faccion, and hence fashion easily crept into the text. So, in Hall's Chronicle, Edward IV. fol. xxii.: “&lblank; whom we ought to beleve to be sent from God, and of hym onely to bee provided a kynge, for to extinguish both the faccions and partes [i. e. parties] of Kyng Henry the VI. and of Kyng Edward the fourth.” Malone. As fashion might have been meant to convey the meaning assigned to it by Dr. Warburton, I have left the text as I found it, allowing at the same time the merit of the emendation offered by Mr. Theobald, and countenanced by Mr. Malone. Steevens.

Note return to page 112 4His grandfather was Lionel, duke of Clarence,] The author mistakes. Plantagenet's paternal grandfather was Edmund of Langley, Duke of York. His maternal grandfather was Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, who was the son of Philippa the daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence. The duke therefore was his maternal great great grandfather. See vol. xvi. p. 220, n. 5. Malone.

Note return to page 113 5Spring crestless yeomen &lblank;] i. e. those who have no right to arms. Warburton.

Note return to page 114 6He bears him on the place's privilege,] The Temple, being a religious house, was an asylum, a place of exemption, from violence, revenge, and bloodshed. Johnson. It does not appear that the Temple had any peculiar privilege at this time, being then, as it is at present, the residence of law-students. The author might, indeed, imagine it to have derived some such privilege from its former inhabitants, the Knights Templars, or Knights Hospitalers, both religious orders: or blows might have been prohibited by the regulations of the Society: or what is equally probable, he might have neither known nor cared any thing about the matter. Ritson.

Note return to page 115 7For treason executed in our late king's days?] This unmetrical line may be somewhat harmonized by adopting a practice common to our author, and reading—execute instead of executed. Thus, in King Henry V. we have create instead of created, and contaminate instead of contaminated. Steevens.

Note return to page 116 8Corrupted, and exempt &lblank;] Exempt for excluded. Warburton.

Note return to page 117 9&lblank; time once ripen'd &lblank;] So, in The Merchant of Venice: “&lblank; stay the very riping of the time.” Steevens.

Note return to page 118 1For your partaker Poole,] Partaker, in ancient language, signifies one who takes part with another, an accomplice, a confederate. So, in Psalm 1.: “When thou sawest a thief thou didst consent unto him, and hast been partaker with the adulterers.” Again, in Marlow's translation of the first book of Lucan, 1600: “Each side had great partakers: Cæsar's cause “The Gods abetted &lblank;;” Again, in Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, lib. ii.: “&lblank; his obsequies being no more solemnized by the teares of his partakers, than the bloud of his enemies.” Steevens.

Note return to page 119 2I'll note you in my book of memory,] So, in Hamlet: “&lblank; the table of my memory.” Again: “&lblank; shall live “Within the book and volume of my brain.” Steevens.

Note return to page 120 3To scourge you for this apprehension:] Though this word possesses all the copies, I am persuaded it did not come from the author. I have ventured to read—reprehension: and Plantegenet means, that Somerset had reprehended or reproached him with his father the Earl of Cambridge's treason. Theobald. Apprehension, i. e. opinion. Warburton. So, in Much Ado About Nothing: “&lblank; how long have you profess'd apprehension?” Steevens.

Note return to page 121 4&lblank; this pale and angry rose, As cognizance of my blood-drinking hate,] So, in Romeo and Juliet: “Either my eye-sight fails, or thou look'st pale.— “And, trust me, love, in mine eye so do you: “Dry sorrow drinks our blood.” Steevens. A badge is called a cognisance à cognoscendo, because by it such persons as do wear it upon their sleeves, their shoulders, or in their hats, are manifestly known whose servants they are. In heraldry the cognisance is seated upon the most eminent part of the helmet. Tollet.

Note return to page 122 5Shall be wip'd out &lblank;] Old copy—whip't. Corrected by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 123 6&lblank; gentle sir.] The latter word, which yet does not complete the metre, was added by the editor of the second folio. Malone. Perhaps the line had originally this conclusion: “&lblank; Thanks, gentle sir; thanks both.” Steevens.

Note return to page 124 7Enter Mortimer.] Mr. Edwards, in his MS. notes, observes, that Shakspeare has varied from the truth of history, to introduce this scene between Mortimer and Richard Plantagenet. Edmund Mortimer served under Henry V. in 1422, and died unconfined in Ireland in 1424. Holinshed says, that Mortimer was one of the mourners at the funeral of Henry V. His uncle, Sir John Mortimer, was indeed prisoner in the Tower, and was executed not long before the Earl of March's death, being charged with an attempt to make his escape in order to stir up an insurrection in Wales. Steevens. A Remarker on this note [the author of the next] seems to think that he has totally overturned it, by quoting the following passage from Hall's Chronicle: “During whiche parliament [held in the third year of Henry VI. 1425,] came to London Peter Duke of Quimber,—whiche of the Duke of Exeter, &c. was highly fested—. During whych season Edmond Mortymer, the last Erle of Marche of that name, (whiche long tyme had bene restrayned from hys liberty and finally waxed lame,) disceased without yssue, whose inheritance descended to Lord Richard Plantagenet,” &c. as if a circumstance which Hall mentioned to mark the time of Mortimer's death, necessarily explained the place where it happened also. The fact is, that this Edmund Mortimer did not die in London, but at Trim in Ireland. He did not however die in confinement (as Sandford has erroneously asserted in his Genealogical History. See King Henry IV. Part I. vol. xvi. p. 220, n. 5.); and whether he ever was confined, (except by Owen Glendower,) may be doubted, notwithstanding the assertion of Hall. Hardyng, who lived at the time, says he was treated with the greatest kindness and care both by Henry IV. (to whom he was a ward,) and by his son Henry V. See his Chronicle, 1453, fol. 229. He was certainly at liberty in the year 1415, having a few days before King Henry sailed from Southampton, divulged to him in that town the traiterous intentions of his brother-in-law Richard Earl of Cambridge, by which he probably conciliated the friendship of the young king. He at that time received a general pardon from Henry, and was employed by him in a naval enterprize. At the coronation of Queen Katharine he attended and held the sceptre. Soon after the accession of King Henry VI. he was constituted by the English Regency chief governor of Ireland, an office which he executed by a deputy of his own appointment. In the latter end of the year 1424, he went himself to that country, to protect the great inheritance which he derived from his grandmother Philippa, (daughter to Lionel Duke of Clarence,) from the incursions of some Irish chieftains, who were aided by a body of Scottish rovers; but soon after his arrival died of the plague in his castle at Trim, in January 1424–5. This Edmond Mortimer was, I believe, confounded by the author of this play, and by the old historians, with his kinsman, who was perhaps about thirty years old at his death. Edmond Mortimer was born in December 1392, and consequently at the time of his death was thirty-two years old. This family had great possessions in Ireland, in consequence of the marriage of Lionel Duke of Clarence with the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, about 1353, and were long connected with that country. Lionel was for some time Viceroy of Ireland, and was created by his father Edward III. Duke of Clarence, in consequence of possessing the honour of Clare, in the county of Thomond. Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, who married Philippa the duke's only daughter, succeeded him in the government of Ireland, and died in his office, at St. Dominick's Abbey, near Cork, in December 1381. His son, Roger Mortimer, was twice Vicegerent of Ireland, and was slain at a place called Kenles, in Ossory, in 1398. Edmund his son, the Mortimer of this play, was, as has been already mentioned, Chief Governor of Ireland, in the years 1423, and 1424, and died there in 1425. His nephew and heir, Richard Duke of York, (the Plantagenet of this play,) was in 1449 constituted Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for ten years, with extraordinary powers; and his son George Duke of Clarence (who was afterwards murdered in the Tower) was born in the Castle of Dublin, in 1450. This prince filled the same office which so many of his ancestors had possessed, being constituted Chief Governor of Ireland for life, by his brother King Edward IV. in the third year of his reign. Perhaps I have been mistaken in one assertion which I have made in the former part of this note; Mortimer probably did not take his title of Clarence from his great Irish possessions, (as I have suggested) but rather from his wife's mother, Elizabeth le Clare, third daughter of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloster, and sister to Gilbert de Clare, the last (of that name) Earl of Gloster, who founded Clare Hall in Cambridge. The error concerning Edmund Mortimer, brother-in-law to Richard Earl of Cambridge, having been “kept in captivity untill he died,” seems to have arisen from the legend of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Yorke, in The Mirrour for Magistrates, 1575, where the following lines are found: “His cursed son ensued his cruel path, “And kept my guiltless cousin strait in durance, “For whom my father hard entreated hath, “But living hopeless of his life's assurance, “He thought it best by politick procurance “To slay the king, and so restore his friend; “Which brought himself to an infamous end. “So when king Henry, of that name the fift, “Had tane my father in his conspiracie, “He, from Sir Edmund all the blame to shift, “Was faine to say, the French king Charles, his ally, “Had hired him this traiterous act to try; “For which condemned shortly he was slain: “In helping right this was my father's gain.” Malone. It is objected that Shakspeare has varied from the truth of history, to introduce this scene between Mortimer and Richard Plantagenet; as the former served under Henry V. in 1422, and died unconfined in Ireland, in 1424. In the third year of Henry the Sixth, 1425, and during the time that Peter Duke of Coimbra was entertained in London, “Edmonde Mortimer (says Hall) the last erle of Marche of that name (which long tyme had bene restrayned from hys liberty, and fynally waxed lame,) disceased without yssue, whose inheritance descended to lord Richard Plantagenet,” &c. Holinshed has the same words; and these authorities, though the fact be otherwise, are sufficient to prove that Shakspeare, or whoever was the author of the play, did not intentionally vary from the truth of history to introduce the present scene. The historian does not, indeed, expressly say that the Earl of March died in the Tower; but one cannot reasonably suppose that he meant to relate an event which he knew had happened to a free man in Ireland, as happening to a prisoner during the time that a particular person was in London. But, whereever he meant to lay the scene of Mortimer's death, it is clear that the author of this play understood him as representing it to have happened in a London prison; an idea, if indeed his words will bear any other construction, a preceding passage may serve to corroborate: “The erle of March (he has observed) was ever kepte in the courte under such a keper that he could nether doo or attempte any thyng agaynste the kyng wythout his knowledge, and dyed without issue.” I am aware, and could easily show, that some of the most interesting events, not only in the Chronicles of Hall and Holinshed, but in the Histories of Rapin, Hume, and Smollet, are perfectly fabulous and unfounded, which are nevertheless constantly cited and regarded as incontrovertible facts. But, if modern writers, standing, as it were, upon the shoulders of their predecessors, and possessing innumerable other advantages, are not always to be depended on, what allowances ought we not to make for those who had neither Rymer, nor Dugdale, nor Sandford to consult, who could have no access to the treasuries of Cotton or Harley, nor were permitted the inspection of a public record? If this were the case with the historian, what can be expected from the dramatist? He naturally took for fact what he found in history, and is by no means answerable for the misinformation of his authority. Ritson.

Note return to page 125 8Let dying Mortimer here rest himself.] I know not whether Milton did not take from this hint the lines with which he opens his tragedy. Johnson. Rather from the beginning of the last scene of the third Act of the Phœnissæ of Euripides: Tiresias. &GRHs;&grg;&gro;&gruc; &grp;&graa;&grr;&gro;&gri;&grq;&gre;, &grq;&grua;&grg;&gra;&grt;&gre;&grr;, &grwr;&grst; &grt;&gru;&grf;&grl;&grwc; &grp;&gro;&grd;&grig; &GROs;&grf;&grq;&gra;&grl;&grm;&grog;&grst; &gre;&grisc; &grs;&grug;, &grn;&gra;&gru;&grb;&graa;&grt;&gra;&gri;&grs;&gri;&grn; &grasa;&grs;&grt;&grr;&groa;&grn; &grwsa;&grst;. &grD;&gre;&gru;&grr;&grap; &gre;&grisc;&grst; &grt;&grog; &grl;&gre;&gru;&grr;&grog;&grn; &grp;&grea;&grd;&gro;&grn; &grisa;&grx;&grn;&gro;&grst; &grt;&gri;&grq;&gre;&gric;&grs;) &gres;&grm;&grog;&grn;, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 126 9&lblank; pursuivants of death,] Pursuivants. The heralds that, forerunning death, proclaim its approach. Johnson.

Note return to page 127 1&lblank; like lamps whose wasting oil is spent,] So, in King Richard II.: “My oil-dry'd lamp, and time-bewasted light &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 128 2&lblank; as drawing to their exigent:] Exigent, end. Johnson. So, in Doctor Dodypoll, a comedy, 1600: “Hath driven her to some desperate exigent.” Steevens.

Note return to page 129 3And pithless arms,] Pith was used for marrow, and figuratively, for strength. Johnson. In the first of these senses it is used in Othello: “For since these arms of mine had seven years' pith &lblank;.” And, figuratively, in Hamlet: “And enterprizes of great pith and moment &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 130 4Since Henry Monmouth first began to reign,— This loathsome sequestration have I had;] Here again, the author certainly is mistaken. See p. 68, n. 7. Malone.

Note return to page 131 5&lblank; the arbitrator of despairs, Just death, kind umpire of men's miseries;] That is, he that terminates or concludes misery. The expression is harsh and forced. Johnson. The same idea is expressed with greater propriety in Romeo and Juliet: “'Twixt my extremes and me this bloody knife “Shall play the umpire, arbitrating that,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 132 6&lblank; late-despised &lblank;] i. e. lately despised. M. Mason.

Note return to page 133 7&lblank; I'll tell thee my disease.] Disease seems to be here uneasiness, or discontent. Johnson. It is so used by other ancient writers, and by Shakspeare in Coriolanus. Thus likewise, in Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. iii. c. v.: “But labour'd long in that deep ford with vain disease.” That to disease is to disturb, may be known from the following passages in Chapman's version of the Iliad and Odyssey: “But brother, hye thee to the ships, and Idomen disease.” i. e. wake him. B. vi. edit. 1598. Again, Odyss. book vi.: “&lblank; with which he declin'd “The eyes of any waker when he pleas'd, “And any sleeper, when he wish'd, diseas'd.” Again, in the ancient metrical history of The Battle of Floddon: “He thought the Scots might him disease   “With constituted captains meet.” Steevens.

Note return to page 134 8&lblank; his nephew Richard;] Thus the old copy. Modern editors read—“his cousin,” but without necessity. Nephew has sometimes the power of the Latin nepos, and is used with great laxity among our ancient English writers. Thus in Othello, Iago tells Brabantio—he shall “have his nephews (i. e. the children of his own daughter) neigh to him.” Steevens. It would be surely better to read cousin, the meaning which nephew ought to have in this place. Mr. Steevens only proves that the word nephews is sometimes used for grand-children, which is very certain. Both uncle and nephew might, however, formerly signify cousin. See the Menegiana, vol. ii. p. 193. In The Second Part of the Troublesome Raigne of King John, Prince Henry calls his cousin the Bastard, “uncle.” Ritson. I believe the mistake here arose from the author's ignorance; and that he conceived Richard to be Henry's nephew. Malone.

Note return to page 135 9&lblank; young king Richard &lblank;] Thus the second folio. The first omits—king, which is necessary to the metre. Steevens.

Note return to page 136 1&lblank; the third son &lblank;] The article—the, which is necessary to the metre, is omitted in the first folio, but found in the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 137 2&lblank; in this haughty great attempt,] Haughty is high. Johnson. So, in the fourth Act: “Valiant and virtuous, full of haughty courage.” Steevens.

Note return to page 138 3Levied an army;] Here is again another falsification of history. Cambridge levied no army, but was apprehended at Southampton, the night before Henry sailed from that town for France, on the information of this very Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March. Malone.

Note return to page 139 4Thou art my heir; the rest, I wish thee gather:] The sense is—I acknowledge thee to be my heir; the consequences which may be collected from thence, I recommend it to thee to draw. Heath.

Note return to page 140 5And, like a mountain, not to be remov'd.] Thus Milton, Par. Lost, book iv.: “Like Teneriff or Atlas, unremov'd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 141 6O, uncle, 'would some part of my young years Might but redeem, &c.] This thought has some resemblance to that of the following lines, which are supposed to be addressed by a married lady, who died very young, to her husband. The inscription is, I think, in the church of Trent: Immatura perî; sed tu diuturnior annos   Vive meos, conjux optime, vive tuos. Malone. This superstition is very ancient. Some traces of it may be found in the traditions of the Rabbins; it is enlarged upon in the Alcestes of Euripides; and such offers ridiculed by Juvenal, Sat. xii. Dion Cassius in Vit. Hadrian, fol. edit. Hamburgh, vol. ii. p. 1160, insinuates, “That Hadrian sacrificed his favourite Antinous with this design.” See Reimari Annotat. in loc: “De nostris annis, tibi Jupiter augeat annos,” said the Romans to Augustus. See Lister's Journey to Paris, p. 221. Vaillant.

Note return to page 142 7&lblank; as the slaught'rer doth, Which giveth many wounds, when one will kill.] The same thought occurs in Hamlet: “Like to a murdering-piece, in many places “Gives me superfluous death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 143 8&lblank; and fair be all thy hopes!] Mortimer knew Plantagenet's hopes were fair, but that the establishment of the Lancastrian line disappointed them: sure, he would wish, that his nephew's fair hopes might have a fair issue. I am persuaded the poet wrote: “&lblank; and fair befal thy hopes!” Theobald. This emendation is received by Sir Thomas Hanmer and Dr. Warburton. I do not see how the readings differ in sense. Fair is lucky, or prosperous. So we say, a fair wind, and fair fortune. Johnson. Theobald's amendment is unnecessary, and proceeded from his confounding Plantagenet's hopes with his pretensions. His pretensions were well founded, but his hopes were not. M. Mason.

Note return to page 144 9Chok'd with ambition of the meaner sort:] So, in the preceding scene: “Go forward, and be chok'd with thy ambition.” Steevens. We are to understand the speaker as reflecting on the ill fortune of Mortimer, in being always made a tool of by the Percies of the North in their rebellious intrigues; rather than in asserting his claim to the crown, in support of his own princely ambition. Warburton. It rather means, ‘oppressed by those whose right to the crown was not so good as his own.’ Boswell.

Note return to page 145 1Or make my ill &lblank;] In former editions: “Or make my will th' advantage of my good.” So all the printed copies; but with very little regard to the poet's meaning. I read: “Or make my ill th' advantage of my good.” Thus we recover the antithesis of the expression. Theobald. My ill, is my ill usage. Malone. This sentiment resembles another of Falstaff, in The Second Part of King Henry IV.: “I will turn diseases to commodity.” Steevens.

Note return to page 146 2The Parliament-House.] This parliament was held in 1426, at Leicester, though the author of this play has represented it to have been held in London. King Henry was now in the fifth year of his age. In the first parliament which was held at London shortly after his father's death, his mother Queen Katharine brought the young King from Windsor to the metropolis, and sat on the throne of the parliament-house with the infant in her lap. Malone.

Note return to page 147 4If I were covetous, ambitious, or perverse,] I suppose this redundant line originally stood— “Were I covetous, ambitious,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 148 5Thou bastard of my grandfather,] The Bishop of Winchester was an illegitimate son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, by Katharine Swynford, whom the Duke afterwards married. Malone.

Note return to page 149 6&lblank; the protector,] I have added the article—the, for the sake of metre. Steevens.

Note return to page 150 7This Rome shall remedy.] The old copy, unmetrically— “Rome shall remedy this.” The transposition is Sir Thomas Hanmer's. Steevens.

Note return to page 151 8Roam thither then.] Roam to Rome. To roam is supposed to be derived from the cant of vagabonds, who often pretended a pilgrimage to Rome. Johnson. The jingle between roam and Rome is common to other writers. So, in Nash's Lenten Stuff, &c. 1599: “&lblank; three hundred thousand people roamed to Rome for purgatorie pills,” &c. Steevens. Our author seems to have pronounced this word differently. See Julius Cæsar: “Now is it Rome indeed and room enough.” Boswell.

Note return to page 152 9Som. My lord, it were your duty to forbear, &c.] This line, in the old copy, is joined to the former hemistich spoken by Warwick. The modern editors have very properly given it to Somerset, for whom it seems to have been designed. “Ay, see the bishop be not overborne,” was as erroneously given in the next speech to Somerset, instead of Warwick, to whom it has been since restored. Steevens. The correction was made by Mr. Theobald. Malone.

Note return to page 153 1&lblank; unaccustom'd fight &lblank;] Unaccustom'd is unseemly, indecent. Johnson. The same epithet occurs again in Romeo and Juliet, where it seems to mean—“such as is uncommon, not in familiar use:” “Shall give him such an unaccustom'd dram.” Steevens.

Note return to page 154 2&lblank; but his majesty:] Old copy, redundantly— “&lblank; but to his majesty.” Perhaps the line originally ran thus: “To none inferior, but his majesty.” Steevens.

Note return to page 155 3&lblank; an inkhorn mate,] A bookman. Johnson. It was a term of reproach at the time towards men of learning or men affecting to be learned. George Pettie in his Introduction to Guazzo's Civil Conversation, 1586, speaking of those he calls nice travellers, says, “if one chance to derive anie word from the Latine, which is insolent to their ears, (as perchance they will take that phrase to be) they forthwith make a jest at it, and tearme it an Inkhorne tearme.” Reed.

Note return to page 156 4Stay, stay, I say!] Perhaps the words—I say, should be omitted, as they only serve to disorder the metre, and create a disagreeable repetition of the word—say, in the next line. Steevens.

Note return to page 157 5My lord protector, yield;] Old copy—“Yield, my lord protector.” This judicious transposition was made by Sir T. Hanmer, Steevens.

Note return to page 158 6&lblank; hath a kindly gird.] i. e. feels an emotion of kind remorse. Johnson. A kindly gird is a gentle or friendly reproof. Falstaff observes, that “men of all sorts take a pride to gird at him:” and, in The Taming of the Shrew, Baptista says: “Tranio hits you now:” to which Lucentio answers: “I thank thee for that gird, good Tranio.” Steevens. The word gird does not here signify reproof, as Steevens supposes, but a twitch, a pang, a yearning of kindness. M. Mason. I wish Mr. M. Mason had produced any example of gird used in the sense for which he contends. I cannot supply one for him, or I most readily would. Steevens. Mr. Malone in a note on a passage in Coriolanus, vol. xiv. p. 21, n. 2, says, that to gird means to pluck, or twinge, and informs us that Cotgrave makes gird and twinge synonymous. M. Mason. But nothing is said of a yearning of kindness. Boswell.

Note return to page 159 7&lblank; kind duke of Gloster.] For the sake of metre, I could wish to read— “&lblank; most kind duke,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 160 8&lblank; that alone,] By a mistake probably of the transcriber, the old copy reads—“that all alone.” The correction was made by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 161 9&lblank; reguerdon &lblank;] Recompence, return. Johnson. It is perhaps a corruption of—regardum, middle Latin. See vol. iv. p. 333, n. 5. Steevens.

Note return to page 162 1Burns under feigned ashes of forg'd love,] Ignes suppositos cineri doloso. Hor. Malone.

Note return to page 163 2So will this base and envious discord breed.] That is, so will the malignity of this discord propagate itself, and advance. Johnson.

Note return to page 164 3His days may finish, &c.] The Duke of Exeter died shortly after the meeting of this parliament, and the Earl of Warwick was appointed governor or tutor to the King in his room. Malone.

Note return to page 165 4&lblank; the gates of Roüen,] Here, and throughout the play, in the old copy, we have Roan, which was the old spelling of Rouen. The word, consequently, is used as a monosyllable. See the next page, l. 4, and last line but one. Malone. I do not perceive the necessity of considering Roüen here as a monosyllable. Would not the verse have been sufficiently regular, had the scene been in England, and authorized Shakspeare to write (with a dissyllabical termination, familiar to the drama)— “These are the city gates, the gates of London?” Steevens. If the verse elsewhere requires it to be a monosyllable, and if it was spelt as such, I think my position is sufficiently certain. Malone.

Note return to page 166 5Our sacks shall be a mean to sack the city,] Falstaff has the same quibble, showing his bottle of sack: “Here's that will sack a city.” Steevens.

Note return to page 167 6Qui est là?] Old copy—Che la. For the emendation I am answerable. Malone. Late editions—Qui va la? Steevens.

Note return to page 168 7Here enter'd Pucelle, and her practisants:] Practice, in the language of that time, was treachery, and perhaps in the softer sense stratagem. Practisants are therefore confederates in stratagems. Johnson. So, in the Induction to The Taming of The Shrew: “Sirs, I will practice on this drunken man.” Steevens.

Note return to page 169 8Where is &lblank;] Old copy—Here is. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 170 9No way to that,] That is, no way equal to that, no way so fit as that. Johnson. So, in The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “There is no woe to his correction.” Steevens.

Note return to page 171 1France, thou shalt rue this, &c.] So, in King John: “France, thou shalt rue this hour,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 172 2That hardly we escap'd the pride of France.] Pride signifies the haughty power. The same speaker says afterwards, Act IV. Sc. VI.: “And from the pride of Gallia rescu'd thee.” One would think this plain enough. But what won't a puzzling critick obscure! Mr. Theobald says—Pride of France is an absurd and unmeaning expression, and therefore alters it to prize of France; and in this is followed by the Oxford editor. Warburton. Dr. Warburton, I believe, has rightly explained the force of the word—pride, which indeed is as unfamiliarly used by Chapman, in his version of the tenth Iliad: “And therefore will not tempt his fate, nor ours, with further pride.” Again, in the eleventh Iliad: “&lblank; he died “Far from his newly-married wife, in aid of foreign pride.” Our author, however, in King Henry V. has the same phrase: “&lblank; could entertain “With half their forces the full pride of France.” Steevens.

Note return to page 173 3&lblank; Alenç,] Alençon Sir T. Hanmer has replaced here, instead of Reignier, because Alençon, not Reignier, appears in the ensuing scene. Johnson.

Note return to page 174 4&lblank; darnel;] So, in King Lear: “Darnel, and all the idle weeds that grow “In our sustaining corn.” “Darnel (says Gerard) hurteth the eyes, and maketh them dim, if it happen either in corne for breade, or drinke.” Hence the old proverb—Lolio victitare, applied to such as were dim-sighted. Thus also, Ovid, Fast. i. 691: Et careant loliis oculos vitiantibus agri. Pucelle means to intimate, that the corn she carried with her, had produced the same effect on the guards of Roüen; otherwise they would have seen through her disguise, and defeated her stratagem. Steevens. Darnel is the lolium temulentum, so called, because when the seeds happen to be ground with corn, the bread made of this mixture always occasions giddiness and sickness in those who eat it. It resembles wheat in its appearance, whence Dr. Campbell is of opinion, that it was the &grz;&gri;&grz;&gra;&grn;&gri;&gra; of St. Matth. xiii. 25, improperly rendered tares in our authorized version. Blakeway.

Note return to page 175 5&lblank; we came, sir, but to tell you &lblank;] The word—sir, which is wanting in the first folio, was judiciously supplied by the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 176 6&lblank; once I read, That stout Pendragon, in his litter, &c.] This hero was Uther Pendragon, brother to Aurelius, and father to King Arthur. Shakspeare has imputed to Pendragon an exploit of Aurelius, who, says Holinshed, “even sicke of a flixe as he was, caused himselfe to be carried forth in a litter: with whose presence his people were so incouraged, that encountering with the Saxons they wan the victorie.” Hist. of Scotland, p. 99. Harding, however, in his Chronicle (as I learn from Dr. Grey) gives the following account of Uther Pendragon: “For which the king ordain'd a horse-litter “To bear him so then unto Verolame, “Where Ocea lay, and Oysa also in fear, “That saint Albones now hight of noble fame, “Bet down the walles; but to him forth they came, “Where in battayle Ocea and Oysa were slayn. “The fielde he had, and thereof was full fayne.” Steevens.

Note return to page 177 7&lblank; save myself by flight;] I have no doubt that it was the exaggerated representation of Sir John Fastolfe's cowardice which the author of this play has given, that induced Shakspeare to give the name of Falstaff to his knight. Sir John Fastolfe did indeed fly at the battle of Patay in the year 1429; and is reproached by Talbot in a subsequent scene, for his conduct on that occasion; but no historian has said that he fled before Rouen. Malone.

Note return to page 178 8Dies, &c.] The Duke of Bedford died at Rouen in September, 1435, but not in any action before that town. Malone.

Note return to page 179 9What, all a-mort?] i. e, quite dispirited; a frequent Gallicism. So, in The Taming of the Shrew: “What, sweeting! all a-mort?” Steevens.

Note return to page 180 1&lblank; take some order &lblank;] i. e. make some necessary dispotions. So, in The Comedy of Errors: “Whilst to take order for the wrong I went.” See also Othello, Sc. ult. Steevens.

Note return to page 181 2A braver soldier never couched lance,] So, in a subsequent scene, p. 102: “A stouter champion never handled sword.” The same phrase is expressed with more animation in the Third Part of this play: “&lblank; braver men “Ne'er spur'd their coursers at the trumpet's sound.” Steevens.

Note return to page 182 3&lblank; corrosive.] Should we not read a corrosive? Boswell.

Note return to page 183 4But be extirped from our provinces.] To extirp is to root out. So, in Lord Sterline's Darius, 1603: “The world shall gather to extirp our name.” Steevens.

Note return to page 184 5&lblank; expuls'd from France,] i. e. expelled. So, in Ben Jonson's Sejanus: “The expulsed Apicata finds them there.” Again, in Drayton's Muses Elizium: “And if you expulse them there, “They'll hang upon your braided hair.” Steevens.

Note return to page 185 6As looks the mother on her lowly babe,] It is plain Shakspeare wrote—lovely babe, it answering to fertile France above, which this domestic image is brought to illustrate. Warburton. The alteration is easy and probable, but perhaps the poet by lowly babe meant the babe lying low in death. Lowly answers as well to towns defaced and wasting ruin, as lovely to fertile. Johnson.

Note return to page 186 7They set him free, &c.] A mistake: The Duke was not liberated till after Burgundy's decline to the French interest; which did not happen, by the way, till some years after the execution of this very Joan la Pucelle; nor was that during the regency of York, but of Bedford. Ritson.

Note return to page 187 8&lblank; these haughty words of hers Have batter'd me like roaring cannon-shot,] How these lines came hither I know not; there was nothing in the speech of Joan haughty or violent, it was all soft entreaty and mild expostulation. Johnson. Haughty does not mean violent in this place, but elevated, high-spirited. It is used in a similar sense, in two other passages in this very play. In a preceding scene Mortimer says: “But mark; as in this haughty, great attempt, “They laboured to plant the rightful heir &lblank;.” And again, in the next scene, Talbot says: “Knights of the Garter were of noble birth, “Valiant, and virtuous; full of haughty courage.” At first interview with Joan, the Dauphin says: “Thou hast astonish'd me with thy high terms;” meaning, by her high terms, what Burgundy here calls her haughty words. M. Mason. That haughty signifies elevated or exalted, may be ascertained by the following passage in a very scarce book entitled, A Courtlie Controversie of Cupid's Cautels, &c. Translated out of French, by H. W. [Henry Wotton] Gentleman, 4to. 1578, p. 235: “Among which troupe of base degree, God forbid I should place you deare lady Parthenia, for both the haughtie bloud whereof you are extraught, and also the graces wherewith the heauens with contention have enobled you, worthily deserueth your person should be preferred of all men, among the most excellent Princesses.” Steevens.

Note return to page 188 9Done, like a Frenchman; turn, and turn again!] The inconstancy of the French was always the subject of satire. I have read a dissertation written to prove that the index of the wind upon our steeples was made in form of a cock, to ridicule the French for their frequent changes. Johnson. So afterwards: “In France, amongst a fickle wavering nation.” Malone. In Othello we have the same phrase: “Sir, she can turn, and turn, and yet go on, “And turn again.” Steevens.

Note return to page 189 1Is this the lord Talbot, uncle Gloster,] Sir Thomas Hanmer supplies the apparent deficiency, by reading— “Is this the fam'd lord Talbot,” &c. So, in Troilus and Cressida: “My well fam'd lord of Troy &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 190 2I do remember how my father said,] The author of this play was not a very correct historian. Henry was but nine months old when his father died, and never even saw him. Malone.

Note return to page 191 3&lblank; resolved of your truth,] i. e. confirmed in opinion of it. So, in the Third Part of this play: “&lblank; I am resolv'd “That Clifford's manhood lies upon his tongue.” Steevens.

Note return to page 192 4Or been reguerdon'd &lblank;] i. e. rewarded. The word was obsolete even in the time of Shakspeare. Chaucer uses it in the Boke of Boethius. Steevens.

Note return to page 193 5&lblank; these colours that I wear &lblank;] This was the badge of a rose, and not an officer's scarf. So, in Love's Labour's Lost, Act III. Scene the last: “And wear his colours like a tumbler's hoop.” Tollet.

Note return to page 194 6That, who so draws a sword, 'tis present death;] Shakspeare wrote: “&lblank; draws a sword i' th' presence 't's death;” i. e. in the court, or in the presence chamber. Warburton. This reading cannot be right, because, as Mr. Edwards observed, it cannot be pronounced. It is, however, a good comment, as it shows the author's meaning. Johnson. I believe the line should be written as it is in the folio: “That, who so draws a sword &lblank;,” i. e. (as Dr. Warburton has observed,) with a menace in the court, or in the presence chamber. Johnson, in his collection of Ecclesiastical Laws, has preserved the following, which was made by Ina, king of the West Saxons, 693: “If any one fight in the king's house, let him forfeit all his estate, and let the king deem whether he shall live or not.” I am told that there are many other ancient canons to the same purpose. Grey. Steevens. Sir William Blackstone observes that, “by the ancient law before the Conquest, fighting in the king's palace, or before the king's judges, was punished with death. So too, in the old Gothic constitution, there were many places privileged by law, ‘quibus major reverentia et securitas debetur, ut templa et judicia quæ sancta habebantur,—arces et aula regis,—denique locus quilibet presente aut adventante rege.’ And at present with us, by the Stat. 33 Hen. VIII. c. xii. malicious striking in the king's palace, wherein his royal person resides, whereby blood is drawn, is punishable by perpetual imprisonment and fine, at the king's pleasure, and also with loss of the offender's right hand, the solemn execution of which sentence is prescribed in the statute at length.” Commentaries, vol. iv. p. 124. “By the ancient common law, also before the Conquest, striking in the king's court of justice, or drawing a sword therein, was a capital felony.” Ibid. p. 125. Reed.

Note return to page 195 7&lblank; such as shall pretend &lblank;] To pretend is to design, to intend. Johnson. So, in Macbeth: “What good could they pretend?” Steevens.

Note return to page 196 8To tear the garter from thy craven's leg,] Thus the old copy. Steevens. The last line should run thus: “&lblank; from thy craven leg.” i. e. thy mean, dastardly leg. Whalley. To take the epithet expressing cowardice from the person, and to apply it to his leg, is surely no very obvious improvement. Boswell.

Note return to page 197 9&lblank; at the battle of Patay,] The old copy has—Poictiers. The error was pointed out by Mr. Steevens. Malone. The battle of Poictiers was fought in the year 1357, the 31st of King Edward III. and the scene now lies in the 7th year of the reign of King Henry VI. viz. 1428. This blunder may be justly imputed to the players or transcribers; nor can we very well justify ourselves for permitting it to continue so long, as it was too glaring to have escaped an attentive reader. The action of which Shakspeare is now speaking, happened (according to Holinshed) “neere unto a village in Beausse called Pataie,” which we should read, instead of Poictiers. “From this battell departed without anie stroke striken, Sir John Fastolfe, the same yeere by his valiantnesse elected into the order of the garter. But for doubt of misdealing at this brunt, the duke of Bedford tooke from him the image of St. George and his garter,” &c. Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 601. Monstrelet, the French historian, also bears witness to this degradation of Sir John Fastolfe. Steevens.

Note return to page 198 1&lblank; haughty courage,] Haughty is here in its original sense for high. Johnson.

Note return to page 199 2&lblank; in most extremes.] i. e. in greatest extremities. So, Spenser: “&lblank; they all repair'd, both most and least.” See vol. xi. p. 258, n. 9. Steevens.

Note return to page 200 3Pretend some alteration in good will?] Thus the old copy. To pretend seems to be here used in its Latin sense, i. e. to hold out, to stretch forward. It may mean, however, as in other places, to design. Modern editors read—portend. Steevens.

Note return to page 201 4My lord, how say you?] Old copy— “How say you, my lord?” The transposition is Sir T. Hanmer's. Steevens.

Note return to page 202 5&lblank; I am prevented,] Prevented is here, anticipated; a Latinism. Malone. So, in our Liturgy: “Prevent us, O Lord, in all our doings.” Prior is, perhaps, the last English poet who used this verb in its obsolete sense: “Else had I come, preventing Sheba's queen, “To see the comeliest of the sons of men.” Solomon, book ii. Steevens.

Note return to page 203 6&lblank; did repugn the truth,] To repugn is to resist. The word is used by Chaucer. Steevens. It is found in Bullokar's English Expositor, 8vo. 1616. Malone.

Note return to page 204 7And, if I wist, he did, &lblank;] In former editions: “And, if I wish, he did &lblank;.” By the pointing reformed, and a single letter expunged, I have restored the text to its purity: “And, if I wis, he did &lblank;.” Warwick had said, the King meant no harm in wearing Somerset's rose: York testily replies, “Nay, if I know any thing, he did think harm.” Theobald. This is followed by the succeeding editors, and is indeed plausible enough; but perhaps this speech may become sufficiently intelligible without any change, only supposing it broken: “And if—I wish—he did &lblank;.” or, perhaps: “And if he did—I wish &lblank;.” Johnson. I read—I wist, the pret, of the old obsolete verb I wis, which is used by Shakspeare in The Merchant of Venice: “There be fools alive, I wis, “Silver'd o'er, and so was this.” Steevens. York says, he is not pleased that the King should prefer the red rose, the badge of Somerset, his enemy; Warwick desires him not to be offended at it, as he dares say the King meant no harm. To which York, yet unsatisfied, hastily adds, in a menacing tone, —If I thought he did;—but he instantly checks his threat with, let it rest. It is an example of a rhetorical figure, which our author has elsewhere used. Thus, in Coriolanus: “An 'twere to give again—But 'tis no matter.” Mr. Steevens is too familiar with Virgil, not to recollect his— Quos ego—sed motos præstat componere fluctus. The author of the Revisal understood this passage in the same manner. Ritson.

Note return to page 205 8&lblank; it doth presage some ill event,] That is, it doth presage to him that sees this discord, &c. that some ill event will happen. Malone.

Note return to page 206 9'Tis much,] In our author's time this phrase meant—'Tis strange, or wonderful. This meaning being included in the word much, the word strange is perhaps understood in the next line: “But more strange,” &c. The construction, however, may be, ‘But 'tis much more, when,’ &c. Malone. 'Tis much, is a colloquial phrase; and the meaning of it, in many instances, can be gathered only from the tenor of the speech in which it occurs. On the present occasion, I believe, it signifies —'Tis an alarming circumstance, a thing of great consequence, or of much weight. Steevens. I learn from Mr. Wilbraham's Glossary, that much still bears, in Cheshire, the meaning ascribed to it by Mr. Malone: “Much, s. a wonder, an extraordinary thing.” Yet, I think, in the present instance, Mr. Steevens is right. Boswell.

Note return to page 207 1&lblank; when envy breeds unkind division;] Envy in old English writers frequently means enmity. Unkind is unnatural. See vol. vi. p. 411, n. 8. Malone.

Note return to page 208 2Lean famine, quartering steel, and climbing fire;] The author of this play followed Hall's Chronicle: “The Goddesse of warre, called Bellona—hath these three hand maides ever of necessitie attendyng on her; Bloud, Fire, and Famine; whiche thre damosels be of that force and strength that every one of them alone is able and sufficient to torment and afflict a proud prince; and they all joyned together are of puissance to destroy the most populous countrey and most richest region of the world.” Malone. It may as probably be asserted that our author followed Holinshed, from whom I have already quoted a part of this passage in a note on the first Chorus to King Henry V. See Holinshed, p. 567. Steevens. If the author of this play in general followed Hall, it is most probable that he followed him here also. Malone.

Note return to page 209 3&lblank; the offer of their love.] Thus the old editions. Sir T. Hanmer altered it to our. Johnson. “Their love” may mean, the peaceable demeanour of my three attendants; their forbearing to injure you. But the expression is harsh. Malone. There is much such another line in King Henry VIII.: “If you omit the offer of the time.” I believe the reading of Sir T. Hanmer should be adopted. Steevens.

Note return to page 210 4To rive their dangerous artillery &lblank;] I do not understand the phrase—to rive artillery; perhaps it might be to drive; we say to drive a blow, and to drive at a man, when we mean to express furious assault. Johnson. To rive seems to be used, with some deviation from its common meaning, in Antony and Cleopatra, Act IV. Sc. II.: “The soul and body rive not more at parting.” Steevens. Rive their artillery seems to mean, charge their artillery so much as to endanger their bursting. So, in Troilus and Cressida, Ajax bids the trumpeter blow so loud, as to crack his lungs and split his brazen pipe. Tollet. To rive their artillery means only to fire their artillery. To rive is to burst; and a cannon, when fired, has so much the appearance of bursting, that, in the language of poetry, it may be well said to burst. We say, a cloud bursts, when it thunders. M. Mason.

Note return to page 211 5&lblank; due thee withal;] To due is to endue, to deck, to grace. Johnson. Johnson says in his Dictionary, that to due is to pay as due; and quotes this passage as an example. Possibly that may be the true meaning of it. M. Mason. It means, I think, to honour by giving thee thy due, thy merited elogium. Due was substituted for dew, the reading of the old copy, by Mr. Theobald. Dew was sometimes the old spelling of due, as Hew was of Hugh. Malone. The old copy reads—“dew thee withal;” and perhaps rightly. The dew of praise is an expression I have met with in other poets. Shakspeare uses the same verb in Macbeth: “To dew the sovereign flow'r, and drown the weeds.” Again, in The Second Part of King Henry VI.: “&lblank; give me thy hand, “That I may dew it with my mournful tears.” Steevens.

Note return to page 212 6He fables not,] This expression Milton has borrowed in his Masque at Ludlow Castle: “She fables not, I feel that I do fear &lblank;.” It occurs again in The Pinner of Wakefield, 1599: “&lblank; good father, fable not with him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 213 7&lblank; be then in blood:] Be in high spirits, be of true mettle. Johnson. This was a phrase of the forest. See Love's Labour's Lost, vol. iv. p. 352, n. 3: “The deer was, as you know, in sanguis, blood.” Again, in Bullokar's English Expositor, 1616: “Tenderlings. The soft tops of a deere's horns, when they are in blood.” Malone.

Note return to page 214 8Not rascal-like,] A rascal deer is the term of chase for lean poor deer. Johnson. See vol. xvii. p. 73, n. 4. Steevens.

Note return to page 215 9&lblank; with heads of steel,] Continuing the image of the deer, he supposes the lances to be their horns. Johnson.

Note return to page 216 1&lblank; dear deer of us,] The same quibble occurs in King Henry IV. Part I.: “Death hath not struck so fat a deer to-day, “Though many dearer,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 217 2And I am lowted &lblank;] To lowt may signify to depress, to lower, to dishonour; but I do not remember it so used. We may read—And I am flouted; I am mocked, and treated with contempt. Johnson. To lout, in Chaucer, signifies to submit. To submit is to let down. So, Dryden: “Sometime the hill submits itself a while “In small descents,” &c. To lout and underlout, in Gawin Douglas's version of the Æneid, signifies to be subdued, vanquished. Steevens. I believe the meaning is: I am treated with contempt like a lowt, or low country fellow. Malone. Mr. Malone's explanation of the word—lowted, is strongly countenanced by the following passage in an ancient libel upon priests, intitled, I playne Piers which cannot flatter, a Ploweman Men me call, &c.: “No christen booke “Maye thou on looke,   “Yf thou be an Englishe strunt; “Thus dothe alyens us lowtte “By that ye spreade aboute,   “After that old sorte and wonte.” Again, in the last poem in a collection called The Phœnix Nest, 4°. 1593: “So love was louted.” i. e. baffled. Again, in Arthur Hall's translation of the first book of Homer, 4°. 1581: “You wel shal know of al these folke I wil not be the lout.” Agamemnon is the speaker. Steevens.

Note return to page 218 3Enter Sir William Lucy.] In the old copy we have only— Enter a Messenger. But it appears from the subsequent scene that the messenger was Sir William Lucy. Malone.

Note return to page 219 4&lblank; girdled with a waist of iron,] So, in King John: “&lblank; those sleeping stones, “That as a waist do girdle you about &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 220 5&lblank; are done.] i. e. expended, consumed. The word is yet used in this sense in the Western counties. Malone.

Note return to page 221 6&lblank; the vulture &lblank;] Alluding to the tale of Prometheus. Johnson.

Note return to page 222 7&lblank; all his gloss of former honour,] Our author very frequently employs this phrase. So, in Much Ado About Nothing: “&lblank; the new gloss of your marriage.” It occurs also in Love's Labour's Lost, and in Macbeth, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 223 8&lblank; from bought and sold Lord Talbot;] i. e. from one utterly ruined by the treacherous practices of others. So, in King Richard III.: “Jocky of Norfolk, be not too bold, “For Dickon thy master is bought and sold.” The expression appears to have been proverbial. See vol. xv. p. 356, n. 4. Malone.

Note return to page 224 9&lblank; ring'd about &lblank;] Environed, encircled. Johnson. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “Enrings the barky fingers of the elm.” Steevens.

Note return to page 225 1&lblank; his weak legions.] Old copy—regions. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 226 2&lblank; in advantage ling'ring,] Protracting his resistance by the advantage of a strong post. Johnson. Or, perhaps, endeavouring by every means that he can, with advantage to himself, to linger out the action, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 227 3&lblank; worthless emulation.] In this line, emulation signifies merely rivalry, not struggle for superior excellence. Johnson. So Ulysses, in Troilus and Cressida, says that the Grecian chiefs were— “&lblank; grown to an envious fever “Of pale and bloodless emulation.” M. Mason.

Note return to page 228 4Yields &lblank;] Thus the second folio: the first—yield. Steevens.

Note return to page 229 5&lblank; and Burgundy,] And, which is necessary to the metre, is wanting in the first folio, but is supplied by the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 230 6&lblank; a feast of death,] To a field where death will be feasted with slaughter. Johnson. So, in King Richard II.: “This feast of battle, with mine adversary.” Steevens.

Note return to page 231 7&lblank; unavoided &lblank;] for unavoidable. Malone. So, in King Richard II.: “And unavoided is the danger now.” Steevens.

Note return to page 232 8&lblank; noble Talbot stood.] For what reason this scene is written in rhyme, I cannot guess. If Shakspeare had not in other plays mingled his rhymes and blank verses in the same manner, I should have suspected that this dialogue had been a part of some other poem which was never finished, and that being loath to throw his labour away, he inserted it here. Johnson. This practice was common to all his contemporaries. See the Essay on Shakspeare's Versification. Boswell.

Note return to page 233 9&lblank; your regard &lblank;] Your care of your own safety. Johnson.

Note return to page 234 1&lblank; fair son, Born to eclipse, &c.] An apparent quibble between son and sun. So, in King Richard III.: “And turns the sun to shade;—alas, alas!— “Witness my son, now in the shade of death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 235 2O twice my father! twice am I thy son:] A French epigram, on a child, who being shipwrecked with his father saved his life by getting on his parent's dead body, turns on the same thought. After describing the wreck, it concludes thus: &lblank; aprez mille efforts, J'apperçus prez de moi flotter des membres morts;   Helas! c'etoit mon pere.   Je le connus, je l'embrassai, Et sur lui jusq' au port heureusement poussé,   Des ondes et vents j'evitai la furie.   Que ce pere doit m'etre cher,   Qui m'a deux fois donné la vie,   Une fois sur la terre, et l'autre sur la mer! Malone.

Note return to page 236 3&lblank; and done;] See p. 119, n. 5. Malone.

Note return to page 237 4To my determin'd time &lblank;] i. e. ended. So, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “Till his friend sickness hath determin'd me.” Steevens. The word is still used in that sense by legal conveyancers. Malone.

Note return to page 238 5When from the Dauphin's crest thy sword struck fire,] So, in Drayton's Mortimeriados, 1596: “Made fire to fly from Hertford's burgonet.” Steevens.

Note return to page 239 6'Tis but the short'ning of my life one day:] The structure of this line very much resembles that of another, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “&lblank; to say, “Heaven shorten Harry's happy life one day.” Steevens.

Note return to page 240 7The sword of Orleans hath not made me smart, These words of yours draw life-blood from my heart:] “Are there not poisons, racks, and flames, and swords? “That Emma thus must die by Henry's words?” Prior. Malone. So, in this play, Part III.: “Ah, kill me with thy weapon, not with words.” Steevens.

Note return to page 241 8On that advantage, bought with such a shame, (To save a paltry life, and slay bright fame,)] This passage seems to lie obscure and disjointed. Neither the grammar is to be justified; nor is the sentiment better. I have ventured at a slight alteration, which departs so little from the reading which has obtained, but so much raises the sense, as well as takes away the obscurity, that I am willing to think it restores the author's meaning: “Out on that vantage &lblank;.” Theobald. Sir T. Hanmer reads: “O what advantage &lblank;,” which I have followed, though Mr. Theobald's conjecture may be well enough admitted. Johnson. I have no doubt but the old reading is right, and the amendment unnecessary; the passage being better as it stood originally, if pointed thus: “On that advantage, bought with such a shame, “(To save a paltry life, and slay bright fame,) “Before young Talbot from old Talbot fly, “The coward horse, that bears me, fall and die!” The dividing the sentence into two distinct parts, occasioned the obscurity of it, which this method of printing removes. M. Mason. The sense is—Before young Talbot fly from his father, (in order to save his life while he destroys his character,) on, or for the sake of, the advantages you mention, namely, preserving our household's name, &c. may my coward horse drop down dead! Malone.

Note return to page 242 9And like me to the peasant boys of France;] To like one to the peasants, is, to compare, to level by comparison; the line is therefore intelligible enough by itself, but in this sense it wants connection. Sir T. Hanmer reads,—And leave me, which makes a clear sense and just consequence. But as change is not to be allowed without necessity, I have suffered like to stand, because I suppose the author meant the same as make like, or reduce to a level with. Johnson. So, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “&lblank; when the Prince broke thy head for liking his father to a singing man,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 243 1&lblank; thy desperate sire of Crete, Thou Icarus;] So, in the Third Part of this play: “What a peevish fool was that of Crete?” Again: “I, Dædalus; my poor boy, Icarus &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 244 2Triumphant death, smear'd with captivity!] That is, death stained and dishonoured with captivity. Johnson. Death stained by my being made a captive and dying in captivity. The author, when he first addresses death, and uses the epithet triumphant, considers him as a person who had triumphed over him by plunging his dart in his breast. In the latter part of the line, if Dr. Johnson has rightly explained it, death must have its ordinary signification. “I think light of my death, though rendered disgraceful by captivity,” &c. Perhaps, however, the construction intended by the poet was—Young Talbot's valour makes me, smeared with captivity, smile, &c. If so, there should be a comma after captivity. Malone.

Note return to page 245 3Tend'ring my ruin,] Watching me with tenderness in my fall. Johnson. I would rather read— “Tending my ruin,” &c. Tyrwhitt. I adhere to the old reading. So, in Hamlet, Polonius says to Ophelia: “&lblank; Tender yourself more dearly.” Steevens. Again, in King Henry VI. Part II.: “I tender so the safety of my liege.” Malone.

Note return to page 246 4&lblank; the Body of John Talbot.] This John Talbot was the eldest son of the first Earl by his second wife, and was Viscount Lisle, when he was killed with his father, in endeavouring to relieve Chatillon, after the battle of Bourdeaux, in the year 1453. He was created Viscount Lisle in 1451. John, the Earl's eldest son by his first wife, was slain at the battle of Northampton, in 1460. Malone.

Note return to page 247 5Thou antick death,] The fool, or antick of the play, made sport by mocking the graver personages. Johnson. In King Richard II. we have the same image: “&lblank; within the hollow crown “That rounds the mortal temples of a king “Keeps death his court: and there the antick sits “Scoffing his state, and grinning at his pomp.” Steevens. It is not improbable that Shakspeare borrowed this idea from one of the cuts to that most exquisite work called Imagines Mortis, commonly ascribed to the pencil of Holbein, but without any authority. See the 7th print. Douce.

Note return to page 248 6&lblank; winged through the lither sky,] Lither is flexible or yielding. In much the same sense Milton says: “&lblank; He with broad sails “Winnow'd the buxom air.” That is, the obsequious air. Johnson. Lither is the comparative of the adjective lithe. So, in Lyly's Endymion, 1591: “&lblank; to breed numbness or litherness.” Litherness is limberness, or yielding weakness. Again, in Look About You, 1600: “I'll bring his lither legs in better frame.” Milton might have borrowed the expression from Spenser or Gower, who uses it in the Prologue to his Confessio Amantis: “That unto him whiche the head is, “The membres buxom shall bowe.” In the old service of matrimony, the wife was enjoined to be buxom both at bed and board. Buxom, therefore, anciently signified obedient or yielding. Stubbs, in his Anatomie of Abuses, 1595, uses the word in the same sense: “&lblank; are so buxome to their shameless desires,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 249 7&lblank; raging-wood,] That is, raging mad. So, in Heywood's Dialogues, containing a number of effectual Proverbs, 1562: “She was, as they say, horn-wood.” Again, in The Longer thou livest the more Fool thou art, 1570: “He will fight as he were wood.” Steevens.

Note return to page 250 8&lblank; in Frenchman's blood!] The return of rhyme where young Talbot is again mentioned, and in no other place, strengthens the suspicion that these verses were originally part of some other work, and were copied here only to save the trouble of composing new. Johnson.

Note return to page 251 9&lblank; of a giglot wench:] Giglot is a wanton, or a strumpet. Johnson. The word is used by Gascoigne and other authors, though now quite obsolete. So, in the play of Orlando Furioso, 1594: “Whose choice is like that Greekish giglot's love, “That left her lord, prince Menelaus.” See vol. ix. p. 197, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 252 1&lblank; in the bowels of the French,] So, in the first part of Jeronimo, 1605: “Meet, Don Andrea! yes, in the battle's bowels.” Steevens.

Note return to page 253 2Herald, Conduct me to the Dauphin's tent; to know Who hath obtain'd &lblank;] Lucy's message implied that he knew who had obtained the victory: therefore Sir T. Hanmer reads: “Herald, conduct me to the Dauphin's tent,” Johnson.

Note return to page 254 3Where is the great Alcides &lblank;] Old copy—But where's. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. The compositor probably caught the word but from the preceding line. Malone.

Note return to page 255 4Great earl of Washford,] It appears from Camden's Britannia and Holinshed's Chronicle of Ireland, that Wexford was anciently called Weysford. In Crompton's Mansion of Magnanimitie it is written as here, Washford. This long list of titles is taken from the epitaph formerly fixed on Lord Talbot's tomb in Roüen in Normandy. Where this author found it, I have not been able to ascertain, for it is not in the common historians. The oldest book in which I have met with it is the tract above mentioned, which was printed in 1599, posterior to the date of this play. Numerous as this list is, the epitaph has one more, which, I suppose, was only rejected because it would not easily fall into the verse, “Lord Lovetoft of Worsop.” It concludes as here,— “Lord Falconbridge, Knight of the noble order of St. George, St. Michael, and the golden fleece, Great Marshall to King Henry VI. of his realm in France, who died in the battle of Bourdeaux, 1453.” Malone.

Note return to page 256 5The Turk, &c.] Alluding probably to the ostentatious letter of Sultan Solyman the Magnificent, to the Emperor Ferdinand, 1562; in which all the Grand Seignor's titles are enumerated. See Knolles's History of the Turks, 5th edit. p. 789. Grey.

Note return to page 257 6&lblank; amaze &lblank;] i. e. (as in other instances) confound, throw into consternation. So, in Cymbeline: “I am amaz'd with matter &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 258 7&lblank; let him have 'em;] Old copy—have him. So, a little lower,—do with him. The first emendation was made by Mr. Theobald; the other by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 259 8But from their ashes shall be rear'd A phœnix, &c.] The defect in the metre shows that some word of two syllables was inadvertently omitted; probably an epithet to ashes. Malone. So, in the Third Part of this play: “My ashes, as the phœnix, shall bring forth “A bird that will revenge upon you all.” Sir Thomas Hanmer, with great probability, reads: “But from their ashes, Dauphin,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 260 9So we be rid of them, do with 'em what thou wilt.] I suppose, for the sake of metre, the useless words—with 'em shouid be omitted. Steevens.

Note return to page 261 1Act V. Scene I.] In the original copy, the transcriber or printer forgot to mark the commencement of the fifth Act; and has by mistake called this scene, Scene II. The editor of the second folio made a very absurd regulation by making the Act begin in the middle of the preceding scene, (where the Dauphin, &c. enter, and take notice of the dead bodies of Talbot and his son,) which was inadvertently followed in subsequent editions. Malone.

Note return to page 262 2&lblank; immanity &lblank;] i. e. barbarity, savageness. Steevens.

Note return to page 263 3&lblank; my years are young;] His majesty, however, was twenty-four years old. Malone.

Note return to page 264 4What! is my lord of Winchester install'd, And call'd unto a cardinal's degree!] This, (as Mr. Edwards has observed in his MS. notes,) argues a great forgetfulness in the poet. In the first Act Gloster says: “I'll canvass thee in thy broad cardinal's hat:” And it is strange that the Duke of Exeter should not know of his advancement. Steevens. It should seem from the stage-direction prefixed to this scene, and from the conversation between the Legate and Winchester, that the author meant it to be understood that the bishop had obtained his cardinal's hat only just before his present entry. The inaccuracy, therefore, was in making Gloster address him by that title in the beginning of the play. He in fact obtained it in the fifth year of Henry's reign. Malone.

Note return to page 265 5That, neither in birth,] I would read—for birth. That is, thou shalt not rule me, though thy birth is legitimate, and thy authority supreme. Johnson.

Note return to page 266 6&lblank; parts,] Old copies—parties. Steevens.

Note return to page 267 7&lblank; ye charming spells, and periapts;] Charms sowed up. Ezek. xiii. 18: “Woe to them that sow pillows to all arm-holes, to hunt souls.” Pope. Periapts were worn about the neck as preservatives from disease or danger. Of these, the first chapter of St. John's Gospel was deemed the most efficacious. Whoever is desirous to know more about them, may consult Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, 1584, p. 230, &c. Steevens. The following story, which is related in Wits, Fits, and Fancies, 1595, proves what Mr. Steevens has asserted: “A cardinal seeing a priest carrying a cudgel under his gown, reprimanded him. His excuse was, that he only carried it to defend himself against the dogs of the town. Wherefore, I pray you, replied the cardinal, serves St. John's Gospel? Alas, my lord, said the priest, these curs understand no Latin.” Malone.

Note return to page 268 8&lblank; monarch of the north,] The north was always supposed to be the particular habitation of bad spirits. Milton, therefore, assembles the rebel angels in the north. Johnson. The boast of Lucifer in the xivth chapter of Isaiah is said to be, that he “will sit upon the mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north.” Steevens.

Note return to page 269 9Out of the powerful regions under earth,] I believe Shakspeare wrote—legions. Warburton. “The regions under earth” are ‘the infernal regions.’ Whence else should the sorceress have selected or summoned her fiends? Steevens. In a former passage, regions seems to have been printed instead of legions; at least all the editors from the time of Mr. Rowe have there substituted the latter word instead of the former. See p. 120, n. 1. The word cull'd, and the epithet powerful, which is applicable to the fiends themselves, but not to their place of residence, show that it has an equal title to a place in the text here. So, in The Tempest: “&lblank; But one fiend at a time, “I'll fight their legions o'er.” Malone.

Note return to page 270 1Where &lblank;] i. e. whereas. So, in Pericles, Prince of Tyre: “Where now you're both a father and a son.” Steevens.

Note return to page 271 2&lblank; vail her lofty-plumed crest,] i. e. lower it. So, in The Merchant of Venice: “Vailing her high top lower than her ribs.” See vol. v. p. 9, n. 1. Steevens.

Note return to page 272 3As if, with Circe, &c.] So, in The Comedy of Errors: “I think, you all have drank of Circe's cup.” Steevens.

Note return to page 273 4Fell, banning hag!] To ban is to curse. So, in The Jew of Malta, 1633: “I ban their souls to everlasting pains.” Steevens.

Note return to page 274 5I kiss these fingers for eternal peace:] In the old copy these lines are thus arranged and pointed: “For I will touch thee but with reverent hands, “I kiss these fingers for eternal peace, “And lay them gently on thy tender side.” By which Suffolk is made to kiss his own fingers, a symbol of peace of which, there is, I believe, no example. The transposition was made, I think, rightly, by Mr. Capell. In the old edition, as here, there is only a comma after “hands,” which seems to countenance the regulation now made. To obtain something like sense, the modern editors were obliged to put a full point at the end of that line. In confirmation of the transposition here made, let it be remembered that two lines are in like manner misplaced in Troilus and Cressida, Act I. fol. 1623: “Or like a star dis-orb'd; nay, if we talk of reason, “And fly like a chidden Mercury from Jove.” Again, in King Richard III. Act IV. Sc. IV.: “That reigns in galled eyes of weeping souls, “That excellent grand tyrant of the earth.” Malone.

Note return to page 275 7&lblank; her wings] Old copy—his. This manifest error I only mention, because it supports a note in vol. vi. p. 506, n. 4, and justifies the change there made. Her was formerly spelt hir; hence it was often confounded with his. Malone.

Note return to page 276 8My hand would free her, but my heart says—no.] Thus, in The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “&lblank; my heart accords thereto, “And yet a thousand times it answers—no.” Steevens.

Note return to page 277 9As plays the sun upon the glassy streams, &c.] This comparison, made between things which seem sufficiently unlike, is intended to express the softness and delicacy of Lady Margaret's beauty, which delighted, but did not dazzle; which was bright, but gave no pain by its lustre. Johnson. Thus, Tasso: Qual raggio in onda, le scintilla un riso Negli umidi occhi tremulo &lblank;. Henley. Sidney, in his Astrophel and Stella, serves to support Dr. Johnson's explanation: “Lest if no vaile these brave gleames did disguise, “They, sun-like, should more dazle than delight.”

Note return to page 278 1&lblank; disable not thyself;] Do not represent thyself so weak. To disable the judgment of another was, in that age, the same as to destroy its credit or authority. Johnson. So, in As You Like it, Act V.: “If again, it was not well cut, he disabled my judgment.” Steevens.

Note return to page 279 2Hast not a tongue? is she not here thy prisoner?] The words—thy prisoner, which are wanting in the first folio, are found in the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 280 3&lblank; and makes the senses rough.] The meaning of this word is not very obvious. Sir Thomas Hanmer reads—crouch. Malone.

Note return to page 281 4She is a woman; therefore to be won.] This seems to be a proverbial line, and occurs in Greene's Planetomachia, 1585. Steevens.

Note return to page 282 5&lblank; a cooling card.] So, in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “I'll have a present cooling card for you.” Steevens.

Note return to page 283 6&lblank; a wooden thing.] Is an aukward business, an undertaking not likely to succeed. So, in Lyly's Galathea, 1592: “Would I were out of these woods, for I shall have but wooden luck.” Again, in Sidney's Astrophel and Stella: “Or, seeing, have so woodden wits as not that worth to know.” Again, in The Knave of Spades, &c. no date: “To make an end of that same wooden phrase.” Steevens. Again, in Bacon's Essays, 1628: “It is sport to see a bold fellow out of countenance, for that puts his face into a most shrunken and wooden posture. Malone.

Note return to page 284 7&lblank; my fancy &lblank;] i. e. my love. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “Fair Helena in fancy following me.” See vol. v. p. 301, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 285 8If thou wilt condescend to be my &lblank;] I have little doubt that the words—be my, are an interpolation, and that the passage originally stood thus: “If thou wilt condescend to &lblank; “What? “His love.” Both sense and measure are then complete. Steevens.

Note return to page 286 9&lblank; face, or feign,] “To face (says Dr. Johnson) is to carry a false appearance; to play the hypocrite.” Hence the name of one of the characters in Ben Jonson's Alchymist. Malone. So, in The Taming of the Shrew: “Yet have I faced it with a card of ten.” Steevens.

Note return to page 287 1Since thou dost deign to woo her little worth, &c.] “To woo her little worth” may mean ‘to court her small share of merit.’ But perhaps the passage should be pointed thus: “Since thou dost deign to woo her, little worth “To be the princely bride of such a lord;” i. e. little deserving to be the wife of such a prince. Malone.

Note return to page 288 2&lblank; the county Maine,] Maine is called a county both by Hall and Holinshed. The old copy erroneously reads—country. Malone.

Note return to page 289 3&lblank; modesty &lblank;] Old copy—modesty. Corrected by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 290 4To send such peevish tokens &lblank;] Peevish, for childish. Warburton. See a note on Cymbeline, vol. xiii. p. 49, n. 9: “He's strange and peevish.” Steevens.

Note return to page 291 5Mad, natural graces &lblank;] So the old copy. The modern editors have been content to read—her natural graces. By the word mad, however, I believe the poet only meant wild or uncultivated. In the former of these significations he appears to have used it in Othello: “&lblank; he she lov'd prov'd mad.” Which Dr. Johnson has properly interpreted. We call a wild girl, to this day, a mad-cap. In Macer's Herball, practysyd by Doctor Linacre; Translated out of Laten into Englyshe, &c. bl. l. no date, the epithet mad seems also to be used in an uncommon sense: “The vertue of this herbe [lactuca leporica] is thus: yf a hare eat of this herbe in s&obar;mer whan he is mad, he shall be hole.” Mad, in some of the ancient books of gardening, is used as an epithet to plants which grow rampant and wild. Steevens. In The Two Noble Kinsmen, 1634, mad is used in the same manner as in the text: “Is it not mad lodging in these wild woods here?” Again, in Nashe's Have With You to Saffron Walden, 1596: “&lblank; with manie more madde tricks of youth never plaid before.” Malone. It is possible that Steevens may be right in asserting that the word mad, may have been used to express wild; but I believe it was never used as descriptive of excellence, or as applicable to grace. The passage is in truth erroneous, as is also the amendment of former editors. That which I should propose is, to read and, instead of mad, words that might easily have been mistaken for each other: “Bethink thee of her virtues that surmount, “And natural graces, that extinguish art.” That is, think of her virtues that surmount art, and of her natural graces that extinguish it. M. Mason.

Note return to page 292 6&lblank; kills thy father's heart &lblank;] This phrase occurs likewise in King Henry V. and The Winter's Tale. Steevens.

Note return to page 293 7&lblank; timeless &lblank;] Is untimely. So, in Drayton's Legend of Robert Duke of Normandy: “Thy strength was buried in his timeless death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 294 8Decrepit miser!] Miser has no relation to avarice in this passage, but simply means a miserable creature. So, in the interlude of Jacob and Esau, 1568: “But as for these misers within my father's tent &lblank;.” Again, in Lord Sterline's tragedy of Crœsus, 1604: “Or think'st thou me of judgement too remiss,   “A miser that in miserie remains, “The bastard child of fortune, barr'd from bliss,   “Whom heaven doth hate, and all the world disdains?” Again, in Holinshed, p. 760, where he is speaking of the death of Richard III.: “And so this miser, at the same verie point, had like chance and fortune,” &c. Again, p. 951, among the last words of Lord Cromwell: “&lblank; for if I should so doo, I were a very wretch and a miser.” Again, ibid.: “&lblank; and so patiently suffered the stroke of the ax, by a ragged and butcherlie miser, which ill-favouredlie performed the office.” Steevens.

Note return to page 295 9This argues what her kind of life hath been; Wicked and vile; and so her death concludes.] So, in this play, Part II. Act III. Sc. III.: “So bad a death argues a monstrous life.” Steevens.

Note return to page 296 1&lblank; that thou wilt be so obstacle!] A vulgar corruption of obstinate, which I think has oddly lasted since our author's time till now. Johnson. The same corruption may be met with in Gower, and other writers. Thus, in Chapman's May-Day, 1611: “An obstacle young thing it is.” Again, in The Tragedy of Hoffman, 1631: “Be not obstacle, old duke.” Steevens.

Note return to page 297 2&lblank; a collop of my flesh;] So, in The History of Morindos and Miracola, 1609, quarto, bl. l.: “&lblank; yet being his second selfe, a collop of his own flesh,” &c. Ritson. So, in The Winter's Tale, vol. xiv. p. 250: “Most dearest! my collop.” Malone.

Note return to page 298 3&lblank; my noble birth. Shep. 'Tis true, I gave a noble &lblank;] This passage seems to corroborate an explanation, somewhat far-fetched, which I have given in King Henry IV. of the nobleman and royal man. Johnson.

Note return to page 299 4Not me &lblank;] I believe the author wrote—Not one. Malone.

Note return to page 300 5No, misconceived!] i. e. No, ye misconceivers, ye who mistake me and my qualities. Steevens.

Note return to page 301 6That warranteth by law to be thy privilege.] The useless words—to be, which spoil the measure, are an evident interpolation. Steevens.

Note return to page 302 7Alençon! that notorious Machiavel!] Machiavel being mentioned somewhat before his time, this line is by some of the editors given to the players, and ejected from the text. Johnson. The character of Machiavel seems to have made so very deep an impression on the dramatick writers of this age, that he is many times as prematurely spoken of. So, in The Valiant Welchman, 1615, one of the characters bids Caradoc, i. e. Caractacus, “&lblank; read Machiavel: “Princes that would aspire, must mock at hell.” Again: “&lblank; my brain “Italianates my barren faculties “To Machiavelian blackness.” Steevens.

Note return to page 303 9&lblank; till mischief, and despair, Drive you to break your necks, or hang yourselves!] Perhaps Shakspeare intended to remark, in this execration, the frequency of suicide among the English, which has been commonly imputed to the gloominess of their air. Johnson.

Note return to page 304 1&lblank; remorse &lblank;] i. e. compassion, pity. So, in Measure for Measure: “If so your heart were touch'd with that remorse “As mine is to him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 305 2&lblank; poison'd voice,] Poison'd voice agrees well enough with baneful enemies, or with baleful, if it can be used in the same sense. The modern editors read—prison'd voice. Johnson. Prison'd was introduced by Mr. Pope. Malone.

Note return to page 306 3&lblank; baleful enemies.] Baleful is sorrowful; I therefore rather imagine that we should read—baneful, hurtful, or mischievous. Johnson. Baleful had anciently the same meaning as baneful. It is an epithet very frequently bestowed on poisonous plants and reptiles. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “With baleful weeds, and precious-juiced flowers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 307 4&lblank; with a coronet;] Coronet is here used for a crown. Johnson. So, in King Lear, vol. x. p. 15: “&lblank; which to confirm, “This coronet part between you.” These are the words of Lear, when he gives up his crown to Cornwall and Albany. Steevens.

Note return to page 308 5&lblank; upon comparison?] Do you stand to compare your present state, a state which you have neither right or power to maintain, with the terms which we offer? Johnson.

Note return to page 309 6&lblank; accept the title thou usurp'st, Of benefit &lblank;] Benefit is here a term of law. Be content to live as the beneficiary of our king. Johnson.

Note return to page 310 7So am I driven,] This simile is somewhat obscure; he seems to mean, that as a ship is driven against the tide by the wind, so he is driven by love against the current of his interest. Johnson.

Note return to page 311 8&lblank; at a triumph &lblank;] That is, at the sports at which a triumph is celebrated. Johnson. A triumph, in the age of Shakspeare, signified a public exhibition, such as a mask, a revel, &c. Thus, in King Richard II.: “What news from Oxford? hold those justs and triumphs?” Steevens. See A Midsummer-Night's Dream, vol. v. p. 176, n. 5. Malone.

Note return to page 312 9&lblank; my good lord,] Good, which is not in the old copy, was added for the sake of the metre, in the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 313 1&lblank; by attorneyship;] By the intervention of another man's choice; or the discretional agency of another. Johnson. This is a phrase of which Shakspeare is peculiarly fond. It occurs twice in King Richard III.: “Be the attorney of my love to her.” Again: “I, by attorney, bless thee from thy mother.” Steevens.

Note return to page 314 2It most &lblank;] The word It, which is wanting in the old copy, was inserted by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 315 3Whereas the contrary bringeth forth bliss,] The word— forth, which is not in the first folio, was supplied, I think, unnecessarily, by the second. Contrary was, I believe, used by the author as a quadrisyllable, as if it were written conterary; according to which pronunciation the metre is not defective: “Whereas the conterary bringeth bliss.” In the same manner Shakspeare frequently uses Henry as a trisyllable, and hour and fire as dissyllables. See vol. iv. p. 31, and p. 137. Malone. I have little confidence in this remark. Such a pronunciation of the word contrary is, perhaps, without example. Hour and fire were anciently written as dissyllables, viz. hower—fier. Steevens.

Note return to page 316 4Will answer our hope in issue of a king;] The useless word —our, which destroys the harmony of this line, I suppose ought to be omitted. Steevens.

Note return to page 317 5As I am sick with working of my thoughts.] So, in Shakspeare's King Henry V.: “Work, work your thoughts, and therein see a siege,” Malone.

Note return to page 318 6If you do censure me, &c.] To censure is here simply to judge. “If in judging me you consider the past frailties of your own youth.” Johnson.

Note return to page 319 7&lblank; ruminate my grief.] Grief in the first line is taken generally for pain or uneasiness; in the second specially for sorrow. Johnson.

Note return to page 320 [8] [Exit.] Of this play there is no copy earlier than that of the folio in 1623, though the two succeeding parts are extant in two editions in quarto. That the second and third parts were published without the first, may be admitted as no weak proof that the copies were surreptitiously obtained, and that the printers of that time gave the publick those plays, not such as the author designed, but such as they could get them. That this play was written before the two others is indubitably collected from the series of events; that it was written and played before Henry the Fifth is apparent, because in the epilogue there is mention made of this play, and not of the other parts: “Henry the sixth in swaddling bands crown'd king, “Whose state so many had the managing, “That they lost France, and made his England bleed: “Which oft our stage hath shown.” France is lost in this play. The two following contain, as the old title imports, the contention of the houses of York and Lancaster. The second and third parts of Henry VI. were printed in 1600. When Henry V. was written, we know not, but it was printed likewise in 1600, and therefore before the publication of the first and second parts. The first part of Henry VI. had been often shown on the stage, and would certainly have appeared in its place, had the author been the publisher. Johnson. That the second and third parts (as they are now called) were printed without the first, is a proof, in my apprehension, that they were not written by the author of the first: and the title of The Contention of the Houses of York and Lancaster, being affixed to the two pieces which were printed in quarto, is a proof that they were a distinct work, commencing where the other ended, but not written at the same time; and that this play was never known by the name of The First Part of King Henry VI. till Heminge and Condell gave it that title in their volume, to distinguish it from the two subsequent plays; which being altered by Shakspeare, assumed the new titles of The Second and Third Parts of King Henry VI. that they might not be confounded with the original pieces on which they were formed. This first part was, I conceive, originally called The Historical Play of King Henry VI. See the Essay at the end of these contested pieces. Malone.

Note return to page 321 1As by your high, &c.] Vide Hall's Chronicle, fol. 66, year 23, init. Pope. It is apparent that this play begins where the former ends, and continues the series of transactions of which it presupposes the first part already known. This is a sufficient proof that the second and third parts were not written without dependance on the first, though they were printed as containing a complete period of history. Johnson.

Note return to page 322 2As procurator to your excellence, &c.] So, in Holinshed, p. 625: “The marquesse of Suffolk, as procurator to King Henrie, espoused the said ladie in the church of Saint Martins. At the which marriage were present the father and mother of the bride; the French king himself that was uncle to the husband, and the French queen also that was aunt to the wife. There were also the dukes of Orleance, of Calabre, of Alanson, and of Britaine, seaven earles, twelve barons, twenty bishops,” &c. Steevens. This passage Holinshed transcribed verbatim from Hall. Malone.

Note return to page 323 †Quarto, royal.

Note return to page 324 3&lblank; that are &lblank;] i. e. to the gracious hands of you, my sovereign, who are, &c. In the old play the line stands: “Unto your gracious excellence that are,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 325 4The mutual conference &lblank;] I am the bolder to address you, having already familiarized you to my imagination. Johnson.

Note return to page 326 5&lblank; mine alder-liefest sovereign,] Alder-lievest is an old English word given to him to whom the speaker is supremely attached: lievest being the superlative of the comparative levar, rather, from lief. So, Hall in his Chronicle, Henry VI. folio 12: “Ryght hyghe and mighty prince, and my ryght noble, and, after one, levest lord.” Warburton. Alder-liefest is a corruption of the German word aler-liebste, beloved above all things, dearest of all. The word is used by Chaucer; and is put by Marston into the mouth of his Dutch courtesan: “O mine alder-liefest love.” Again: “&lblank; pretty sweetheart of mine alder-liefest affection.” Again, in Gascoigne: “&lblank; and to mine alder-lievest lord I must indite.” See Mr. Tyrwhitt's Glossary to Chaucer. Leve or lefe, Sax. dear; Alder or Aller, gen. ca. pl. of all. Steevens.

Note return to page 327 6Makes me, from wondering, fall to weeping joys;] This weeping joy, of which there is no trace in the original play, Shakspeare was extremely fond of; having introduced it in Much Ado About Nothing, King Richard II. Macbeth, and King Lear. This and the preceding speech stand thus in the original play in quarto. I transcribe them, that the reader may be the better able to judge concerning my hypothesis; and shall quote a few other passages for the same purpose. To exhibit all the speeches that Shakspeare has altered, would be almost to print the two plays twice: “Queen. The excessive love I bear unto your grace, “Forbids me to be lavish of my tongue, “Lest I should speake more than beseems a woman. “Let this suffice; my bliss is in your liking; “And nothing can make poor Margaret miserable “Unless the frowne of mightie England's king. “Eng. King. Her lookes did wound, but now her speech doth pierce. “Lovely queen Margaret, sit down by my side; “And uncle Gloster, and you lordly peeres, “With one voice welcome my beloved queen.” Malone.

Note return to page 328 6&lblank; and the county of Maine,] So the chronicles; yet when the Cardinal afterwards reads this article, he says: “It is further agreed—that the dutchies of Anjoy and Maine shall be released and delivered over,” &c. But the words in the instrument could not thus vary, whilst it was passing from the hands of the Duke to those of the Cardinal. For the inaccuracy Shakspeare must answer, the author of the original play not having been guilty of it. This kind of inaccuracy is, I believe, peculiar to our poet; for I have never met with any thing similar in any other writer. He has again fallen into the same impropriety in All's Well That Ends Well. Malone.

Note return to page 329 7Been crown'd &lblank;] The word Been was supplied by Mr. Steevens. Malone.

Note return to page 330 8This peroration with such circumstance?] This speech crouded with so many instances of aggravation. Johnson.

Note return to page 331 9&lblank; whose large style Agrees not with the leanness of his purse.] So Holinshed: “King Reigner hir father, for all his long stile, had too short a purse to send his daughter honourably to the king hir spowse.” Malone.

Note return to page 332 1And are the cities, &c.] The indignation of Warwick is natural, and I wish it had been better expressed; there is a kind of jingle intended in wounds and words. Johnson. In the old play the jingle is different. “And must that then which we won with our swords, be given away with words?” Malone.

Note return to page 333 2&lblank; bickerings.] To bicker is to skirmish. In the ancient metrical romance of Guy Earl of Warwick, bl. l. no date, the heroes consult whether they should bicker on the walls, or descend to battle on the plain. Again, in the genuine ballad of Chevy-Chace: “Bomen bickarte upon the bent “With their browd aras cleare.” Again, in Drayton's Polyolbion, Song 9: “From bickering with his folk to keep us Britains back.” Again, in The Spanish Masquerado, by Greene, 1589: “&lblank; sundry times bickered with our men, and gave them the foyle.” Again, in Holinshed, p. 537: “At another bickering also it chanced that the Englishmen had the upper hand.” Again, p. 572: “At first there was a sharp bickering betwixt them, but in the end victorie remained with the Englishmen.” Levi pugna congredior, is the expresssion by which Barrett in his Alvearie, or Quadruple Dictionary, 1580, explains the word to bicker. Steevens.

Note return to page 334 3And all the wealthy kingdoms of the west,] Certainly Shakspeare wrote—east. Warburton. There are wealthy kingdoms in the west as well as in the east, and the western kingdoms were more likely to be in the thought of the speaker. Johnson.

Note return to page 335 4Pride went before, ambition follows him.] Perhaps in this line there is somewhat of proverbiality. Thus, in A. of Wyntown's Cronykil, book viii. ch. xxvii. v. 177: “Awld men in thare pro&wuml;erbe sayis, “Pryde gâys befor, and schame alwayis “Followys,” &c. Steevens. So, in Proverbs, xvi. 18: “Pride goeth before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall.” Harris.

Note return to page 336 5And, brother York,] Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, married Cicely, the daughter of Ralf Nevil, Earl of Westmoreland, by Joan, daughter to John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, by his third wife, dame Catharine Swinford. Richard Nevil, Earl of Salisbury, was son to the Earl of Westmoreland by a second wife. He married Alice, the only daughter of Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, who was killed at the siege of Orleans [See this play, Part I. Act I. Sc. III.]; and in consequence of that alliance obtained the title of Salisbury in 1428. His eldest son Richard, having married the sister and heir of Henry Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, was created Earl of Warwick in 1449. Malone.

Note return to page 337 6&lblank; to civil discipline;] This is an anachronism. The present scene is in 1445, but Richard Duke of York was not viceroy of Ireland till 1449. Malone.

Note return to page 338 7&lblank; the profit of the land.] I think we might read, more clearly—to profit of the land—i. e. to profit themselves by it; unless 'tend be written for attend, as in King Richard II.: “They tend the crowne, yet still with me they stay.” Steevens. Perhaps tend has here the same meaning as tender in the subsequent scene: “I tender so the safety of my liege.” Or it may have been put for intend; while they have the advantage of the commonwealth as their object. Malone.

Note return to page 339 8Then let's, &c.] The quarto—without such redundancy— “Come, sonnes, away, and looke unto the maine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 340 9&lblank; on a tickle point,] Tickle is very frequently used for ticklish by poets contemporary with Shakspeare. So, Heywood in his Epigrams on Proverbs, 1562: “Time is tickell, we may matche time in this, “For be even as tickell as time is.” Again, in Jeronymo, 1605: “Now stands our fortune on a tickle point.” Again, in Soliman and Perseda, 1599: “The rest by turning of my tickle wheel.” Steevens.

Note return to page 341 1&lblank; the prince's heart of Calydon.] Meleager. Steevens. According to the fable, Meleager's life was to continue only so long as a certain firebrand should last. His mother Althea having thrown it into the fire, he expired in great torments. Malone.

Note return to page 342 2Banish the canker of ambitious thoughts:] So, in King Henry VIII.: “Cromwell, I charge thee fling away ambition.” Steevens.

Note return to page 343 3&lblank; ill-nurtur'd Eleanor!] Ill-nurtur'd, is ill-educated. So, in Venus and Adonis: “Were I hard-favour'd, foul, or wrinkled-old, “Ill nurtur'd, crooked, churlish, harsh in voice.” Malone.

Note return to page 344 †Quarto, this land.

Note return to page 345 4Nay, be not angry, &c.] Instead of this line, we have these two in the old play: “Nay, Nell, I'll give no credit to a dream; “But I would have thee to think on no such things.” Malone.

Note return to page 346 5Whereas the king and queen do mean to hawk.] Whereas is the same as where; and seems to be brought into use only on account of its being a dissyllable. So, in The Tryal of Treasure 1567: “Whereas she is resident, I must needes be.” Again, in Daniel's Tragedy of Cleopatra, 1594: “That I should pass whereas Octavia stands “To view my misery,” &c. Again, in Marius and Sylla, 1594: “But see whereas Lucretius is return'd. “Welcome, brave Roman!” The word is several times used in this piece, as well as in some others; and always with the same sense. Again, in the 51st Sonnet of Lord Sterline, 1604: “I dream'd the nymph, that o'er my fancy reigns, “Came to a part whereas I paus'd alone.” Steevens.

Note return to page 347 6&lblank; Sir John!] A title frequently bestowed on the clergy. See notes on The Merry Wives of Windsor, vol. v. p. 7, and p. 210. Steevens.

Note return to page 348 7With Margery Jourdain, the cunning witch.] It appears from Rymer's Fœdera, vol. x. p. 505, that in the tenth year of King Henry the Sixth, Margery Jourdemayn, John Virley clerk, and friar John Ashwell were, on the ninth of May 1433, brought from Windsor by the constable of the castle, to which they had been committed for sorcery, before the council at Westminster, and afterwards, by an order of council, delivered into the custody of the lord chancellor. The same day it was ordered by the lords of council that whenever the said Virley and Ashwell should find security for their good behaviour they should be set at liberty, and in like manner that Jourdemayn should be discharged on her husband's finding security. This woman was afterwards burned in Smithfield, as stated in the play, and also in the chronicles. Douce.

Note return to page 349 8Duch. It is enough; &c.] This speech stands thus in the old quarto: “Elean. Thanks, good sir John, “Some two days hence, I guess, will fit our time “Then see that they be here “For now the king is riding to St. Albans, “And all the dukes and earls along with him. “When they be gone, then safely may they come, “And on the backside of mine orchard here “There cast their spells in silence of the night, “And so resolve us of the thing we wish:— “Till when, drink that for my sake, and so farewell.” Steevens. Here we have a speech of ten lines, with different versification, and different circumstances, from those of the five which are found in the folio. What imperfect transcript (for such the quarto has been called) ever produced such a variation? Malone.

Note return to page 350 8&lblank; A crafty knave does need no broker;] This is a proverbial sentence. See Ray's Collection. Steevens. It is found also in A Knacke to Knowe a Knave, 1594: “&lblank; Some will say “A crafty knave needs no broker, “But here is a craftie knave and a broker to.” Boswell.

Note return to page 351 9Sort how it will,] Let the issue be what it will. Johnson. See vol. v. p. 481, n. 1. This whole speech is very different in the original play. Instead of the last couplet we find these lines: “But whist, Sir John; no more of that I trow, “For fear you lose your head, before you go.” Malone.

Note return to page 352 1&lblank; in the quill.] In quill is Sir Thomas Hanmer's reading; the rest have—in the quill. Johnson. Perhaps our supplications in the quill, or in quill, means no more than our written or penn'd supplications. We still say, a drawing in chalk, for a drawing executed by the use of a chalk. Steevens. “In the quill” may mean, &mlquo;with great exactness and observance of form,’ or with the utmost punctilio of ceremony. The phrase seems to be taken from part of the dress of our ancestors, whose ruffs were quilled. While these were worn, it might be the vogue to say, such a thing is in the quill, i. e. in the reigning mode of taste. Tollet. To this observation I may add, that after printing began, the similar phrase of a thing being in print was used to express the same circumstance of exactness. “All this, (declares one of the quibbling servants in The Two Gentlemen of Verona,) I say in print, for in print I found it.” Steevens. In quill may be supposed to have been a phrase formerly in use, and the same with the French en quille, which is said of a man, when he stands upright upon his feet without stirring from the place. The proper sense of quille in French is a nine-pin, and, in some parts of England, nine-pins are still called cayls, which word is used in the statute 33 Henry VIII. c. 9. Quelle in the old British language also signifies any piece of wood set upright. Hawkins.

Note return to page 353 2Thy wife too? that is some wrong, indeed.] This wrong seems to have been sometimes practised in our author's time. Among the Lansdowne MSS. we meet with the following singular petition. “Julius Borgarucius to the Lord Treasurer, in Latin, complaining that the Master of the Rolls keeps his wife from him in his own house, and wishes he may not teach her to be a Papist.” Boswell.

Note return to page 354 3That my master was?] The old copy—that my mistress was? The present emendation was supplied by Mr. Tyrwhitt, and has the concurrence of Mr. M. Mason. Steevens. The folio reads—That my mistress was; which has been followed in all subsequent editions. But the context shows clearly that it was a misprint for master. Peter supposes that the Queen had asked, whether the duke of York had said that his master (for so he understands the pronoun he in her speech) was rightful heir to the crown. “That my master was heir to the crown! (he replies.) No, the reverse is the case. My master said, that the duke of York was heir to the crown.” In The Taming of the Shrew, mistress and master are frequently confounded. The mistake arose from these words being formerly abbreviated in MSS.: and an M. stood for either one or the other. See vol. v. p. 396, n. 1. Malone.

Note return to page 355 *The quarto reads: “&lblank; an usurer. “Queen. An usurper, thou would'st say. “Peter. Ay—an usurper.”

Note return to page 356 3She bears a duke's revenues, &c.] See King Henry VIII. Act I. Sc. I. vol. xix. Malone.

Note return to page 357 4&lblank; two dukedoms &lblank;] The duchies of Anjou and Maine, which Henry surrendered to Reignier, on his marriage with Margaret. See Sc. I. p. 170. Malone.

Note return to page 358 5&lblank; lim'd a bush for her;] So, in Arden of Feversham, 1592: “Lime your twigs to catch this weary bird.” Again, in The Tragedy of Mariam, 1612: “A crimson bush that ever limes the soul.” Steevens. In the original play in quarto: “I have set lime-twigs that will entangle them.” Malone.

Note return to page 359 6&lblank; this late complaint &lblank;] That is, The complaint of Peter the armourer's man against his master, for saying that York was the rightful king. Johnson.

Note return to page 360 7&lblank; be denay'd &lblank;] Thus the old copy. I have noted the word only to observe, that denay is frequently used instead of deny, among the old writers. So, in Twelfth-Night: “My love can give no place, bide no denay.” Steevens.

Note return to page 361 8&lblank; his censure:] Through all these plays censure is used in an indifferent sense, simply for judgment or opinion. Johnson. So, in King Richard III.: “To give your censures in this weighty business.” In other plays I have adduced repeated instances to show the word was used by all contemporary writers. Steevens. Johnson's remark is generally true, but surely it is not used in an indifferent sense in Othello, vol. ix. p. 496: “&lblank; To you, lord governor, “Remains the censure of this hellish villain.” Boswell.

Note return to page 362 9Give me my fan:] In the original play the Queen drops not a fan, but a glove: “Give me my glove; why minion, can you not see?” Malone.

Note return to page 363 1I'd set my ten commandments in your face.] So, in the Play of the Four P's, 1569: “Now ten times I beseech him that hie sits, “Thy wifes x com. may serche thy five wits,” Again, in Selimus Emperor of the Turks, 1594: “I would set a tap abroach, and not live in fear of my wife's ten commandments.” Again, in Westward Hoe, 1607: “&lblank; your harpy has set his ten commandments on my back.” Steevens.

Note return to page 364 2Exit Duchess.] The quarto adds, after the exit of Eleanor, the following: “King. Believe me, my love, thou wert much to blame. “I would not for a thousand pounds of gold, “My noble uncle had been here in place,— “But see, where he comes! I am glad he met her not.” Steevens.

Note return to page 365 3She's tickled now;] Tickled is here used as a trisyllable. The editor of the second folio, not perceiving this, reads—“her fume can need no spurs;” in which he has been followed by all the subsequent editors. Malone. Were Mr. Malone's supposition adopted, the verse would still halt most lamentably. I am therefore content with the emendation of the second folio, a book to which we are all indebted for restorations of our author's metre. I am unwilling to publish what no ear, accustomed to harmony, can endure. Steevens. That the line would not be harmonious, is perfectly true; but how many lines equally faulty occur in our old dramatick writers. In the First Part of Henry VI. to instance a few lines out of many, we meet with these: “The Earl of Salisbury craveth supply, p. 17. “I am come to survey the Tower this day,” p. 28. Mr. Steevens himself, p. 24, n. 2, has proposed this line for our adoption: “Out a deal of old iron I chose forth.” For a fuller discussion of this topick, see the Essay on Shakspeare's Metre, vol. ii. Boswell.

Note return to page 366 4&lblank; fast enough &lblank;] The folio reads—farre enough. Corrected by Mr. Pope. Malone.

Note return to page 367 5By these ten bones, &c.] We have just heard a Duchess threaten to set her ten commandments in the face of a Queen. The jests in this play turn rather too much on the enumeration of fingers. This adjuration is, however, very ancient. So, in the mystery of Candlemas-Day, 1512: “But by their bonys ten, thei be to you untrue.” Again, in The longer thou livest the more Fool thou art, 1570: “By these tenne bones I will, I have sworne.” It occurs likewise more than once in the Morality of Hycke Scorner. Again, in Monsieur Thomas, 1637: “By these ten bones, sir, by these eyes and tears.” Steevens.

Note return to page 368 6And let these have a day appointed them, &c.] In the original play, quarto 1600, the corresponding lines stand thus: “The law, my lord, is this. By case it rests suspicious, “That a day of combat be appointed, “And these to try each other's right or wrong, “Which shall be on the thirtieth of this month, “With ebon staves and sandbags combating, “In Smithfield, before your royal majesty.” An opinion has prevailed that The whole Contention, &c. printed in 1600, was an imperfect surreptitious copy of Shakspeare's play as exhibited in the folio; but what spurious copy, or imperfect transcript taken in short-hand, ever produced such variations as these? Malone. Such varieties, during several years, were to be found in every MS. copy of Mr. Sheridan's then unprinted Duenna, as used in country theatres. The dialogue of it was obtained piece-meal, and connected by frequent interpolations. Steevens.

Note return to page 369 7Here Mr. Theobald inserted the following lines for the reason he has given below. Boswell. “K. Hen. Then be it so. My lord of Somerset, “We make your grace lord regent o'er the French.” These two lines I have inserted from the old quarto; and, as I think, very necessarily. For, without them, the King has not declared his assent to Gloster's opinion: and the Duke of Somerset is made to thank him for the regency before the King has deputed him to it. Theobald. The plea urged by Theobald for their introduction is, that otherwise Somerset thanks theKing before he had declared his appointment; but Shakspeare, I suppose, thought Henry's assent might be expressed by a nod. Somerset knew that Humphrey's doom was final; as likewise did the Armourer, for he, like Somerset, accepts the combat, without waiting for the King's confirmation of what Gloster had said. Shakspeare therefore not having introduced the following speech, which is found in the first copy, we have no right to insert it. That it was not intended to be preserved, appears from the concluding line of the present scene, in which Henry addresses Somerset; whereas in the quarto, Somerset goes out, on his appointment. This is is one of those minute circumstances which may be urged to show that these plays, however afterwards worked up by Shakspeare, were originally the production of another author, and that the quarto edition of 1600 was printed from the copy originally written by that author, whoever he was. Malone. After the lines inserted by Theobald, the King continues his speech thus: “&lblank; over the French; “And to defend our rights 'gainst foreign foes, “And so do good unto the realm of France. “Make haste, my lord; 'tis time that you were gone: “The time of truce, I think, is full expir'd. “Som. I humbly thank your royal majesty, “And take my leave, to post with speed to France. “[Exit Somerset. “King. Come, uncle Gloster; now let's have our horse, “For we will to St. Albans presently. “Madam, your hawk, they say, is swift of flight, “And we will try how she will fly to-day. “[Exeunt omnes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 370 8Enter, &c.] The quarto reads: “Enter Eleanor, Sir John Hum, Roger Bolingbrook a conjurer, and Margery Jourdaine a witch. “Eleanor. Here, sir John, take this scroll of paper here, “Wherein is writ the questions you shall ask: “And I will stand upon this tower here, “And hear the spirit what it says to you; “And to my questions write the answers down. “[She goes up to the tower.” Steevens.

Note return to page 371 9&lblank; our exorcisms!] The word exorcise, and its derivatives, are used by Shakspeare in an uncommon sense. In all other writers it means to lay spirits, but in these plays it invariably means to raise them. So, in Julius Cæsar, Ligarius says— “Thou, like an exorcist, hast conjur'd up “My mortified spirit.” M. Mason.

Note return to page 372 1Deep night, dark night, the silent of the night,] The silent of the night is a classical expression, and means an interlunar night.—Amica silentia lunæ. So, Pliny, Inter omnes verò convenit, utilissimè in coitu ejus sterni, quem diem alii interlunii, alii silentis lunæ appellant. Lib. xvi. cap. 39. In imitation of this language, Milton says: “The sun to me is dark, “And silent as the moon, “When she deserts the night, “Hid in her vacant interlunar cave.” Warburton. I believe this display of learning might have been spared. Silent, though an adjective, is used by Shakspeare as a substantive. So, in The Tempest, the vast of night is used for the greatest part of it. The old quarto reads, “the silence of the night.” The variation between the copies is worth notice: “Bolingbroke makes a circle. “Bol. Dark night, dread night, the silence of the night, “Wherein the furies mask in hellish troops, “Send up, I charge you, from Cocytus' lake, “The spirit Ascalon to come to me; “To pierce the bowels of this centrick earth, “And hither come in twinkling of an eye! “Ascalon, ascend, ascend!” In a speech already quoted from the quarto, Eleanor says, they have— “&lblank; cast their spells in silence of the night.” And in the ancient Interlude of Nature, bl. l. no date, is the same expression: “Who taught the nyghtyngall to recorde besyly “Her strange entunes in sylence of the nyght?” Again, in The Faithful Shepherdess of Fletcher: “Through still silence of the night, “Guided by the glow-worm's light.” Steevens. Steevens's explanation of this passage is evidently right; and Warburton's observations on it, though long, learned, and laborious, are nothing to the purpose. Bolingbroke does not talk of the silence of the moon, but of the silence of the night; nor is he describing the time of the month, but the hour of the night. M. Mason.

Note return to page 373 2&lblank; ban-dogs howl,] I was unacquainted with the etymology of this word, till it was pointed out to me by an ingenious correspondent in the Supplement to The Gentleman's Magazine, for 1789, who signs himself D. T.: “Shakspeare's ban-dog (says he) is simply a village-dog, or mastiff, which was formerly called a band-dog, per syncopen, ban-dog.” In support of this opinion he quotes Caius de Canibus Britannicis: “Hoc genus canis, etiam catenarium, à catena vel ligamento, qua ad januas interdiu detinetur, ne lædat, et tamen latratu terreat, appellatur. —Rusticos, shepherds' dogs, mastives, et bandogs, nominavimus.” Steevens. Ban-dog is certainly a corruption of band-dog; or rather the first d is suppressed here, as in other compound words. Cole, in his Dict. 1679, renders ban-dog, canis catenatus Malone.

Note return to page 374 3&lblank; That I had said and done!] It was anciently believed that spirits, who were raised by incantations, remained above ground, and answered questions with reluctance. See both Lucan and Statius. Steevens. So the Apparition says in Macbeth: “Dismiss me.—Enough!” The words “That I had said and done!” are not in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 375 4&lblank; What shall of him become?] Here is another proof of what has been already suggested. In the quarto 1600, it is concerted between Mother Jourdain and Bolingbroke that he should frame a circle, &c. and that she should “fall prostrate to the ground,” to “whisper with the devils below.” [Southwell is not introduced in that piece.] Accordingly, as soon as the incantations begin, Bolingbroke reads the questions out of a paper, as here. But our poet has expressly said in the preceding part of this scene that Southwell was to read them. Here, however, he inadvertently follows his original as it lay before him, forgetting that consistently with what he had already written, he should have deviated from it. He has fallen into the same kind of inconsistency in Romeo and Juliet, by sometimes adhering to and sometimes deserting the poem on which he formed that tragedy. Malone.

Note return to page 376 5Than where castles mounted stand.] I remember to have read this prophecy in some old Chronicle, where, I think, it ran thus: “Safer shall he be on sand, “Than where castles mounted stand:” at present I do not recollect where. Steevens.

Note return to page 377 6False fiend, avoid!] Instead of this short speech at the dismission of the spirit, the old quarto gives us the following: “Then down, I say, unto the damned pool “Where Pluto in his fiery waggon sits, “Riding amidst the sing'd and parched smoaks, “The road of Dytas, by the river Styx; “There howle and burn for ever in those flames: “Rise, Jordane, rise, and stay thy charming spells:— “'Zounds! we are betray'd!” Dytas is written by mistake for Ditis, the genitive case of Dis, which is used instead of the nominative by more than one ancient author. So, in Thomas Drant's translation of the fifth Satire of Horace, 1567: “And by that meanes made manye soules lord Ditis hall to seeke.” Steevens. Here again we have such a variation as never could have arisen from an imperfect transcript. Malone.

Note return to page 378 7Lord Buckingham, methinks, &c.] This repetition of the prophecies, which is altogether unnecessary, after what the spectators had heard in the scene immediately preceding, is not to be found in the first edition of this play. Pope. They are not, it is true, found in this scene, but they are repeated in the subsequent scene, in which Buckingham brings an account of this proceeding to the King. This also is a variation that only could proceed from various authors. Malone.

Note return to page 379 8Tell me, &c.] Yet these two words were not in the paper read by Bolingbroke, which York has now in his hand; nor are they in the original play. Here we have a species of inaccuracy peculiar to Shakspeare, of which he has been guilty in other places. See p. 170, where Gloster and Winchester read the same paper differently. See also vol. xi. p. 420, n. 6. Malone.

Note return to page 380 9These oracles are hardily attain'd, And hardly understood.] The folio reads—hardly. Malone. Not only the lameness of the versification, but the imperfection of the sense too, made me suspect this passage to be corrupt. York, seizing the parties and their papers, says, he'll see the devil's writ; and finding the wizard's answers intricate and ambiguous, he makes this general comment upon such sort of intelligence, as I have restored the text: “These oracles are hardily attain'd, “And hardly understood.” i. e. A great risque and hazard is run to obtain them; and yet, after these hardy steps taken, the informations are so perplexed that they are hardly to be understood. Theobald. The correction made by Mr. Theobald has been adopted by the subsequent editors. Malone.

Note return to page 381 1&lblank; for flying at the brook,] The falconer's term for hawking at water-fowl. Johnson.

Note return to page 382 2&lblank; the wind was very high; And, ten to one, old Joan had not gone out.] I am told by a gentleman, better acquainted with falconry than myself, that the meaning, however expressed, is, that the wind being high, it was ten to one that the old hawk had flown quite away; a trick which hawks often play their masters in windy weather. Johnson. “&lblank; old Joan had not gone out” i. e. the wind was so high it was ten to one that old Joan would not have taken her flight at the game. Percy. The ancient books of hawking do not enable me to decide on the merits of such discordant explanations. It may yet be remarked, that the terms belonging to this once popular amusement were in general settled with the utmost precision; and I may at least venture to declare, that a mistress might have been kept at a cheaper rate than a falcon. To compound a medicine to cure one of these birds of worms, it was necessary to destroy no fewer animals than a lamb, a culver, a pigeon, a buck, and a cat. I have this intelligence from the Booke of Haukinge, &c. bl. l. no date. This work was written by dame Julyana Bernes, prioress of the nunnery of Sopwell, near St. Albans, (where Shakspeare has fixed the present scene,) and one of the editions of it was prynted at Westmestre by Wynkyn de Worde, 1496, together with an additional treatise on Fishing. Steevens.

Note return to page 383 3But what a point, my lord, your falcon made, And what a pitch she flew above the rest!] The variation between these lines and those in the original play on which this is founded, is worth notice: “Uncle Gloster, how high your hawk did soar, “And on a sudden souc'd the partridge down.” Malone.

Note return to page 384 4&lblank; are pain of climbing high.] Fain, in this place, signifies fond. So, in Heywood's Epigrams on Proverbs, 1562: “Fayre words make fooles faine.” Again, in Whetstone's Promos and Cassandra, 1578: “Her brother's life would make her glad and fain.” The word, (as I am informed,) is still used in Scotland. Steevens.

Note return to page 385 5&lblank; to be aloft,] Perhaps alluding to the adage: “High-flying hawks are fit for princes.” See Ray's Collection. Steevens.

Note return to page 386 6&lblank; thine eyes and thoughts Beat on a crown,] To bait or beat, (bathe) is a term in falconry. Johnson. To bathe, and to beat, or bate, are distinct terms in this diversion. To bathe a hawk was to wash his plumage. To beat, or bate, was to flutter with his wings. To beat on a crown, however, is equivalent to an expression which is still used—to hammer, i. e. to work in the mind. Shakspeare has employed a term somewhat similar in a preceding scene of the play before us: “Wilt thou still be hammering treachery?” But the very same phrase occurs in Lyly's Maid's Metamorphosis, 1600: “With him whose restless thoughts do beat on thee.” Again, in Doctor Dodypoll, 1600: “Since my mind beats on it mightily.” Again, in Herod and Antipater, 1622: “I feel within my cogitations beating.” Later editors concur in reading, “Bent on a crown.” I follow the old copy. Steevens. So, in The Tempest: “Do not infest your mind with beating on “The strangeness of this business.” Again, in The Two Noble Kinsmen, 1634: “This her mind beats on.” I have given these instances of this phrase, because Dr. Johnson's interpretation of it is certainly incorrect. Malone.

Note return to page 387 7With such holiness can you do it?] Do what? The verse wants a foot; we should read: “With such holiness can you not do it?” Spoken ironically. By holiness he means hypocrisy: and says, &mlquo;have you not hypocrisy enough to hide your malice!’ Warburton. The verse is lame enough after the emendation, nor does the negative particle improve the sense. When words are omitted it is not often easy to say what they were if there is a perfect sense without them. I read, but somewhat at random: “A churchman, with such holiness can you do it?” The transcriber saw churchman just above, and therefore omitted it in the second line. Johnson. “&lblank; can you do it?” The old play, quarto 1600, reads more intelligibly,—“Good uncle, can you dote?” Malone.

Note return to page 388 7&lblank; blessed are the peacemakers on earth.] See St. Matthew, v. 9. Reed.

Note return to page 389 8&lblank; Come with thy two-hand sword, Glo. True, uncle, are ye advis'd?—the east side of the grove? Cardinal, I am with you.] Thus is the whole speech placed to Gloster, in all the editions: but, surely, with great inadvertence. It is the Cardinal who first appoints the east side of the grove for the place of duel: and how finely does it express his rancour and impetuosity, for fear Gloster should mistake, to repeat the appointment, and ask his antagonist if he takes him right! Theobald. The ‘two-hand sword’ is mentioned by Holinshed, vol. iii. p. 833: “&lblank; And he that touched the tawnie shield, should cast a spear on foot with a target on his arme, and after to fight with a two-hand sword.” Steevens. In the original play the Cardinal desires Gloster to bring “his sword and buckler.” The ‘two hand-sword’ was sometimes called the long sword, and in common use before the introduction of the rapier. Justice Shallow, in The Merry Wives of Windsor, boasts of the exploits he had performed in his youth with this instrument. —See vol. viii. p. 70, n. 3. Malone.

Note return to page 390 9&lblank; my fence shall fail.] Fence is the art of defence. So, in Much Ado About Nothing: “Despight his nice fence, and his active practice.” Steevens.

Note return to page 391 1The winds grow high; so do your stomachs, lords.] This line Shakspeare hath injudiciously adopted from the old play, changing only the word color [choler] to stomachs. In the old play the altercation appears not to be concealed from Henry. Here Shakspeare certainly intended that it should pass between the Cardinal and Gloster aside; and yet he has inadvertently adopted a line, and added others, that imply that Henry has heard the appointment they have made. Malone.

Note return to page 392 2&lblank; crying, A Miracle!] This scene is founded on a story which Sir Thomas More has related, and which he says was communicated to him by his father. The impostor's name is not mentioned, but he was detected by Humphrey Duke of Gloster, and in the manner here represented. See his Works, p. 134, edit. 1557. Malone.

Note return to page 393 3&lblank; who said—Simpcox, &c.] The former copies: “&lblank; who said, Simon, come; “Come, offer at my shrine, and I will help thee.” Why Simon? The chronicles, that take notice of Gloster's detecting this pretended miracle, tell us, that the impostor, who asserted himself to be cured of blindness, was called Saunder Simpcox—Simon was therefore a corruption. Theobald. It would seem better to read Simpcox; for which Sim. has in all probability been put by contraction in the player's MS. Ritson.

Note return to page 394 3Say'st thou me so?] This phrase occurs in A new and pleasant Interlude, intituled the Marriage of Witte and Science, 1570: “Say'st thou me so, boye, will she have me in deede?” Boswell.

Note return to page 395 4&lblank; sit thou there,] I have supplied the pronoun—thou, for the sake of metre. Steevens.

Note return to page 396 5&lblank; our names,] Old copy, redundantly—all our names. Steevens. This line is not more harsh than the one almost immediately following: “Sight may distinguish of colours; but suddenly.” But I apprehend no metre was intended in either instance, and that the whole of this speech was written as prose. Boswell.

Note return to page 397 6To nominate them all, 's impossible.] Old copy: “&lblank; it is impossible.” Steevens.

Note return to page 398 7&lblank; that cunning &lblank;] Folio—it cunning. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. That was probably contracted in the MS. yt. Malone.

Note return to page 399 8&lblank; to his legs?] Old copies, redundantly—to his legs again? Steevens.

Note return to page 400 9&lblank; whole towns to fly.] Here in the old play the King adds: “Have done, I say; and let me hear no more of that.” Steevens.

Note return to page 401 1Such as my heart doth tremble to unfold, &c.] In the original play the corresponding speech stands thus; and the variation is worth noting: “Ill news for some, my lord, and this it is. “That proud dame Elinor, our protector's wife, “Hath plotted treasons 'gainst the king and peers, “By witchcrafts, sorceries, and conjurings: “Who by such means did raise a spirit up, “To tell her what hap should betide the state; “But ere they had finish'd their devilish drift, “By York and myself they were all surpriz'd, “And here's the answer the devil did make to them.” Malone.

Note return to page 402 2A sort &lblank; lewdly bent,] Lewdly, in this place, and in some others, does not signify wantonly, but wickedly. Steevens. The word is so used in old acts of parliament. A sort is a company. See vol. v. p. 260, n. 8. Malone.

Note return to page 403 3Your lady is forthcoming &lblank;] That is, Your lady is in custody. Johnson.

Note return to page 404 4Madam, for myself, &c.] Thus in the original play: “And pardon me, my gracious sovereign, “For here I swear unto your majesty, “That I am guiltless of these heinous crimes, “Which my ambitious wife hath falsely done: “And for she would betray her sovereign lord, “I here renounce her from my bed and board; “And leave her open for the law to judge, “Unless she clear herself of this foul deed.” Malone.

Note return to page 405 5And poise the cause in justice' equal scales, Whose beam stands sure, whose rightful cause prevails.] The sense will, I think, be mended if we read in the optative mood: “&lblank; justice' equal scale, “Whose beam stand sure, whose rightful cause prevail!” Johnson.

Note return to page 406 6Which is infallible,] I know not well whether he means the opinion or the title is infallible, Johnson. Surely he means his title. Malone. If so, why crave their opinions? Boswell.

Note return to page 407 7The fifth, was Edmond Langley, &c.] The author of the original play has ignorantly enumerated Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, as Edward's fifth son; and represented the Duke of York as Edward's second son. Malone.

Note return to page 408 8&lblank; as all you know,] In the original play the words are, “&lblank; as you both know.” This mode of phraseology, when the speaker addresses only two persons, is peculiar to Shakspeare. In King Henry IV. Part II. Act III. Sc. I. the King addressing Warwick and Surrey, says— “Why then, good morrow to you all, my lords.” Malone.

Note return to page 409 9This Edmund, &c.] In Act II. Sc. V. of the last play, York, to whom this is spoken, is present at the death of Edmund Mortimer in prison; and the reader will recollect him to have been married to Owen Glendower's daughter, in The First Part of King Henry IV. Ritson.

Note return to page 410 1Who kept him in captivity, till he died.] I have observed in a former note, (First Part, Act II. Sc. V.) that the historians as well as the dramatick poets have been strangely mistaken concerning this Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March, who was so far from being “kept in captivity till he died,” that he appears to have been at liberty during the whole reign of King Henry V. and to have been trusted and employed by him; and there is no proof that he ever was confined, as a state-prisoner, by King Henry IV. Being only six years of age at the death of his father in 1398, he was delivered by Henry in ward to his son Henry Prince of Wales; and during the whole of that reign, being a minor and related to the family on the throne, both he and his brother Roger were under the particular care of the King. At the age of ten years, in 1402, he headed a body of Herefordshire men against Owen Glendower; and they being routed, he was taken prisoner by Owen, and is said by Walsingham to have entered into a contract of marriage with Glendower's daughter, and to have been with him at the battle of Shrewsbury; but I believe the story of his being affianced to Glendower's daughter is a mistake, and that the historian has confounded Mortimer with Lord Grey of Ruthvin, who was likewise taken prisoner by Glendower, and actually did marry his daughter. In the first part of Henry VI. the aged and grey-hair'd Mortimer is introduced in the Tower, and made to say— “Since Harry Monmouth first began to reign, “This loathsome sequestration I have had:” Yet here we are told, he was kept in captivity by Owen Glendower till he died. The fact is, that Hall having said that Glendower kept his son-in-law, Lord Grey of Ruthvin, in captivity till he died, and this Lord March having been said by some historians to have married Owen's daughter, the author of this play has confounded them with each other. Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March, married Anne Stafford, the daughter of Edmond Earl of Stafford. If he was at the battle of Shrewsbury he was probably brought there against his will, to grace the cause of the rebels. The Percies, in the Manifesto which they published a little before that battle, speak of him, not as a confederate of Owen's, but as the rightful heir to the crown, whom Owen had confined, and whom, finding that the King for political reasons would not ransom him, they at their own charges had ransomed. After that battle, he was certainly under the care of the King, he and his brother in the seventh year of that reign having had annuities of two hundred pounds and one hundred marks allotted to them, for their maintenance during their minorities. In addition to what I have already said respecting the trust reposed in him during the whole reign of King Henry V., I may add, that in the sixth year of that King, this Earl of March was with the Earl of Salisbury at the siege of Fresnes; and soon afterwards with the King himself at the siege of Melun. In the same year he was constituted Lieutenant of Normandy. He attended Henry when he had an interview with the French King, &c. at Melun, to treat about a marriage with Catharine, and he accompanied the Queen when she returned from France in 1422, with the corpse of her husband. One of the sources of the mistakes in our old histories concerning this Earl, I believe, was this: he was probably confounded with one of his kinsmen, a Sir John Mortimer, who was confined for a long time in the Tower, and at last was executed in 1424. This Sir John Mortiner was perhaps cousin german to the last Edmond Earl of March, the illegitimate son of his uncle Edmond. I take this opportunity of correcting an inaccuracy into which I had formerly fallen. I had said that Lionel Duke of Clarence was married to Elizabeth the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, in 1360. I have since learned that he was affianced to her in his tender years; and consequently Lionel, having been born in 1338, might have had his daughter Philippa in 1354. Philippa, I find, was married in 1370, at the age of sixteen, to Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, who was himself born in 1351. Their son Roger was born in 1371, and must have been married to Eleanor, the daughter of the Earl of Kent, in the year 1388, or 1389, for their daughter Anne, who married Richard Earl of Cambridge, was born in 1389. Edmond Mortimer, Roger's eldest son, (the Mortimer of Shakspeare's King Henry IV. and the person who has given occasion to this tedious note,) was born in the latter end of the year 1392; and consequently when he died in his castle at Trim in Ireland, in 1424–5, he was thirty-two years old. Malone.

Note return to page 411 2&lblank; private plot,] Sequestered spot of ground. Malone.

Note return to page 412 3My heart assures me,] Instead of this couplet, we find in the old play no less than ten lines; so that if we suppose that piece to be an imperfect transcript of this, we must acknowledge the transcriber had a good sprag memory, for he remembered what he never could have either heard or seen. Malone.

Note return to page 413 4&lblank; after three days' open penance &lblank;] In the original play the King particularly specifies the mode of penance: “Thou shalt two days do penance barefoot, in the streets, with a white sheet,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 414 5Sorrow would solace, and mine age would ease.] That is, Sorrow would have, sorrow requires, solace, and age requires ease. Johnson.

Note return to page 415 6&lblank; lantern to my feet;] This image, I think, is from our Liturgy: “&lblank; a lantern to my feet, and a light to my paths.” Steevens.

Note return to page 416 7God and king Henry govern England's helm:] Old copy— realm. Steevens. The word realm at the end of two lines together is displeasing; and when it is considered that much of this scene is written in rhyme, it will not appear improbable that the author wrote, “govern England's helm.” Johnson. So, in a preceding scene of this play: “And you yourself shall steer the happy helm.” Steevens. Dr. Johnson's emendation undoubtedly should be received into the text. So, in Coriolanus: “&lblank; and you slander “The helms of the state.” Malone.

Note return to page 417 8This staff of honour raught:] Raught is the ancient preterite of the verb reach, and is frequently used by Spenser; as in the following instance: “He trained was till riper years he raught.” See vol. xii. p. 358, n. 1. Steevens. Rather raft, or reft, the preterite of reave; unless reached were ever used with the sense of arracher, Fr. that is, to snatch, take or pull violently away. So, in Peele's Arraygnement of Paris, 1584: “How Pluto raught queene Ceres daughter thence.” Ritson.

Note return to page 418 9Thus Eleanor's pride dies in her youngest days.] This expression has no meaning, if we suppose that the word her refers to Eleanor, who certainly was not a young woman. We must therefore suppose that the pronoun her refers to pride, and stands for it's;—a license frequently practised by Shakspeare. M. Mason. Or the meaning may be, in her, i. e. Eleanor's, youngest days of power. But the assertion, which ever way understood, is untrue. Malone. Suffolk's meaning may be:—“The pride of Eleanor dies before it has reached maturity.” It is by no means unnatural to suppose, that had the designs of a proud woman on a crown succeeded, she might have been prouder than she was before. Steevens.

Note return to page 419 1Lords, let him go.] i. e. Let him pass out of your thoughts. Duke Humphrey had already left the stage. Steevens.

Note return to page 420 2&lblank; worse bested,] In a worse plight. Johnson.

Note return to page 421 3&lblank; with a sand-bag fastened to it;] As, according to the old laws of duels, knights were to fight with the lance and sword; so those of inferior rank fought with an ebon staff or battoon, to the farther end of which was fixed a bag crammed hard with sand. To this custom Hudibras has alluded in these humorous lines: “Engag'd with money-bags, as bold “As men with sand-bags did of old.” Warburton. Mr. Sympson, in his notes on Ben Jonson, observes, that a passage in St. Chrysostom very clearly proves the great antiquity of this practice. Steevens.

Note return to page 422 4&lblank; a cup of charneco.] A common name for a sort of sweet wine, as appears from a passage in a pamphlet intitled The Discovery of a London Monster, called the Black Dog of Newgate, printed 1612: “Some drinking the neat wine of Orleance, some the Gascony, some the Bourdeaux. There wanted neither sherry, sack, nor charneco, maligo, nor amber-colour'd Candy, nor liquorish ipocras, brown beloved bastard, fat Aligant, or any quick-spirited liquor.” And as charneca is, in Spanish, the name of a kind of turpentine-tree, I imagine the growth of it was in some district abounding with that tree; or that it had its name from a certain flavour resembling it. Warburton. In a pamphlet entitled, Wit's Miserie, or the World's Madness, printed in 1596, it is said, that “the only medicine for the fleghm, is three cups of charneco, fasting.” Again, in Beaumont and Fletcher's Wit Without Money: “Where no old charneco is, nor no anchovies.” Again, in Decker's Honest Whore, 1630, Part II.: “Imprimis, a pottle of Greek wine, a pottle of Peter-sameene, a pottle of charneco, and a pottle of Ziattica.” Again, in The Fair Maid of the West, 1615: “Aragoosa, or Peter-see-me, canary, or charneco.” Charneco is the name of a village near Lisbon, where this wine was made. See the European Magazine, for March, 1794. Steevens.

Note return to page 423 5I have taken my last draught in this world.] Gay has borrowed this idea in his What d'ye call it, where Peascod says: “Stay, let me pledge—'tis my last earthly liquor.” Peascod's subsequent bequest is likewise copied from Peter's division of his moveables Steevens.

Note return to page 424 6&lblank; as Bevis of Southampton fell upon Ascapart.] I have added this from the old quarto. Warburton. Ascapart—the giant of the story—a name familiar to our ancestors, is mentioned by Dr. Donne: “Those Ascaparts, men big enough to throw “Charing-cross for a bar,” &c. Johnson. The figures of these combatants are still preserved on the gates of Southampton. Steevens. Shakspeare not having adopted these words, according to the hypothesis already stated, they ought perhaps not to be here introduced. However, I am not so wedded to my own opinion, as to oppose it to so many preceding editors, in a matter of so little importance. Malone.

Note return to page 425 7&lblank; this knave's tongue begins to double.] So, in Holinshed, whose narrative Shakspeare has deserted, by making the armourer confess treason: “In the same yeare also, a certeine armourer was appeached of treason by a servant of his owne. For proofe whereof a daie was giuen them to fight in Smithfield, insomuch that in conflict the said armourer was ouercome and slaine; but yet by misgouerning of himselfe. For on the morrow, when he should haue come to the field fresh and fasting, his neighbours came to him, and gaue him wine and strong drink in such excessive sort, that he was therewith distempered, and reeled as he went; and so was slain without guilt: as for the false seruant, he liued not long,” &c. By favour of Craven Ord, Esq. I have now before me the original Exchequer record of expences attending this memorable combat. From hence it appears that William Catour, the Armourer, was not killed by his opponent John Davy, but worsted, and immediately afterwards hanged. The following is the last article in the account; and was struck off by the Barons of Exchequer, because it contained charges unauthorised by the Sheriffs. “Also paid to officers for watchyng of ye ded man in Smyth felde ye same day and ye nyghte aftyr yt ye bataill was doon, and for hors hyre for ye officeres at ye execucion doyng, and for ye hangman's labor, xjs. vid. “Also paid for ye cloth yat lay upon ye ded man in Smyth felde, viijd. “Also paid for I pole and nayllis, and for settyng up of ye said mannys hed on london Brigge, v.d.” Sum. xijs. viid. The sum total of expence incurred on this occasion was–£ 10 18 9. I know not why Shakspeare has called the Armourer Horner. The name of one of the Sheriffs indeed was Horne, as appears from the record before me, which will be printed at full length by Mr. Nichols in one of his valuable collections. Steevens. It has been printed in his work entitled Illustrations of the Manners and Expences of Antient Times in England, 4to. 1797. See more on this subject in Mr. Douce's Illustrations, vol. ii. p. 8. Boswell.

Note return to page 426 8For, by his death, we do perceive his guilt:] According to the ancient usage of the duel, the vanquished person not only lost his life but his reputation, and his death was always regarded as a certain evidence of his guilt. We have a remarkable instance of this in an account of the Duellum inter Dominum Johannem Hannesly, Militem, et Robertum Katlenton, Armigerum, in quo Robertus fuit occisus. From whence, says the historian, “magna fuit evidentia quod militis causa erat vera, ex quo mors alterius sequebatur.” A. Murimuth, ad. an. 1380, p. 149. Bowle.

Note return to page 427 9Barren winter, with his wrathful nipping cold:] So, in Sackville's Induction: “The wrathful winter 'proaching on apace.” Reed. I would read—Bare winter—for the sake of the metre, which is uncommonly harsh, if the word barren be retained. Steevens.

Note return to page 428 1&lblank; as seasons fleet.] To fleet is to change. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “&lblank; now the fleeting moon “No planet is of mine.” Steevens. Dr. Johnson in his Dictionary supposes to fleet (as here used) to be the same as to flit; that is, to be in a flux or transient state, to pass away. Malone.

Note return to page 429 *Quarto:— “Glo. Sirra, what's o'clock? “Serv. Almost ten, my lord.”

Note return to page 430 2Ten, my lord.] For the sake of metre, I am willing to suppose this hemistich, as originally written, stood— “'Tis ten o'clock, my lord.” Steevens.

Note return to page 431 3Uneath &lblank;] i. e. scarcely. Pope. So, in the metrical romance of Guy Earl of Warwick, bl. l. no date: “Uneathes we came from him certain, “That he ne had us all slain.” Eath is the ancient word for ease or easy. So, in Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. iv. c. vi.: “More eath was new impression to receive.” Uneath is commonly used by the same author for not easily. Steevens.

Note return to page 432 4&lblank; envious &lblank;] i. e. malicious. Thus Ophelia, in Hamlet, is said to “spurn enviously at straws.” See note on this passage. Steevens.

Note return to page 433 5With envious looks still laughing at thy shame;] Still, which is not in the elder copies, was added in the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 434 6No, stir not, &c.] In the original play thus: “I charge you for your lives, stir not a foot; “Nor offer once to draw a weapon here, “But let them do their office as they should.” Malone.

Note return to page 435 7Mail'd up in shame,] Wrapped up, bundled up in disgrace; alluding to the sheet of penance. Johnson.

Note return to page 436 8&lblank; deep-fet &lblank;] i. e. deep-fetched. So, in King Henry V.: “Whose blood is fet from fathers of war-proof.” Steevens.

Note return to page 437 9&lblank; any scathe,] Scathe is harm, or mischief. Chaucer, Spenser, and all our ancient writers, are frequent in their use of this word. Steevens. It is still used in Scotland. Boswell.

Note return to page 438 1Thy greatest help is quiet,] The poet has not endeavoured to raise much compassion for the Duchess, who indeed suffers but what she had deserved. Johnson.

Note return to page 439 2&lblank; the world may laugh again;] That is, The world may look again favourably upon me. Johnson.

Note return to page 440 3&lblank; conduct of my shame!] i. e. conductor. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “Come, bitter conduct, come, unsavoury guide.” Again: “And fire-ey'd fury be my conduct now.” Steevens.

Note return to page 441 4&lblank; I long to see my prison.] This impatience of a high spirit is very natural. It is not so dreadful to be imprisoned, as it is desirable in a state of disgrace to be sheltered from the scorn of gazers. Johnson. This is one of those touches that certainly came from the hand of Shakspeare; for these words are not in the old play. Malone. Rowe, in Tamerlane, has put a similar sentiment in the mouth of Bajazet: “Come, lead me to my dungeon; plunge me down, “Deep from the hated sight of man and day; “Where, under covert of the friendly darkness, “My soul may brood, at leisure, o'er its anguish.” Boswell.

Note return to page 442 5I muse,] i. e. I wonder. So, in Macbeth: “Do not muse at me, my most worthy friends.” Steevens.

Note return to page 443 6&lblank; perémptory,] Old copy, redundantly: “&lblank; how peremptory &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 444 7Me seemeth &lblank;] That is, it seemeth to me, a word more grammatical than methinks, which has, I know not how, intruded into its place. Johnson.

Note return to page 445 8&lblank; collect &lblank;] i. e. assemble by observation. Steevens.

Note return to page 446 9If it be fond,] i. e. weak, foolish. So, in Coriolanus: “'Tis fond to wail inevitable strokes.” Again, in Timon of Athens: “Why do fond men expose themselves to battle?” Steevens.

Note return to page 447 1&lblank; your grace's tale.] Suffolk uses highness and grace promiscuously to the Queen. Majesty was not the settled title till the time of King James the First. Johnson.

Note return to page 448 2Yet, by reputing of his high descent,] Thus the old copy. The modern editors read—repeating. “Reputing of his high descent,” is valuing himself upon it. The same word occurs in the 5th Act: “And in my conscience do repute his grace,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 449 3Cold news for me; &c.] These two lines York had spoken before in the first Act of this play. He is now meditating on his disappointment, and comparing his former hopes with his present loss. Steevens.

Note return to page 450 4&lblank; this gear &lblank;] Gear was a general word for things or matters. Johnson. So, in the story of King Darius, an interlude, 1565: “Wyll not yet this gere be amended, “Nor your sinful acts corrected?” Steevens.

Note return to page 451 5Well, Suffolk, yet &lblank;] Yet was added in the second folio. Mr. Malone reads— “Well, Suffolk's duke,” &c. But this is, perhaps, too respectful an address from an adversary. The reading of the second folio is, in my opinion, preferable, though the authority on which it is founded cannot be ascertained. Steevens. The first folio has—“Well, Suffolk, thou &lblank;.” The defect of the metre shows that the word was omitted, which I have supplied from the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 452 6&lblank; these faults are easy,] Easy is slight, inconsiderable, as in other passages of this author. Johnson. See vol. xvi. p. 209, n. 5. Boswell. The word, no doubt, means—easily. Ritson. This explanation is, I believe, the true one. Easy is an adjective used adverbially. Steevens.

Note return to page 453 7&lblank; from all suspects;] The folio reads—suspence. The emendation was suggested by Mr. Steevens. The corresponding line in the original play stands thus: “Good uncle, obey to this arrest; “I have no doubt but thou shalt clear thyself.” Malone. So, in a following scene: “If my suspect be false, forgive me, God!” Steevens.

Note return to page 454 8&lblank; accuse &lblank;] i. e. accusation. Steevens.

Note return to page 455 9&lblank; liefest &lblank;] Is dearest. Johnson. So, in Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. ii. Sc. ii.: “&lblank; Madam, my lief, “For God's dear love,” &c. Again, c. ii.: “&lblank; Fly, oh my liefest lord.” Steevens. See p. 168, n. 5. Malone.

Note return to page 456 1Ah, that my fear were false! &c.] The variation is here worth noting. In the original play, instead of these two lines, we have the following: “Farewell my sovereign; long may'st thou enjoy “Thy father's happy days, free from annoy!” Malone.

Note return to page 457 2Ay, Margaret; &c.] Of this speech the only traces in the quarto are the following lines. In the King's speech a line seems to be lost: “Queen. What, will your highness leave the parliament? “King. Yea, Margaret; my heart is kill'd with grief; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; &stellam; “Where I may sit, and sigh in endless moan, “For who's a traitor, Gloster he is none.” If, therefore, according to the conjecture already suggested, these plays were originally the composition of another author, the speech before us belongs to Shakspeare. It is observable that one of the expressions in it is found in his Richard II. and in The Rape of Lucrece; and in perusing the subsequent lines one cannot help recollecting the trade which his father has by some been supposed to have followed. Malone.

Note return to page 458 3The map of honour,] In King Richard II. if I remember right, we have the same words. Again, in The Rape of Lucrece: “Showing life's triumph in the map of death.” Malone.

Note return to page 459 4And as the butcher takes away the calf, And binds the wretch, and beats it when it strays,] But how can it stray when it is bound? The poet certainly intended when it strives; i. e. when it struggles to get loose. And so he elsewhere employs this word. Thirlby. This emendation is admitted by the succeeding editors, and I had once put it in the text. I am, however, inclined to believe that in this passage, as in many, there is a confusion of ideas, and that the poet had at once before him a butcher carrying a calf bound, and a butcher driving a calf to the slaughter, and beating him when he did not keep the path. Part of the line was suggested by one image, and part by another, so that strive is the best word, but stray is the right. Johnson. There needs no alteration. It is common for butchers to tie a rope or halter about the neck of a calf when they take it away from the breeder's farm, and to beat it gently if it attempts to stray from the direct road. The Duke of Gloster is borne away like the calf, that is, he is taken away upon his feet; but he is not carried away as a burthen on horseback, or upon men's shoulders, or in their hands. Tollet.

Note return to page 460 5Free lords, &c.] By this she means (as may be seen by the sequel) you, who are not bound up to such precise regards of religion as is the King; but are men of the world, and know how to live. Warburton So, in Twelfth-Night: “And the free maids that weave,” &c. Again, in Milton: “&lblank; thou goddess fair and free, “In heaven yclep'd Euphrosyne.” Steevens.

Note return to page 461 6&lblank; in a flowering bank,] i. e. in the flowers growing on a bank. Some of the modern editions read unnecessarily—on a flowering bank. Malone.

Note return to page 462 7'Tis York that hath more reason for his death.] Why York had more reason than the rest for desiring Humphrey's death, is not very clear; he had only decided the deliberation about the regency of France in favour of Somerset. Johnson. York had more reason, because Duke Humphrey stood between him and the crown, which he had proposed to himself as the termination of his ambitious views. So, p. 251: “For Humphrey being dead, as he shall be, “And Henry put apart, the next for me.” Steevens. See Sir John Fenn's Observations on the Duke of Suffolk's death, in the collection of The Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 48. Henley.

Note return to page 463 8No; let him die, in that he is a fox, By nature prov'd an enemy to the flock, Before his chaps be stain'd with crimson blood; As Humphrey, prov'd by reasons, to my liege.] The meaning of the speaker is not hard to be discovered, but his expression is very much perplexed. He means that the fox may be lawfully killed, as being known to be by nature an enemy to sheep, even before he has actually killed them; so Humphrey may be properly destroyed, as being prov'd by arguments to be the King's enemy, before he has committed any actual crime. Some may be tempted to read treasons for reasons, but the drift of the argument is to show that there may be reason to kill him before any treason has broken out. Johnson. This passage, as Johnson justly observes, is perplexed, but the perplexity arises from an error that ought to be corrected, which it may be by the change of a single letter. What is it that Humphrey proved by reasons to the King?—This line, as it stands, is absolutely nonsense:—But if we read Humphrey's, instead of Humphrey, and reason instead of reasons, the letter s having been transferred through inadvertency from one word to the other, the meaning of Suffolk will be clearly expressed; and if we enclose also the third line in a parenthesis, the passage will scarcely require either explanation or comment: “No; let him die, in that he is a fox, “By nature prov'd an enemy to the flock, “(Before his chaps be stain'd with crimson blood) “As Humphrey's prov'd by reason to my liege.” Suffolk's argument is this:—As Humphrey is the next heir to the crown, it is as imprudent to make him protector to the King, as it would be to make the fox surveyor of the fold; and as we kill a fox before he has actually worried any of the sheep, because we know that by nature he is an enemy to the flock, so we should get rid of Humphrey, because we know that he must be by reason an enemy to the King. M. Mason. As seems to be here used for like. Sir T. Hanmer reads, with some probability, As Humphrey's prov'd, &c. In the original play, instead of these lines, we have the following speech: “Suf. And so think I, madam; for as you know, “If our king Henry had shook hands with death, “Duke Humphrey then would look to be our king. “And it may be, by policy he works, “To bring to pass the thing which now we doubt. “The fox barks not, when he would steal the lamb; “But if we take him ere he doth the deed, “We should not question if that he should live. “No, let him die, in that he is a fox, “Lest that in living he offend us more.” Malone. Although it cannot be said that Humphrey is an enemy by his nature like the wolk, reasons or arguments have been adduced which put it equally beyond doubt. Boswell.

Note return to page 464 9&lblank; for that is good deceit Which mates him first, that first intends deceit.] “Mates him” means—that first puts an end to his moving. To mate is a term in chess, used when the King is stopped from moving, and an end put to the game. Percy. Mates him, means confounds him; from amatir or mater, Fr. To mate is no term in chess. Check mate, the term alluded to, is a corruption of the Persian schah mat; the king is killed. Ritson. To mate, I believe, means here, as in many other places in our author's plays, to confound or destroy; from matar, Span. to kill. See vol. xi. p. 243, n. 5. Malone.

Note return to page 465 1&lblank; I will be his priest.] I will be the attendant on his last scene; I will be the last man whom he will see. Johnson.

Note return to page 466 2&lblank; and censure well the deed,] That is, approve the deed, judge the deed good. Johnson.

Note return to page 467 3&lblank; we three &lblank;] Surely the word three should be omitted. The verse is complete without it: “And so say I. “And I: and now we have spoke it &lblank;.” But the metre of these plays scarce deserves the reformation which it too frequently requires. Steevens.

Note return to page 468 4It skills not &lblank;] It is of no importance. Johnson. So, in Sir T. More's Utopia, translated by R. Robinson, 1624: “I will describe to you one or other of them, for it skilleth not greatly which.” Malone.

Note return to page 469 5Great lords, &c.] I shall subjoin this speech as it stands in the quarto: “Madam, I bring you news from Ireland, “The wild Onele, my lord, is up in arms, “With troops of Irish kernes, that uncontroll'd “Doth plant themselves within the English pale, “And burn and spoil the country as they go.” Surely here is not an imperfect exhibition of the lines in the folio, hastily taken down in the theatre by the ear or in shorthand, as I once concurred with others in thinking to be the case. We have here an original and distinct draught; so that we must be obliged to maintain that Shakspeare wrote two plays on the present subject, a hasty sketch, and a more finished performance; or else must acknowledge, that he formed the piece before us on a foundation laid by another writer. Malone.

Note return to page 470 6&lblank; expedient stop] i. e. expeditious. So, in King John: “His marches are expedient to this town.” Steevens.

Note return to page 471 7&lblank; that I will see perform'd.] In the old play this office is given to Buckingham: “Queen. &lblank; my lord of Buckingham, “Let it be your charge to muster up such soldiers, “As shall suffice him in these needful wars. “Buck. Madam, I will; and levy such a band “As soon shall overcome those Irish rebels: “But York, where shall those soldiers stay for thee? “York. At Bristol I'll expect them ten days hence. “Buck. Then thither shall they come, and so farewell. “[Exit Buck.” Here again we have a very remarkable variation. Malone.

Note return to page 472 8Until the golden circuit on my head,] So, in Macbeth: “All that impedes thee from the golden round, “Which fate and metaphysical aid doth seem “To have thee crown'd withall.” Again, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “&lblank; a sleep “That from this golden rigol hath divorc'd “So many English kings.” Malone.

Note return to page 473 9&lblank; mad-bred flaw,] Flaw is a sudden violent gust of wind. Johnson. Sir Richard Hawkins, stating the danger of leaving the portholes of a ship open, mentions “The Great Harry, Admirall of England, which was overset and sunke at Portsmouth, with her captain, crew, and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly summer's day with a little flawe of wind, for that her ports were all open; and making a small hole, by them entered her destruction; where, if they had been shut, no wind could have hurt her, especially in that place.” Observations on a Voyage to the South Sea, A. D. 1593, London 1622, p. 6. I have transcribed this passage on account of the remarkable affinity of the accident recorded in it to the unfortunate loss of Admiral Kempenfelt in 1782, by the oversetting of the Royal George at Spithead, which was occasioned by the same neglect. Blakeway.

Note return to page 474 1&lblank; a troop of Kernes;] Kernes were light-armed Irish foot-soldiers. Steevens.

Note return to page 475 2And fought so long,] Read—and fight so long. Ritson.

Note return to page 476 3&lblank; a wild Mórisco,] A Moor in a military dance, now called Morris, that is, a Moorish dance. Johnson. In Albion's Triumph, a Masque, 1631, the seventh entry consists of mimicks or Moriscos. Again, in Marston's What You Will, 1607: “Your wit skips a Morisco.” The Morris-dance was the Tripudium Mauritanicum, a kind of hornpipe. Junius describes it thus: “&lblank; faciem plerumque inficiunt fuligine, et peregrinum vestium cultum assumunt, qui ludicris talibus indulgent, ut Mauri esse videantur, aut e longius remotâ patriâ credantur advolasse, atque insolens recreationis genus advexisse.” In the churchwardens' accompts of the parish of St. Helen's in Abington, Berkshire, from the first year of the reign of Philip and Mary, to the thirty-fourth of Queen Elizabeth, the Morrice bells are mentioned. Anno 1560, the third of Elizabeth,—“For two dossin of Morres bells.” As these appear to have been purchased by the community, we may suppose this diversion was constantly practised at their public festivals. See the plate of Morris-dancers at the end of the First Part of King Henry IV. with Mr. Tollet's remarks annexed to it. Steevens. The editor of the Sad Shepherd, 8vo. 1783, p. 255, mentions seeing a company of morrice-dancers from Abington, at Richmond in Surrey, so late as the summer of 1783. They appeared to be making a kind of annual circuit. Reed. Morrice-dancing, with bells on the legs, is common at this day in Oxfordshire and the adjacent counties, on May-Day, Holy-Thursday, and Whitsun-ales, attended by the fool, or, as he is generally called, the 'Squire, and also a lord and lady; the latter most probably the Maid Marian mentioned in Mr. Tollet's note: “nor is the hobby-horse forgot.” Harris.

Note return to page 477 4&lblank; like a shag-hair'd crafty Kerne,] See vol. xi. p. 215, n. 8; and p. 16, n. 3. Malone.

Note return to page 478 5For, Humphrey being dead, &c.] Instead of this couplet we find in the old play these lines: “And then Duke Humphrey, he well made away, “None then can stop the light to England's crown, “But York can tame, and headlong pull them down.” Malone.

Note return to page 479 6Scene II.] This scene, and the directions concerning it, stand thus in the quarto edition: “Then the curtaines being drawne, Duke Humphrey is discovered in his bed, and two men lying on his brest, and smothering him in his bed. And then enter the Duke of Suffolke to them. “Suff. How now, sirs! what,have you dispatcht him? “One. I, my lord: he's dead, I warrant you. “Suff. Then see the cloathes, laid smooth about him still, “That when the king comes, he may perceive “No other, but that he dide of his owne accord. 2. “All things is handsome now, my lord. “Suff. “Then draw the curtaines againe, and get you gon, “And you shall have your firme reward anon.” “[Exit Murtherers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 480 7I thank thee, Margaret; &c.] In former editions: “I thank thee, Nell, these words content me much.” This is King Henry's reply to his wife Margaret. There can be no reason why he should forget his own wife's name, and call her Nell instead of Margaret. As the change of a single letter sets all right, I am willing to suppose it came from his pen thus: “I thank thee. Well, these words content me much.” Theobald. It has been observed by two or three commentators, that it is no way extraordinary the King should forget his wife's name, as it appears in no less than three places that she forgets it herself, calling herself Eleanor. It has also been said, that, if any contraction of the real name is used, it should be Meg. All this is very true; but as an alteration must be made, Theobald's is just as good, and as probable, as any other. I have therefore retained it, and wish it could have been done with propriety without a note. Reed. Though the King could not well forget his wife's name, either Shakspeare or the transcriber might. That Nell is not a mistake of the press for Well, is clear from a subsequent speech of the Queen's in this scene, where Eleanor, the name of the Duchess of Gloster, is again three times printed instead of Margaret. No reason can be assigned why the proper correction should be made in all those places, and not here. Malone. I have admitted Mr. Malone's correction; and yet must remark, that while it is favourable to sense it is injurious to metre. Steevens.

Note return to page 481 8Som. Rear up his body, wring him by the nose.] As nothing further is spoken either by Somerset or the Cardinal, or by any one else, to show that they continue in the presence, it is to be presumed that they take advantage of the confusion occasioned by the King's swooning, and slip out unperceived. The next news we hear of the Cardinal, he is at the point of death. Ritson.

Note return to page 482 9&lblank; right now &lblank;] Just now, even now. Johnson.

Note return to page 483 1&lblank; Come, basilisk, And kill the innocent gazer with thy sight:] So, in Albion's England, b. i. c. iii.: “&lblank; As Æsculap an herdsman did espie, “That did with easy sight enforce a basilisk to flye, “Albeit naturally that beast doth murther with the eye.” Reed. So, Mantuanus, a writer very popular at this time: Natus in ardentis Libyæ basiliscus arena, Vulnerat aspectu, luminibusque nocet. Malone.

Note return to page 484 2&lblank; blood-drinking sighs,] So, in the Third Part of this play, Act IV. Sc. IV.: “And stop the rising of blood-sucking sighs.” Steevens. Again, in Romeo and Juliet: “&lblank; dry sorrow drinks our blood.” Malone.

Note return to page 485 3Be woe for me,] That is, Let not woe be to thee for Gloster, but for me. Johnson.

Note return to page 486 4What, art thou, like the adder, waxen deaf?] This allusion, which has been borrowed by many writers from the Proverbs of Solomon, and Psalm lviii. may receive an odd illustration from the following passage in Gower de Confessione Amantis, b. i. fol. x.: “A serpent, whiche that aspidis “Is cleped, of his kinde hath this, “That he the stone noblest of all “The whiche that men carbuncle call, “Bereth in his heed above on hight; “For whiche whan that a man by slight “(The stone to wynne, and him to dante) “With his carecte him wolde enchante, “Anone as he perceiveth that, “He leyeth downe his one eare all plat “Unto the grounde, and halt it fast: “And eke that other eare als faste “He stoppeth with his taille so sore “That he the wordes, lasse nor more, “Of his enchantement ne hereth: “And in this wise him selfe he skiereth, “So that he hath the wordes wayved, “And thus his eare is nought deceived.” Shakspeare has the same allusion in Troilus and Cressida: “Have ears more deaf than adders, to the voice “Of any true decision.” Steevens.

Note return to page 487 5&lblank; awkward wind &lblank;] Thus the old copy. The modern editors read—adverse winds. Steevens. The same uncommon epithet is applied to the same subject by Marlow in his King Edward II.: “With aukward winds, and with sore tempests driven “To fall on shore &lblank;.” So, in Drayton's Epistle from Richard II. to Queen Isabell: “And undertook to travaile dangerous waies, “Driven by awkward winds and boisterous seas.” Malone.

Note return to page 488 6What did I then, but curs'd the gentle gusts,] I believe we should read—“but curse the gentle gusts.” M. Mason.

Note return to page 489 7The splitting rocks, &c.] The sense seems to be this.— &mlquo;The rocks hid themselves in the sands, which sunk to receive them into their bosom.’ Steevens. That is, the rocks, whose property it is to split, shrunk into the sands, and would not dash me, &c. M. Mason. So, in Othello: “Tempests themselves, high seas, and howling winds, “The gutter'd rocks, and congregated sands, “Traitors ensteep'd to clog the guiltless keel, “As having sense of beauty, do omit “Their mortal natures, letting go safely by “The divine Desdemona.” Boswell.

Note return to page 490 8Might in thy palace perish Margaret.] The verb perish is here used actively. Thus, in Froissart's Chronicle, cap. ccclvi.: “Syr Johan Arundell their capitayne was there peryshed.” Again, in The Maid's Tragedy, by Beaumont and Fletcher: “&lblank; let not my sins “Perish your noble youth.” Steevens.

Note return to page 491 9To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did, When he to madding Dido, would unfold His father's acts, commenc'd in burning Troy?] Old copy, “To sit and watch me,” &c. Steevens. The poet here is unquestionably alluding to Virgil (Æneid i.) but he strangely blends fact with fiction. In the first place, it was Cupid in the semblance of Ascanius, who sat in Dido's lap, and was fondled by her. But then it was not Cupid who related to her the process of Troy's destruction; but it was Æneas himself who related this history. Again, how did the supposed Ascanius sit and watch her? Cupid was ordered, while Dido mistakenly caressed him, to bewitch and infect her with love. To this circumstance the poet certainly alludes; and, unless he had wrote, as I have restored to the text— “To sit and witch me &lblank;,” why should the Queen immediately draw this inference— “Am I not witch'd like her?” Theobald. Mr. Theobald's emendation is supported by a line in King Henry IV. Part I. where the same verb is used: “To witch the world with noble horsemanship.” It may be remarked, that this mistake was certainly the mistake of Shakspeare, whoever may have been the original author of the first sketch of this play; for this long speech of Margaret's is founded on one in the quarto, consisting only of seven lines, in which there is no allusion to Virgil. Malone. When Dido was caressing the supposed Ascanius, she would naturally speak to him about his father, and would be witched by what she learned from him, as well as by the more regular narrative which she had heard from Æneas himself. Boswell.

Note return to page 492 1Am I not witch'd like her? or thou not false like him?] This line, as it stands, is nonsense. We should surely read it thus: “Am I not witch'd like her? Art thou not false like him?” M. Mason. The superfluity of syllables in this line induces me so suppose it stood originally thus: “Am I not witch'd like her? thou false like him?” Steevens.

Note return to page 493 2&lblank; not Henry:] The poet commonly uses Henry as a word of three syllables. Johnson.

Note return to page 494 3&lblank; and to drain Upon &lblank;] This is one of our poet's harsh expressions. As when a thing is drain'd, drops of water issue from it, he licentiously uses the word here in the sense of dropping, or distilling. Malone. Surely our author wrote rain, not drain. The discharge of a single letter furnishes what seems to me a necessary emendation, confirmed by two passages, one in The Taming of the Shrew: “To rain a shower of commanded tears.” And another, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “To rain upon remembrance with mine eyes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 495 4This stage-direction I have inserted as best suited to the exhibition. The stage-direction in the quarto is—“Warwick draws the curtaines, [i. e. draws them open] and shows Duke Humphrey in his bed.” In the folio: “A bed with Gloster's body put forth.” These are some of the many circumstances which prove, I think, decisively, that the theatres of our author's time were unfurnished with scenes. In those days, as I conceive, curtains were occasionally hung across the middle of the stage on an iron rod, which, being drawn open, formed a second apartment, when a change of scene was required. The direction of the folio, “to put forth a bed,” was merely to the property-man to thrust a bed forwards behind those curtains, previous to their being drawn open. See the Account of our ancient Theatres, vol. iii. Malone.

Note return to page 496 5For seeing him, I see my life in death.] Though, by a violent operation, some sense may be extracted from this reading, yet I think it will be better to change it thus: “For seeing him, I see my death in life.” That is, Seeing him I live to see my own destruction. Thus it will aptly correspond with the first line: “Come hither, gracious sovereign, view this body. “K. Hen. That is to see how deep my grave is made.” Johnson. Surely the poet's meaning is obvious as the words now stand.— “I see my life destroyed or endangered by his death.” Percy. I think the meaning is, I see my life in the arms of death; I see my life expiring, or rather expired. The conceit is much in our author's manner. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; the death of each day's life.” Our poet in King Richard III. has a similar play of words, though the sentiment is reversed: “&lblank; even through the hollow eyes of death “I spy life peering.” Malone.

Note return to page 497 6Oft have I seen a timely-parted ghost, &c.] All that is true of the body of a dead man is here said by Warwick of the soul. I would read: “Oft have I seen a timely-parted corse.” But of two common words how or why was one changed for the other? I believe the transcriber thought that the epithet timely-parted could not be used of the body, but that, as in Hamlet there is mention of peace-parted souls, so here timely-parted must have the same substantive. He removed one imaginary difficulty, and made many real. If the soul is parted from the body, the body is likewise parted from the soul. I cannot but stop a moment to observe, that this horrible description is scarcely the work of any pen but Shakspeare's. Johnson. This is not the first time that Shakspeare has confounded the terms that signify body and soul, together. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “&lblank; damned spirits all “That in cross ways and floods have burial.” It is surely the body and not the soul that is committed to the earth, or whelmed in the water. The word ghost, however, is licentiously used by our ancient writers. In Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. ii. c. viii. Sir Guyon is in a swoon, and two knights are about to strip him, when the Palmer says: “&lblank; no knight so rude I weene, “As to doen outrage to a sleeping ghost.” Again, in the short copy of verses printed at the conclusion of the three first books of Spenser's Fairy Queen, 1596: “And grones of buried ghostes the heavens did perse.” Again, in our author's King Richard II.: “The ghosts they have depos'd.” Again, in Sir A. Gorges's translation of Lucan, b. ix.: “&lblank; a peasant of that coast “Bids him not tread on Hector's ghost.” Again, in Certain Secret Wonders of Nature, &c. by Edward Fenton, quarto, bl. l. 1569: “&lblank; astonished at the view of the mortified ghost of him that lay dead,” &c. p. 104. Steevens. A timely-parted ghost means a body that has become inanimate in the common course of nature; to which violence has not brought a timeless end. The opposition is plainly marked afterwards, by the words—“As guilty of duke Humphrey's timeless death.” The corresponding lines appear thus in the quarto; by which, if the notion that has been already suggested be well founded, the reader may see how much of this deservedly admired speech is original, and how much super-induced: “Oft have I seen a timely-parted ghost, “Of ashy semblance, pale, and bloodless: “But, lo! the blood is settled in his face, “More better coloured than when he liv'd. “His well proportion'd beard made rough and stern “His fingers spread abroad, as one that grasp'd “For life, yet was by strength surpriz'd. The least “Of these are probable. It cannot choose “But he was murthered.” In a subsequent passage, also in the original play, which Shakspeare has not transferred into his piece, the word ghost is again used as here. Young Clifford addressing himself to his father's dead body, says: “A dismal sight! see, where he breathless lies, “All smear'd and welter'd in his luke-warm blood! “Sweet father, to thy murder'd ghost I swear,” &c. Our author therefore is not chargeable here with any impropriety, or confusion. He has only used the phraseology of his time. Malone. It has been very plausibly suggested that timely-parted signifies in proper time, as opposed to timeless; yet in this place it seems to mean early, recently, newly. Thus, in Macbeth, Act II. Sc. III.: “He did command me to call timely on him.” Again, in The Unfaithful Lover's Garland: “Says he, I'll rise; says she, I scorn “To be so timely parted.” Douce.

Note return to page 498 7Of ashy semblance,] So Spenser, Ruins of Rome, 4to. 1591: “Ye pallid spirits, and ye ashy ghosts &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 499 8&lblank; bloodless, Being all descended to the labouring heart;] That is, the blood being all descended, &c.; the substantive being comprised in the adjective bloodless. M. Mason.

Note return to page 500 9His hands abroad display'd,] i. e. the fingers being widely distended. So adown, for down; aweary, for weary, &c. See Peacham's Complete Gentleman, 1627: “Herein was the Emperor Domitian so cunning, that let a boy at a good distance off hold up his hand and stretch his fingers abroad, he would shoot through the spaces, without touching the boy's hand, or any finger.” Malone.

Note return to page 501 2Thrice is he arm'd, &c.] So, in Marlow's Lust's Dominion: “Come, Moor; I'm arm'd with more than complete steel, “The justice of my quarrel.” Malone.

Note return to page 502 3The mortal worm &lblank;] i. e. the fatal, the deadly worm. So, in The Winter's Tale: “This news is mortal to the queen.” Serpents in general, were anciently called worms. So, in The Devil's Charter, 1607, Pope Alexander says, when he takes off the aspicks from the young princes: “How now, proud worms? how tastes yon princes' blood?” Steevens.

Note return to page 503 4&lblank; how quaint an orator &lblank;] Quaint for dextrous, artificial. So, in The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “&lblank; a ladder quaintly made of cords.” Malone.

Note return to page 504 5&lblank; a sort &lblank;] Is a company. Johnson. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “&lblank; russet-pated choughs, many in sort.” Steevens.

Note return to page 505 6He shall not breathe infection in this air &lblank;] That is, he shall not contaminate this air with his infected breath. Malone.

Note return to page 506 7Mischance, and sorrow, &c.] In the original play the queen is still more violent: “Hell-fire and vengeance go along with you!” Malone.

Note return to page 507 8Would curses kill, as doth the mandrake's groan,] The fabulous accounts of the plant called a mandrake give it an inferior degree of animal life, and relate, that when it is torn from the ground it groans, and that this groan being certainly fatal to him that is offering such unwelcome violence, the practice of those who gather mandrakes is to tie one end of a string to the plant, and the other to a dog, upon whom the fatal groan discharges its malignity. Johnson. The same allusion occurs in Aristippus, or the Jovial Philosopher, by Randolph: “This is the mandrake's voice that undoes me.” Steevens. Bulleine in his Bulwarke of Defence against Sickness, &c. fol. 1579, p. 41, speaking of Mandragora, says: “They doe affyrme that this herbe commeth of the seede of some convicted dead men: and also without the death of some lyvinge thinge it cannot be drawen out of the earth to man's use. Therefore they did tye some dogge or other lyving beast unto the roote thereof wyth a corde, and digged the earth in compasse round about, and in the meane tyme stopped their own eares for feare of the terreble shriek and cry of this Mandrack. In whych cry it doth not only dye itselfe, but the feare thereof kylleth the dogge or beast which pulleth it out of the earth.” Reed.

Note return to page 508 9&lblank; Poison be their drink!] Most of these execrations are used, in the very words of Shakspeare, by Lee, in his Cæsar Borgia, Act IV. Steevens.

Note return to page 509 1&lblank; of cypress trees!] Cypress was employed in the funeral rites of the Romans, and hence is always mentioned as an illboding plant. Steevens.

Note return to page 510 2&lblank; murdering basilisks! &lblank; lizards' stings!] It has been said of the basilisk that it has the power of destroying by a single glance of the eye. A lizard has no sting, but is quite inoffensive. Steevens. See p. 255, n. 1. Malone.

Note return to page 511 3You bade me ban, and will you bid me leave?] This inconsistency is very common in real life. Those who are vexed to impatience, are angry to see others less disturbed than themselves; but when others begin to rave, they immediately see in them what they could not find in themselves, the deformity and folly of useless rage. Johnson.

Note return to page 512 4O, let me entreat thee, &c.] Instead of the first four lines of this speech, we find in the old play these, which Shakspeare has availed himself of elsewhere: “No more, sweet Suffolk, hie thee hence to France; “Or live where thou wilt within this world's globe, “I'll have an Irish [Iris] that shall find thee out.” Malone.

Note return to page 513 5That thou might'st think upon these by the seal, Through whom a thousand sighs, &c.] That by the impression of my kiss for ever remaining on thy hand thou mightest think on those lips through which a thousand sighs will be breathed for thee. Johnson. See the song introduced in Measure for Measure: “But my kisses bring again, “Seals of love, but seal'd in vain.” Of this image our author appears to have been fond, having introduced it in several places. There is no trace of it in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 514 6For where thou art, &c.] So Lucretius: Nec sine te pulchrum dias in luminis auras Exoritur, neque sit lætum nec amabile quicquam. Still more elegantly Milton, in a passage of his Comus, (afterwards omitted) v. 214, &c.: “&lblank; while I see you, “This dusky hollow is a paradise, “And heaven gates o'er my head.” Steevens.

Note return to page 515 7And whispers to his pillow, as to him, The secrets, &c.] The first of these lines is in the old play. The second is unquestionably our author's. The thought appears to have struck him; for he has introduced it again in Macbeth: “&lblank; Infected minds “To their deaf pillows will discharge their secrets.” Malone.

Note return to page 516 8Ah me! what is this world? what news are these?] Instead of this line, the quarto reads:] “Oh! what is worldly pomp? all men must die, “And woe am I for Beaufort's heavy end.” Steevens.

Note return to page 517 9&lblank; at an hour's poor loss,] She means, I believe, at a loss which any hour spent in contrivance and deliberation will enable her to supply. Or perhaps she may call the sickness of the Cardinal the loss of an hour, as it may put some stop to her schemes. Johnson. I believe the poet's meaning is, &mlquo;Wherefore do I grieve that Beaufort has died an hour before his time, who, being an old man, could not have had a long time to live?’ Steevens. This certainly may be the meaning; yet I rather incline to think that the Queen intends to say, “Why do I lament a circumstance, the impression of which will pass away in the short period of an hour; while I neglect to think on the loss of Suffolk, my affection for whom no time will efface?” Malone.

Note return to page 518 1Where, from thy sight,] In the preambles of almost all the statutes made during the first twenty years of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the word where is employed instead of whereas. It is so used here. Malone. So, in The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “And where I thought the remnant of mine age,” &c. See vol. iv. p. 70, n. 6. Steevens.

Note return to page 519 2&lblank; turn my flying soul,] Perhaps Mr. Pope was indebted to this passage in his Eloisa to Abelard, where he makes that votarist of exquisite sensibility say: “See my lips tremble, and my eye-balls roll, “Suck my last breath, and catch my flying soul.” Steevens.

Note return to page 520 3Away! though parting be a fretful cor'sive,] The word corrosive was generally, in our author's time, written, and, I suppose, pronounced corsive; and the metre shows that it ought to be so printed here. So, in The Spanish Tragedy, 1605: “His son distrest, a corsive to his heart.” Again, in The Alchymist, by Ben Jonson, 1610: “Now do you see that something's to be done “Beside your beech-coal and your corsive waters.” Again, in an Ode by the same: “I send not balms nor corsives to your wound.” Malone. Thus also, in Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, edit. 1632, p. 600: “a corsive to all content, a frenzie,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 521 4I'll have an Iris &lblank;] Iris was the messenger of Juno. Johnson. So, in All's Well that Ends Well: “&lblank; this distemper'd messenger of wet, “The many-colour'd Iris &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 522 6And take my heart with thee.] I suppose, to complete the verse, we should read: “&lblank; along with thee.” So, in Hamlet: “And he to England shall along with thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 523 7Enter King Henry, &c.] The quarto offers the following stage directions. “Enter King and Salisbury, and then the curtaines be drawne, and the cardinal if discovered in his bed, raving and staring as if he were mad.” Steevens. This description did not escape our author, for he has availed himself of it elsewhere. See the speech of Vaux in p. 273. Malone.

Note return to page 524 8How fares my lord? &c.] This scene, and that in which the dead body of the Duke of Gloster is described, are deservedly admired. Having already submitted to the reader the lines on which the former scene is founded, I shall now subjoin those which gave rise to that before us: “Car. O death, if thou wilt let me live but one whole year, “I'll give thee as much gold as will purchase such another island. “King. O see, my lord of Salisbury, how he is troubled. “Lord Cardinal, remember, Christ must have thy soul. “Car. Why, dy'd he not in his bed? “What would you have me to do then? “Can I make men live, whether they will or no? “Sirrah, go fetch me the strong poison, which “The 'pothecary sent me. “O, see where duke Humphrey's ghost doth stand? “And stares me in the face! Look; look; comb down his hair. “So now, he's gone again. Oh, oh, oh. “Sal. See how the pangs of death doth gripe his heart. “King. Lord Cardinal, if thou diest assured of heavenly bliss, “Hold up thy hand, and make some sign to me. “[The Cardinal dies. “O see, he dies, and makes no sign at all. “O God, forgive his soul! “Sal. So bad an end did never none behold: “But as his death, so was his life in all. “King. Forbear to judge, good Salisbury, forbear; “For God will judge us all. Go take him hence, “And see his funerals be perform'd. [Exeunt.” Malone.

Note return to page 525 9If thou be'st death, I'll give thee England's treasure, &c.] The following passage in Hall's Chronicle, Henry VI. fol. 70, b. suggested the corresponding lines to the author of the old play: “During these doynges, Henry Beaufford, byshop of Winchester, and called the riche Cardynall, departed out of this worlde.— This man was—haut in stomach and hygh in countenance, ryche above measure of all men, and to fewe liberal; disdaynful to his kynne, and dreadful to his lovers. His covetous insaciable and hope of long lyfe made hym bothe to forget God, his prynce, and hymselfe, in his latter dayes; for Doctor John Baker, his pryvie counsailer and his chapellayn, wrote, that lying on his death-bed, he said these words: &mlquo;Why should I dye, having so muche riches? If the whole realme would save my lyfe, I am able either by pollicie to get it, or by ryches to bye it. Fye will not death be hyred, nor will money do nothynge? When my nephew of Bedford died, I thought my selfe halfe up the whele, but when I sawe myne other nephew of Gloucester disceased, then I thought my selfe able to be equal with kinges, and so thought to increase my treasure in hope to have worne a trypple croune. But I se nowe the worlde fayleth me, and so I am deceyved; praying you all to pray for me.” Malone.

Note return to page 526 1Can I make men live? whe'r they will or no?] So, in King John: “We cannot hold mortality's strong hand:— “Why do you bend such solemn brows on me? “Think you, I bear the shears of destiny? “Have I commandment on the pulse of life?” Malone.

Note return to page 527 2He hath no eyes, &c.] So, in Macbeth: “Thou hast no speculation in those eyes, “Which thou dost glare with.” Malone.

Note return to page 528 3Hold up thy hand,] Thus, in the spurious play of K. John, 1591, Pandulph sees the King dying, and says: “Then, good my lord, if you forgive them all, “Lift up your hand, in token you forgive.” Again: “Lift up thy hand, that we may witness here, “Thou diest the servant of our Saviour Christ:— “Now joy betide thy soul!” Steevens. When a dying person is incapable of speech, it is usual (in the church of Rome) previous to the administration of the sacraments, to obtain some sign that he is desirous of having them administered. The passage may have an allusion to this practice. C.

Note return to page 529 4Forbear to judge, &c.] Peccantes culpare cave, nam labimur omnes, Aut sumus, aut fuimus, vel possumus esse quod hic est. Johnson.

Note return to page 530 5Exeunt.] This is one of the scenes which have been applauded by the criticks, and which will continue to be admired when prejudices shall cease, and bigotry give way to impartial examination. These are beauties that rise out of nature and of truth; the superficial reader cannot miss them, the profound can image nothing beyond them. Johnson.

Note return to page 531 6The circumstance on which this scene is founded, is thus related by Hall in his Chronicle:—“But fortune would not that this flagitious person [the Duke of Suffolk, who being impeached by the Commons was banished from England for five years,] shoulde so escape; for when he shipped in Suffolk, entendynge to be transported into France, he was encountered with a shippe of warre apperteinyng to the Duke of Excester, the Constable of the Towre of London, called The Nicholas of the Towre. The capitaine of the same bark with small fight entered into the duke's shyppe, and perceyving his person present, brought him to Dover rode, and there on the one syde of a cocke-bote, caused his head to be stryken of, and left his body with the head upon the sandes of Dover; which corse was there founde by a chapelayne of his, and conveyed to Wyngfielde college in Suffolke, and there buried.” Malone. See the Paston Letters, published by Sir John Fenn, second edit. vol. i. p. 38, Letter X. in which this event is more circumstantially related. Steevens.

Note return to page 532 7Firing heard at Sea.] Perhaps Ben Jonson was thinking of this play, when he put the following declaration into the mouth of Morose in The Silent Woman: “Nay, I would sit out a play that were nothing but fights at sea, drum, trumpet, and target.” Steevens.

Note return to page 533 8The gaudy, blabbing, and remorseful day &lblank;] The epithet blabbing applied to the day by a man about to commit murder, is exquisitely beautiful. Guilt is afraid of light, considers darkness as a natural shelter, and makes night the confidante of those actions which cannot be trusted to the tell-tale day. Johnson. So, Milton, in his Comus, v. 138: “Ere the blabbing eastern scout &lblank;.” Todd. Again, in Spenser, Brit. Ida. c. ii. st. 3: “For Venus hated his all-blabbing light.” Steevens. Remorseful is pitiful. So, in The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “&lblank; a gentleman, “Valiant, wise, remorseful, well accomplish'd.” The same idea occurs in Macbeth: “Scarf up the tender eye of pitiful day.” Steevens. This speech is an amplification of the following one in the first part of The Whole Contention, &c. quarto, 1600: “Bring forward these prisoners that scorn'd to yield; “Unlade their goods with speed, and sink their ship. “Here, master, this prisoner I give to you, “This other the master's mate shall have; “And Walter Whickmore, thou shalt have this man: “And let them pay their ransome ere they pass. “Suff. Walter! [He starteth.” Had Shakspeare's play being taken down by the ear, or an imperfect copy otherwise obtained, his lines might have been mutilated or imperfectly represented; but would a new circumstance (like that of sinking Suffolk's ship), not found in the original, have been added by the copyist?—On the other hand, if Shakspeare new modelled the work of another, such a circumstance might well be omitted. Malone.

Note return to page 534 9&lblank; the jades That drag the tragick melancholy night; Who, with their drowsy, slow, and flagging wings Clip dead men's graves,] The wings of the jades that drag night appears an unnatural image, till it is remembered that the chariot of the night is supposed, by Shakspeare, to be drawn by dragons. Johnson. See vol. v. p. 281, n. 8. Malone. See also, Cymbeline, vol. xiii. p. 67, n. 1. Steevens.

Note return to page 535 1The lives of those, &c.] The old copy (from which some deviation, for the sake of obtaining sense, was necessary,) has— “The lives of those which we have lost in fight, “Be counter-poys'd with such a pettie sum.” Mr. Malone reads: “The lives of those which we have lost in fight, “Cannot be counterpois'd with such a petty sum.” But every reader will observe, that the last of these lines is incumbered with a superfluous foot. I conceive, that the passage originally stood as follows: “The lives of those we have lost in fight, cannot “Be counterpois'd with such a petty sum.” Steevens. I suspect that a line has been lost, preceding—“The lives of those,” &c. and that this speech belongs to Whitmore; for it is inconsistent with what the captain says afterwards. The word cannot is not in the folio. The old play affords no assistance. The word now added is necessary to the sense, and is a less innovation on the text than what has been made in the modern editions— “Nor can those lives,” &c. The emendation made in this passage, (which was written by Shakspeare, there being no trace of it in the old play,) is supported by another in Coriolanus, in which we have again the same expression, and nearly the same sentiments: “The man I speak of cannot in the world “Be singly counterpois'd.” Malone. The difference between the Captain's present and succeeding sentiments may thus be accounted for. Here, he is only striving to intimidate his prisoners into a ready payment of their ransom. Afterwards his natural disposition inclines him to mercy, till he is provoked by the upbraidings of Suffolk. Steevens.

Note return to page 536 2Look on my George,] In the first edition it is my ring. Warburton. Here we have another proof of what has been already so often observed. A ring and a George could never have been confounded either by the eye or the ear. So, in the original play the ransom of each of Suffolk's companions is a hundred pounds, but here a thousand crowns. Malone.

Note return to page 537 3Thy name affrights me,] But he had heard his name before, without being startled by it. In the old play, as soon as ever the captain has consigned him to “Walter Whickmore,” Suffolk immediately exclaims, Walter! Whickmore asks him, why he fears him, and Suffolk replies, “It is thy name affrights me.” Our author has here, as in some other places, fallen into an impropriety, by sometimes following and sometimes deserting his original. Malone.

Note return to page 538 4&lblank; by Water &lblank;] So, in Queen Margaret's letter to this Duke of Suffolk, by Michael Drayton: “I pray thee, Poole, have care how thou dost pass, “Never the sea yet half so dangerous was, “And one foretold, by water thou should'st die,” &c. A note on these lines says, “The witch of Eye received answer from her spirit, that the Duke of Suffolk should take heed of water.” See the fourth scene of the first Act of this play. Steevens. This prophecy, and its accomplishment, are differently stated by a contemporary in the Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 40. The vessel there is said to have been called Nicholas of the Tower. “Also he asked the name of the shippe, and whanne he knew it he remembered Stacy that said if he might eschape the daunger of the Towr he should be saffe, and thanne his herte faylyd him,” &c. Boswell.

Note return to page 539 5Ne'er yet did base dishonour, &c.] This and the following lines are founded on these two in the old play: “And therefore ere I merchant-like sell blood for gold, “Then cast me headlong down into the sea.” The new image which Shakspeare has introduced into this speech, “&lblank; my arms torn and defac'd,”—is found also in King Richard II.: “From my own windows torn my household coat, “Raz'd out my impress; leaving me no sign,— “Save men's opinions, and my living blood,— “To show the world I am a gentleman.” See the notes on that passage. See vol. xvi. p. 89, n. 3 and 4. Malone.

Note return to page 540 6Jove sometime went disguis'd, &c.] This verse is omitted in all but the first old edition, [quarto 1600,] without which what follows is not sense. The next line also: “Obscure and lowly swain, king Henry's blood,” was falsely put in the Captain's mouth. Pope.

Note return to page 541 7&lblank; lowly swain,] The folio reads—“lowsy swain.” Steevens. The quarto, lowly. In a subsequent passage the folio has the word right: “By such a lowly vassal as thyself.” Lowsy was undoubtedly an errour of the press. Malone.

Note return to page 542 8The honourable blood of Lancaster,] How had Suffolk any of this blood? If Shakspeare had been well acquainted with this duke's pedigree, I think he would not have failed to make some of his adversaries reproach him with his low extraction. His great grandfather was a merchant at Hull. Blakeway.

Note return to page 543 9&lblank; a jaded groom.] I suppose he means a low fellow, fit only to attend upon horses; which in our author's time were frequently termed jades. The original play has jady, which conveys this meaning (the only one that the words seem to afford,) more clearly, jaded being liable to an equivoque. Jaded groom, however, may mean a groom whom all men treat with contempt; as worthless as the most paltry kind of horse. So, in King Henry VIII.: “&lblank; if we live thus tamely, “To be thus jaded by a piece of scarlet &lblank;.” Malone. A jaded groom may signify a groom who has hitherto been treated with no greater ceremony than a horse. Steevens.

Note return to page 544 1&lblank; abortive pride:] Pride that has had birth too soon, pride issuing before its time. Johnson.

Note return to page 545 1&lblank; charm thy riotous tongue.] i. e. restrain thy licentious talk, compel thee to be silent. See Mr. Steevens's note in Othello, vol. ix. p. 477, n. 9, where Iago uses the same expression. It occurs frequently in the books ofour author's age. Malone. Again, in the Third Part of this play, Act V. Sc. III.: “Peace, wilful boy, or I will charm your tongue.” Steevens.

Note return to page 546 2Thou dar'st not, &c.] In the quarto edition the passage stands thus: “Suf. Thou dar'st not for thy own. “Cap. Yes, Pole? “Cap. Ay, Pole, puddle, kennel, sink and dirt, “I'll stop that yawning mouth of thine.” I think the two intermediate speeches should be inserted in the text, to introduce the Captain's repetition of Poole, &c. Steevens. It is clear from what follows that these speeches were not intended to be rejected by Shakspeare, but accidentally omitted at the press. I have therefore restored them. Malone.

Note return to page 547 3Poole? Sir Poole? lord?] The dissonance of this broken line makes it almost certain that we should read with a kind of ludicrous climax: “Poole? Sir Poole? lord Poole?” He then plays upon the name Poole, kennel, puddle. Johnson.

Note return to page 548 4For swallowing &lblank;] He means, perhaps, so as to prevent thy swallowing, &c. So, in The Puritan, 1607: “&lblank; he is now in huckster's handling for running away.” I have met with many other instances of this kind of phraseology. The more obvious interpretation, however, may be the true one. Malone.

Note return to page 549 5And thou, that smil'dst at good duke Humphrey's death, &c.] This enumeration of Suffolk's crimes seems to have been suggested by The Mirrour of Magistrates, 1575, Legend of William de la Pole: “And led me back again to Dover road, “Where unto me recounting all my faults,— “As murthering of duke Humphrey in his bed, “And how I had brought all the realm to nought, “Causing the king unlawfully to wed, “There was no grace but I must lose my head.” Malone.

Note return to page 550 6&lblank; shalt grin in vain,] From hence to the end of this speech is undoubtedly the original composition of Shakspeare, no traces of it being found in the elder play. Malone.

Note return to page 551 7&lblank; the senseless winds &lblank; Who, in contempt, shall hiss at thee again:] The same worthless image occurs also in Romeo and Juliet: “&lblank; the winds “Who, nothing hurt withal, hiss'd him in scorn.” Steevens.

Note return to page 552 8&lblank; to affy &lblank;] To affy is to betroth in marriage. So, in Drayton's Legend of Pierce Gaveston: “In bands of wedlock did to me affy “A lady,” &c. Again, in the 17th Song of The Polyolbion: “&lblank; the Almaine emperor's bride “Which after to the earl of Anjou was affy'd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 553 9&lblank; are rising &lblank;] Old copy—and rising. Corrected by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 554 1&lblank; whose hopeful colours Advance our half-fac'd sun,] “Edward III. bare for his device the rays of the sun dispersing themselves out of a cloud.” Camden's Remaines. Malone.

Note return to page 555 2Being captain of a pinnace,] A pinnace did not anciently signify, as at present, a man of war's boat, but a ship of small burthen. So, in Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 118: “The king (James I.) naming the great ship, Trade's Increase; and the prince, a pinnace of 250 tons (built to wait upon her,) Peppercorn.” Steevens. The complement of men on board a pinnace (or spyner) was about twenty-five. See Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 159. Henley.

Note return to page 556 3Than Bargulus the strong Illyrian pirate.] Mr. Theobald says, “This wight I have not been able to trace, or discover from what legend our author derived his acquaintance with him.” And yet he is to be met with in Tully's Offices; and the legend, is the famous Theopompus's History: “Bargulus, Illyrius latro, de quo est apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit.” lib. ii. cap. xi. Warburton. Dr. Farmer observes that Shakspeare might have met with this pirate in two translations. Robert Whytinton, 1533, calls him “Bargulus, a pirate upon the sea of Illiry;” and Nicholas Grimoald, about twenty- three years afterwards, “Bargulus, the Illyrian robber.” Bargulus does not make his appearance in the quarto; but we have another hero in his room. The Captain, says Suffolk: “Threatens more plagues than mighty Abradas, “The great Macedonian pirate.” I know nothing more of this Abradas, than that he is mentioned by Greene in his Penelope's Web, 1601: “Abradas the great Macedonian pirat thought every one had a letter of mart that bare sayles in the ocean.” Steevens. Here we see another proof of what has been before suggested. Malone.

Note return to page 557 4Thy words move rage, and not remorse, in me:] This line Shakspeare has injudiciously taken from the Captain, to whom it is attributed in the original play, and given it to Suffolk; for what remorse, that is, pity, could Suffolk be called upon to show to his assailant: whereas the Captain might with propriety say to his captive—thy haughty language exasperates me, instead of exciting my compassion. Malone. Perhaps our author meant (however imperfectly he may have expressed himself,) to make Suffolk say—“Your words excite my anger, instead of prompting me to solicit pity.” Steevens. The meaning, I apprehend, is this, “You have not made me feel remorse for the crimes with which you have charged me, but rage at your insolence.” Remorse, in our old writers, sometimes signified pity; but was also used in its modern sense. Boswell.

Note return to page 558 5Penè gelidus timor occupat artus:] The folio, where alone this line is found, reads—Pine, &c. a corruption, I suppose, of [pene] the word that I have substituted in its place. I know not what other word could have been intended. The editor of the second folio, and all the modern editors, have escaped the difficulty by suppressing the word. The measure is of little consequence, for no such line, I believe, exists in any classick author. Dr. Grey refers us to “Ovid de Trist. 313, and Metamorph. 247:” a very wide field to range in; however, with some trouble I found out what he meant. This line is not in Ovid (nor I believe in any other poet); but in his De Tristibus, lib. i. El. iii. 113, we find: Navita, confessus gelido pallore timorem &lblank;, and in his Metamorph. lib. iv. 247, we meet with these lines: Ille quidem gelidos radiorum viribus artus, Si queat, in vivum tentat revocare calorem. Malone. In the eleventh book of Virgil, Turnus (addressing Drances) says— &lblank; cur ante tubam tremor occupat artus? This is as near, I conceive, to Suffolk's quotation, as either of the passages already produced. Yet, somewhere, in the wide expanse of Latin Poetry, ancient and modern, the very words in question may hereafter be detected. Penè, the gem which appears to have illuminated the dreary mine of collation, is beheld to so little advantage above-ground, that I am content to leave it where it was discovered. Steevens. In the seventh book of the Æneid, v. 446, we find— Subitus tremor occupat artus. Boswell.

Note return to page 559 6More can I bear, than you dare execute.] So, in King Henry VIII.: “&lblank; I am able now, methinks, “(Out of a fortitude of soul I feel,) “To endure more miseries, and greater far, “Than my weak-hearted enemies dare offer.” Again, in Othello: “Thou hast not half that power to do me harm, “As I have to be hurt.” Malone.

Note return to page 560 7Come, soldiers, show what cruelty ye can,] In the folio this line is given to the Captain by the carelessness of the printer or transcriber. The present regulation was made by Sir Thomas Hanmer, and followed by Dr. Warburton. See the latter part of note 6, p. 284. Malone. Surely (as has been suggested) this line belongs to the next speech. No cruelty was meditated beyond decollation; and without such an introduction, there is an obscure abruptness in the beginning of Suffolk's reply to the Captain. Steevens. Mr. Steevens has observed that “no cruelty was meditated beyond decollation;” but we learn from the letter in the Paston collection which I have already quoted, that this was very barbarously performed, “soon of the lewdeste of the shippe badde hym ley down his hedde and he shuld be fair ford with and dye on a swerde, and toke a rusty swerde and smotte of his hedde withyn halfe a doseyn strokes.” Boswell.

Note return to page 561 8&lblank; bezonians:] See a note on the second part of King Henry IV. vol. xvii. p. 224, n. 4: “Bisognoso, is a mean low man.” So, in Sir Giles Goosecap, 1606: “&lblank; if he come to me like your Besognio, or your boor.” Again, in Markham's English Husbandman, p. 4: “The ordinary tillers of the earth, such as we call husbandmen; in France peasants, in Spain besonyans, and generally the cloutshoe.” Steevens.

Note return to page 562 9A Roman sworder, &c.] i. e. Herennius, a centurion, and Popilius Laenas, tribune of the soldiers. Steevens.

Note return to page 563 1&lblank; Brutus' bastard hand &lblank;] Brutus was the son of Servilia, a Roman lady, who had been concubine to Julius Cæsar. Steevens.

Note return to page 564 2Pompey the great:] The poet seems to have confounded the story of Pompey with some other. Johnson. This circumstance might be advanced as a slight proof, in aid of many stronger, that our poet was no classical scholar. Such a one could not easily have forgotten the manner in which the life of Pompey was concluded. Pompey, however, is not in the quarto. Spenser likewise abounds with deviations from established history and fable. Steevens. Pompey being killed by Achillas and Septimius at the moment that the Egyptian fishing boat in which they were, reached the coast, and his head being thrown into the sea, (a circumstance which Shakspeare found in North's translation of Plutarch,) his mistake does not appear more extraordinary than some others which have been pointed out in his works. It is remarkable that the introduction of Pompey was among Shakspeare's additions to the old play: This may account for the classical error into which probably the original author would not have fallen. In the quarto the lines stand thus: “A sworder, and banditto slave, “Murdered sweet Tully; “Brutus' bastard hand stabb'd Julius Cæsar, “And Suffolk dies by pirates on the seas.” Malone.

Note return to page 565 3There let his head, &c.] Instead of this speech, the quarto gives us the following: “Cap. Off with his head, and send it to the queen, “And ransomless this prisoner shall go free, “To see it safe deliver'd unto her.” Steevens. See Sir John Fenn's Collection of The Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 40. Henley.

Note return to page 566 4&lblank; get thee a sword,] The quarto reads—Come away, Nick, and put a long staff in thy pike, &c. Steevens. So afterwards, instead of “Cade the clothier,” we have in the quarto “Cade the dyer of Ashford.” Malone.

Note return to page 567 5I tell thee,] In the original play this speech is introduced more naturally. Nick asks George “Sirra George, what's the matter?” to which George replies, “Why marry, Jack Cade, the dyer of Ashford here,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 568 6Well, I say, it was never merry world in England, &c.] The same phrase was used by the Duke of Suffolk in the time of Henry VIII.: “Then stept forth the Duke of Suffolke from the King, and spake with a hault countenance these words: It was never merry in England (quoth hee) while we had any Cardinals among us,” &c. Stowe's Chronicle, fo. 1631, p. 546. Reed.

Note return to page 569 7&lblank; since gentlemen came up.] Thus we familiarly say—a fashion comes up. Steevens.

Note return to page 570 8And Dick the butcher,] In the first copy thus: “Why there's Dick the butcher, and Robin the sadler, and Will that came a wooing to our Nan last Sunday, and Harry and Tom, and Gregory, that should have your parnell, and a great sort more, is come from Rochester and from Maidstone, and Canterbury, and all the towns hereabouts, and we must all be lords, or squires, as soon as Jack Cade is king. Malone.

Note return to page 571 9&lblank; a cade of herrings.] That is, a barrel of herrings. I suppose the word keg, which is now used, is cade corrupted. Johnson. A cade is less than a barrel. The quantity it should contain is ascertained by the accounts of the Celeress of the Abbey of Berking. “Memorandum that a barrel of herryng shold contene a thousand herryngs, and a cade of herryng six hundredth, six score to the hundreth.” Mon. Ang. i. 83. Malone. Nash speaks of having weighed one of Gabriel Harvey's books against a cade of herrings, and ludicrously says, “That the rebel Jacke Cade was the first that devised to put redde herrings in cades, and from him they have their name.” Praise of the Red Herring, 1599. Cade, however, is derived from Cadus, Lat. a cask or barrel. Steevens.

Note return to page 572 1&lblank; our enemies shall fall before us,] He alludes to his name Cade, from cado, Lat. to fall. He has too much learning for his character. Johnson. “We John Cade, &c.] This passage, I think, should be regulated thus: “Cade. We John Cade, so termed of our supposed father, for our enemies shall fall before us; &lblank; “Dick. Or rather of stealing a cade of herrings. “Cade. Inspired with the spirit,” &c. Tyrwhitt. In the old play the corresponding passage stands thus: “I John Cade, so named for my valiancy,— “Dick. Or rather for stealing of a cade of sprats.” The transposition recommended by Mr. Tyrwhitt is so plausible, that I had once regulated the text accordingly. But Dick's quibbling on the word of (which is used by Cade, according to the phraseology of our author's time, for by, and as employed by Dick, signifies—on account of,) is so much in Shakspeare's manner, that no change ought, I think, to be made. If the words “Or rather of stealing,” &c. be postponed to—“For our enemies shall fall before us,” Dick then, as at present, would assert—that Cade is not so called on account of a particular theft; which indeed would correspond sufficiently with the old play; but the quibble on the word of, which appears very like a conceit of Shakspeare, would be destroyed. Cade, as the speeches stand in the folio, proceeds to assign the origin of his name without paying any regard to what Dick has said. Of is used again in Coriolanus, in the sense which it bears in Cade's speech:—“We have been called so of many.” i. e. by many. Malone.

Note return to page 573 2&lblank; furred pack,] A wallet or knapsack of skin with the hair outward. Johnson.

Note return to page 574 3&lblank; the field is honourable;] Perhaps a quibble between field in its heraldick, and in its common acceptation, was designed. Steevens.

Note return to page 575 4&lblank; but the cage.] A cage was formerly a term for a prison. See Minsheu, in v. We yet talk of jail-birds. Malone. There is scarce a village in England which has not a temporary place of confinement, still called The Cage. Steevens.

Note return to page 576 5&lblank; for his coat is of proof.] A quibble between two senses of the word; one as being able to resist, the other as being well-tried, that is, long worn. Hanmer.

Note return to page 577 6&lblank; the three-hooped pot shall have ten hoops;] In The Gul's Horn-Booke, a satirical pamphlet by Deckar, 1609, hoops are mentioned among other drinking measures: “&lblank; his hoops, cans, half-cans,” &c. And Nash, in his Pierce Pennilesse his Supplication to the Devil, 1595, says: “I believe hoopes in quart pots were invented to that end, that every man should take his hoope, and no more.” It appears from a passage in Cynthia's Revels, by Ben Jonson, that “burning of cans” was one of the offices of a city magistrate. I suppose he means burning such as were not of statutable measure. Steevens. An anonymous commentator supposes, perhaps with more truth, that “the burning of cans” was, marking them with a red-hot iron, which is still practised by the magistrate in many country boroughs, in proof of their being statutable measure.—These cans, it should be observed, were of wood. Henley. Mr. Whalley has given this explanation in a note on the passage quoted from Cynthia's Revels. Boswell.

Note return to page 578 7&lblank; there shall be no money;] To mend the world by banishing money is an old contrivance of those who did not consider that the quarrels and mischiefs which arise from money, as the sign or ticket of riches, must, if money were to cease, arise immediately from riches themselves, and could never be at an end till every man was contented with his own share of the goods of life. Johnson.

Note return to page 579 8Is not this a lamentable thing, &c.] This speech was transposed by Shakspeare, it being found in the old play in a subsequent scene. Malone.

Note return to page 580 9&lblank; the Clerk of Chatham.] The person whom Shakspeare makes Clerk of Chatham should seem to have been one Thomas Bayly, a reputed necromancer, or fortune-teller, at Whitechapel. He had formerly been a bosom friend of Cade's, and of the same profession. W. Worcester, p. 471. Ritson. This person is a nonentity in history, and, in all probability, a character invented by the writer of the play. It is presumed that few will be inclined to agree with Mr. Ritson. Douce.

Note return to page 581 1We took him, &c.] We must suppose that Smith had taken the Clerk some time before, and left him in the custody of those who now bring him in. In the old play Will the weaver enters with the Clerk, though he has not long before been conversing with Cade. Perhaps it was intended that Smith should go out after his speech, ending—“for his coat is of proof:” but no Exit is marked in the old copy. It is a matter of little consequence.— It is, I think, most probable that Will was the true name of this character, as in the old play, (so Dick, George, John, &c.) and that Smith, the name of some low actor, has crept into the folio by mistake. Malone.

Note return to page 582 2&lblank; obligations,] That is, bonds. Malone.

Note return to page 583 3They use to write it on the top of letters;] i. e. Of letters missive, and such like publick acts. See Mabillon's Diplomata. Warburton. In the old anonymous play, called The Famous Victories of Henry V. containing the Honourable Battel of Agincourt, I find the same circumstance. The Archbishop of Burges (i. e. Bruges) is the speaker, and addresses himself to King Henry: “I beseech your grace to deliver me your safe “Conduct, under your broad seal Emanuel.” The King in answer says: “&lblank; deliver him safe conduct “Under our broad seal Emanuel.” Steevens.

Note return to page 584 4&lblank; have at him.] After this speech the old play has the following words: “&lblank; Is there any more of them that be knights? “Tom. Yea, his brother. “Cade. Then kneel down, Dick Butcher; rise up sir “Dick Butcher. Sound up the drum.”

Note return to page 585 5&lblank; I pass not;] I pay them no regard. Johnson. So, in Drayton's Quest of Cynthia: “Transform me to what shape you can, “I pass not what it be.” Steevens.

Note return to page 586 6&lblank; is England maimed,] The folio has—main'd. The correction was made from the old play. I am not, however, sure that a blunder was not intended. Daniel has the same conceit; Civil Wars, 1595: “Anjou and Maine, the maim that foul appears &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 587 7&lblank; hath gelded the commonwealth,] Shakspeare has here transgressed a rule laid down by Tully, De Oratore; “Nolo morte dici Africani castratam esse rempublicam.” The character of the speaker, however, may countenance such indelicacy. In other places our author, less excuseably, talks of gelding purses, patrimonies, and continents. Steevens. This peculiar expression is Shakspeare's own, not being found in the old play. In King Richard II. Ross says that Henry of Bolingbroke has been— “Bereft and gelded of his patrimony.” So Cade here says, that the commonwealth is bereft of what it before possessed, namely, certain provinces in France. Malone. See vol. iv. p. 315, n. 8. Boswell.

Note return to page 588 8&lblank; Come, march forward.] In the first copy, instead of this speech, we have only—“Come, Sirs, St. George for us, and Kent.” Malone.

Note return to page 589 9&lblank; as long again as it is;] The word again, which was certainly omitted in the folio by accident, was restored from the old play, by Mr. Steevens, on the suggestion of Dr. Johnson. Malone.

Note return to page 590 1&lblank; and thou shalt have a licence to kill for a hundred lacking one, a week.] The last two words I have restored from the original play. In that piece the passage stood thus:—“and the Lent shall be as long again as it was, and thou shalt have a licence for fourscore and one, a week.” Shakspeare changed the number to ninety-nine, perhaps from that number being familiar to him, being a common term or period of duration in leases. But, the words—“a week,” which are found in the original play, must have been accidentally omitted in the transcript or at the press; for the passage is unintelligible without them. In the reign of Elizabeth, butchers were strictly enjoined not to sell flesh meat in Lent, not with a religious view, but for the double purpose of diminishing the consumption of flesh meat during that period, and so making it more plentiful during the rest of the year, and of encouraging the fisheries and augmenting the number of seamen. Butchers who had interest at court, frequently obtained a dispensation from this junction, and procured a licence to kill a certain limited number of beasts a week, during Lent, of which indulgence the wants of invalids who could not subsist without animal food, was generally made the pretence. See the Proclamations in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries. Malone.

Note return to page 591 1This monument of the victory will I bear;] Here Cade must be supposed to take off Stafford's armour. So, Holinshed: “Jack Cade, upon his victory against the Staffords, apparelled himself in Sir Humphrey's brigandine, set full of gilt nails, and so in some glory returned again toward London.” Steevens. Sir Humphrey Stafford, who was killed at Sevenoke in Cade's rebellion, is buried at Bromsgrove in Staffordshire. Vaillant.

Note return to page 592 2If we mean to thrive and do good, &c.] I think it should be read thus: “If we mean to thrive, do good; break open the gaols,” &c. Johnson. The speaker designs to say—“If we ourselves mean to thrive, and do good to others,” &c. The old reading is the true one. Steevens.

Note return to page 593 3&lblank; to the rebels' supplication?] “And to the entent that the cause of this glorious capitaynes comyng thither might be shadowed from the king and his counsayll, he sent to him an humble supplication,—affirmyng his commyng not to be against him, but against divers of his counsayl,” &c. Hall, Henry VI. fol. 77. Malone.

Note return to page 594 4I'll send some holy bishop to entreat:] Here, as in some other places, our author has fallen into an inconsistency, by sometimes following and sometimes deserting his original. In the old play, the King says not a word of sending any bishop to the rebels; but says, he will himself come and parly with them, and in the mean while order Clifford and Buckingham to gather an army and to go to them. Shakspeare, in new modelling this scene, found in Holinshed's Chronicle the following words: “&lblank; to whome [Cade] were sent from the king, the Archbishop of Canterburie and Humphrey duke of Buckingham, to common with him of his griefs and requests.” This gave birth to the line before us; which our author afterwards forgot, having introduced in Scene VIII. only Buckingham and Clifford, conformably to the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 595 5Rul'd, like a wandering planet,] Predominated irresistibly over my passions, as the planets over the lives of those that are born under their influence. Johnson. The old play led Shakspeare into this strange exhibition; a queen with the head of her murdered paramour on her bosom, in the presence of her husband? Malone.

Note return to page 596 6I fear, my love.] The folio has here—“I fear me, love,” which is certainly sense; but as we find “my love” in the old play, and these lines were adopted without retouching, I suppose the transcriber's ear deceived him. Malone.

Note return to page 597 7&lblank; what they do.] Instead of this line, in the old copy we have— “Go, bid Buckingham and Clifford gather “An army up, and meet with the rebels.” Malone.

Note return to page 598 8&lblank; retire to Kenelworth,] The old copy—Killingworth, which (as Sir William Blackstone observes) is still the modern pronunciation. Steevens. In the letter concerning Queen Elizabeth's entertainment at this place, we find, “the castle hath name of Kyllelingwoorth; but of truth, grounded upon faythfull story, Kenelwoorth.” Farmer.

Note return to page 599 9&lblank; be betray'd,] Be, which was accidentally omitted in the old copy, was supplied by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 600 1&lblank; the pissing-conduit run nothing but claret &lblank;] This pissing conduit, I suppose, was the Standarde in Cheape, which, as Stowe relates, “John Wels grocer, maior 1430, caused to be made with a small cesterne for fresh water, hauing one cocke continually running.”—“I have wept so immoderately and lauishly, (says Jacke Wilton,) that I thought verily my palat had bin turned to the pissing conduit in London.” Life, 1594. Ritson. Whatever offence to modern delicacy may be given by this imagery, it appears to have been borrowed from the French, to whose entertainments, as well as our streets, it was sufficiently familiar, as I learn from a very curious and entertaining work entitled Histoire de la Vie privée des Français, par M. le Grand D'Aussi, 3 vols. 8vo. 1782. At a feast given by Phillippe-le-Bon there was exhibited “une statue de femme, dont les mammelles fournissaient d'hippocras;” and the Roman de Tirant-le-Blanc affords such another circumstance: “Outre une statue de femme, des mammelles de laquelle jallissoit une liqueur, il y avait encore une jeune fille, &c. Elle etoit nue, et tenoit ses mains baissées et serrées contre son corps, comme pour s'en couvrir. De dessous ses mains, il sortoit une fontaine de vin delicieux,” &c. Again, in another feast made by the Philippe aforesaid, in 1453, there was “une statue d'enfant nu, posé sur une roche, et qui, de sa broquette, pissait eau-rose.” Steevens.

Note return to page 601 2Knock him down there.] So, Holinshed, p. 634: “He also put to execution in Southwark diverse persons, some for breaking his ordinance, and other being his old acquaintance, lest they should bewraie his base linage, disparaging him for his usurped surname of Mortimer.” Steevens.

Note return to page 602 3&lblank; set London-bridge on fire;] At that time London-bridge was made of wood. “After that, (says Hall,) he entered London and cut the ropes of the draw-bridge.” The houses on London-bridge were in this rebellion burnt, and many of the inhabitants perished. Malone.

Note return to page 603 4&lblank; Matthew Gough &lblank;] “A man of great wit and much experience in feats of chivalrie, the which in continuall warres had spent his time in serving of the king and his father.” Holinshed. p. 635. In W. of Worcestre, p. 357, is the following notice of Matthew Gough: “Memorandum quod Ewenus Gough, pater Matthei Gough armigeri, fuit ballivus manerii de Hangmer juxta Whyte-church in North Wales; et mater Matthei Gough vocatur Hawys; et pater ejus, id est avus Matthei Gough ex parte matris, vocatur Davy Handmere; et mater Matthei Gough fuit nutrix Johannis domini Talbot, comitis de Shrewysbery, et aliorum fratrum et sororum suorum: “Morte Matthei Goghe Cambria clamitat oghe!” See also the Paston Letters, 2d edit. vol. i. 42. Steevens.

Note return to page 604 5&lblank; go some and full down the Savoy;] This trouble had been saved Cade's reformers by his predecessor Wat Tyler. It was never re-edifyed, till Henry VII. founded the hospital. Ritson.

Note return to page 605 6&lblank; that the laws of England may come out of your mouth.] This alludes to what Holinshed has related of Wat Tyler, p. 432: “It was reported, indeed, that he should saie with great pride, putting his hands to his lips, that within four daies all the laws of England should come foorth of his mouth.” Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 606 7&lblank; 'twill be sore law then;] This poor jest has already occurred in The Tempest, scene the last: “You'd be king of the isle, sirrah?— “I should have been a sore one then.” Steevens.

Note return to page 607 8&lblank; Away, burn all the records of the realm;] Little more than half a century had elapsed from the time of writing this play, before a similar proposal was actually made in parliament. Bishop Burnet in his life of Sir Matthew Hale, says: “Among the other extravagant motions made in this parliament (i. e. one of Oliver Cromwell's) one was to destroy all the records in the Tower, and to settle the nation on a new foundation; so he (Sir M. Hale) took this province to himself, to show the madness of this proposition, the injustice of it, and the mischiefs that would follow on it; and did it with such clearness and strength of reason as not only satisfied all sober persons (for it may be supposed that was soon done) but stopt even the mouths of the frantic people themselves.” Reed.

Note return to page 608 9&lblank; one and twenty fifteens,] “This capteine (Cade) assured them—if either by force or policie they might get the king and queene into their hands, he would cause them to be honourably used, and take such order for the punishing and reforming of the misdemeanours of their bad councellours, that neither fifteens should hereafter be demanded, nor anie impositions or taxes be spoken of.” Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 632. A fifteen was the fifteenth part of all the moveables or personal property of each subject. Malone.

Note return to page 609 1&lblank; thou say, thou serge.] Say was the old word for silk; on this depends the series of degradation, from say to serge, from serge to buckram. Johnson. This word occurs in Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. i. c. iv.: “All in a kirtle of discolour'd say “He clothed was.” Again, in his Perigot and Cuddy's Roundelay: “And in a kirtle of green say.” It appears, however, from the following passage in The Fairy Queen, b. iii. c. ii. that say was not silk: “His garment neither was of silk nor say.” Steevens. It appears from Minsheu's Dict. 1617, that say was a kind of serge. It is made entirely of wool. There is a considerable manufactory of say at Sudbury near Colchester. This stuff is frequently dyed green, and is yet used by some mechanicks in aprons. Malone.

Note return to page 610 2&lblank; monsieur Basimecu,] Shakspeare probably wrote Baisermycu, or, by a designed corruption, Basemycu, in imitation of his original, where also we find a word half French, half English,— “Mounsier bus mine cue.” Malone.

Note return to page 611 3&lblank; printing to be used;] Shakspeare is a little too early with this accusation. Johnson. Shakspeare might have been led into this mistake by Daniel, in the sixth book of his Civil Wars, who introduces printing and artillery as contemporary inventions: “Let there be found two fatal instruments, “The one to publish, th' other to defend “Impious contention, and proud discontents; “Make that instamped characters may send “Abroad to thousands thousand men's intents; “And, in a moment, may despatch much more “Than could a world of pens perform before.” Shakspeare's absurdities may always be countenanced by those of writers nearly his contemporaries. In the tragedy of Herod and Antipater, by Gervase Markham and William Sampson, who were both scholars, is the following passage: “Though cannons roar, yet you must not be deaf.” Spenser mentions cloth made at Lincoln during the ideal reign of K. Arthur, and has adorned a castle at the same period “with cloth of Arras and of Toure.” Chaucer introduces guns in the time of Antony and Cleopatra, and (as Mr. Warton has observed,) Salvator Rosa places a cannon at the entrance of the tent of Holofernes. Steevens. Mr. Meerman, in his Origines Typographicæ, hath availed himself of this passage in Shakspeare, to support his hypothesis, that printing was introduced into England (before the time of Caxton) by Frederic Corsellis, a workman from Haerlem, in the time of Henry VI. Blackstone.

Note return to page 612 4&lblank; contrary to the king, his crown, &c.] “Against the peace of the said lord the now king, his crown, and dignity,” is the regular language of indictments. Malone.

Note return to page 613 5&lblank; to call poor men before them about matters they were not able to answer.] The old play reads—“to hang honest men that steal for their living.” Malone.

Note return to page 614 6&lblank; because they could not read, thou hast hanged them:] That is, they were hanged because they could not claim the benefit of clergy. Johnson.

Note return to page 615 7Thou dost ride on a foot-cloth,] A foot-cloth was a horse with housings which reached as low as his feet. So, in the tragedy of Muleasses the Turk, 1610: “I have seen, since my coming to Florence, the son of a pedlar mounted on a footcloth.” Steevens. A foot-cloth was a kind of housing, which covered the body of the horse, and almost reached the ground. It was sometimes made of velvet, and bordered with gold lace. So, in A Dialogue both pleasaunt and pitiful. By William Bulleyne, 1564: “He gave me my mule also with a velvet foot-cloth.” Malone.

Note return to page 616 8&lblank; to let thy horse wear a cloak,] This is a reproach truly characteristical. Nothing gives so much offence to the lower ranks of mankind, as the sight of superfluities merely ostentations. Johnson.

Note return to page 617 9&lblank; bona terra, mala gens.] After this line the quarto proceeds thus: “Cade. Bonum terrum, what's that? “Dick. He speaks French. “Will. No, 'tis Dutch. “Nick. No, 'tis Outalian: I know it well enough.” Holinshed has likewise stigmatized the Kentish men, p. 677: “The Kentish-men, in this season (whose minds be ever moveable at the change of princes) came,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 618 1Is term'd the civil'st place of all this isle:] So, in Cæsar's Comment. b. v.: “Ex his omnibus sunt humanissimi qui Cantium incolunt.” The passage is thus translated by Arthur Golding, 1590: “Of all the inhabitants of this isle, the civilest are the Kentishfolke.” Steevens. So, in Lyly's Euphues and his England, 1580, a book which the author of The Whole Contention, &c. probably, and Shakspeare certainly, had read: “Of all the inhabitants of this isle the Kentish-men are the civilest.” Malone.

Note return to page 619 2When have I aught exacted at your hands, Kent to maintain, the king, the realm, and you? Large gifts have I bestow'd on learned clerks, Because my book preferr'd me to the king:] This passage I know not well how to explain. It is pointed [in the old copy] so as to make Say declare that he preferred clerks to maintain Kent and the King. This is not very clear; and, besides, he gives in the following line another reason of his bounty, that learning raised him, and therefore he supported learning. I am inclined to think Kent slipped into this passage by chance, and would read: “When have I aught exacted at your hands, “But to maintain the king, the realm, and you?” Johnson. I concur with Dr. Johnson in believing the word Kent to have been shuffled into the text by accident. Lord Say, as the passage stands in the folio, not only declares he had preferred men of learning, “to maintain Kent, the King, the realm” but adds tautologically you; for it should be remembered that they are Kentish men to whom he is now speaking. I would read, Bent to maintain, &c. i. e. strenuously resolved to the utmost, to, &c. Steevens. The punctuation to which Dr. Johnson alludes, is that of the folio: “When have I aught exacted at your hands? “Kent to maintain, the king, the realm, and you, “Large gifts, have I bestow'd on learned clerks,” &c. I have pointed the passage differently, the former punctuation appearing to me to render it nonsense. I suspect, however, with the preceding editors, that the word Kent is a corruption. Malone.

Note return to page 620 3&lblank; for watching &lblank;] That is, in consequence of watching. So, in Nosce Teipsum, by Sir John Davies, 1599: “And shuns it still, though she for thirst do die.” The second folio and all the modern editions read—with watching. Malone.

Note return to page 621 5&lblank; and the help of a hatchet.] I suppose, to cut him down after he has been hanged, or perhaps to cut off his head. The article (a hatchet) was supplied by the editor of the second folio. Malone. “&lblank; the pap of a hatchet.” Old copy—the help of a hatchet. But we have here, as Dr. Farmer observed to me, a strange corruption. The help of a hatchet is little better than nonsense, and it is almost certain our author originally wrote pap with a hatchet; alluding to Lyly's pamphlet with the same title, which made its appearance about the time when this play is supposed to have been written. Steevens. We should certainly read—the pap of a hatchet; and are much indebted to Dr. Farmer for so just and happy an emendation. There is no need, however, to suppose any allusion to the title of a pamphlet: It has doubtless been a cant phrase. So, in Lyly's Mother Bombie: “&lblank; they giue us pap with a spoone before we can speake, and when wee speake for that we loue, pap with a hatchet.” Ritson.

Note return to page 622 6Why dost thou quiver, man?] Otway has borrowed this thought in Venice Preserved: “Spinosa. You are trembling, sir. “Renault. 'Tis a cold night indeed, and I am aged, “Full of decay and natural infirmities.” Peck, in his Memoirs of Milton, p. 250, gravely assures us that Lord Say's account of himself originates from the following ancient charm for an ague: “&lblank; Pilate said unto Jesus, why shakest thou? And Jesus answered, the ague and not fear provoketh me.” Steevens.

Note return to page 623 7These hands are free from guiltless blood-shedding,] I formerly imagined that the word guiltless was misplaced, and that the poet wrote— “These hands are guiltless, free from blood-shedding.” But change is unnecessary. Guiltless is not an epithet to blood-shedding, but to blood. These hands are free from shedding guiltless or innocent blood. So, in King Henry VIII.: “For then my guiltless blood must cry against them.” Malone.

Note return to page 624 8&lblank; he shall die, an it be but for pleading so well for his life.] This sentiment is not merely designed as an expression of ferocious triumph, but to mark the eternal enmity which the vulgar bear to those of more liberal education and superior rank. The vulgar are always ready to depreciate the talents which they behold with envy, and insult the eminence which they despair to reach. Steevens.

Note return to page 625 9&lblank; a familiar under his tongue;] A familiar is a dæmon who was supposed to attend at call. So, in Love's Labour's Lost: “Love is a familiar; there is no angel but love.” Steevens.

Note return to page 626 1&lblank; sir James Cromer,] It was William Crowmer, sheriff of Kent, whom Cade put to death. Lord Say and he had been previously sent to the Tower, and both, or at least the former, convicted of treason, at Cade's mock commission of oyer and terminer at Guildhall. See W. Wyrcester, p. 470. Ritson.

Note return to page 627 2&lblank; shall pay to me her maidenhead, &c.] Alluding to an ancient usage on which Beaumont and Fletcher have founded their play called The Custom of the Country. See Mr. Seward's note at the beginning of it. See also Cowell's Law Dict. in voce Marchet, &c. &c. &c. Steevens. Cowell's account of this custom has received the sanction of several eminent antiquaries; but a learned writer, Sir David Dalrymple, controverts the fact, and denies the actual existence of the custom. See Annals of Scotland. Judge Blackstone, in his Commentaries, is of opinion it never prevailed in England, though he supposes it certainly did in Scotland. Reed. See Blount's Glossographia, 8vo. 1681, in v. Marcheta. Hector Boethius and Skene both mention this custom as existing in Scotland till the time of Malcolm the Third, A. D. 1057. Malone.

Note return to page 628 3&lblank; in capite;] This equivoque, for which the author of the old play is answerable, is too learned for Cade. Malone.

Note return to page 629 4&lblank; or tongue can tell.] After this, in the old play, Robin enters to inform Cade that London bridge is on fire, and Dick enters with a serjeant; i. e. a bailiff; and there is a dialogue consisting of seventeen lines, of which Shakspeare has made no use whatsoever. Malone. “Cade. That their wives be as free as heart can wish, or tongue can tell.” There are several ancient grants from our early kings to their subjects, written in rude verse, and empowering them to enjoy their lands as “free as heart can wish or tongue can tell.” See Blount's Jocular Tenures. It is difficult to know what to think of these rhyming grants; the external evidence of their authenticity is, in some cases, strong: the internal, very weak. They have, however, been sometimes admitted in our courts of justice. “En asc&ubar; case son graunt est, &mlquo;As free as tongue can speak, or heart can think:’”—which are almost Cade's words, occurs in the Yearbook of 10 Hen. VII. fol. 14, a. pl. 6. As to the Marcheta Mulierum referred to just before, Mr. Whitaker has also controverted its existence, and given a very ingenious and probable etymology of it, in his history of Manchester, book i. ch. viii. p. 359, octavo edit. Blakeway.

Note return to page 630 5&lblank; take up commodities upon our bills?] Perhaps this is an equivoque alluding to the brown bills, or halberds, with which the commons were anciently armed. Percy. Thus, in the original play, but in a former part of this scene: “Nick. But when shall we take up those commodities which you told us of? “Cade. Marry, he that will lustily stand to it, shall take up these commodities following, Item, a gown, a kirtle, a petticoat, and a smocke.” If The Whole Contention, &c. printed in 1600, was an imperfect transcript of Shakspeare's Second and Third Part of King Henry VI. (as it has hitherto been supposed to be,) we have here another extraordinary proof of the inventive faculty of the transcriber. —It is observable that the equivoque which Dr. Percy has taken notice of, is not found in the old play, but is found in Shakspeare's Much Ado About Nothing: “Ber. We are likely to prove a good commodity, being taken up of these men's bills. “Con. A commodity in question, I warrant you.” See vol. vii. p. 94, n. 6. Malone.

Note return to page 631 6Let them kiss one another,] This is from The Mirrour for Magistrates, in the legend of Jack Cade: “With these two heads I made a pretty play, “For pight on poles I bore them through the strete, “And for my sport made each kisse other swete.” Farmer. It is likewise found in Holinshed, p. 634: “and as it were in a spite caused them in every street to kisse together.” Steevens. So also in Hall, Henry VI. folio 78. Malone.

Note return to page 632 7&lblank; for they loved well,] Perhaps this passage suggested to Rowe the following remark in his Ambitious Stepmother: “Sure they lov'd well; the very streams of blood “That flow from their pale bosoms, meet and mingle.” Steevens.

Note return to page 633 8Clif. What say ye, countrymen? &c.] The variation in the original play is worth noting: “Why countrymen, and warlike friends of Kent, “What means this mutinous rebellion, “That you in troops do muster thus yourselves, “Under the conduct of this traitor, Cade? “To rise against your sovereign lord and king, “Who mildly hath this pardon sent to you, “If you forsake this monstrous rebel here. “If honour be the mark whereat you aim, “Then haste to France, that our forefathers won, “And win again that thing which now is lost, “And leave to seek your country's overthrow. “All. A Clifford, a Clifford. [They forsake Cade.” Here we have precisely the same versification which we find in all the tragedies and historical dramas that were written before the time of Shakspeare. Malone.

Note return to page 634 9&lblank; Villageois!] Old copy—Villiago. Corrected by Mr. Theobald. Malone.

Note return to page 635 1Henry hath money,] Dr. Warburton reads—“Henry hath mercy;” but he does not seem to have attended to the speaker's drift, which is to lure them from their present design by the hope of French plunder. He bids them spare England, and go to France, and encourages them by telling them that all is ready for their expedition; that they have strength, and the king has money. Johnson.

Note return to page 636 2&lblank; my sword make way for me,] In the original play Cade employs a more vulgar weapon: “My staff shall make way through the midst of you, and so a pox take you all!” Malone.

Note return to page 637 3&lblank; I was made a king, at nine months old:] So all the historians agree. And yet in Part I. Act III. Sc. IV. King Henry is made to say— “I do remember how my father said &lblank;” a plain proof that the whole of that plays was not written by the same hand as this. Blackstone.

Note return to page 638 4&lblank; to be a subject.] In the original play, before the entry of Buckingham and Clifford, we have the following short dialogue, of which Shakspeare has here made no use: “King. Lord Somerset, what news hear you of the rebel Cade? “Som. This, my gracious lord, that the lord Say is done to “death, and the city is almost sack'd. “King. God's will be done; for as he hath decreed, “So it must be; and be it as he please, “To stop the pride of these rebellious men. “Queen. Had the noble duke of Suffolk been alive, “The rebel Cade had been suppress'd ere this, “And all the rest that do take part with him.” This sentiment he has attributed to the Queen in Sc. IV. Malone.

Note return to page 639 5Then, heaven, &c.] Thus, in the original play: “King. Stand up you simple men, and give God praise, “For you did take in hand you know not what; “And go in peace, obedient to your king, “And live as subjects; and you shall not want, “Whilst Henry lives, and wears the English crown. “All. God save the king, God save the king.” Malone.

Note return to page 640 6Of Gallowglasses, and stout Kernes,] These were two orders of foot-soldiers among the Irish. See Dr. Warburton's note on the second scene of the first Act of Macbeth, vol. xi. p. 16, n. 3. Steevens. “The galloglasse useth a kind of pollax for his weapon. These men are grim of countenance, tall of stature, big of limme, lusty of body, wel and strongly timbered. The kerne is an ordinary souldier, using for weapon his sword and target, and sometimes his peece, being commonly good markmen. Kerne [Kigheyren] signifieth a shower of hell, because they are taken for no better than for rake-hells, or the devils blacke garde.” Stanihurst's Description of Ireland, ch. viii. f. 21. Bowle.

Note return to page 641 7Is straightway calm, and boarded with a pirate:] Thus the folio. The editor of the second folio, who appears to have been wholly unacquainted with Shakspeare's phraseology, changed calm to claim'd. The editor of the third folio changed claim'd to calm'd; and the latter word has been adopted, unnecessarily in my apprehension, by the modern editors. Many words were used in this manner in our author's time, and the import is precisely the same as if he had written calm'd. So, in King Henry IV.: “&lblank; what a candy deal of courtesy,” which Mr. Pope altered improperly to—“what a deal of candy'd courtesy.” See vol. xi. p. 226, n. 1, and p. 227, n. 2. By “my state” Henry, I think, means, &mlquo;his realm;’ which had recently become quiet and peaceful by the defeat of Cade and his rabble. “With a pirate,” agreeably to the phraseology of Shakspeare's time, means “by a pirate.” Malone. The editions read—claim'd; and one would think it plain enough; alluding to York's claim to the crown. Cade's head-long tumult was well compared to a tempest, as York's premeditated rebellion to a piracy. But see what it is to be critical: Mr. Theobald says, claim'd should be calm'd, because a calm frequently succeeds a tempest. It may be so; but not here, if the King's word may be taken; who expressly says, that no sooner was Cade driven back, but York appeared in arms: “But now is Cade driv'n back, his men dispers'd; “And now is York in arms to second him.” Warburton. Dr. Warburton begins his note by roundly asserting that the editions read claim'd. The passage, indeed, is not found in the quarto; but the folio, 1623, reads calme. Claim'd, the reading of the second folio, was not, perhaps, intentional, but merely a misprint for—calm'd. Theobald says, that the third folio had anticipated his correction. I believe calm'd is right. So,in Othello: “&lblank; must be be-lee'd and calm'd &lblank;.” The commotion raised by Cade was over, and the mind of the King was subsiding into a calm, when York appeared in arms, to raise fresh disturbances, and deprive it of its momentary peace. Steevens.

Note return to page 642 8But now &lblank;] But is here not adversative.—It was only just now, says Henry, that Cade and his followers were routed. Malone. So, in King Richard II.: “But now the blood of twenty thousand men “Did triumph in my face.” Steevens.

Note return to page 643 9Come, wife, let's in, &c.] In the old play the King concludes the scene thus: “Come, let us haste to London now with speed, “That solemn processions may be sung, “In laud and honour of the God of heaven, “And triumphs of this happy victory.” Malone.

Note return to page 644 1Kent. Iden's Garden.] Holinshed, p. 635, says;“&lblank; a gentleman of Kent, named Alexander Eden, awaited so his time, that he tooke the said Cade in a garden in Sussex, so that there he was slaine at Hothfield,” &c. Instead of the soliloquy with which the present scene begins, the quarto has only this stage direction. “Enter Jacke Cade at one doore, and at the other M. Alexander Eyden and his men; and Jack Cade lies down picking of hearbes, and eating them.” Steevens. This Iden was, in fact, the new sheriff of Kent, who had followed Cade from Rochester. W. Wyrcester, p. 472. Ritson.

Note return to page 645 2&lblank; but for a sallet, my brain-pan, &c.] A sallet by corruption from cælata, a helmet, (says Skinner,) quia galeæ cælatæ fuerunt. Pope. I do not see by what rules of etymology, sallet can be formed from cælata. Is it not rather a corruption from the French salut, taken, I suppose, from the scriptural phrase, the helmet of salvation? Brain-pan, for skull, occurs, I think, in Wicliff's translation of Judges xix. 53. Whalley. In the ancient MS. romance of The Sowdon of Babyloyne, p. 39, we have a similar phrase: “Such a stroke, she him there raught, “The brayne sterte oute of his hede pan.” Steevens. So, in Caxton's Chronicle: “Anone he [Cade] toke sir Umfreyes salade and his briganteins smyten fulle of gilte nailles, and also his gilt spores, and arraied him like a lord and a capitayne.” Ritson. Again, in Sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch: “&lblank; One of the company seeing Brutus athirst also, he ran to the river for water, and brought it in his sallet.” Again, ibid.: “Some were driven to fill their sallets and murrains with water.” Again, in The longer thou Livest, the more Fool thou Art, 1570: “This will beare away a good rappe, “As good as a sallet to me verilie.” Steevens. Salade has the same meaning in French, as appears from a line in La Pucelle d' Orleans: Devers la place arrive un Ecuyer Portant salade, avec lance doreé. M. Mason. Minsheu conjectures that it is derived “à salut, Gal. because it keepeth the head whole from breaking.” He adds, “alias salade dicitur, a G. salade, idem; utrumque vero celando, quod caput tegit.” The word undoubtedly came to us from the French. In the Stat. 4 5 Ph. and Mary, ch. 2, we find—“twenty haquebuts, and twentie morians or salets.” Malone.

Note return to page 646 3&lblank; by others' waning;] The folio reads—warning. Corrected by Mr. Pope. Is in the preceding line was supplied by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 647 4Or gather wealth, I care not with what envy;] Or accumulate riches, without regarding the odium I may incur in the acquisition, however great that odium may be. Envy is often used in this sense by our author and his contemporaries. It may, however, have here its more ordinary acceptation. This speech in the old play stands thus: “Good lord, how pleasant is this country life! “This little land my father left me here, “With my contented mind, serves me as well, “As all the pleasures in the court can yield, “Nor would I change this pleasure for the court.” Here surely we have not a hasty transcript of our author's lines, but the distinct composition of a preceding writer. The versification must at once strike the ear of every person who has perused any of our old dramas. Malone.

Note return to page 648 5&lblank; and beard thee too.] See vol. xvi. p. 352, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 649 6&lblank; as dead as a door-nail.] See vol. xvii. p. 225, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 650 7Oppose thy stedfast-gazing eyes to mine, &c.] This and the following nine lines are an amplification by Shakspeare on these three of the old play: “Look on me, my limbs are equal unto thine, “And every way as big: then hand to hand “I'll combat with thee. Sirra, fetch me weapons, “And stand you all aside.” Malone.

Note return to page 651 8As for words, whose greatness answers words, Let this my sword report what speech forbears.] Sir Thomas Hanmer, and after him, Dr. Warburton, read: “As for more words, let this my sword report “(Whose greatness answers words) what speech forbears.” It seems to be a poor praise of a sword, that its greatness answers words, whatever be the meaning of the expression. The old reading, though somewhat obscure; seems to me more capable of explanation. “For more words,” whose pomp and rumour may answer words, and only words, I shall forbear them, and refer the rest to my sword. Johnson. So, in The Third Part of King Henry VI.: “I will not bandy with thee, word for word, “But buckle with thee blows, twice two for one.” More (As for more words) was an arbitrary and unnecessary addition made by Mr. Rowe. Malone. How an unnecessary addition? The measure is incomplete without it. Steevens. The introduction of the monosyllable more, in my opinion, injures the sense though it improves the metre. Were I to introduce any word for that purpose, I should choose to read—As for mere words, instead of more words. M. Mason.

Note return to page 652 9&lblank; I beseech God &lblank;] The folio reads—I beseech Jove. This heathen deity, with whom Cade was not likely to be much acquainted, was undoubtedly introduced by the editor of the folio to avoid the penalty of the statute, 3 Jac. i. ch. 2. In the old play, 1600, he says, “I beseech God thou might'st fall into some smith's hand, and be turned to hobnails.” This the editor of the second edition of the quarto play, no date, but printed in 1619, changed (from the same apprehension) to “I would thou might'st fall,” &c. These alterations fully confirm my note on King Henry V. Act IV. Sc. III. [where the King swears “by Jove.”]— Contrary to the general rule which I have observed in printing this play, I have not adhered in the present instance to the reading of the folio; because I am confident that it proceeded not from Shakspeare, but his editor, who, for the reason already given, makes Falstaff say to Prince Henry—“I knew ye as well as he that made ye,” instead of—“By the Lord, I knew ye,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 653 1&lblank; when I am dead, &c.] How Iden was to hang a sword over his own tomb, after he was dead, it is not easy to explain. The sentiment is more correctly expressed in the quarto: “Oh, sword, I'll honour thee for this, and in my chamber “Shalt thou hang, as a monument to after age, “For this great service thou hast done to me.” Steevens. Here again we have a single thought considerably amplified. Shakspeare, in new moulding this speech, has used the same mode of expression that he has employed in The Winter's Tale: “If thou'lt see a thing to talk on, when thou art dead and rotten, come hither,” i. e. for people to talk of. So again, in a subsequent scene of the play before us: “And dead men's cries do fill the empty air.” Which of our author's plays does not exhibit expressions equally bold as “I will hang thee,” to express “I will have thee hung?” I must just observe, that most of our author's additions are strongly characteristick of his manner. The making Iden's sword wear the stains of Cade's blood on its point, and comparing those stains to a herald's coat, declare at once the pen of Shakspeare. Malone. So, in the mock play perform'd in Hamlet: “&lblank; smear'd “With heraldry more dismal &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 654 2How much thou wrong'st me,] That is, in supposing that I am proud of my victory. Johnson. An anonymous writer [Mr. Ritson,] suggests that the meaning may be, that Cade wrongs Iden by undervaluing his prowess, declaring that he was subdued by famine, not by the valour of his adversary.—I think Dr. Johnson's is the true interpretation. Malone.

Note return to page 655 3So wish I, I might trust thy soul to hell, &c.] Not to dwell upon the wickedness of this horrid wish, with which Iden debases his character, the whole speech is wild and confused. To draw a man by the heels, headlong, is somewhat difficult; nor can I discover how the dunghill would be his grave, if his trunk were left to be fed upon by crows. These I conceive not to be the faults of corruption but negligence, and therefore do not attempt correction. Johnson. The quarto is more favourable both to Iden's morality and language. It omits this savage wish, and makes him only add, after the lines I have just quoted: “I'll drag him hence, and with my sword “Cut off his head, and bear it to the king.” The player editors seem to have preferred want of humanity and common sense, to fewness of lines, and defect of versification. Steevens. By headlong the poet undoubtedly meant, with his head trailed along the ground. By saying, “the dunghill shall be thy grave,” Iden means, the dunghill shall be the place where thy dead body shall be laid: the dunghill shall be the only grave which thou shalt have. Surely in poetry this is allowable. So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; our monuments “Shall be the maws of kites.” After what has been already stated, I fear it must be acknowledged, that this faulty amplification was owing rather to our author's desire to expand a scanty thought of a preceding writer, than to any want of judgment in the player editors. Malone.

Note return to page 656 4Ah, sancta majestas!] Thus the old copy; instead of which the modern editors read, Ah, majesty! Steevens.

Note return to page 657 5&lblank; balance it,] That is, balance my hand. Johnson.

Note return to page 658 6A scepter shall it have, have I a soul;] I read: “A scepter shall it have, have I a sword.” York observes that his hand must be employed with a sword or scepter; he then naturally observes, that he has a sword, and resolves that, if he has a sword, he will have a scepter. Johnson. I rather think York means to say—If I have a soul, my hand shall not be without a scepter. Steevens. This certainly is a very natural interpretation of these words, and being no friend to alteration merely for the sake of improvement, we ought, I think, to acquiesce in it. But some difficulty will still remain; for if we read, with the old copy, soul, York threatens to “toss the flower-de-luce of France on his scepter,” which sounds but oddly. To toss it on his sword, was a threat very natural for a man who had already triumphed over the French. So, in King Henry VI. Part III.: “The soldiers should have toss'd me on their pikes.” However, in the licentious phraseology of our author, York may mean, that he will wield his scepter, (that is, exercise his royal power,) when he obtains it, so as to abase and destroy the French.—The following line also in King Henry VIII. adds support to the old copy: “Sir, as I have a soul, she is an angel.” Malone.

Note return to page 659 7&lblank; being a subject as I am,] Here again in the old play we have the style and versification of our author's immediate predecessors: “Or that thou, being a subject as I am, “Should'st thus approach so near with colours spread, “Whereas the person of the king doth keepe.” Malone.

Note return to page 660 8Scarce can I speak, &c.] The first nine lines of this speech are founded on the following in the old play: “A subject as he is! “O, how I hate these spiteful abject terms! “But York dissemble, till thou meet thy sonnes, “Who now in arms expect their father's sight, “And not far hence I know they cannot be.” Malone.

Note return to page 661 9O Buckingham.] O, which is not in the authentick copy, was added, to supply the metre, by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 662 1We twain will go into his highness' tent.] Shakspeare has here deviated from the original play without much propriety.— He has followed it in making Henry come to Buckingham and York, instead of their going to him;—yet without the introduction found in the quarto, where the lines stand thus: “Buck. Come, York, thou shalt go speak unto the king;— “But see, his grace is coming to meet with us.” Malone.

Note return to page 663 2York. To heave the traitor Somerset from hence;] The corresponding speech to this is given in the old play to Buckingham, and acquaints the King with the plea that York had before made to him for his rising: “To heave the duke of Somerset,” &c. This variation could never have arisen from copyists, short-hand writers, or printers. Malone.

Note return to page 664 3The head of Cade?] The speech corresponding to this in the first part of The Whole Contention, &c. 1600, is alone sufficient to prove that piece the work of another poet: “King. First, thanks to heaven, and next, to thee, my friend, “That hast subdu'd that wicked traitor thus. “O, let me see that head, that in his life. “Did work me and my land such cruel spight. “A visage stern; coal-black his curled locks; “Deep trenched furrows in his frowning brow, “Presageth warlike humours in his life. “Here take it hence, and thou for thy reward “Shalt be immediately created knight: “Kneel down, my friend, and tell me what's thy name.” Malone.

Note return to page 665 4May Iden, &c.] Iden has said before: “Lord! who would live turmoiled in a court, “And may enjoy,” &c. Shakspeare makes Iden rail at those enjoyments which he supposes to be out of his reach; but no sooner are they offered to him but he readily accepts them. Anonymous. In Iden's eulogium on the happiness of rural life, and in his acceptance of the honours bestowed by his majesty, Shakspeare has merely followed the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 666 5How now! &c.] This speech is greatly amplified, and in other respects very different from the original, which consists of but ten lines: “York. Who's that? proud Somerset at liberty? “Base fearful Henry, that thus dishonour'st me, “By heaven, thou shalt not govern over me! “I cannot brook that traitor's presence here, “Nor will I subject be to such a king, “That knows not how to govern, nor to rule. “Resign thy crown, proud Lancaster, to me, “That thou usurped hast so long by force; “For now is York resolv'd to claim his own, “And rise aloft unto fair England's throne.” Malone.

Note return to page 667 6&lblank; like to Achilles' spear, Is able with the change to kill and cure.] Mysus et Æmonia juvenis qua cuspide vulnus   Senserat, hac ipsa cuspide sensit opem. Propert. lib. ii. el. i. Greene, in his Orlando Furioso, 1599, has the same allusion: “Where I took hurt, there have I heal'd myself; “As those that with Achilles' launce were wounded, “Fetch'd help at self-same pointed speare.” Malone.

Note return to page 668 7O monstrous traitor! &c.] The variation between this speech and the original is worth noting. In the old play Somerset says: “Proud traitor, I arrest thee on high treason “Against thy sovereign lord: yield thee, false York, “For here I swear thou shalt unto the Tower, “For these proud words which thou hast given the King.” Malone.

Note return to page 669 8Would'st have me kneel? first let me ask of these, If they can brook I bow a knee to man.— Sirrah, call in my sons to be my bail;] As these lines stand, I think the sense perplexed and obscure. I have ventured to transpose them. Warburton. I believe these lines should be replaced in the order in which they stood till Dr. Warburton transposed them. By these York means his knees. He speaks, as Mr. Upton would have said, &grd;&gre;&gri;&grk;&grt;&gri;&grk;&grw;&grst;: laying his hand upon, or at least pointing to, his knees. Tyrwhitt. By these York evidently means his sons, whom he had just called for. Tyrwhitt's supposition, that he meant to ask his knees, whether he should bow his knees to any man, is not imagined with his usual sagacity. M. Mason. I have no doubt that York means either his sons, whom he mentions in the next line, or his troops, to whom he may be supposed to point. Dr. Warburton transposed the lines, placing that which is now the middle line of the speech at the beginning of it. But, like many of his emendations, it appears to have been unnecessary. The folio reads—“of thee.” The emendation was made by Mr. Theobald. Sons was substituted for son by the editor of the second folio. The correction is justified both by the context and the old play: “For my enfranchisement,” instead of —“of my,” &c. was likewise his correction. Malone.

Note return to page 670 9Shall be their father's bail; and bane to those &lblank;] Considering how our author loves to play on words similar in their sound, but opposite in their signification, I make no doubt but the author wrote bail and bale. Bale (from whence our common adjective, baleful) signifies detriment, ruin, misfortune, &c. Theobald. Bale signifies sorrow. Either word may serve. Johnson.

Note return to page 671 9&lblank; a bedlam and ambitious humour &lblank;] The word bedlam was not used in the reign of King Henry the Sixth, nor was Bethlehem Hospital (vulgarly called Bedlam) converted into a house or hospital for lunaticks till the reign of King Henry the Eighth, who gave it to the city of London for that purpose. Grey. Shakspeare was led into this anachronism by the author of the elder play. Malone. It is no anachronism, and Dr. Grey was mistaken: “Next unto the parish of St. Buttolph,” says Stow, “is a fayre inne for receipt of travellers: then an Hospitall of S. Mary of Bethelem, founded by Simon Fitz Mary, one of the Sheriffes of London, in the yeare 1246. He founded it to haue beene a priorie of Cannons with brethren and sisters, and king Edward the thirde granted a protection, which I have seene, for the brethren Miliciæ beatæ Mariæ de Bethlem, within the citie of London, the 14 yeare of his raigne. It was an hospitall for distracted people.” Survey of London, 1598, p. 127. Ritson.

Note return to page 672 1&lblank; fell lurking curs;] Mr. Roderick would read “fell barking;” Mr. Heath, “fell lurching;” but, perhaps, by fell lurking is meant curs who are at once a compound of cruelty and treachery. Steevens.

Note return to page 673 2Call hither to the stake my two brave bears, &lblank; Bid Salisbury, and Warwick, come &lblank;] The Nevils, earls of Warwick, had a bear and ragged staff for their cognizance. Sir J. Hawkins.

Note return to page 674 3Bid Salisbury, and Warwick, come to me.] Here in the old play the following lines are found: “King. Call Buckingham, and bid him arm himself. “York. Call Buckingham and all the friends thou hast; “Both thou and they shall curse this fatal hour.” Buckingham accordingly enters immediately with his forces. Shakspeare, we see, has not introduced him in the present scene, but has availed himself of those lines below. Malone.

Note return to page 675 4Oft have I seen, &c.] Bear-baiting was anciently a royal sport. See Stowe's account of Queen Elizabeth's Amusements of this kind; and Langham's Letter concerning that Queen's Entertainment at Kenelworth Castle. Percy. The one of them has adopted his description from the other. Henley.

Note return to page 676 5&lblank; being suffer'd &lblank;] Being suffer'd to approach to the bear's fell paw. Such may be the meaning. I am not, however, sure, but the poet meant, being in a state of sufferance or pain. Malone.

Note return to page 677 6Take heed, lest by your heat you burn yourselves.] So, in King Henry VIII.: “Heat not a furnace for yourself so hot, “That it do singe yourself.” Steevens.

Note return to page 678 7It is great sin, to swear unto a sin; &c.] We have the same sentiment in Love's Labour's Lost: “It is religion, to be thus forsworn.” Again, in King John: “It is religion that doth make vows kept; “But thou dost swear only to be forsworn; “And most forsworn to keep what thou dost swear.” Malone.

Note return to page 679 8&lblank; for death, or dignity.] The folio reads—“and dignity.” The emendation was made by Mr. Pope. Malone.

Note return to page 680 9&lblank; burgonet,] Is a helmet. Johnson. So, in The Martyr'd Soldier, 1638: “&lblank; now tye “Strong charms upon my full-plum'd burgonet.” Steevens.

Note return to page 681 1&lblank; thy household badge,] The folio has—housed badge, owing probably to the transcriber's ear deceiving him. The true reading is found in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 682 2Foul stigmatick,] A stigmatick is one on whom nature has set a mark of deformity, a stigma. Steevens. This certainly is the meaning here. A stigmatick originally and properly signified a person who has been branded with a hot iron for some crime. See Bullokar's English Expositor, 1616. Malone.

Note return to page 683 3Warwick is hoarse with calling thee to arms.] See Macbeth, vol. xi. p. 62, n. 3. Steevens.

Note return to page 684 4And made a prey for carrion kites and crows &lblank;] So, in Hamlet: “I should have fatted all the region kites “With this slave's offal.” Steevens.

Note return to page 685 5Even of the bonny beast he lov'd so well.] In the old play: “The bonniest gray, that e'er was bred in North.” Malone.

Note return to page 686 6For I myself, &c.] This passage will remind the classical reader of Achilles' conduct in the 22d Iliad, v. 205, where he expresses his determination that Hector should fall by no other hand than his own. Steevens.

Note return to page 687 7What seest thou in me, York? &c.] Instead of this and the ten following lines, we find these in the old play, and the variation is worth noting: “York. Now, Clifford, since we are singled here alone, “Be this the day of doom to one of us; “For now my heart hath sworn immortal hate “To thee and all the house of Lancaster. “Cliff. And here I stand, and pitch my foot to thine, “Vowing ne'er to stir till thou or I be slain; “For never shall my heart be safe at rest, “Till I have spoil'd the hateful house of York. “[Alarums, and they fight, and York kills Clifford. “York. Now Lancaster, sit sure; thy sinews shrink. “Come, fearful Henry, groveling on thy face, “Yield up thy crown unto the prince of York. [Exit York.” Malone.

Note return to page 688 8A dreadful lay!] A dreadful wager, a tremendous stake. Johnson.

Note return to page 689 9La fin couronne les oeuvres.] The players read: La fin corrone les eumenes. Steevens. Corrected by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 690 1Dies.] Our author, in making Clifford fall by the hand of York, has departed from the truth of history; a practice not uncommon to him when he does his utmost to make his characters considerable. This circumstance, however, serves to prepare the reader or spectator for the vengeance afterwards taken by Clifford's son on York and Rutland. It is remarkable, that at the beginning of the third part of this historical play, the poet has forgot this occurrence, and there represents Clifford's death as it really happened: “Lord Clifford and lord Stafford all abreast, “Charg'd our main battle's front; and breaking in, “Were by the swords of common soldiers slain.” Percy. For this inconsistency the elder poet must answer; for these lines are in The True Tragedie of Richard Duke of York, &c. on which, as I conceive, The Third Part of King Henry VI. was founded. Malone.

Note return to page 691 2Shame and confusion! all is on the rout, &c.] Instead of this long speech, we have the following lines in the old play: “Y. Clifford. Father of Cumberland! “Where may I seek my aged father forth? “O dismal sight! see where he breathless lies, “All smear'd and welter'd in his luke-warm blood! “Ah, aged pillar of all Cumberland's true house! “Sweet father, to thy murdered ghost I swear “Immortal hate unto the house of York; “Nor never shall I sleep secure one night, “Till I have furiously reveng'd thy death “And left not one of them to breathe on earth. [He takes him up on his back. “And thus as old Anchises' son did bear “His aged father on his manly back, “And fought with him against the bloody Greeks, “Even so will I;—but stay, here's one of them, “To whom my soul hath sworn immortal hate.” Malone.

Note return to page 692 3Hot coals of vengeance!] This phrase is scriptural. So, in the 140th Psalm: “Let hot burning coals fall upon them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 693 4And the premised flames &lblank;] Premised, for sent before their time. The sense is, let the flames reserved for the last day be sent now. Warburton.

Note return to page 694 5To cease!] Is to stop, a verb active. So, in Timon of Athens: “&lblank; be not ceas'd “With slight denial &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 695 6&lblank; to achieve &lblank;] Is, to obtain. Johnson.

Note return to page 696 7The silver livery of advised age;] Advised is wise, experienced. Malone. Advised is cautious, considerate. So before in this play: “And bid me be advised how I tread.” Steevens.

Note return to page 697 8And, in thy reverence,] In that period of life, which is entitled to the reverence of others. Our author has used the word in the same manner in As You Like It, where the younger brother says to the elder, (speaking of their father,) “thou art indeed nearer to his reverence.” Malone.

Note return to page 698 9My heart is turn'd to stone:] So, in Othello: “&lblank; my heart is turn'd to stone; I strike it, and it hurts my hand.” Malone.

Note return to page 699 1It shall be stony.] So again in Othello: “Thou dost stone my heart.” And, in King Richard III. we have “stone-hard heart.” Steevens.

Note return to page 700 2&lblank; to my flaming wrath be oil and flax,] So, in Hamlet: “To flaming youth let virtue be as wax, “And melt in her own fire.” Steevens.

Note return to page 701 3As wild Medea, &c.] When Medea fled with Jason from Colchos, she murdered her brother Absyrtus, and cut his body into several pieces, that her father might be prevented for some time from pursuing her. See Ovid, Trist. Lib. iii. El. 9: &lblank; divellit, divulsaque membra per agros   Dissipat, in multis invenienda locis:— Ut genitor luctuque novo tardetur, et artus   Dum legit extinctos, triste moretur iter.” Malone.

Note return to page 702 4&lblank; my manly shoulders;] The quarto copy has these lines: “Even so will I.—But stay, here's one of them, “To whom my soul hath sworn immortal hate.” Enter Richard, and then Clifford lays down his father, fights with him, and Richard flies away again. “Out, crook-back'd villain! get thee from my sight! “But I will after thee, and once again “(When I have borne my father to his tent) “I'll try my fortune better with thee yet. “[Exit young Clifford with his father.” Steevens. This is to be added to all the other circumstances which have been urged to show that the quarto play was the production of an elder writer than Shakspeare. The former's description of Æneas is different. See p. 351, n. 2. Malone.

Note return to page 703 5So, lie thou there;— For, underneath an alehouse' paltry sign, The Castle in Saint Albans, Somerset Hath made the wizard famous in his death.] The particle for in the second line seems to be used without any very apparent inference. We might read: “Fall'n underneath an alehouse' paltry sign,” &c. Yet the alteration is not necessary; for the old reading is sense, though obscure. Johnson. Dr. Johnson justly observes that the particle for seems to be used here without any apparent inference. The corresponding passage in the old play induces me to believe that a line has been omitted, perhaps of this import: “Behold, the prophecy is come to pass; “For, underneath &lblank;,” &c. We have had already two similar omissions in this play. Malone. Thus the passage stands in the quarto: “Rich. So lie thou there, and tumble in thy blood! “What's here? the sign of the Castle? “Then the prophecy is come to pass; “For Somerset was forewarned of castles, “The which he always did observe; and now, “Behold, under a paltry ale-house sign, “The Castle in saint Albans, Somerset “Hath made the wizard famous by his death.” I suppose, however, that the third line was originally written: “Why, then the prophecy is come to pass.” Steevens. The death of Somerset here accomplishes that equivocal prediction given by Jourdain, the witch, concerning this duke; which we meet with at the close of the first Act of this play: “Let him shun castles: “Safer shall he be upon the sandy plains, “Than where castles, mounted stand.” i. e. the representation of a castle, mounted for a sign. Theobald.

Note return to page 704 6Away, my lord!] Thus, in the old play: “Queen. Away, my lord, and fly to London straight; “Make haste, for vengeance comes along with them; “Come, stand not to expostulate: let's go. “King. Come then, fair queen, to London let us haste, “And summon a parliament with speed, “To stop the fury of these dire events. “[Exeunt King and Queen.” Previous to the entry of the King and Queen, there is the following stage-direction: “Alarums again, and then enter three or four bearing the Duke of Buckingham wounded to his tent. Alarums still, and then enter the king and queen.” Malone.

Note return to page 705 7Now is it manhood, wisdom, &c.] This passage will serve to countenance an emendation proposed in Macbeth. See vol. xi. p. 219, n. 5. Steevens.

Note return to page 706 8If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom Of all our fortunes:] Of this expression, which is undoubtedly Shakspeare's, he appears to have been fond. So, in King Henry IV. Part I.: “&lblank; for therein should we read “The very bottom and the soul of hope, “The very list, the very utmost bound “Of all our fortunes.” Again, in Romeo and Juliet: “Which sees into the bottom of my grief.” Again, in Measure for Measure: “To look into the bottom of my place.” Malone.

Note return to page 707 9&lblank; all our present parts.] Should we not read?—party. Tyrwhitt. The text is undoubtedly right. So, before: “Throw in the frozen bosoms of our part “Hot coals of vengeance.” I have met with part for party in other books of that time. So, in the Proclamation for the apprehension of John Cade, Stowe's Chronicle, p. 646, edit. 1605: “&lblank; the which John Cade also, after this, was sworne to the French parts, and dwelled with them,” &c. Again, in Hall's Chronicle, King Henry VI. fol. 101: “&lblank; in conclusion King Edward so corageously comforted his men, refreshing the weary, and helping the wounded, that the other part [i. e. the adverse army] was discomforted and overcome.” Again, in the same Chronicle, Edward IV. fol. xxii.: “&lblank; to bee provided a kynge, for to extinguish both the faccions and partes [i. e. parties] of Kyng Henry the VI. and of Kyng Edward the fourth.” Again, in Coriolanus: “&lblank; if I cannot persuade thee, “Rather to show a noble grace to both parts, “Than seek the end of one &lblank;.” In Plutarch the corresponding passage runs thus: “For if I cannot persuade thee rather to do good unto both parties,” &c. Malone. A hundred instances might be brought in proof that part and party were synonymously used. But that is not the present question. Mr. Tyrwhitt's ear (like every other accustomed to harmony of versification) must naturally have been shocked by the leonine gingle of hearts and parts, which is not found in any one of the passages produced by Mr. Malone in defence of the present reading. Steevens.

Note return to page 708 1Of Salisbury, &c.] The corresponding speeches to this and the following, are these, in the original play: “York. How now, boys! fortunate this fight hath been, “I hope, to us and ours, for England's good, “And our great honour, that so long we lost, “Whilst faint-heart Henry did usurp our rights. “But did you see old Salisbury, since we “With bloody minds did buckle with the foe? “I would not for the loss of this right hand “That ought but well betide that good old man. “Rich. My lord, I saw him in the thickest throng, “Charging his launce with his old weary arms; “And thrice I saw him beaten from his horse, “And thrice this hand did set him up again; “And still he fought with courage 'gainst his foes; “The boldest-spirited man that e'er mine eyes beheld.” Malone.

Note return to page 709 2&lblank; brush of time;] Read bruise of time. Warburton. The brush of time, is the gradual detrition of time. The old reading I suppose to be the true one. So, in Timon: “&lblank; one winter's brush &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 710 3&lblank; gallant in the brow of youth,] The brow of youth is an expression not very easily explained. I read the blow of youth; the blossom, the spring. Johnson. The brow of youth is the height of youth, as the brow of a hill is its summit. So, in Othello: “&lblank; the head and front of my offending.” Again, in King John: “Why here walk I in the black brow of night.” Steevens.

Note return to page 711 4Three times bestrid him,] That is, Three times I saw him fallen, and, striding over him, defended him till he recovered. Johnson. See vol. xvi. p. 386, n. 9. Of this act of friendship, which Shakspeare has frequently noticed in other places, no mention is made in the old play, as the reader may find in the preceding page; and its introduction here is one of the numerous minute circumstances, which when united form almost a decisive proof that the piece before us was constructed on foundations laid by a preceding writer. Malone.

Note return to page 712 5Well hast thou fought, &c.] The variation between this speech and that in the original play deserves to be noticed: “Sal. Well hast thou fought this day, thou valiant duke; “And thou brave bud of York's increasing house, “The small remainder of my weary life, “I hold for thee, for with thy warlike arm “Three times this day thou hast preserv'd my life.” Malone.

Note return to page 713 6Well, lords, we have not got that which we have;] i. e. we have not secured, we are not sure of retaining, that which we have acquired. In our author's Rape of Lucrece, a poem very nearly contemporary with the present piece, we meet with a similar expression: “That oft they have not that which they possess.” Malone.

Note return to page 714 7Being opposites of such repairing nature.] Being enemies that are likely so soon to rally and recover themselves from this defeat. To repair, in our author's language, is, to renovate. So, in Cymbeline: “O, disloyal thing! “That should'st repair my youth &lblank;.” Again, in All's Well that End's Well: “&lblank; It much repairs me, “To talk of your good father.” Malone.

Note return to page 715 8To call a present court of parliament.] The King and Queen left the stage only just as York entered, and have not said a word about calling a parliament. Where then could York hear this? —The fact is, as we have seen, that in the old play the King does say, “he will call a parliament,” but our author has omitted the lines. He has, therefore, here, as in some other places, fallen into an impropriety, by sometimes following and at others deserting his original. Malone.

Note return to page 716 9Now by my faith,] The first folio reads—“Now by my hand.” This undoubtedly was one of the many alterations made by the editors of that copy, to avoid the penalty of the Stat. 3 Jac. I. c. 21. See p. 333, n. 9. The true reading I have restored from the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 717 1Third Part of King Henry VI.] This play is only divided from the former for the convenience of exhibition; for the series of action is continued without interruption, nor are any two scenes of any play more closely connected than the first scene of this play with the last of the former. Johnson.

Note return to page 718 2Were by the swords of common soldiers slain.] See the Second Part of this Play, p. 350, n. 1. Reed. This is an inadvertency in our author. The elder Clifford was slain by York, and his son lives to revenge his death. M. Mason. Dr. Percy, in a note on the preceding play, has pointed out the inconsistency between this account, and the representation there, Clifford being killed on the stage by the Dake of York, the present speaker. Shakspeare was led into this inconsistency by the author of the original plays: if indeed there was but one author, for this circumstance might lead us to suspect that the first and second part of The Contention, &c. were not written by the same hand.—However, this is not decisive; for the author, whoever he was, might have been inadvertent, as we find Shakspeare undoubtedly was. Malone.

Note return to page 719 3Rich. Speak thou for me, and tell them what I did.] Here, as Mr. Elderton of Salisbury has observed to me, is a gross anachronism. At the time of the first battle of Saint Albans, at which Richard is represented in the last scene of the preceding play to have fought, he was, according to that gentleman's calculation, not one year old, having (as he conceives,) been born at Fotheringay Castle, October 21, 1454. At the time to which the third scene of the first Act of this play is referred, he was, according to the same gentleman's computation, but six years old; and in the fifth Act, in which Henry is represented as having been killed by him in the Tower, not more than sixteen and eight months. For this anachronism the author or authors of the old plays on which our poet founded these two parts of King Henry the Sixth, are answerable. Malone.

Note return to page 720 4What, is your grace &lblank;] The folio reads—But is your grace, &c. It was evidently a mistake of the transcriber, the word in the old play being what, which suits sufficiently with York's exultation; whereas but affords no sense whatsoever. Malone. Though the sense and verse is complete without either but or what, I suppose we ought to read: “What, 's your grace dead, my lord of Somerset?” I do not, however, perceive the inefficiency of—but. This conjunction is sometimes indeterminately used; and is also insultingly employed in Twelfth-Night: “But, are you not mad indeed, or do you but counterfeit?” Steevens.

Note return to page 721 †Quarto, bird.

Note return to page 722 5&lblank; if Warwick shake his bells.] The allusion is to falconry. The hawks had sometimes little bells hung upon them, perhaps to dare the birds; that is, to fright them from rising. Johnson.

Note return to page 723 ‡Quarto, breaks.

Note return to page 724 6&lblank; and such as he:] Thus the second folio. The first folio and the quartos omit—and. Steevens.

Note return to page 725 7Exe. But when, &c.] This line is by the mistake of the compositor given to Westmoreland. The king's answer shows that it belongs to Exeter, to whom it is assigned in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 726 8Thou art deceiv'd,] These words, which are not in the folio, were restored from the old play. The defect of the metre in the folio, makes it probable that they were accidentally omitted. The measure is, however, still faulty. Malone.

Note return to page 727 9&lblank; as the earldom was.] Thus the folio. The quarto 1600, and that without date, read—as the kingdom is. Steevens. York means, I suppose, that the dukedom of York was his inheritance from his father, as the earldom of March was his inheritance from his mother, Anne Mortimer, the wife of the Earl of Cambridge; and by naming the earldom, he covertly asserts his right to the crown; for his title to the crown was not as Duke of York, but Earl of March. In the original play the line stands [as quoted by Mr. Steevens]; and why Shakspeare altered it, it is not easy to say; for the new line only exhibits the same meaning more obscurely. Malone.

Note return to page 728 1&lblank; and that's Richard,] The word and, which was accidentally omitted in the first folio, is found in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 729 2Thy father was, as thou art, duke of York;] This is a mistake, into which Shakspeare was led by the author of the old play. The father of Richard Duke of York was Earl of Cambridge, and was never Duke of York, being beheaded in the life-time of his elder brother Edward Duke of York, who fell in the battle of Agincourt. The folio, by an evident error of the press, reads— My father. The true reading was furnished by the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 730 3I am the son of Henry the fifth,] The military reputation of Henry the Fifth is the sole support of his son. The name of Henry the Fifth dispersed the followers of Cade. Johnson.

Note return to page 731 4&lblank; sith &lblank;] i. e. since. So, in Measure for Measure: “Sith 'twas my fault to give the people scope.” Steevens.

Note return to page 732 5Think'st thou, &c.] The old play here exhibits four lines that are not in the folio. They could not have proceeded from the imagination of the transcriber, and therefore they must be added to the many other circumstances that have been already urged, to show that these plays were not originally the production of Shakspeare: “Ah Plantagenet, why seek'st thou to depose me? “Are we not both Plantagenets by birth, “And from two brothers lineally descent? “Suppose by right and equity thou be king, “Think'st thou,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 733 6Shall be my winding-sheet.] Perhaps Mr. Gray had this passage in his mind, when he wrote: “Weave the warp, and weave the woof, “The winding-sheet of Edward's race &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 734 7But prove it, Henry, and thou shalt be king.] Thus the second folio. The first omits the necessary word—but. Steevens. Henry is frequently used by Shakspeare and his contemporaries as a word of three syllables. Malone. But not as in the present instance, where such a trisyllable must prove offensive to the ear. Steevens.

Note return to page 735 8Think you, 'twere prejudicial to his crown?] The phrase prejudicial to his crown, if it be right, must mean, detrimental to the general rights of hereditary royalty; but I rather think that the transcriber's eye caught crown from the line below, and that we should read—prejudicial to his son, to his next heir. Johnson. Dr. Percy observes on Dr. Johnson's note, that son could not have been the right word, as Richard the Second had no issue; and our author would hardly have used it simply for heir general. “Prejudicial to the crown,” is right, i. e. to the prerogative of the crown. Steevens.

Note return to page 736 9May that ground gape, and swallow me alive.] So, in Phaer's translation of the fourth Æneid: “But rather would I wish the ground to gape for me below.” Steevens.

Note return to page 737 1&lblank; hear but one word;] Hear is in this line, as in some other places, used as a dissyllable. The editor of the third folio, and all the subsequent editors, read—hear me but one word. Malone. Since the third folio reads—hear me but one word, which improves both the language and the metre, why should it not be followed? M. Mason.

Note return to page 738 2I am content, &c.] Instead of this speech the old play has the following lines: “King. Convey the soldiers hence, and then I will. “War. Captaine, conduct them into Tuthilfields.” Malone.

Note return to page 739 3They seek revenge,] They go away, not because they doubt the justice of this determination, but because they have been conquered, and seek to be revenged. They are not influenced by principle, but passion. Johnson.

Note return to page 740 4And neither &lblank;] Neither, either, whether, brother, rather, and many similar words, were used by Shakspeare as monosyllables. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “Either death or you I'll find immediately.” The editor of the second folio, who appears to have been entirely ignorant of our author's metre and phraseology, not knowing this, omitted the word and. Malone. My ignorance must be content to accompany that of the editor of the second folio; for how—either, brother, neither, or rather, can be pronounced as monosyllables, I am yet to learn. The versification, however, in this and the preceding play is often so irregular, that I leave the passage before us at it stands in the first folio. Steevens.

Note return to page 741 5&lblank; I'll to my castle.] Sandal Castle near Wakefield, in Yorkshire. Malone.

Note return to page 742 6&lblank; bewray &lblank;] i. e. betray, discover. So, in King Lear: “Mark the high noises, and thyself bewray.” Again, ibid.: “He did bewray his practice.” Steevens.

Note return to page 743 7Rather than made &lblank;] Old copy—“Rather than have made.” The compositor inadvertently repeated the word—have, from the preceding line. Steevens. Rather is here used as a monosyllable. See p. 375, n. 4. Malone.

Note return to page 744 8What is it, but to make thy sepulchre,] The Queen's reproach is founded on a position long received among politicians, that the loss of a king's power is soon followed by loss of life. Johnson.

Note return to page 745 9Stern Faulconbridge commands the narrow seas;] So, in Marlowe's Edward II.: “The haughty Dane commands the narrow seas.” This may be too slight a circumstance to prove Marlowe the author of The Whole Contention: it is, however, in other respects, sufficiently probable that he had some hand in it. The person here meant was Thomas Nevil, bastard son to the lord Faulconbridge, “a man, (says Hall,) of no lesse corage then audacitie, who for his euel condicions was such an apte person, that a more meter could not be chosen to set all the worlde in a broyle, and to put the estate of the realme on an yl hazard.” He had been appointed by Warwick vice-admiral of the sea, and had in charge so to keep the passage between Dover and Calais, that none which either favoured King Henry or his friends should escape untaken or undrowned: such at least were his instructions, with respect to the friends and favourers of King Edward, after the rupture between him and Warwick. On Warwick's death, he fell into poverty, and robbed, both by sea and land, as well friends as enemies. He once brought his ships up the Thames, and with a considerable body of the men of Kent and Essex, made a spirited assault on the city, with a view to plunder and pillage, which was not repelled but after a sharp conflict and the loss of many lives; and, had it happened at a more critical period, might have been attended with fatal consequences to Edward. After roving on the sea some little time longer, he ventured to land at Southampton, where he was taken and beheaded. See Hall and Holinshed. Ritson.

Note return to page 746 1Whereby my son is disinherited.] The corresponding line in the old play is this. The variation is remarkable: “Wherein thou yieldest to the house of York.” Malone.

Note return to page 747 2&lblank; from the field,] Folio—“to the field.” The true reading is found in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 748 3Whose haughty spirit, winged with desire, Will cost my crown, and, like an empty eagle, &c.] Read coast, i. e. hover over it. Warburton. Dr. Warburton's alteration aims at a distinction without a difference, both cost and coast being ultimately derivations of the same original. Henley. The word which Dr. Warburton would introduce, has been supposed to violate the metaphor; nor indeed is to coast used as a term of falconry in any of the books professedly written on that subject. To coast is a sea-faring expression, and means to keep along shore. We may, however, maintain the integrity of the figure, by inserting the word cote, which is used in Hamlet, and in a sense convenient enough on this occasion: “We coted them on the way.” To cote is to come up with, to overtake, to reach. So, in The Return from Parnassus, a comedy, 1606: “&lblank; marry, we presently coted and outstript them.” Yet, on further inquiry, I am become less certain, that to coast is merely a sea-faring expression. It is used in the following instance to denote speed: “And all in haste she coasteth to the cry.” Shakspeare's Venus and Adonis. Again, in The Loyal Subject, by Beaumont and Fletcher: “Take you those horse, and coast them.” Again, in The Maid of the Mill, by the same authors, two gentlemen are entering, and a lady asks: “&lblank; who are those that coast us?” Mr. Tollet therefore observes, that Dr. Warburton's interpretation may be right, as Holinshed often uses the verb to coast, i. e. to hover, or range about any thing. So, in Chapman's version of the fifth Iliad: “Atrides yet coasts through the troops, confirming men so stay'd.” See Holinshed, vol. iii. p. 352: “William Douglas still coasted the Englishmen, doing them what damage he might.” So again, p. 387, and 404, and in other writers. Steevens. I have no doubt but coast is the true reading. To coast is to keep along side of it, and watch it. In King Henry VIII. the Chamberlain says of Wolsey: “&lblank; the king perceives him how he coasts “And hedges his own way.” And in the last Act of The Loyal Subject, Archas says: “&lblank; Lord Barris, “Take you those horse, and coast them.” M. Mason. “Will cost my crown.” i. e. will cost me my crown; will induce on me the expence or loss of my crown. Malone. Had this been our author's meaning, he would have otherwise formed his verse, and written “cost me my crown.” So, in King Lear: “The dark and vicious place where thee he got, “Cost him his eyes.” Steevens.

Note return to page 749 4Tire on the flesh of me,] To tire is to fasten, to fix the talons, from the French tirer. Johnson. To tire is to peck. So, in Decker's Match Me in London, 1631: “&lblank; the vulture tires “Upon the eagle's heart.” Steevens.

Note return to page 750 5&lblank; those three lords &lblank;] That is, of Northumberland, Westnoreland, and Clifford, who had left him in disgust. Johnson.

Note return to page 751 6&lblank; you shall be the messenger.] Instead of the six last lines of this speech, the first copy presents these: “Come, cousin of Exeter, stay thou here, “For Clifford and those northern lords be gone, “I fear towards Wakefield, to disturb the duke.” Malone.

Note return to page 752 7&lblank; sons, and brother,] I believe we should read—cousin instead of brother, unless brother be used by Shakspeare as a term expressive of endearment, or because they embarked, like brothers, in one cause. Montague was only cousin to York, and in the quarto he is so called. Shakspeare uses the expression, brother of the war, in King Lear. Steevens. It should be sons and brothers; my sons, and brothers to each other. Johnson. Brother is right. In the two succeeding pages York calls Montague brother. This may be in respect to their being brothers of the war, as Mr. Steevens observes, or of the same council, as in King Henry VIII. who says to Cranmer: “You are brother of us.” Montague was brother to Warwick; Warwick's daughter was married to a son of York: therefore York and Montague were brothers. But as this alliance did not take place during the life of York, I embrace Mr. Steevens's interpretation rather than suppose that Shakspeare made a mistake about the time of the marriage. Tollet. The third folio reads as Dr. Johnson advises. But as York again in this scene addresses Montague by the title of brother, and Montague uses the same to York, Dr. Johnson's conjecture cannot be right. Shakspeare certainly supposed them to be brothers-in-law. Malone.

Note return to page 753 8No quarrel, but a slight contention.] Thus the players, first, in their edition; who did not understand, I presume, the force of the epithet in the old quarto, which I have restored— sweet contention, i. e. the argument of their dispute was upon a grateful topick; the question of their father's immediate right to the crown. Theobald. Sweet is, I think, the better reading of the two; and I should certainly have received it had it been found in the folio, which Mr. Malone supposes to be the copy of this play, as reformed by Shakspeare. Steevens.

Note return to page 754 9Rich. No; God forbid, &c.] Instead of this and the three following speeches, the old play has these lines: “Rich. An if it please your grace to give me leave, “I'll shew your grace the way to save your oath, “And dispossess King Henry from the crown. “York. I pr'ythee, Dick, let me hear thy devise.” Malone.

Note return to page 755 1An oath is of no moment,] The obligation of an oath is here eluded by very despicable sophistry. A lawful magistrate alone has the power to exact an oath, but the oath derives no part of its force from the magistrate. The plea against the obligation of an oath obliging to maintain a usurper, taken from the unlawfulness of the oath itself in the foregoing play, was rational and just. Johnson. This speech is formed on the following one in the old play: “Rich. Then thus, my lord. An oath is of no moment, “Being not sworn before a lawful magistrate; “Henry is none, but doth usurp your right; “And yet your grace stands bound to him by oath: “Then, noble father, “Resolve yourself, and once more claim the crown.” Malone.

Note return to page 756 2Brother, thou shalt to London presently,] Thus the original play: “Edward, thou shalt to Edmond Brooke, lord Cobham, “With whom the Kentishmen will willingly rise. “Thou, cousin Montague, shalt to Norfolk straight, “And bid the duke to muster up his soldiers, “And come to me to Wakefield presently. “And Richard, thou to London straight shalt post, “And bid Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick “To leave the city, and with his men of war “To meet me at St. Albans ten days hence. “My self here in Sandall castle will provide “Both men and money, to further our attempts.” Malone.

Note return to page 757 3Witty and courteous, liberal, full of spirit.] What a blessed harmonious line have the editors given us! and what a promising epithet, in York's behalf, from the Kentishmen being so witty! I cannot be so partial, however, to my own county, as to let this compliment pass. I make no doubt to read: “&lblank; for they are soldiers, “Wealthy and courteous, liberal, full of spirit.” Now these five characteristicks answer to Lord Say's description of them in the preceding play: “Kent, in the commentaries Cæsar writ, “Is term'd the civil'st place in all this isle; “The people liberal, valiant, active, wealthy.” Theobald. This is a conjecture of very little import. Johnson. I see no reason for adopting Theobald's emendation. Witty anciently signified, of sound judgment. The poet calls Buckingham, “the deep revolving, witty Buckingham.” Steevens.

Note return to page 758 4Enter a Messenger.] Thus the quartos; the folio reads,— Enter Gabriel. Steevens. Gabriel was the actor who played this inconsiderable part. He is mentioned by Heywood, in his Apology for Actors, 1612. The correction was made by Mr. Theobald from the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 759 5The queen, with all, &c.] I know not whether the author intended any moral instruction, but he that reads this has a striking admonition against that precipitancy by which men often use unlawful means to do that which a little delay would put honestly in their power. Had York staid but a few moments, he had saved his cause from the stain of perjury. Johnson. It will be no more than justice to York, if we recollect that this scene, so far as respects the oath, and his resolution to break it, proceeds entirely from our author's imagination. Neither the Earl of March nor Richard was then at Sandal; the latter being likewise a mere child, barely turned of eight years old. His appearance, therefore, and actions in this, and, at least, the two first Acts of the following play, are totally unsupported by history and truth. It may be likewise observed that the Queen was not actually present at this battle, not returning out of Scotland till some little time after. This insurrection, which the Duke, not in breach of, but in strict conformity with his oath to the King, and in discharge of his duty as protector of the realm, had marched from London to suppress, was headed by the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland, and the Lord Nevil, who, in direct violation of a mutual agreement, and before the day prefixed for the battle, fell suddenly upon the Duke's army, made him and Salisbury prisoners, and treated him in the manner here described. See Whethamstede. Salisbury was next day killed at Pontefract by a bastard son of the Duke of Exeter, and beheaded, with York, Rutland, and others, after death. W. Wyrcester. Ritson. In October 1460, when it was established in parliament that the Duke of York should succeed to the throne after Henry's death, the Duke and his two sons, the Earl of March, and the Earl of Rutland, took an oath to do no act whatsoever that might “sound to the abridgement of the natural life of King Henry the Sixth, or diminishing of his reign or dignity royal.” Having persuaded the King to send for the Queen and the Prince of Wales, (who were then in York,) and finding that she would not obey his requisition, he on the second of December set out for his castle in Yorkshire, with such military power as he had; a messenger having been previously dispatched to the Earl of March, to desire him to follow his father with all the forces he could procure. The Duke arrived at Sandal Castle on the 24th of December, and in a short time his army amounted to five thousand men. An anonymous Remarker, [the author of the preceding note,] however, very confidently asserts, that, “this scene, so far as respects York's oath and his resolution to break it, proceeds entirely from the author's imagination.” His oath is on record; and what his resolution was when he marched from London at the head of a large body of men, and sent the message above stated to his son, it is not very difficult to conjecture. Malone.

Note return to page 760 6&lblank; with twenty thousand men;] In the quarto this speech stands as follows: “My lord, the queene with thirty thousand men “Accompanied with the earles of Cumberland, “Northumberland, and Westmerland, “With others of the house of Lancaster, “Are marching towards Wakefield, “To besiedge you in your castle heere.” Steevens.

Note return to page 761 7Five men to twenty! &c.] Thus, in the old play: “York. Indeed many brave battles have I won “In Normandy, whereas the enemy “Hath been ten to one, and why should I now “Doubt of the like success. I am resolv'd. “Come, let us go, “Edw. Let us march away. I hear their drums.” Malone.

Note return to page 762 8&lblank; his Tutor.] A priest called Sir Robert Aspall. Hall, Henry VI. fol. 99. Ritson.

Note return to page 763 9Ah, whither, &c.] This scene in the old play opens with these lines: “Tutor. Oh, fly, my lord, let's leave the castle, “And fly to Wakefield straight.” Malone.

Note return to page 764 1Whose father &lblank;] i. e. the father of which brat, namely, the Duke of York. Malone.

Note return to page 765 2&lblank; is he dead already? Or, is it fear, That makes him close his eyes?] This circumstance is taken from Hall: “Whilst this battail was in fighting, a prieste called Sir Robert Aspall, chappelaine and schole-master to the yong erle of Rutlande, ii sonne to the above named duke of Yorke, scarce of the age of xii yeres, a faire gentleman, and a maydenlike person, perceyving that flight was more safe-gard than tarrying, bothe for hym and his master, secretly conveyd therle out of the felde, by the lord Cliffordes bande, toward the towne; but or he could entre into a house, he was by the sayd Lord Clifford espied, folowed, and taken, and by reson of his apparell, demaunded what he was. The yong gentleman dismayed, had not a word to speake, but kneled on his knees, imploring mercy, and desiring grace, both with holding up his handes, and making dolorous countenance, for his speache was gone for feare.” Malone.

Note return to page 766 3So looks the pent-up lion &lblank;] That is, the lion that hath been long confined without food, and is let out to devour a man condemned. Johnson.

Note return to page 767 †Quarto, lamb.

Note return to page 768 4&lblank; devouring paws;] Surely the epithet devouring, which might well have characterised the whole animal, is oddly bestowed on his paws. Steevens.

Note return to page 769 5The sight of any of the house of York Is as a fury, &c.] In Romeo and Juliet the same idea is expressed in humbler language: “A dog of the house of Montague moves me.” Steevens.

Note return to page 770 6But 'twas ere I was born.] The author of the original play appears to have been as incorrect in his chronology as Shakspeare. Rutland was born, I believe, in 1443; according to Hall, in 1448; and Clifford's father was killed at the battle of St. Albans, in 1455. Consequently Rutland was then at least seven years old; more probably twelve. The same observation has been made by an anonymous writer [Mr. Ritson]. Malone. Rutland is under a mistake. The battle of St. Albans, in which old Clifford was slain, happened in 1455; that of Wakefield in 1460. He appears to have been at this time about seventeen years old. Ritson.

Note return to page 771 7&lblank; sith &lblank;] i. e. since. So, in The Merry Wives of Windsor: “&lblank; sith you yourself know how easy it is to be such an offender.” Steevens.

Note return to page 772 8Dii faciant, &c.] This line is in Ovid's Epistle from Phillis to Demophoon. I find the same quotation in Have With You to Saffron Walden, or Gabriel Harvey's Hunt Is Up, &c. 1596. Steevens.

Note return to page 773 9My uncles both are slain in rescuing me;] These were two bastard uncles by the mother's side, Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer. See Grafton's Chronicle, p. 649. Percy.

Note return to page 774 1With purple faulchion, painted to the hilt In blood of those &lblank;] So, in King Henry V.: “With pennons painted in the blood of Harfleur.” Steevens.

Note return to page 775 2We bodg'd again;] I find bodgery used by Nashe in his Apologie of Pierce Penniless, 1593, for botchery: “Do you know your own misbegotten bodgery?” To bodge might therefore mean, (as to botch does now) to do a thing imperfectly and aukwardly; and thence to fail or miscarry in an attempt. Cole, in his Latin Dictionary, 1679, renders—“To botch or bungle, opus corrumpere, disperdere.” I suspect, however, with Dr. Johnson, that we should read— We budg'd again. “To budge” Cole renders, pedem referre, to retreat: the precise sense required here. So, Coriolanus, speaking of his army who had fled from their adversaries: “The mouse ne'er shunn'd the cat, as they did budge “From rascals worse than they.” Malone. I believe that—we bodg'd only means, “we boggled, made bad or bungling work of our attempt to rally.” A low unskilful tailor is often called a botcher. Steevens.

Note return to page 776 3&lblank; noontide prick.] Or, noontide point on the dial. Johnson. The same phrase occurs in Romeo and Juliet, Act II. Sc. IV. Steevens.

Note return to page 777 4It is war's prize &lblank;] Read—praise. Warburton. I think the old reading right, which means, that all 'vantages are in war lawful prize; that is, may be lawfully taken and used. Johnson. To take all advantages, is rather to the discredit than to the praise of war, and therefore Warburton's amendment cannot be right; nor can I approve of Johnson's explanation;—it appears to me that “It is war's prize,” means merely that it is the estimation of people at war; the settled opinion. M. Mason. &lblank; dolus, an virtus, quis in hoste requirat? Virg. Malone.

Note return to page 778 5So true men yield,] A true man has been already explained to be an honest man, as opposed to a thief. See vol. ix. p. 146, n. 7. Malone.

Note return to page 779 6That raught &lblank;] i. e. That reach'd. The ancient preterite and participle passive of reach. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “The hand of death has raught him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 780 7&lblank; this napkin &lblank;] A napkin is a handkerchief. Johnson. So, in As You Like It: “To that youth he calls his Rosalind, he sends this bloody napkin.” Steevens.

Note return to page 781 8Stamp, rave, and fret, &c.] I have placed this line as it stands in the old play. In the folio it is introduced, I believe, by the carelessness of the transcriber, some lines lower, after the words—“do mock thee thus;” where it appears to me out of its place. Malone.

Note return to page 782 9Putting a paper Crown on his Head.] Shakspeare has on this occasion deviated from history, if such of our English Chronicles as I have occasionally looked into, may be believed. According to these, the paper crown was not placed on the Duke of York's head till after it had been cut off. Rutland likewise was not killed by Clifford, till after his father's death. Steevens. The ingenious commentator is most certainly mistaken. Shakspeare, so far from having deviated from history, has followed it with the utmost precision. Whethamstede expressly tells us, that the Lancastrians, in direct breach of a mutual agreement, and before the day appointed for the battle, fell suddenly upon the Duke's army, and took him and the Earl of Salisbury prisoners; treating both, but especially the Duke, in the most shameful manner: “Nam, (says he,) statuentes eum super unum parvum formicarium colliculum, et quoddam sertum vile, ex palustri gramine confectum, imponentes, per modum coronæ, super caput suum, non aliter quam Judæi coram Domino incurvaverunt genua sua coram ipso, dicentes illusorie: Ave rex, sine regimine; ave rex, absque hereditate; ave dux et princeps, absque omni populo penitus et possessione. Ex hiis una cum aliis variis, in eum probrose opprobrioseque dictis, coegerunt ipsum demum per capitis abscissionem clameum relinquere suæ justiciæ vendicacionis,” p. 489. Not a single circumstance is omitted, or varied in the scene. It is not, however, imagined that Shakspeare had ever consulted Whethamstede: he found the same story no doubt in some old black letter Chronicle, or he might possibly have it from a popular tradition. Ritson. According to Hall the paper crown was not placed on York's head till after he was dead; but Holinshed, after giving Hall's narration of this business almost verbatim, adds:—“Some write, that the Duke was taken alive, and in derision caused to stand upon a mole-hill, on whose heade they put a garland instead of a crowne, which they had fashioned and made of segges or bulrushes, and having so crowned him with that garlande, they kneeled downe afore him, as the Jewes did to Christe in scorne, saying to him, hayle king without rule, hayle king without heritage, hayle duke and prince without people or possessions. And at length having thus scorned hym with these and dyverse other the like despitefull woordes, they stroke off his heade, which (as yee have heard) they presented to the queen.” Both the chroniclers say, that the Earl of Rutland was killed by Clifford during the battle of Wakefield; but it may be presumed that his father had first fallen. The Earl's tutor probably attempted to save him as soon as the rout began. Malone.

Note return to page 783 1Till our king Henry had shook hands with death.] On York's return from Ireland, at a meeting of parliament, it was settled, that Henry should enjoy the throne during his life, and that York should succeed him. See Hall, Henry VI. fol. 98. Malone.

Note return to page 784 2And will you pale &lblank;] i. e. impale, encircle with a crown. Malone. So, in Antony and Cleopatra: “Whate'er the ocean pales, or sky inclips.” Steevens.

Note return to page 785 3&lblank; to do him dead,] To kill him. See vol. vii. p. 153, n. 4. Malone. See also this play, p. 408, n. 9. Steevens.

Note return to page 786 4Upon their woes,] So the folio. The quarto reads—Upon his woes. Steevens.

Note return to page 787 5&lblank; the type &lblank;] i. e. the distinguishing mark; an obsolete use of the word. So again, in King Richard III.: “The high imperial type of this earth's glory.” Steevens.

Note return to page 788 6'Tis government, that makes them seem divine;] Government, in the language of that time, signified evenness of temper, and decency of manners. Johnson. So, in King Henry IV. Part I. Falstaff says: “Let men say, we be men of good government.” Steevens.

Note return to page 789 7&lblank; septentrion.] i. e. the North. Septentrio, Lat. Milton uses the same word as an adjective: “&lblank; cold septentrion blasts.” Steevens.

Note return to page 790 8O, tiger's heart, wrapp'd in a woman's hide!] We find almost the same line in Acolastus his Afterwitte, 1600: “O woolvish heart, wrapp'd in a woman's hide!” The author of this piece, S. Nicholson, has frequently transcribed whole lines from Shakspeare. Malone.

Note return to page 791 9&lblank; thy wish, &c.] So the folio. The quarto reads—“thy will” in the first line, and “thy wish” in the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 792 1For raging wind blows up incessant showers,] Thus the folio. The quartos read— “For raging winds blow up a storm of tears.” Steevens.

Note return to page 793 2Would'st have me weep? why, now thou hast thy will: For raging wind blows up incessant showers, And, when the rage allays, the rain begins.] We meet with the same thought in our author's Rape of Lucrece: “This windy tempest, till it blow up rain, “Held back his sorrow's tide, to make it more; “At last it rains, and busy winds give o'er. “Then son and father weep with equal strife, “Who should weep most for daughter or for wife.” Again, in Macbeth: “&lblank; that tears shall drown the wind.” Again, in Troilus and Cressida: “Where are my tears? rain, rain, to lay this wind?” Again, in King John: “This shower, blown up by tempest of the soul &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 794 3And every drop cries vengeance for his death,] So the folio. The quarto thus: “And every drop begs vengeance as it falls, “On thee, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 795 4&lblank; would not have stain'd with blood:] Thus the first folio. Steevens. “&lblank; would not have stain'd the roses just with blood:” So the second folio nonsensically reads the passage; but the old quarto, &c. of better authority, have it thus: “That face of his the hungry cannibals “Would not have touch'd, would not have stain'd with blood.” And this is sense. Could any one now have believed that an editor of common understanding should reject this, and fasten upon the nonsense of the later edition, only because it afforded matter of conjecture? and yet Mr. Theobald will needs correct, “roses just with blood,” to “roses juic'd with blood,” that is, change one blundering editor's nonsense for another's. But if there ever was any meaning in the line, it was thus expressed: “Would not have stain'd the roses just in bud.” And this the Oxford editor hath espoused. Warburton. As, without correction, the words—“the roses just,” do not make good sense, there is very little reason to suspect their being interpolated, and therefore it is most probable they were preserved among the players by memory. The correction is this: “That face of his the hungry cannibals “Would not have touch'd: “Would not have stain'd the roses just i' th' bloom.” The words [“the roses just”] were, I suppose, left out by the first editors, in order to get rid of the superfluous hemistich. Musgrave.

Note return to page 796 5&lblank; of Hyrcania.] So the folio. The quartos read—of Arcadia. Steevens.

Note return to page 797 6And, if thou tell'st the heavy story right, Upon my soul, the hearers will shed tears;] So, in King Richard II.: “Tell thou the lamentable tale of me, “And send the hearers weeping to their beds.” Steevens.

Note return to page 798 7There, take the crown, and, with the crown, my curse;] Rowe has transferred this execration to his dying Hengist in The Royal Convert: “&lblank; wear my crown; “Take it, and be as curs'd with it as I was.” Steevens.

Note return to page 799 8I should not for my life but weep with him, To see how inly sorrow gripes his soul.] So the folio. The quartos as follows: “I could not choose but weep with him, to see “How inward anger gripes his heart.” Steevens.

Note return to page 800 9And here's to right our gentle-hearted king.] So the folio. The quarto thus: “And there's to right our gentle harted kind.” Of these variations there are many, but it is useless labour to enumerate them all. Steevens.

Note return to page 801 1So York may overlook, &c.] This gallant prince fell by his own imprudence, in consequence of leading an army of only five thousand men to engage with twenty thousand, and not waiting for the arrival of his son the Earl of March, with a large body of Welshmen. He and Cecily his wife, with his son Edmond Earl of Rutland, were originally buried in the chancel of Foderingay church; and (as Peacham informs us in his Complete Gentleman, 4to. 1627,) “when the chancel in that furie of knocking churches and sacred monuments in the head, was also felled to the ground,” they were removed into the churchyard; and afterwards “lapped in lead they were buried in the church by the commandment of Queen Elizabeth; and a mean monument of plaister wrought with the trowel erected over them, very homely, and far unfitting so noble princes.” “I remember, (adds the same writer,) Master Creuse, a gentleman and my worthy friend, who dwelt in the college at the same time, told me, that their coffins being opened, their bodies appeared very plainly to be discerned, and withal that the dutchess Cecily had about her necke, hanging in a silke ribband, a pardon from Rome, which, penned in a very fine Roman hand, was as faire and fresh to be read, as it had been written yesterday.” This pardon was probably a dispensation which the Duke procured, from the oath of allegiance that he had sworn to Henry in St. Paul's church on the 10th of March, 1452. Malone.

Note return to page 802 2How fares my brother?] This scene, in the old quartos begins thus: “After this dangerous fight and hapless war, “How doth my noble brother Richard fare?” Had the author taken the trouble to revise his play, he hardly would have begun the first Act and the second with almost the same exclamation, expressed in almost the same words. Warwick opens the scene with— “I wonder, how the king escap'd our hands.” Steevens.

Note return to page 803 3Methought, he bore him &lblank;] i. e. he demeaned himself. So, in Measure for Measure: “How I may formally in person bear me &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 804 4Methinks, 'tis prize enough to be his son.] The old quarto reads—pride, which is right, for ambition, i. e. We need not aim at any higher glory than this. Warburton. I believe prize is the right word. Richard's sense is, though we have missed the prize for which we fought, we have yet an honour left that may content us. Johnson. Prize, if it be the true reading, I believe, here means privilege. So, in the former Act: “It is war's prize to take all 'vantages?” Malone.

Note return to page 805 5And takes her farewell of the glorious sun!] Aurora takes for a time her farewell of the sun, when she dismisses him to his diurnal course. Johnson.

Note return to page 806 6&lblank; do I see three suns?] This circumstance is mentioned both by Hall and Holinshed: “&lblank; at which tyme the son (as some write) appeared to the earle of March like three sunnes, and sodainely joyned altogither in one, uppon whiche sight hee tooke such courage, that he fiercely setting on his enemyes put them to flight; and for this cause menne ymagined that he gave the sun in his full bryghtnesse for his badge or cognisance.” These are the words of Holinshed. Malone.

Note return to page 807 7&lblank; the racking clouds,] i. e. the clouds in rapid, tumultuary motion. So, in The Raigne of King Edward III. 1596: “&lblank; like inconstant clouds “That, rack'd upon the carriage of the winds, “Encrease,” &c. Steevens. Again, in our author's 32d Sonnet: “Anon permit the basest clouds to ride “With ugly rack on his celestial face.” Malone.

Note return to page 808 8&lblank; blazing by our meeds,] Illustrious and shining by the armorial ensigns granted us as meeds of our great exploits. Meed likewise is merit. It might be plausibly read: “&lblank; blazing by our deeds.” Johnson. Johnson's first explanation of this passage is not right. Meed here means merit. So, in the fourth Act, the King says: “My meed hath got me fame.” And in Timon of Athens the word is used in the same sense: “&lblank; No meed but he repays “Sevenfold above itself.” M. Mason.

Note return to page 809 9O, speak no more!] The generous tenderness of Edward, and savage fortitude of Richard, are well distinguished by their different reception of their father's death. Johnson.

Note return to page 810 1&lblank; for I have heard too much.] So the folio. The quartos thus: “&lblank; for I can hear no more. “Rich. Tell on thy tale,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 811 2Environed he was with many foes;] Thus, in the old play: “O, one that was a woeful looker on, “When as the noble duke of York was slain.— “When as the noble duke was put to flight, “And then persude by Clifford and the queene, “And many soldiers moe, who all at once “Let drive at him, and forst the duke to yield; “And then they set him on a moul-hill there, “And crown'd the gracious duke in high despight; “Who then with tears began to wail his fall. “The ruthlesse queene perceiving he did weepe, “Gave him a handkerchief to wipe his eyes, “Dipt in the bloud of sweete young Rutland, by “Rough Clifford slaine; who weeping tooke it up: “Then through his brest they thrust their bloudie swords, “Who like a lambe fell at the butcher's feate. “Then on the gates of Yorke they set his head, “And there it doth remaine the piteous spectacle “That ere mine eyes beheld.” Malone.

Note return to page 812 3&lblank; the hope of Troy &lblank;] Hector. These lines are borrowed, with some alterations, from another part of the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 813 4And burn me up with flames, &c.] So, in King John: “France, I am burn'd up with consuming wrath,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 814 5To weep, &c.] Here, in the original play, instead of these two lines, we have— “I cannot joy, till this white rose be dy'd “Even in the heart-bloud of the house of Lancaster.” Malone.

Note return to page 815 6His dukedom and his chair with me is left.] So the folio. The quarto thus: “His chair, and dukedom, that remains for me.” Steevens.

Note return to page 816 7Show thy descent by gazing 'gainst the sun:] So, in Spenser's Hymn of Heavenly Beauty: “&lblank; like the native brood of eagle's kind, “On that bright sun of glory fix thine eyes.” Again, in Solyman and Perseda: “As air-bred eagles, if they once perceive “That any of their brood but close their sight, “When they should gaze against the glorious sun; “They straitway seize upon him with their talons, “That on the earth it may untimely die, “For looking but askew at heaven's bright eye.” Steevens.

Note return to page 817 8Enter Warwick, &c.] This meeting was at Chipping-Norton. W. Wyrcester, p. 488. Ritson.

Note return to page 818 9Is by the stern lord Clifford done to death.] Done to death, for killed, was a common expression long before Shakspeare's time. Thus Chaucer: “And seide, that if ye done us both to dien.” Gray. Spenser mentions a plague “which many did to dye.” Johnson. Faire mourir, a French phrase. So, in The Battle of Alcazar, 1564: “We understand that he was done to death.” Again, ibid.: “&lblank; done to death with many a mortal wound.” Again, in Orlando Furioso, 1599: “I am the man that did the slave to death.” Steevens.

Note return to page 819 1And very well, &c.] This necessary line I have restored from the old quartos. Steevens.

Note return to page 820 2&lblank; to his captives &lblank;] So the folio. The old play reads—captaines. Malone.

Note return to page 821 3&lblank; like the night-owl's lazy flight,] This image is not very congruous to the subject, nor was it necessary to the comparison, which is happily enough completed by the thrasher. Johnson. Dr. Johnson objects to this comparison as incongruous to the subject; but I think, unjustly. Warwick compares the languid blows of his soldiers, to the lazy strokes which the wings of the owl give to the air in its flight, which is remarkably slow. M. Mason.

Note return to page 822 4Or like a lazy thrasher &lblank;] The old play more elegantly reads—Or like an idle thrasher, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 823 5Edw. &c.] The exact ages of the Duke of York's children, introduced in the present play, will best prove how far our author has, either intentionally or otherwise, deviated, in this particular, from historical truth. Edward, Earl of March, afterwards Duke of York, and King of England, his second son, was born at Roüen on Monday the 27th or 28th of April, 1442; Edmund, Earl of Rutland, his third son, at the same place, on Monday the 17th of May, 1443; George of York, afterwards Duke of Clarence, his sixth son, in Dublin, on Tuesday the 21st of October, 1449; and Richard of York, afterwards Duke of Gloster, and King of England, his eighth son, at Fotheringay, on Monday the 2d of October, 1452: Henry, the first son, born in 1441, William, the fourth, in 1447. John, the fifth, in 1448, and Thomas, the seventh, in 1451, died young. He had likewise four daughters. The battle of Wakefield was fought the 29th of December, 1460, when Edward, of course, was in his nineteenth year, Rutland in his eighteenth, George in his twelfth, and Richard in his ninth. Ritson.

Note return to page 824 6Edw. &lblank; when came George from Burgundy to England? War. &lblank; he was lately sent From your kind aunt, duchess of Burgundy, With aid of soldiers to this needful war.] This circumstance is not warranted by history. Clarence and Gloster (as they were afterwards created) were sent into Flanders immediately after the battle of Wakefield, and did not return until their brother Edward got possession of the crown. Besides, Clarence was not now more than twelve years old. Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy, whom Shakspeare calls the Duke's aunt, was daughter of John I. King of Portugal, by Philippa of Lancaster, eldest daughter of John of Gaunt. They were, therefore, no more than third cousins. Ritson.

Note return to page 825 7&lblank; haught Northumberland,] So, Grafton, in his Chronicle, says, p. 417: “&lblank; the lord Henry Percy, whom the Scottes for his haut and valiant courage called sir Henry Hotspurre.” Percy. The word is common to many writers. So, in Marlowe's King Edward II. 1598: “This haught resolve becomes your majesty.” Again, in Kyd's Cornelia, 1594: “Pompey, that second Mars, whose haught renown, &c. Again, in Lyly's Woman in the Moon, 1597: “Thy mind as haught as Jupiter's high thoughts.” Steevens.

Note return to page 826 8&lblank; the easy-melting king like wax.] So again, in this play, of the Lady Grey: “As red as fire; nay, then her wax must melt.” Johnson.

Note return to page 827 9&lblank; is thirty thousand strong:] Thus the folio. The old play reads— “Their power, I guess them fiftie thousand strong.” A little lower the same piece has—eight and forty thousand. Malone.

Note return to page 828 1Why then it sorts,] Why then things are as they should be. Johnson. So, in Greene's Card of Fancy, 1608: “&lblank; thy love shall sort to such happy success as thou thyself dost seek for.” Steevens.

Note return to page 829 2&lblank; in safeguard &lblank;] Thus the folio. The quartos read in rescue. Steevens.

Note return to page 830 3&lblank; unloving father.] The quartos read unnatural father. Steevens.

Note return to page 831 4&lblank; fondly &lblank;] i. e. foolishly. So, in King Richard II.: “&lblank; sorrow and grief of heart “Makes him speak fondly &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 832 5&lblank; didst thou never hear, &lblank; That things ill got had ever bad success? &c.] The proverb quoted by his majesty on this occasion, seems to militate directly against his own argument, and shows that things ill got might have good success. M. Mason. Mr. Mason's note appears to me to be founded on a little misapprehension. The king seems to me to quote two proverbs: the one equivalent to the Latin, male parta cito dilabuntur; the other that referred to by Dr. Johnson: this last he must be supposed to quote interrogatively as disputing the truth of it: “was it always happy for that son?” &c. This interpretation sets the king's reasoning right. Blakeway.

Note return to page 833 6Whose father, &c.] Alluding to a common proverb: “Happy the child whose father went to the devil.” Johnson.

Note return to page 834 7Than in possession any jot of pleasure.] Thus the folio. The quarto thus: “Than may the present profit countervaile.” Steevens.

Note return to page 835 8&lblank; thirty thousand &lblank;] The quarto reads fifty thousand. Steevens.

Note return to page 836 9Darraign &lblank;] That is, Range your host, put your host in order. Johnson. Chaucer, Skelton, and Spenser, use this word. Thus also, in Guy Earl of Warwick, a Tragical History, 1661: “Darraign our battles, and begin the fight.” The quartos read—Prepare your battle, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 837 1I would, your highness would depart the field; The queen, &c.] This superstitious belief, relative to the fortunes of our unhappy prince, is yet more circumstantially introduced by Drayton in The Miseries of Queen Margaret: “Some think that Warwick had not lost the day, “But that the king into the field he brought; “For with the worse that side went still away “Which had king Henry with them when they fought. “Upon his birth so sad a curse there lay, “As that he never prospered in aught.   “The queen wan two, among the loss of many,   “Her husband absent; present, never any.” Steevens. So, Hall: “Happy was the queene in her two battayls, but unfortunate was the king in al his enterprises; for where his person was present, the victorie fledde ever from him to the other parte.” Henry VI. fol. C. Malone.

Note return to page 838 2I am his king, and he should bow his knee; I was adopted heir by his consent: Since when, his oath is broke;] Edward's argument is founded on the following article said to have been in the compact entered into by Henry and the Duke of York, which the author found in Hall's Chronicle, but which I believe made no part of that agreement: “Provided alwaye, that if the king did closely or apertly studye or go about to breake or alter this agreement, or to compass or imagine the death or destruction of the sayde duke or his bloud, then he to forfet the crowne, and the duke of Yorke to take it.” If this had been one of the articles of the compact, the Duke having been killed at Wakefield, his eldest son would have now a title to the crown. Malone. “Since when,” &c. The quartos give the remainder of this speech to Clarence, and read: “To blot our brother out,” &c. Steevens. Here is another variation of the same kind with those which have been noticed in the preceding play, which could not have arisen from a transcriber or printer.—Though Shakspeare gave the whole of this speech to Edward by substituting me for brother, the same division which is found in the quarto, is inadvertently retained in the folio. Malone.

Note return to page 839 3Your legs did better service than your hands.] An allusion to the proverb: “One pair of heels is worth two pair of hands.” Steevens.

Note return to page 840 4&lblank; I am resolv'd,] It is my firm persuasion; I am no longer in doubt. Johnson.

Note return to page 841 5Rich. Whoever got thee, &c.] In the folio this speech is erroneously assigned to Warwick. The answer shows that it belongs to Richard, to whom it is attributed in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 842 6&lblank; mis-shapen stigmatick.] “A stigmatic,” says J. Bullokar in his English Expositor, 1616, “is a notorious lewd fellow, which hath been burnt with a hot iron, or beareth other marks about him as a token of his punishment.” The word is likewise used in Drayton's Epistle from Q. Margaret to W. de la Poole: “That foul, ill favour'd, crook-back'd stigmatick.” Again, in Drayton's Epistle from King John to Matilda: “These for the crook'd, the halt, the stigmatick.” Steevens.

Note return to page 843 7&lblank; lizards' dreadful stings.] Thus the folio. The quartos have this variation: “&lblank; or lizards' fainting looks.” This is the second time that Shakspeare has armed the lizard (which in reality has no such defence) with a sting; but great powers seem to have been imputed to its looks. So, in Noah's Flood, by Drayton: “The lizard shuts up his sharp-sighted eyes, “Amongst the serpents, and there sadly lies.” Steevens. Shakspeare is here answerable for the introduction of the lizard's sting; but in a preceding passage, p. 271, the author of the old play has fallen into the same mistake. Malone.

Note return to page 844 8&lblank; gilt,] Gilt is a superficial covering of gold. So, in King Henry V.: “Our gayness and our gilt are all besmirch'd.” Steevens.

Note return to page 845 9&lblank; (As if a channel should be call'd the sea,)] A channel, in our author's time, signified what we now call a kennel. So, in Stowe's Chronicle, quarto, 1605, p. 1148: “&lblank; such a storme of raine happened at London, as the like of long time could not be remembered; where-through, the channels of the citie suddenly rising,” &c. Again, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “&lblank; quoit him into the channel.” Malone. Kennel is still pronounced channel in the North. So, in Marlowe's Edward II.: “Throw off his golden mitre, rend his stole, “And in the channel christen him anew.” Again: “Here's channel water, as our charge is given.” Again: “To which the channels of the castle run.” Ritson.

Note return to page 846 1To let thy tongue detect &lblank;] To show thy meanness of birth by the indencency of language with which thou railest at my deformity. Johnson. “To let thy tongue detect thy base-born heart?” So the folio. The quartos: “To parly thus with England's lawful heirs.” Steevens.

Note return to page 847 2A wisp of straw &lblank;] I suppose, for an instrument of correction that might disgrace, but not hurt her. Johnson. I believe that a wisp signified some instrument of correction used in the time of Shakspeare. The following instance seems to favour the supposition. See A Woman Never Vexed, a comedy by Rowley, 1632: “Nay, worse; I'll stain thy ruff; nay, worse than that, “I'll do thus— [Holds up a wisp. “&lblank; dost wisp me thou tatterdemallion?” Again, in Marston's Dutch Courtezan, 1604: “Thou little more than a dwarf, and something less than a woman! “Cris. A wispe! a wispe! a wispe!” Barrett, in his Alvearie, or Quadruple Dictionary, 1580, interprets the word wispe by peniculus or &grs;&grp;&gro;&grn;&grg;&gro;&grst;, which signify any thing to wipe or cleanse with; a cook's linen apron, &c. Pewter is still scoured by a wispe of straw, or hay. Perhaps Edward means one of these wisps, as the denotement of a menial servant. Barrett adds, that, like a wase, it signifies “a wreath to be laied under the vessel that is borne upon the head, as women use.” If this be its true sense, the Prince may think that such a wisp would better become the head of Margaret, than a crown. It appears, however, from the following passage in Thomas Drant's translation of the seventh satire of Horace, 1567, that a wispe was the punishment of a scold: “So perfyte and exacte a scoulde that women mighte geve place “Whose tatling tongues had won a wispe,” &c. Steevens. See also, Nashe's Apology of Pierce Pennilesse, 1593: “Why, thou errant butter-whore, thou cotquean and scrattop of scolds, wilt thou never leave afflicting a dead carcasse? continually read the rhetorick lecture of Ramme-Alley? a wispe, a wispe, you kitchen-stuffe wrangler.” Again, in A Dialogue between John and Jone, Striving Who Shall Wear the Breeches,—Pleasures of Poetry, bl. l. no date: “Good gentle Jone, with-holde thy hands,   “This once let me entreat thee, “And make me promise, never more   “That thou shalt mind to beat me; “For feare thou weare the wispe, good wife,   “And make our neighbours ride &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 848 3To make this shameless callet know herself.] Shakspeare uses the word callet likewise in The Winter's Tale, Act II. Sc. III.: “A callat “Of boundless tongue; who late hath beat her husband, “And now baits me.” Callet, a lewd woman, a drab, perhaps so called from the French calote, which was a sort of head-dress worn by country girls. See Glossary to Urry's Chaucer. So, in Chaucer's Remedy of Love, v. 307: “A cold old knave cuckolde himself wenyng, “And of calot of lewd demenyng.” So, Skelton, in his Elinour Rumming, Works, p. 133: “The Elinour said, ye callettes, “I shall break your palettes.” Again, in Ben Jonson's Volpone: “Why the callet you told me of here, “I have tane disguis'd.” Grey.

Note return to page 849 4Menelaus;] i. e. a cuckold. So, in Troilus and Cressida, Thersites, speaking of Menelaus, calls him “&lblank; the goodly transformation of Jupiter there,—the primitive statue and oblique memorial of cuckolds.” Steevens.

Note return to page 850 5&lblank; hath broach'd this tumult,] The quarto reads, “hath mov'd this,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 851 6&lblank; we saw our sunshine made thy spring, And that thy summer bred us no increase,] When we saw that by favouring thee we made thee grow in fortune, but that we received no advantage from thy fortune flourishing by our favour, we then resolved to destroy thee, and determined to try some other means, though our first efforts have failed. Johnson. The quartos read; “But when we saw our summer brought thee gain, “And that the harvest brought us no increase.” Steevens.

Note return to page 852 7A Field of Battle, &c.] We should read near Towton. Shakpeare has here, perhaps, intentionally thrown three different actions into one. The Lord Fitzwater, being stationed by King Edward, to defend the pass of Ferrybridge, was assaulted by the Lord Clifford, and immediately slain, “and with hym,” says Hall, “the bastard of Salisbury, brother to the earl of Warwycke, a valeaunt yong gentleman, and of great audacitie. When the earl of Warwicke,” adds he, “was informed of this feate, he lyke a man desperated, mounted on his hackeney, and came blowing to kyng Edwarde, saiyng: Syr, I praye God have mercy of their soules, which in the beginning of your enterprise hath lost their lyfes, and because I se no succors of the world, I remit the vengeance and punishment to God our creator and Redeemer; and with that lighted doune, and slewe his horse with his swourde, saying: let them flye that wyl, for surely I wil tarye with him that wil tarye with me, and kissed the crosse of his swourde.” Clifford, in his retreat, was beset with a party of Yorkists, when “eyther,” says the historian, “for heat or payne, putting off his gorget, sodainly with an arrowe (as some say) without an hedde [he] was striken into the throte, and incontinent rendered his spirite, and the erle of Westmerlandes brother, and almost all his company were thare slayn, at a place called Dinting-dale, not farr fr&obar; Towton.” In the afternoon of the next day (Palm Sunday eve 1461) on a plain field between Towton and Saxton, joined the main battles which continued engaged that night, and the greater part of the following day: upwards of 30,000 men, all English (including many of the nobility and the flower of the gentry, especially of the northern parts) being slain on both sides. This battle, says Carte, “decided the fate of the house of Lancaster, overturning in one day an usurpation strengthened by sixty-two years continuance, and established Edward on the throne of England.” Ritson. An authentick copy of King Edward's account of this battle, together with a list of the noblemen and knights who were slain in it, may be seen in Sir John Fenn's Collection of the Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 216, &c. Henley.

Note return to page 853 8Forspent with toil,] Thus the folio. The quartos read— Sore spent, &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 854 9And, spite of spite,] So, in King John: “And, spite of spite, alone holds up the day.” Steevens.

Note return to page 855 1Smile, gentle heaven! &c.] Thus the folio. Instead of these lines, the quartos give the following: “Smile, gentle heavens, or strike, ungentle death, “That we may die unless we gain the day! “What fatal star malignant frowns from heaven “Upon the harmless line of York's true house!” Steevens.

Note return to page 856 2Our hap is loss, &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “Come, brother, come, let's to the field again, “For yet there's hope enough to win the day: “Then let us back to cheer our fainting troops, “Lest they retire now we have left the field. “War. How now, my lords? what hap? what hope of good?” Steevens. “Our hap is loss, our hope but sad despair;” Milton seems to have copied this line: “&lblank; Thus repuls'd, our final hope “Is flat despair.” Malone.

Note return to page 857 3Thy brother's blood the thirsty earth hath drunk,] This passage, from the variation of the copies, gave me no little perplexity. The old quarto applies this description to the death of Salisbury, Warwick's father. But this was a notorious deviation from the truth of history. For the Earl of Salisbury in the battle at Wakefield, wherein Richard Duke of York lost his life, was taken prisoner, beheaded at Pomfret, and his head, together with the Duke of York's, fixed over York gates. Then the only brother of Warwick, introduced in this play, is the Marquess of Montacute (or Montague, as he is called by our author): but he does not die till ten years after, in the battle at Barnet; where Warwick likewise was killed. The truth is, the brother here mentioned is no person in the drama, and his death is only an accidental piece of history. Consulting the Chronicles, upon this action at Ferrybridge, I find him to have been a natural son of Salisbury, (in that respect a brother to Warwick,) and esteemed a valiant young gentleman. Theobald. “Thy brother's blood,” &c. Instead of this speech, which is printed, like almost all the rest of the play, from the folio, the quartos give the following: “Thy noble father in the thickest throngs “Cried still for Warwick, his thrice valiant son; “Until with thousand swords he was beset, “And many wounds made in his aged breast. “And, as he tottering sat upon his steed, “He waft his hand to me, and cried aloud, “Richard, commend me to my valiant son: “And still he cried, Warwick, revenge my death! “And with these words he tumbled off his horse; “And so the noble Salisbury gave up the ghost.” Steevens. It is here only necessary to refer to former notes on similar variations. “Thy brother's blood the thirsty earth hath drunk.” In this line, of which there is no trace in the original play, Shakspeare had probably the sacred writings in his thoughts: “And now art thou cursed from the earth, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother's blood.” Genesis, iv. 11. The old play (as Theobald has observed) applies this description to the death of Salisbury, Warwick's father, contrary to the truth of history, for that nobleman was taken prisoner at the battle of Wakefield, and afterwards beheaded at Pomfret. But both Hall and Holinshed, in nearly the same words, relate the circumstance on which this speech, as exhibited in the folio, is founded; and from the latter our author undoubtedly took it. “The Lord Fitzwalter [who had been stationed to keep the pass of Ferrybridge] hearing the noise, [made by Lord Clifford and a body of light-horsemen, who attacked by surprize the party stationed at the bridge,] sodainly rose out of his bedde, and unarmed, with a pollax in his hande, thinking that it had bin a fraye amongst his men, came down to appease the same, but ere he knew what the matter meant, he was slaine, and with him the bastard of Salisbury, brother to the erle of Warwick, a valiant young gentleman, and of great audacitie.” Holinshed, p. 664. In this action at Ferrybridge, which happened on the 28th of March, 1461, the day before the great battle of Towton, Lord Clifford was killed. The author of this play has blended the two actions together. Malone.

Note return to page 858 4I'll kill my horse, &c.] So, in The Miseries of Queen Margaret, by Drayton: “Resolv'd to win, or bid the world adieu: “Which spoke, the earl his sprightly courser slew.” Again, in Daniel's Civil Wars, b. viii. st. xiii. From Hall, Henry VI. p. 102. See p. 424, n. 7. Steevens.

Note return to page 859 5And look upon,] And are mere spectators. So, in The Winter's Tale, vol. xiv. p. 379, n. 9: “Hides not his visage from our cottage, but “Looks on alike.” Malone.

Note return to page 860 6And, in this vow, do chain my soul to thine.] Thus the folio. The quarto as follows: “And in that vow now join my soul to thee.” Steevens.

Note return to page 861 7Beseeching thee,] That is, beseeching the divine power. Shakspeare in new-forming this speech may seem, at the first view of it, to have made it obscure, by placing this line immediately after—“Thou setter up,” &c. What I have now observed is founded on a supposition that the words “Thou setter up,” &c. are applied to Warwick, as they appear to be in the old play. However, our author certainly intended to deviate from it, and to apply this description to the Deity; and this is another strong confirmation of the observation already made relative to the variations between these pieces and the elder dramas on which they were formed. In the old play the speech runs thus: “Lord Warwick, I do bend my knees with thine, “And in that vow now join my soul to thee, “Thou setter-up and puller-down of kings &lblank;: “Vouchsafe a general victory to us, “Or let us die before we lose the day!” The last two lines are certainly here addressed to the Deity; but the preceding line, notwithstanding the anachronism, seems to be addressed to Warwick. Malone.

Note return to page 862 8&lblank; quailing &lblank;] i. e. sinking into dejection. So, in Cymbeline: “&lblank; my false spirits “Quail to remember &lblank;:” Steevens.

Note return to page 863 9Fore-slow no longer,] To fore-slow is to be dilatory, to loiter. So, in The Battle of Alcazar, 1594: “Why, king Sebastian, wilt thou now foreslow?” Again, in Marlowe's Edward II. 1598: “Foreslow no time; sweet Lancaster, let's march.” Again, in Promos and Cassandra, 1578: “Good knight, for time do not my suit foreslow.” Steevens.

Note return to page 864 1&lblank; make we hence amain.] Instead of this and the two preceding speeches, we have in the old play the following: “Geo. Then let us haste to cheare the souldiers' hearts, “And call them pillers that will stand to us, “And highly promise to remunerate “Their trustie service in these dangerous warres. “Rich. Come, come away, and stand not to debate, “For yet is hope of fortune good enough. “Brothers, give me your handes, and let us part, “And take our leaves untill we meete againe; “Where ere it be, in heaven or in earth. “Now I that never wept, now melt in woe, “To see these dire mishaps continue so. “Warwick, farewell.” “War. Away, away; once more, sweet lords, farewell.” Malone.

Note return to page 865 2Now, Clifford, I have singled thee alone, &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “Now, Clifford, for York and young Rutland's death, “This thirsty sword, that longs to drink thy blood, “Shall lop thy limbs, and slice thy cursed heart, “For to revenge the murders thou hast made.” Steevens.

Note return to page 866 3Wert thou environ'd with a brazen wall.] So, in the second Thebaid of Statius, v. 453: &lblank; non si te ferreus agger Ambiat &lblank;. Steevens.

Note return to page 867 4Nay, Warwick, &c.] We have had two very similar lines in the preceding play, p. 349: “Hold, Warwick, seek thee out some other chace; “For I myself must hunt this deer to death.” See p. 451, n. 2. Malone. These words, in the former instance, are spoken of Clifford's father by Richard's father. Boswell.

Note return to page 868 5This battle fares like to the morning's war, &c.] Instead of this interesting speech, the quartos exhibit only the following: “O gracious God of heaven, look down on us, “And set some ends to these incessant griefs! “How like a mastless ship upon the seas, “This woeful battle doth continue still, “Now leaning this way, now to that side driven, “And none doth know to whom the day will fall. “Oh, would my death might stay these civil† [Subnote: †The quarto, 160, printed by W. W. reads—cruel jars.] jars! “Would I had never reign'd, nor ne'er been king! “Margaret and Clifford chide me from the field, “Swearing they had best success when I was thence. “Would God that I were dead, so all were well; “Or, would my crown suffice, I were content “To yield it them, and live a private life!” The leading thought in both these soliloquies is borrowed from Holinshed, p. 665:—“This deadly conflict continued ten hours in doubtful state of victorie, uncertainlie heaving and setting on both sides,” &c. Virgil, however, Æn. lib. x. v. 354, has a similar comparison: &lblank; Expellere tendunt Nunc hi, nunc illi: certatur limine in ipso Ausoniæ. Magno discordes æthere venti Prælia ceu tollunt, animis et viribus æquis: Non ipsi inter se, non nubila, non mare cedunt; Anceps pugna diu: stant obnixi omnia contra, &c. This simile, however, originates with Homer; Iliad, xiv. Steevens.

Note return to page 869 6&lblank; the shepherd, blowing of his nails,] So, in Love's Labour's Lost: “When icicles hang by the wall, “And Dick the shepherd blows his nail &lblank;.” Malone.

Note return to page 870 7Both tugging to be victors, breast to breast,] Hence, perhaps, the vulgarism that gives such acknowledged force to the following line in Lee's Rival Queens: “When Greeks join'd Greeks, then was the tug of war.” Steevens.

Note return to page 871 8&lblank; methinks, it were a happy life,] This speech is mournful and soft, exquisitely suited to the character of the King, and makes a pleasing interchange, by affording, amidst the tumult and horror of the battle, an unexpected glimpse of rural innocence and pastoral tranquillity. Johnson. This speech strongly confirms the remark made by Sir Joshua Reynolds on a passage in Macbeth, vol. xi. p. 69, n. 3. Malone.

Note return to page 872 9Thereby to see the minutes how they run: How many make the hour full complete,] So, in our author's Rape of Lucrece: “Stuff up his lust, as minutes fill up hours.” Malone.

Note return to page 873 1&lblank; ere the poor fools will yean;] Poor fool, it has already been observed, is an expression of tenderness, often used by our author. Malone. So, in King Lear, Scene the last: “And my poor fool is hang'd.” See notes on this passage, vol. x. p. 283, n. 8. Steevens.

Note return to page 874 2So many years ere I shall sheer the fleece:] i. e. the years which must elapse between the time of the yeaning of the ewes, and the lambs arriving to such a state as to admit of being shorn. Mr. Rowe changed years to months; which was followed by the subsequent editors. Malone.

Note return to page 875 3So minutes, hours, days, weeks,] The word weeks is not in the old copy, but was inserted by Mr. Rowe. Malone.

Note return to page 876 4Enter a Son, &c.] These two horrible incidents are selected to show the innumerable calamities of civil war. Johnson. In the battle of Constantine and Maxentius, by Raphael, the second of these incidents is introduced on a similar occasion. Steevens.

Note return to page 877 5O piteous spectacle! &c.] In the old play the King does not speak, till both the Son and the Father have appeared, and spoken, and then the following words are attributed to him, out of which Shakspeare has formed two distinct speeches: “Woe above woe! grief more than common grief! “Whilst lions war, and battle for their dens, “Poor lambs do feel the rigour of their wraths. “The red rose and the white are on his face, “The fatal colours of our striving houses. “Wither one rose, and let the other perish, “For, if you strive, ten thousand lives must perish.” Malone.

Note return to page 878 6And let our hearts, and eyes, like civil war, Be blind with tears, and break o'ercharg'd with grief.] The meaning is here inaccurately expressed. The King intends to say that the state of their hearts and eyes shall be like that of the kingdom in a civil war, all shall be destroyed by power formed within themselves. Johnson.

Note return to page 879 7&lblank; what showers arise, Blown with the windy tempest of my heart,] This image had occurred in the preceding Act: “For raging wind blows up incessant showers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 880 8What stratagems,] Stratagem seems to stand here only for an event of war, or may intend snares and surprizes. Johnson. Stratagem is used by Shakspeare not merely to express the events and surprizes of war.—The word means, in this place, some dreadful event, as it does also in The Second Part of King Henry IV. where Northumberland says: “&lblank; Every minute now “Should be the father of some stratagem.” Stratagemma, in Italian, bears the same acceptation which Shakspeare gives to the English word stratagem, in these two passages. Bernini in his History of Heresies, says: “Ma Dio puni la Francia, et la Spagna, co'l flagello dei Vandali, per l'Eresia abbracciata, et piu gravamente puni Roma, prevaricata di nuovo, al culto de gl' idoli, con il sacco che gli diedero. Orosio, che descrisse quelle stratagemme, paragoni Roma a Sodoma, chiamando i Romani peccatori.” It is evident, that in this passage stratagemme means disastrous events, as stratagem does in this place. M. Mason. We find the word stratagem in The True Chronicle History of King Lear, p. 417, where Regan says to the Messenger— “Hast thou the heart to act a stratagem, “And give a stab or two, if need require? “Messenger. I have a heart compact of adamant “Which never knew what melting pity meant. “I weigh no more the murd'ring of a man, “Than I respect the cracking of a flea, “When I do catch her biting on my skin. “If you will have your husband or your father, “Or both of them, sent to another world, “Do but command me do it, it shall be done.” It is evident that Regan's stratagem, or subtle device, was assassination. M. Mason. I formerly questioned Mr. Mason's explanation; but I am now convinced he was right. In Greene's Orlando Furioso, it is used with the meaning which he has assigned to it. Orlando is described as— “Performing strange and ruthful stratagems, “All for the love of fair Angelica.” Malone.

Note return to page 881 8O boy, thy father gave thee life too soon,] Because, had he been born later, he would not now have been of years to engage in this quarrel. Warburton.

Note return to page 882 9And hath bereft thee of thy life too late!] i. e. He should have done it by not bringing thee into being, to make both father and son thus miserable. This is the sense, such as it is, of the two lines; however, an indifferent sense was better than none, as it is brought to by the Oxford editor, by reading the lines thus: “O boy! thy father gave thee life too late, “And hath bereft thee of thy life too soon.” Warburton. I rather think the meaning of the line, “And hath bereft thee of thy life too soon,” to be this: &mlquo;Thy father exposed thee to danger, by giving thee life too soon, and hath bereft thee of life by living himself too long.’ Johnson. The Oxford editor might have justified the change he made, from the authority of the quarto, according to which I would read; explaining the first line thus: &mlquo;Thy father begot thee at too late a period of his life, and therefore thou wert not old and strong enough to cope with him.’ The next line can want no explanation. Mr. Tollet thinks, that by too late is meant too lately, as in King Richard III. Act III.: “Too late he died that might have kept that title.” Steevens. Too late, without doubt, means too recently. The memory of thy virtues and thy hapless end is too recent, to be thought of without the deepest anguish. The same quaint expression is found in our author's Rape of Lucrece: “O, quoth Lucretius, I did give that life, “Which she too early and too late hath spill'd.” Here late clearly means lately. Again, in this Third Part of King Henry VI.: “Where fame, late entering at his heedful ears.” In the old play this and the preceding line stand thus: “Poor boy, thy father gave thee life too late, “And hath bereft thee of thy life too soon.” Malone. The present reading appears to be far the more eligible. Had the son been younger, he would have been precluded from the levy that brought him into the field; and had the father recognized him before the mortal blow, it would not have been too late to have saved him from death. Henley.

Note return to page 883 1If you contend, a thousand lives must wither,] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “For if you strive, a thousand lives must perish.” Steevens. I think the word wither is more likely to have been inadvertently repeated by the transcriber, than substituted by Shakspeare for the former word. Malone.

Note return to page 884 2Take on with me,] Be enraged at me. So, in Pierce Penniless his Supplication to the Devil, by T. Nashe, 1592: “Some will take on, like a madman, if they see a pig come to the table.” Malone. To take on is a phrase still in use among the vulgar, and signifies —to persist in clamorous lamentation. Steevens.

Note return to page 885 3How will the country, &c.] So the folio. The quartos thus: “How will the country now misdeem their king! “Oh, would my death their minds could satisfy!” To mis-think is to think ill, unfavourably. So, in The Northern Lass, 1633: “&lblank; and heaven pardon me what I mis-thought every hour of the night!” Steevens. This word, which Shakspeare substituted for misdeem, he has again used in Antony and Cleopatra: “Be it known, that we the greatest are mis-thought, “For things that others do.” Malone.

Note return to page 886 4Was ever son, so ru'd a father's death? Was ever father, so bemoan'd his son?] The variation is here worth remarking, for in the old play the corresponding lines are: “Was ever son so rude, his father's blood to spill! “Was ever father so unnatural, his son to kill?” Malone.

Note return to page 887 5I'll bear thee hence, &c.] Thus the folio. The old play thus: “I'll bear thee hence from this accursed place, “For woe is to me, to see my father's face.” Malone.

Note return to page 888 6And so obsequious will thy father be,] Obsequious is here careful of obsequies, or of funeral rites. Johnson. In the same sense it is used in Hamlet: “&lblank; to do obsequious sorrow.” Steevens.

Note return to page 889 7Sad for the loss of thee,] The old copy reads—men for the loss, &c. Mr. Rowe made the alteration; but I think we might read: “&lblank; so obsequious will thy father be, “Man, for the loss of thee,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 890 8As Priam was for all &lblank;] I having but one son, will grieve as much for that one, as Priam, who had many, could grieve for many. Johnson.

Note return to page 891 9Enter Clifford, wounded.] The quarto adds, “with an arrow in his neck.” In ridicule of this, Beaumont and Fletcher have introduced Ralph, the grocer's prentice, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, with a forked arrow through his head It appears, however, from Holinshed, p. 664, that this circumstance has some relation to the truth: “The lord Clifford, either for heat or paine, putting off his gorget suddenlie, with an arrow (as some saie) without a head, was striken into the throte, and immediately rendered his spirit.” Steevens.

Note return to page 892 1Here burns my candle out, ay, here it dies,] So, in the first part of this play: “Here dies the dusky torch of Mortimer.” Steevens.

Note return to page 893 2&lblank; thy tough commixtures melt.] Perhaps better, the tough commixture. Johnson. The quartos read—“that tough commixture melts.” Steevens.

Note return to page 894 3The common people swarm like summer flies:] This line, which is not in the folio, was recovered from the old play by Mr. Theobald. The context shows, that, like a line in The Second Part of King Henry VI. it was omitted by the negligence of the transcriber or compositor. Malone.

Note return to page 895 4The common people swarm like summer flies: And whither fly the gnats, but to the sun?] Hence, perhaps, originated the following passage in The Bard of Gray: “The swarm that in thy noontide beam were born? “Gone to salute the rising morn.” Steevens.

Note return to page 896 5O Phœbus! hadst thou never given consent &lblank;] The Duke of York had been entrusted by Henry with the reins of government both in Ireland and France; and hence perhaps was taught to aspire to the throne. Malone.

Note return to page 897 6No way to fly, nor strength to hold out flight:] This line is clear and proper as it is now read; yet perhaps an opposition of images was meant, and Clifford said: “No way to fly, nor strength to hold out fight.” Johnson. The sense of the original reading is—No way to fly, nor with strength sufficient left to sustain myself in flight, if there were. Steevens.

Note return to page 898 7I stabb'd your father's bosoms, split my breast.] So the folio. The quartos read: “I stabb'd your father's, now come split my breast.” Steevens.

Note return to page 899 8Now breathe we, lords;] Instead of this speech the quartos have the following: “Thus far our fortunes keep an upward course, “And we are grac'd with wreaths of victory. “Some troops pursue the bloody-minded queen, “That now towards Berwick doth post amain:— “But think you that Clifford is fled away with them?” Steevens. This battle, in which the house of York was victorious, was fought on a plain between Towton and Saxton, on the 29th of March, (Palm Sunday) 1461. The royal army consisted, according to Hall, of about forty thousand men; and the young Duke of York's forces were 48,760. In this combat, which lasted fourteen hours, and in the actions of the two following days, 36,776 persons are said to have been killed; the greater part of whom were undoubtedly Lancastrians. Malone.

Note return to page 900 9And smooth the frowns of war &lblank;] So, in K. Richard III.: “Grim-visag'd war hath smooth'd his wrinkled front.” Steevens.

Note return to page 901 1&lblank; mark'd him for the grave:] Young has transferred this expression to Alonzo in The Revenge: “This only marks my body for the grave.” A similar phrase occurs in Chapman's version of the fifth Iliad: “Our bravest foe is mark'd for death; he cannot long sustain “My violent shaft &lblank;.” Steevens.

Note return to page 902 2Edw. Whose soul, &c.] I have distinguished this and the two following speeches according to the authority of the quarto. The folio gave all to Richard, except the last line and half. Steevens. I have also followed the original regulation, because it seems absurd that Richard should first say to his brother, or to one of the soldiers, “See who it is;” &lblank; and then, himself declare that it is Clifford; and therefore I suppose the variation in the folio arose, not from Shakspeare, but from some negligence or inaccuracy of a compositor or transcriber. Malone.

Note return to page 903 3&lblank; like life and death's departing.] Sir Thomas Hanmer reads, “like life in death departing;” which Dr. Warburton has received. Johnson. The quartos read, like life and death's departure. Steevens. “&lblank; like life and death's departing.” Departing, for separation. Malone. There is no occasion for correction. “Till death us depart” was the expression in the old Marriage Service. Farmer.

Note return to page 904 4In hewing Rutland when his leaves put forth,] It is manifest from this and many other passages, that the author of the old play, where the corresponding line stands thus: “Who killed our tender brother Rutland &lblank;” imagined that Rutland was younger than George and Richard; whereas he was in fact older than them both, being the Duke of York's second son; in consequence of which he bore a title by courtesy; and a particular stipulation was made in the compact entered into between Henry and the Duke of York, that Rutland, as well as his elder brother Edward Earl of March, should swear to the due observance of the agreement. Shakspeare has, we see, fallen into the same error; as have Habington in his nervous and elegant History of Edward IV. and several other historians and poets. Malone.

Note return to page 905 5&lblank; screech-owl to our house, That nothing sung but death, &c.] So, in King Richard III.: “Out on you, owls! nothing but songs of death?” Steevens.

Note return to page 906 6&lblank; eager words.] Sour words; words of asperity. Johnson. So, in Hamlet: “It is a nipping and an eager air.” Steevens.

Note return to page 907 7And then to Britanny I'll cross the sea,] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “And afterward I'll cross the seas to France.” Steevens.

Note return to page 908 8&lblank; too ominous.] Alluding, perhaps, to the deaths of Thomas of Woodstock, and Humphrey, Dukes of Gloster. Steevens. The author of the original play, in which this line is found, probably had here a passage in Hall's Chronicle in his thoughts: “It seemeth to many men that the name and title of Gloucester hath bene unfortunate and unluckie to diverse, whiche for their honor have bene erected by creation of princes to that stile and dignitie; as Hugh Spencer, Thomas of Woodstocke, son to kynge Edwarde the thirde, and this duke Humphrey, [who was killed at Bury;] whiche three persons by miserable death finished their daies; and after them king Richard the iii. also duke of Gloucester, in civil warre was slaine and confounded; so that this name of Gloucester is taken for an unhappie and unfortunate stile, as the proverbe speaketh of Sejanes horse, whose ryder was ever unhorsed, and whose possessor was ever brought to miserie.” Malone.

Note return to page 909 9&lblank; two Keepers,] In the folio, instead of two keepers, we have, through negligence, the names of the persons who represented these characters; Sinklo and Humphrey. Humphrey was Humphrey Jeaffes, as appears from Mr. Henslowe's MS. For Sinklo, see vol. v. p. 367, n. 7. Malone. Dr. Grey observes from Hall and Holinshed, that the name of the person who took King Henry, was Cantlowe. See Mr. Tyrwhitt's note on the first scene in The Taming of a Shrew. I learn also from one of the Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 249, that Giles Senctlowe was among the persons then in Scotland with the Queen. Steevens. One Giles Santlowe, Esquire, is among those attainted by King Edward's first parliament, and may possibly be here meant, but no person of that name seems to have been any way concerned in the capture of the late king; who, according to W. Wyrcester, was actually taken in Lancashire, by two knights named John Talbois and Richard Tunstall,—July, 1464. Drummond of Hawthornden observes, it was recorded “that a son of Sir Edward Talbots apprehended him as he sat at dinner in Waddingtown-hall; and like a common malefactor, with his legs under the horse's belly, guarded him toward London.” It is a more certain fact, which I have from records in the Duchy Office, that King Edward granted to Sir James Harrington a rent-charge of one hundred pounds out of his lordship of Rowland in Lancashire, in recompence of his great and laborious diligence about the capture and detention of the king's great traitor, rebel and enemy, lately called Henry the Sixth, made by the said James; and likewise annuities to Richard Talbot, Thomas Talbot, Esquires, —Talbot, and Livesey, for their services in the same capture. —See also, Rymer's Fœdera, xi. 548. Henry had for some time been harboured by James Maychell of Crakenthorpe, Westmoreland, ib. 575. It seems clear, however, that the present scene is to be placed near the Scottish border. The King himself says: “From Scotland am I stol'n, even of pure love;” And Hall (and Holinshed after him) tells us “He was no sooner entered [into England] but he was knowen and taken of one Cantlow, and brought toward the king.” Ritson.

Note return to page 910 1&lblank; brake &lblank;] A brake anciently signified a thicket. So, in A Midsummer-Night's Dream: “This green plot shall be our stage, this hawthorn brake our tiring house.” Again: “Enter into that brake, and so every one according to his cue.” See the latter part of a note on Measure for Measure, vol. v. p. 248, n. 2. Steevens.

Note return to page 911 2&lblank; this laund &lblank;] Laund means the same as lawn; a plain extended between woods. So, in the old play of Orlando Furioso, 1594: “And that they trace the shady lawnds,” &c. Again: “Tread she these lawnds, kind Flora boasts her pride.” Steevens.

Note return to page 912 3&lblank; the noise of thy cross-bow &lblank;] The poet appears not to have forgot the secrets of his former profession. So, in The Merry Devil of Edmonton, 1608: “&lblank; Did I not hear a bow go off, and the buck bray?” Steevens.

Note return to page 913 4&lblank; let's stay till he be past.] So the folio. The quartos read: “&lblank; let's listen him a while.” Steevens.

Note return to page 914 5To greet mine own land with my wishful sight.] So the folio. The quartos perhaps better, thus: “And thus disguis'd to greet my native land.” Steevens.

Note return to page 915 6Thy balm wash'd off,] This is an image very frequent in the works of Shakspeare. So again, in this scene: “I was anointed king.” It is common in these plays to find the same images, whether jocular or serious, frequently recurring. Johnson. So, in King Richard II.: “Not all the water in the rough rude sea “Can wash the balm from an anointed king.” It is observable that this line is one of those additions to the original play, which are found in the folio, and not in the quarto. Malone.

Note return to page 916 7This is the quondam king; &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “Ay, marry, sir, here's a deer; his skin is a “Keeper's fee. Sirrah stand close; for as I think, “This is the king, king Edward hath depos'd.” Steevens. Quondam had not in Shakspeare's time uniformly acquired a ludicrous sense. “Make them quondams (says Latimer in one of his Sermons), out with them, cast them out of their office.” And in another place: “He will have every man a quondam, as he is. As for my quondamship I thank God that he gaue me the grace to come by it, by so honest a meanes as I did; I thanke him for myne owne quondamship, and as for them I will not haue them made quondams, if they discharge their office. I would haue them doe their duety. I would haue no more quondams, as God help me.” Fol. 53. Again, in Warner's Albion's England, b. v. ch. 28, 1602: “Not knights alone, but prelates too, and queens whereof were twain, “The quondam et in esse queenes &lblank;.” Holt White.

Note return to page 917 8&lblank; these sour adversities;] The old copy reads—the sowre adversaries. Steevens. Corrected by Mr. Pope. Malone.

Note return to page 918 9The tiger will be mild, while she doth mourn;] So, in Othello: “&lblank; She will sing the savageness out of a bear.” Steevens.

Note return to page 919 1And Nero will &lblank;] Perhaps we might better read—A Nero will &lblank;. Steevens.

Note return to page 920 2Inferreth arguments of mighty strength;] In the former Act was the same line: “Inferring arguments of mighty force.” Johnson. This repetition, like many others in these two plays, seems to have arisen from Shakspeare's first copying his original as it lay before him, and afterwards in subsequent passages (added to the old matter) introducing expressions which had struck him in preceding scenes. In the old play the line occurs but once. Malone.

Note return to page 921 3O Margaret, &c.] The piety of Henry scarce interests us more for his misfortunes, than this his constant solicitude for the welfare of his deceitful Queen. Steevens.

Note return to page 922 4&lblank; less than I was born to:] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “&lblank; for less I should not be.” Steevens.

Note return to page 923 5&lblank; for less I should not be;] Such is the reading of the folio. The quartos thus: “&lblank; and more I cannot be.” Steevens.

Note return to page 924 6&lblank; but thou talk'st as if thou wert a king. K. Hen. Why, so I am, in mind;] There seems to be an allusion here, to a line in an old song by Sir Edward Dyer: “My mind to me a kingdom is.” Malone. See Dr. Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, 3d edit. vol. i. p. 293. Steevens.

Note return to page 925 7&lblank; and that's enough.] So the folio. The quartos thus: “&lblank; though not in show.” Steevens.

Note return to page 926 8And we his subjects, &c.] So the folio. The quartos thus: “And therefore we charge you in God's name, and the king's, “To go along with us unto the officers.” Steevens.

Note return to page 927 9Look, as I blow this feather from my face, And as the air blows it to me again, &c.] So, in The Winter's Tale: “I am a feather for each wind that blows.” Malone.

Note return to page 928 1&lblank; and in the king's,] The preposition—in, which is wanting in the old copy, I have supplied for the sake of metre. Steevens.

Note return to page 929 2In God's name, lead; &c.] So the folio. Instead of this speech, the quartos have the following: “God's name be fulfill'd, your king's name be “Obey'd; and be you kings; command, and I'll obey.” Steevens.

Note return to page 930 3&lblank; sir John Grey,] Vid. Hall, Third Year of Edward IV. folio 5. It was hitherto falsely printed Richard. Pope.

Note return to page 931 4His lands then seiz'd on by the conqueror: Her suit is now, to repossess those lands; Which we in justice cannot well deny, Because in quarrel of the house of York The worthy gentleman did lose his life.] This is in every particular a falsification of history. Sir John Grey fell in the second battle of St. Albans, which was fought on Shrove-Tuesday, Feb. 17, 1460–1, fighting on the side of King Henry; and so far is it from being true that his lands were seized by the conqueror, (Queen Margaret,) that they were in fact seized by the very person who now speaks, after his great victory at Towton, on the 29th of March, 1461. The present scene is laid in 1464. Shakspeare in new moulding this play followed implicitly his author, (for these five lines, with only a slight variation in the third, and fifth, are found in the old play,) without giving himself the trouble to examine the history; but a few years afterwards, when he had occasion to write his Richard III. and was not warped by a preceding misrepresentation of another writer, he stated from the chronicles this matter truly as it was; and this is one of the numerous circumstances that prove incontestably, in my apprehension, that he was not the original author of this and the preceding play. In King Richard III. Act I. Sc. III. Richard addressing himself to Queen Elizabeth, (the lady Grey of the present Scene,) says: “In all which time you, and your husband Grey, “Were factious for the house of Lancaster; “(And Rivers so were you:)—was not your husband “In Margaret's battle at Saint Albans slain?” He calls it Margaret's battle, because she was there victorious. Malone.

Note return to page 932 5Glo. Yea! is it so? &c.] So the folio. The quartos read with the following variations: “Glo. I, is the wind in that door? “Clarence. I see the lady,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 933 6Widow, we will consider &lblank;] This is a very lively and spritely dialogue; the reciprocation is quicker than is common in Shakspeare. Johnson.

Note return to page 934 7&lblank; good leave have you;] So, in King John: “Good leave; good Philip.” Good leave, are words implying readiness of assent. Steevens.

Note return to page 935 8&lblank; much rain wears the marble.] So, in Watson's 47th Sonnet: “In time the marble weares with weakest showres.” See note in Dodsley's Collection of Old Plays, edit. 1780, vol. xii. p. 387. Steevens.

Note return to page 936 9My love till death, &c.] The variation is here worth noting. In the old play we here find— “My humble service, such as subjects owe, “And the laws command.” Malone.

Note return to page 937 1&lblank; the sadness &lblank;] i. e. the seriousness. So, in Romeo and Juliet: “Tell me in sadness who is she you love.” Steevens.

Note return to page 938 2Her looks do argue her replete with modesty;] So the folio. The quartos read: “Her looks are all replete with majesty.” Steevens.

Note return to page 939 3And yet too good to be your concubine.] So, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, b. vii. chap. xxxiv.: “His plea was love, my suit was land: I plie him, he plies me; “Too bace to be his queen, too good his concubine to be.” Shakspeare, however, adopted the words from Stowe's Chronicle. Steevens. These words, which are found in the old play, (except that we have there bad, instead of mean,) were taken by the author of that piece from Hall's Chronicle: “&lblank; whiche demaund she so wysely and with so covert speeche aunswered and repugned, affiyrmyng that as she was for his honour far unable to be his spouse and bedfellowe, so for her awne poor honestie she was to good to be either his concubine, or sovereigne lady; that where he was a littel before heated with the dart of Cupido, he was nowe,” &c. Malone.

Note return to page 940 4Thou art a widow, &c.] This is part of the King's reply to his mother in Stowe's Chronicle: “That she is a widow, and hath already children; by God's blessed lady I am a batchelor, and have some too, and so each of us hath a proofe that neither of us is like to be barrain,” &c. Steevens. It is found also in Hall's Chronicle, but is copied almost verbatim from Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard III. Malone.

Note return to page 941 5&lblank; she looks sad.] Old copy—very sad. For the sake of metre I have omitted this useless adverb. Steevens.

Note return to page 942 6That's a day longer, &c.] A nine days wonder was proverbial. Thus, in a Sermon at Paul's Crosse, Nov. 25, 1621, by Henry King, p. 53: “For mendacia diu non fallunt, and having arrived at nine days, the age of a wonder, died in laughter.” Reed.

Note return to page 943 7I'll make my heaven, &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos alter and transpose the two lines, as follows: “I will go clad my body with gay ornaments, “And lull myself within a lady's lap.” Steevens.

Note return to page 944 8&lblank; love forswore me in my mother's womb:] This line is found also in a play entitled Wily Beguiled. The earliest edition that I have seen of that piece, was printed in 1606; but it had been exhibited on the stage soon after the year 1590. Malone.

Note return to page 945 9&lblank; like a wither'd shrub:] So the folio. The quartos—like a wither'd shrimp. Steevens.

Note return to page 946 1&lblank; unlick'd bear-whelp,] It was an opinion which, in spite of its absurdity, prevailed long, that the bear brings forth only shapeless lumps of animated flesh, which she licks into the form of bears. It is now well known that the whelps of the bear are produced in the same state with those of other creatures. Johnson.

Note return to page 947 2&lblank; to o'erbear such As are of better person than myself,] Richard speaks here the language of nature. Whoever is stigmatized with deformity has a constant source of envy in his mind, and would counterbalance by some other superiority those advantages which he feels himself to want. Bacon remarks that the deformed are commonly daring; and it is almost proverbially observed that they are ill-natured. The truth is, that the deformed, like all other men, are displeased with inferiority, and endeavour to gain ground by good or bad means, as they are virtuous or corrupt. Johnson.

Note return to page 948 3Until(1) my(2) mis-shap'd(3) trunk(4) that(5) bears(6) this(7) head(8), Be round impaled, &c.] A transposition seems to be necessary: “Until(1) my(2) head(8), that(5) this(7) mis-shap'd(3) trunk(4) bears(6).” Otherwise the &mlquo;trunk that bears the head’ is to be encircled with the crown, and not the head itself. Steevens. Sir T. Hanmer reads as Mr. Steevens recommends. I believe our author is answerable for this inaccuracy. Malone. “&lblank; impaled &lblank;” i. e. encircled. So, in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece, 1630: “Tear off the crown that yet empales his temples.” Steevens.

Note return to page 949 4And set the murd'rous Machiavel to school.] As this is an anachronism, and the old quarto reads: “And set the aspiring Catiline to school &lblank;” I don't know why it should not be preferred. Warburton. This is not the first proof I have met with, that Shakspeare, in his attempts to familiarize ideas, has diminished their propriety. Steevens. Catiline first occurred to the author of the old play, who was probably a scholar: and Machiavel, who is mentioned in various books of our author's age, as the great exemplar of profound politicians, naturally was substituted by Shakspeare in his room. See this play, Part I. Act V. Sc. IV.: “Alençon! that notorious Machiavel!” In King Edward II. Marlowe, who was probably the author of The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke, in like manner introduces Catiline: “Spencer, the father of that wanton Spencer, “That like the lawless Catiline of Rome, “Revell'd in England's wealth and treasury.” Malone.

Note return to page 950 5Fair queen of England, &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos give the following: “Welcome, queen Margaret, to the court of France. “It fits not Lewis to sit while thou dost stand. “Sit by my side; and here I vow to thee, “Thou shalt have aid to re-possess thy right, “And beat proud Edward from his usurped seat, “And place king Henry in his former rule.” Steevens.

Note return to page 951 6No, mighty king of France, &c.] Instead of this speech the quartos only supply the following: “Queen. I humbly thank your royal majesty, “And pray the God of heaven to bless thy state, “Great king of France, that thus regard'st our wrongs.” Steevens.

Note return to page 952 7Enter Warwick,] This nobleman's embassy and commission, the insult he receives by the King's hasty marriage, and his consequent resolution to avenge it, with the capture, imprisonment, and escape of the King, Shakspeare, it is true, found in Hall and Holinshed; but later, as well as earlier writers, of better authority, incline us to discredit the whole; and to refer the rupture between the King and his political creator, to causes which have not reached posterity, or to that jealousy and ingratitude so natural, perhaps, to those who are under great obligations too great to be discharged. “Beneficia (says Tacitus,) eò usque læta sunt, dum videntur exsolvi posse: ubi multum antevenêre, pro gratiâ odium redditur.” There needs no other proof how little our common histories are to be depended upon than this fabulous story of Warwick and the Lady Bona. The King was privately married to Lady Elizabeth Widville, in 1463, and in February, 1465, Warwick actually stood sponsor to the Princess Elizabeth their first child. What secretly displeased him was: 1. the King's marrying one of the Queen's sisters to the Duke of Buckingham; 2. his conferring the office of Lord Treasurer (which he had taken from the Lord Montjoy,) upon Lord Rivers, the Queen's brother; 3. his making a match between the son and heir of the Lord Herbert and another of the Queen's sisters; and between that nobleman's daughter and the young Lord Lisle; and creating young Herbert Knight and Lord of Dunstar; 4. his making a match between Sir Thomas Grey, the Queen's son, and Lady Ann, daughter and heiress of the Duke of Exeter, the King's niece, who had been talked of as a wife for the Earl of Northumberland, Warwick's brother. See Wilhelmi Wyrcester Annales, which are unfortunately defective from the beginning of November, 1468, at which time no open rupture had taken place between the King and Warwick, who, for any thing that appears to the contrary, were, at least, upon speaking terms.” Ritson.

Note return to page 953 8&lblank; Henry's hope is done.] So the folio. The quartos read: —all our hope is done. Steevens. We have had nearly the same line in Margaret's former speech, p. 460. The line having made an impression on Shakspeare, he introduced it in that speech, which appears (except in this instance) to have been entirely his own production; and afterwards inadvertently suffered it with a slight variation to remain here, where alone it is found in the old play. Malone.

Note return to page 954 9Hath plac'd thy beauty's image, and thy virtue.] So the folio. The quarto thus: “Hath plac'd thy glorious image, and thy vertues.” Steevens.

Note return to page 955 1&lblank; His demand, &c.] Instead of the remainder of this speech the old play has the following lines: “&lblank; hear me speak, “Before you answer Warwick, or his words, “For he it is hath done us all these wrongs.” Malone.

Note return to page 956 2&lblank; to the wisest;] So the folio. The quartos—to the world Steevens.

Note return to page 957 3&lblank; thirty and six years,] So the folio. The quartos—thirty and eight years. Steevens. The number in the old play is right. The alteration, however, is of little consequence. Malone.

Note return to page 958 4When nature brought him to the door of death?] Thus the folio. The quartos: “When age did call him to the door of death.” Steevens. This passage unavoidably brings before the mind that admirable image of old age in Sackville's Induction: “His withered fist still knocking at deathe's dore,” &c. Farmer.

Note return to page 959 5&lblank; that were not lawful chosen.] Thus the folio. The quarto as follows: “&lblank; that is not lawful heir.” Steevens. Here we have another instance of an impropriety into which Shakspeare has fallen by sometimes following and sometimes deserting his original. After Lewis has asked in the old play whether Henry was lawful heir to the crown of England, and has been answered in the affirmative, he next enquires whether he is gracious, that is, a favourite with the people. Shakspeare has preserved this latter question, though he made a variation in the former; not adverting that after a man has been chosen by the voices of the people to be their king, it is quite superfluous to ask whether he is popular or no,—Edward was in fact chosen king, both by the parliament and by a large body of the people assembled in St. John's Fields. See Fabian, who wrote about fifty years after the time, p. 472, and Stowe, p. 688, edit. 1605. Malone. I do not perceive the impropriety of the King's question, or the cogency of the remark founded on it. Is it impossible that a king, elected by his people, should soon afterwards become unpopular? Steevens.

Note return to page 960 6&lblank; that Henry was unfortunate.] He means, that Henry was unsuccessful in war, having lost his dominions in France, &c. Malone.

Note return to page 961 7That this his love was an eternal plant;] The old quarto reads rightly eternal; alluding to the plants of Paradise. Warburton. In the language of Shakspeare's time, by an eternal plant was meant what we now call a perennial one. Steevens. The folio reads—“an external plant;” but as that word seems to afford no meaning, and as Shakspeare has adopted every other part of this speech as he found it in the old play, without alteration, I suppose external was a mistake of the transcriber or printer, and have therefore followed the reading of the quarto. Malone.

Note return to page 962 8Exempt from envy, but not from disdain,] Envy is always supposed to have some fascinating or blasting power; and to be out of the reach of envy is therefore a privilege belonging only to great excellence. I know not well why envy is mentioned here, or whose envy can be meant; but the meaning is, that his love is superior to envy, and can feel no blast from the lady's disdain. Or that, if Bona refuse to quit or requite his pain, his love may turn to disdain, though the consciousness of his own merit will exempt him from the pangs of envy. Johnson. I believe envy is in this place, as in many others, put for malice or hatred. His situation places him above these, though it cannot secure him from female disdain. Steevens.

Note return to page 963 9You have a father able &lblank;] This seems ironical. The poverty of Margaret's father is a very frequent topick of reproach. Johnson.

Note return to page 964 1Peace, impudent and shameless Warwick, peace;] The word peace, at the end of this line, is wanting in the first folio, but is supplied by the second. Steevens.

Note return to page 965 2Proud setter-up and puller-down of kings!] The Queen here applies to Warwick, the very words that Edward, p. 428, addresses to the Deity. M. Mason. See p. 428, n. 7. The repetition has been already accounted for, in p. 451, n. 2, and p. 468, n. 8. Malone.

Note return to page 966 3Thy sly conveyance,] Conveyance, is juggling, and thence is taken for artifice and fraud. Johnson. So, in King Richard II.: “&lblank; conveyers are you all, “That rise thus nimbly by a true king's fall.” Steevens.

Note return to page 967 4&lblank; to sooth your forgery and his,] To soften it, to make it more endurable: or perhaps, to sooth us, and to prevent our being exasperated by your forgery and his. Malone.

Note return to page 968 5Did I forget, that by the house of York My father came untimely to his death?] Warwick's father came untimely to his death, being taken at the battle of Wakefield, and beheaded at Pomfret. But the author of the old play imagined he fell at the action at Ferry-bridge, and has in a former scene, to which this line refers, (see p. 426, n. 3,) described his death as happening at that place. Shakspeare very properly rejected that description of the death of the Earl of Salisbury, of whose death no mention is made in this play, as it now stands; yet he has inadvertently retained this line which alludes to a preceding description that he had struck out; and this is another proof of his falling into inconsistencies, by sometimes following, and sometimes deserting, his original. Malone.

Note return to page 969 6Did I let pass the abuse done to my niece?] Thus Holinshed, p. 668: “King Edward did attempt a thing once in the earles house, which was much against the earles honestie (whether he would have defloured his daughter or his niece, the certaintie was not for both their honours revealed,) for surely such a thing was attempted by king Edward.” Steevens.

Note return to page 970 7Did I put Henry from his native right; &c.] Thus the folio. The quartos read: “And thrust king Henry from his native home? “And (most ungrateful) doth he use me thus?” Steevens.

Note return to page 971 8&lblank; guerdon'd &lblank;] i. e. rewarded. So, in Part II. of this play: “See you well guerdon'd for these good deserts.” Steevens.

Note return to page 972 9&lblank; go fear thy king &lblank;] That is, fright thy king. Johnson. So, in King Henry IV. Part II.: “The people fear me,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 973 1&lblank; to put armour on.] It was once no unusual thing for queens themselves to appear in armour at the head of their forces. The suit which Elizabeth wore, when she rode through the lines at Tilbury to encourage the troops, on the approach of the armada, may be still seen in the Tower. Steevens.

Note return to page 974 2&lblank; thy reward;] Here we are to suppose that, according to ancient custom, Warwick makes a present to the Herald or Messenger, whom the original copies call—a Post. See vol. xvii. p. 372, n, 8. Steevens.

Note return to page 975 3&lblank; and bid false Edward battle:] This phrase is common to many of our ancient writers. So, in The Misfortunes of Arthur, a dramatick performance, 1587: “&lblank; my flesh abhors “To bid the battle to my proper blood.” Steevens.

Note return to page 976 4&lblank; I'll join mine eldest daughter, and my joy, To him forthwith &lblank;] Surely this is a mistake of the copyists. Hall, in the ninth year of King Edward IV. says: “Edward prince of Wales wedded Anne second daughter to the earl of Warwick.” And the Duke of Clarence was in love with the elder, the Lady Isabel; and in reality was married to her five years before Prince Edward took the Lady Anne to wife. And, in King Richard the Third, Gloster, who married this Lady Anne when a widow, says: “For then I'll marry Warwick's youngest daughter. “What though I kill'd her husband and her father?” i. e. Prince Edward, and King Henry VI. her father-in-law. See likewise Holinshed, in his Chronicle, p. 671 and 674. Theobald. This is a departure from the truth of history, for Edward Prince of Wales (as Mr. Theobald has observed,) was married to Anne, second daughter of the Earl of Warwick. But notwithstanding this, his reading [youngest daughter] has, I think, been improperly adopted by the subsequent editors; for though in fact the Duke of Clarence married Isabella, the eldest daughter of Warwick, in 1468, and Edward Prince of Wales married Anne, his second daughter, in 1470: neither of his daughters was married at the time when Warwick was in France negociating a marriage between Lady Bona and his King: so that there is no inconsistency in the present proposal. Supposing, however, that the original author of this play made a mistake, and imagined that the youngest daughter of Warwick was married to Clarence, I apprehend he, and not his editor, ought to answer for it. This is one of the numerous circumstances which prove that Shakspeare was not the original author of this play; for though here, as in a former passage, (p. 454, n. 4,) he has followed the old drama, when he afterwards wrote his King Richard III. and found it necessary to consult the ancient historians, he represented Lady Anne, as she in fact was, the widow of Edward, Prince of Wales, and the youngest daughter of the Earl of Warwick. Malone. Is it improbable then that Shakspeare should have become more accurate as he grew older? Might he not, previous to the composition of a later play, have furnished himself with that knowledge of history which was wanting in his dramatick performance of an earlier date? Steevens.

Note return to page 977 5Yes, I agree, &c.] Instead of this speech, the quarto has only the following: “With all my heart; I like this match full well. “Love her, son Edward; she is fair and young; “And give thy hand to Warwick, for his love.” Steevens.

Note return to page 978 6And thou, lord Bourbon, &c.] Instead of this and the three following lines, we have these in the old play: “And, you, lord Bourbon, our high admiral, “Shall waft them safely to the English coasts; “And chase proud Edward from his slumbering trance, “For mocking marriage with the name of France.” Malone.

Note return to page 979 7&lblank; to make a stale,] i. e. stalking-horse, pretence. So, in The Comedy of Errors: “&lblank; poor I am but his stale.” See Act II. Sc. I. Steevens.

Note return to page 980 8Now tell me, brother Clarence,] In the old play the King enters here along with his brothers, not after them, and opens the scene thus: “Edw. Brothers of Clarence and of Glocester, “What think you of our marriage with the lady Grey? “Glo. My lord, we think as Warwick and Lewis, “That are so slack in judgment that they'll take “No offence at this sudden marriage. “Edw. Suppose they do, they are but Lewis and Warwick; “And I am your king and Warwick's; and will be “Obey'd. “Glo. And shall, because you are our king; “But yet such sudden marriages seldom proveth well. “Edw. Yea, brother Richard, are you against us too?” Malone.

Note return to page 981 9The stage direction in the folio, [Four stand on one side, and four on the other.] is sufficient proof that the play, as exhibited there, was printed from a stage copy. I suppose these eight important personages were attendants. Steevens.

Note return to page 982 1&lblank; are you offended too?] So the folio. The quartos: “&lblank; are you against us too?” Steevens.

Note return to page 983 2And you too, Somerset, &c.] In the old play Somerset dees not appear in this scene. Malone.

Note return to page 984 3Clar. Then this is my opinion,—&c.] Instead of this and the following speech, the quartos read thus: “Clar. My lord, then this is my opinion; “That Warwick, being dishonour'd in his embassage, “Doth seek revenge, to quit his injuries. “Glo. And Lewis, in regard of his sister's wrongs, “Doth join with Warwick to supplant your state.” Steevens.

Note return to page 985 4Why, knows not Montague, that of itself England is safe, if true within itself?] In the old play these lines stand thus: “Let England be true within itself, “We need not France nor any alliance with them.” It is observable that the first of these lines occurs in the old play of King John, 1591, from which our author borrowed it, and inserted it with a slight change in his own play with the same title. Malone. The original of this sentiment is probably to be found in Dr. Andrew Borde's Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, bl. l. printed for Copland, Sign. A 4. See vol. xv. p. 375, n. 3. Neither the lapse of two centuries, nor any circumstance which has occurred during that eventful period, has in any degree shook the credit of this observation, or impaired the confidence of the publick in the truth of it. “England is and will be still safe, if true within itself.” Reed.

Note return to page 986 5Yes; but the safer, &c.] Thus the second folio. Yes, in the first, is omitted. Steevens.

Note return to page 987 6&lblank; with the seas,] This has been the advice of every man who in any age understood and favoured the interest of England. Johnson.

Note return to page 988 7And yet, methinks, &c.] The quartos vary from the folio, as follows: “Cla. Ay, and for such a thing too, the lord Scales “Did well deserve at your hands, to have the “Daughter of the lord Bonfield, and left your “Brothers to go seek elsewhere; but in your madness “You bury brotherhood.” Steevens.

Note return to page 989 8&lblank; you would not have bestow'd the heir &lblank;] It must be remembered, that till the Restoration, the heiresses of great estates were in the wardship of the King, who in their minority gave them up to plunder, and afterwards matched them to his favourites. I know not when liberty gained more than by the abolition of the court of wards. Johnson.

Note return to page 990 9&lblank; I was not ignoble of descent,] Her father was Sir Richard Widville, Knight, afterwards Earl of Rivers; her mother, Jaqueline, Duchess Dowager of Bedford, who was daughter to Peter of Luxemburgh, Earl of St. Paul, and widow of John Duke of Bedford, brother to King Henry V. Malone.

Note return to page 991 1My love, forbear, &c.] Instead of this and the following speech, the old play has only these lines: “Edw. Forbear, my love, to fawne upon their frowns, “For thee they must obey, nay, shall obey, “And if they look for favour at my hands. “Mont. My lord, here is the messenger return'd from Fraunce.” Malone.

Note return to page 992 2&lblank; to my marriage?] The quartos read— “&lblank; to these wrongs.” Steevens.

Note return to page 993 3&lblank; she was there in place.] This expression, signifying, she was there present, occurs frequently in old English writers. Malone. En place, a Gallicism. Steevens.

Note return to page 994 4&lblank; are done,] i. e. are consumed, thrown off. The word is often used in this sense by the writers of our author's age. So, in his Rape of Lucrece: “And if possess'd, as soon decay'd and done, “As is the morning's silver-melting dew.” Malone.

Note return to page 995 5Belike, the elder; Clarence will have the younger.] I have ventured to make elder and younger change places in this line against the authority of all the printed copies. The reason of it will be obvious. Theobald. Clarence having in fact married Isabella, the elder daughter of Warwick, Mr. Theobald made elder and younger change places in this line; in which he has been followed, I think, improperly, by the subsequent editors: The author of the old play, where this line is found, might from ignorance or intentionally have deviated from history, in his account of the person whom Clarence married. See a former note, p. 478, n. 4. Malone.

Note return to page 996 6You, that love me and Warwick, follow me.] That Clarence should make this speech in the King's hearing is very improbable, yet I do not see how it can be palliated. The King never goes out, nor can Clarence be talking to a company apart, for he answers immediately to that which the Post says to the King. Johnson. When the Earl of Essex attempted to raise a rebellion in the city, with a design, as was supposed, to storm the Queen's palace, he ran about the streets with his sword drawn, crying out, “They that love me, follow me.” Steevens. Clarence certainly speaks in the hearing of the King, who, immediately after his brother has retired, exclaims, that he is gone to join with Warwick. This line is in the old quarto play. One nearly resembling it is likewise found in The Battle of Alcazar, 1594: “Myself will lead the way, “And make a passage with my conquering sword, “Knee-deep in blood of these accursed Moors; “And they that love my honour, follow me.” So also, in our author's King Richard III.: “The rest that love me, rise, and follow me.” Malone.

Note return to page 997 7Glo. Not I:] After Clarence goes out, we have in the old play the following dialogue; part of which Shakspeare rejected, and transposed the rest: “Edw. Clarence and Somerset fled to Warwick! “What say you, brother Richard, will you stand to us?” &c. Malone. See note 9, in the following page. Steevens.

Note return to page 998 8Pembroke, and Stafford, &c.] The quartos give the passage thus: “Pembroke, go raise an army presently; “Pitch up my tent; for in the field this night “I mean to rest; and, on the morrow morn, “I'll march to meet proud Warwick, ere he land “Those straggling troops which he hath got in France. “But ere I go, Montague and Hastings, you “Of all the rest are nearest allied in blood “To Warwick; therefore tell me if you favour “Him more than me, or not; speak truly, for “I had rather have you open enemies “Than hollow friends.” Steevens.

Note return to page 999 9Ay, in despite of all that shall withstand you.] The quartos continue the speech thus: “Ay, my lord, in despight of all that shall withstand you; “For why hath nature made me halt downright “But that I should be valiant, and stand to it? “For if I would, I cannot run away.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1000 1But welcome, Clarence;] Old copy, redundantly,—sweet Clarence. Steevens.

Note return to page 1001 2His soldiers lurking in the towns about,] Old copies—town. Steevens. Dr. Thirlby advised the reading towns here; the guard in the scene immediately following says: “&lblank; but why commands the king, “That his chief followers lodge in towns about him?” Theobald.

Note return to page 1002 3&lblank; very easy:] Here the quartos conclude this speech, adding only the following lines: “Then cry king Henry with resolved minds, “And break we presently into his tent.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1003 4That as Ulysses, &c.] See the tenth book of the Iliad. These circumstances, however, were accessible, without reference to Homer in the original. Steevens.

Note return to page 1004 5&lblank; the Thracian fatal steeds;] We are told by some of the writers on the Trojan story, that the capture of these horses was one of the necessary preliminaries to the fate of Troy. Steevens.

Note return to page 1005 6&lblank; and Saint George!] After the two concluding lines of this scene, which in the old play are given not to Warwick but to Clarence, we there find the following speeches, which Shakspeare has introduced in a subsequent place: “War. This is his tent; and see where his guard doth stand. “Courage, my soldiers; now or never. “But follow me now, and Edward shall be ours. “All. A Warwick, a Warwick!” Malone.

Note return to page 1006 7I like it better than a dangerous honour,] This honest Watchman's opinion coincides with that of Falstaff. See vol. xvi. p. 398. Steevens.

Note return to page 1007 8&lblank; when we parted last,] The word last, which is found in the old play, was inadvertently omitted in the folio. Malone.

Note return to page 1008 *So folio: quarto, embassage.

Note return to page 1009 9And come now to create you duke of York.] Might we not read, with a slight alteration? “And come to new-create you duke of York.” Johnson.

Note return to page 1010 1Yea, brother, &c.] In the old play this speech consists of only these two lines: “Well, Warwick, let fortune do her worst, “Edward in mind will bear himself a king.” Henry has made the same declaration in a former scene. Malone.

Note return to page 1011 2Then, for his mind, be Edward England's king:] That is, in his mind; as far as his own mind goes. M. Mason.

Note return to page 1012 3What now remains, &c.] Instead of this and the following speech, the quartos have: “Clar. What follows now? all hitherto goes well. “But we must dispatch some letters into France, “To tell the queen of our happy fortune; “And bid her come with speed to join us. “War. Ay, that's the first thing that we have to do, “And free king Henry from imprisonment, “And see him seated on the regal throne. “Come, let's away; and, having past these cares, “I'll post to York, and see how Edwards fares.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1013 4Enter &lblank; Rivers.] Throughout this scene the quartos vary in almost every speech from the folio. The variations, however, are hardly such as to deserve notice. Steevens. They are, however, so marked, as to prove decisively, I think, that either Shakspeare wrote two distinct pieces on this subject at different periods, or that the play as exhibited in the folio was his, and that in quarto the production of a preceding writer. Let the second speech of Rivers be read with this view: “What losse? of some picht battaile against Warwicke? “Tush, feare not, fair queene, but cast these cares aside. “King Edward's noble mind his honour doth display, “And Warwick may lose, though then he got the day.” See also the speech of Clarence quoted in the last note. Malone. Would not this prove rather too much, as a similar inference might be drawn from the two copies of Romeo and Juliet, in 1597 and 1599? Steevens.

Note return to page 1014 5Scene V.] In new forming these pieces Shakspeare transposed not only many lines and speeches, but some of the scenes. This scene in the original play precedes that which he has made the fourth scene of this Act. Malone.

Note return to page 1015 6A Park near Middleham &lblank;] Shakspeare follows his authority Holinshed, in the representation here given of King Edward's capture and imprisonment. But honest Raphael misled him, as he himself was misled by his predecessor Hall. The whole is untrue: Edward was never in the hands of Warwick. Ritson.

Note return to page 1016 7Now, my lord Hastings, &c.] I shall insert the speech corresponding to this in the old play, as the comparison will show the reader in what manner Shakspeare proceeded, where he merely retouched and expanded what he found in the elder drama, without the addition of any new matter: “Glo. Lord Hastings and Sir William Stanley, “Know that the cause I sent for you is this. “I look my brother with a slender train “Should come a hunting in this forest here. “The bishop of York befriends him much, “And lets him use his pleasure in the chase. “Now I have privily sent him word “Now I am come with you to rescue him; “And see where the huntsman and he doth come.” Malone.

Note return to page 1017 8&lblank; and ship &lblank;] The first folio has shipt. The correction was made by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 1018 9&lblank; few men rightly temper with the stars:] I suppose the meaning is, that few men conform their temper to their destiny; which King Henry did, when finding himself unfortunate, he gave the management of publick affairs to more prosperous hands. Johnson.

Note return to page 1019 1&lblank; in place.] i. e. here present. See p. 485, n. 3. Steevens.

Note return to page 1020 2And all his lands and goods be confiscate.] For the insertion of the word be, which the defect of the metre proves to have been accidentally omitted in the old copy, I am answerable. Malone. Mr. Malone's emendation is countenanced by the following passage in The Comedy of Errors: “Lest that thy goods too soon be confiscate.” The second folio, however, reads—confiscated; and perhaps this reading is preferable, because it excludes the disagreeable repetition of the auxiliary verb—be. Steevens.

Note return to page 1021 3This pretty lad &lblank;] He was afterwards Henry VII. a man who put an end to the civil war of the two houses, but no otherwise remarkable for virtue. Shakspeare knew his trade. Henry VII. was grandfather to Queen Elizabeth, and the King from whom James inherited. Johnson. Shakspeare only copied this particular, together with many others, from Holinshed:—“whom when the king had a good while beheld, he said to such princes as were with him: Lo, surelie this is he, to whom both we and our adversaries, leaving the possession of all things, shall hereafter give roome and place.” P. 678. “This pretty lad will prove our country's bliss.” Thus the folio. The quarto thus: “Thou, pretty boy, shalt prove this country's bliss.” Steevens. Holinshed transcribed this passage almost verbatim from Hall, whom the author of the old play, as I conceive, copied. This speech originally stood thus: “Come hither, pretty lad. If heavenly powers “Do aim aright, to my divining soul, “Thou, pretty boy, shalt prove this country's bliss, “Thy head is made to wear a princely crown; “Thy looks are all replete with majesty: “Make much of him, my lords,” &c. Henry Earl of Richmond was the son of Edmond Earl of Richmond, and Margaret, daughter to John the first Duke of Somerset. Edmond Earl of Richmond was half-brother to King Henry the Sixth, being the son of that King's mother Queen Catharine, by her second husband Owen Teuther or Tudor, who was taken prisoner at the battle of Mortimer's Cross, and soon afterwards beheaded at Hereford. Henry the Seventh, to show his gratitude to Henry the Sixth for this early presage in his favour, solicited Pope Julius to canonize him as a saint; but either Henry would not pay the money demanded, or, as Bacon supposes, the Pope refused, lest “as Henry was reputed in the world abroad but for a simple man, the estimation of that kind of honour might be diminished, if there were not a distance kept between innocents and saints.” Malone.

Note return to page 1022 4&lblank; attended him &lblank;] i. e. waited for him. So, in Coriolanus: “I am attended at the cypress grove.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1023 5Scene VII.] This scene in the old play precedes that which Shakspeare has made the sixth of the present Act. Malone.

Note return to page 1024 6Now, brother Richard, &c.] Instead of this and the three following speeches, the quartos read only: “Enter Edward and Richard, with a troop of Hollanders. “Edw. Thus far from Belgia have we past the seas, “And march'd from Raunspur-haven unto York: “But soft! the gates are shut; I like not this. “Rich. Sound up the drum, and call them to the walls.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1025 7&lblank; lord &lblank;] Mr. M. Mason recommends the omission of this word. Reed. “&lblank; lord Hastings, and the rest.” “Leave out the word lord,” says one of our author's commentators. If we do not closely attend to his phraseology and metre, and should think ourselves at liberty to substitute modern phraseology and modern metre, almost every line in his plays might be altered.—Brother, like many similar words, (rather, whether, either, &c.) is here used by Shakspeare as a monosyllable, and the metre was to his ear perfect. Malone. That there is a marked discrimination between ancient and modern phraseology, no man will deny; but, surely, ancient and modern five-foot verses can have no corresponding difference. Where, in general, shall we find more perfect and harmonious metre than that of Shakspeare? His irregular lines are therefore justly suspected of having suffered from omission or interpolation. —As to the latter part of Mr. Malone's note, in which brother is said to be used as a monosyllable,—valeat quantum valere potest. Steevens. Malone says that brother is to be pronounced as one syllable; but that alone will not be sufficient to complete the metre. We must also lay the accent on the last syllable of the word Richard, and the line must run thus: “Now bro'r Richárd, Lord Hastings and the rest.” which would not be very harmonious. M. Mason. That brother may be pronounced in the time of a monosyllable is shown by a former line, p. 497, where we have two redundant syllables: “Now, brother of Gloster, lord Hastings, and the rest,—” That other words were used with the same license is also shown p. 489, even with Mr. Steeven's correction: “But welcome, Clarence, my daughter shall be thine!” Boswell.

Note return to page 1026 8From Ravenspurgh haven before the gates of York,] We may infer from the old quarto (see note 6, in the preceding page,) that Ravenspurgh was occasionally pronounced as a dissyllable— Raunspurgh. This line will therefore become strictly metrical, if we read (adopting an elision common to Shakspeare): “From Ravenspurgh haven 'fore the gates of York.” Steevens. See the preceding note. Boswell.

Note return to page 1027 9&lblank; persuaded soon!] Old copy—soon persuaded. This transposition, which requires no apology, was made by Sir T. Hanmer. Steevens.

Note return to page 1028 1The good old man would fain that all were well,] The Mayor is willing we should enter, so he may not be blamed. Johnson.

Note return to page 1029 2The bruit &lblank;] The word bruit is found in Bullokar's English Expositor, 8vo. 1616, and is defined “A reporte spread abroad.” Malone. So, in Preston's Cambises: “&lblank; whose manly acts do fly “By bruit of fame &lblank;.” See vol. ix. p. 269, n. 9. Steevens. This French word bruit was very early made a denizen of our language. Thus in the Bible: “Behold the noise of the bruit is come.”—Jeremiah, x. 22. Whalley.

Note return to page 1030 3Thanks, brave Montgomery;—and thanks unto you all.] Surely we ought to read: “Thanks, brave Montgomery;—and thanks to all.” Instead of this speech, the quartos have only the following: “Edw. We thank you all: lord mayor, lead on the way, “For this night we will harbour here in York; “And then as early as the morning sun “Lifts up his beams above this horizon, “We'll march to London to meet with Warwick, “And pull false Henry from the regal throne.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1031 4Scene VIII.] This scene is, perhaps, the worst contrived in any of these plays. Warwick has but just gone off the stage when Edward says: “And towards Coventry bend we our course, “Where peremptory Warwick now remains.” M. Mason. This scene in the original play follows immediately after Henry's observation on young Richmond, which is in the sixth scene of the present play. Malone.

Note return to page 1032 5Let's levy men, and beat him back again.] This line expresses a spirit of war so unsuitable to the character of Henry, that I would give the first cold speech to the King, and the brisk answer to Warwick. This line is not in the old quarto; and when Henry said nothing, the first speech might be as properly given to Warwick as to any other. Johnson. Every judicious reader must concur in Dr. Johnson's opinion, as far as it relates to the second of these two speeches. Steevens. This line is given in the folio to the King, to whom it is so unsuitable, that I have no doubt it was merely a printer's error. I have not, however, assigned it to Warwick, and the preceding speech to Henry, as Dr. Johnson proposes, because it appears to me safer to take the old play as a guide; in which, as in Shakspeare's piece, the first speech is attributed to Warwick. The second speech is given to Oxford, and stands thus: “Oxf. 'Tis best to look to this betimes; “For if this fire do kindle any further “It will be hard for us to quench it out.” Shakspeare, in new-modelling this scene, probably divided this speech between Oxford and Clarence, substituting the line before us in the room of the words—“'Tis best to look to this betimes.” I have therefore given this line to Oxford. It might with equal, or perhaps with more propriety, be assigned to Warwick's brother, Montague. Malone.

Note return to page 1033 6Shalt stir, in Suffolk, &c.] The old copy—stir up. But the omission of the adverb, which hurts the metre, is justified by the following passages in King John, &c.: “I'll stir them to it:—Come, away, away!” Again, ibid.: “An Até stirring him to war and strife.” Again, in King Lear: “If it be you that stir these daughters' hearts “Against their father.—” Steevens.

Note return to page 1034 7&lblank; my Hector, and my Troy's true hope.] This line having probably made an impression on our author, when he read over the old play, he has applied the very same expression to the Duke of York where his overthrow at Wakefield is described, and yet suffered the line to stand here as he found it: “Environed he was with many foes, “And stood against them, as the hope of Troy “Against the Greeks.” The two latter lines, as the reader may find in p. 405, n. 3, were new, no trace of them being there found in the old play. Many similar repetitions may be observed in this Third Part of King Henry VI. from the same cause. Malone.

Note return to page 1035 8&lblank; my meed hath got me fame:] Meed signifies reward. We should read—my deed; i. e. my manners, conduct in the administration. Warburton. This word signifies merit, both as a verb and a substantive: that it is used as a verb, is clear from the following foolish couplet which I remember to have read: “Deem if I meed, “Dear madam, read.” A Specimen of Verses that read the same way backward and forward. Sir J. Hawkins. Meed here means merit, as it did in a former passage, [p. 404, n. 8,] when Edward says of himself and his brothers; “Each one already blazing by our meeds.” M. Mason.

Note return to page 1036 9Shout within. A Lancaster!] Surely the shouts that ushered King Edward should be A York! A York! I suppose the author did not write the marginal directions, and the players confounded the characters. Johnson. We may suppose the shouts to have come from some of Henry's guard, on the appearance of Edward. Malone.

Note return to page 1037 1And, lords, towards Coventry bend we our course, Where peremptory Warwick now remains:] Warwick, as Mr. M. Mason has observed, [p. 508, n. 4,] has but just left the stage, declaring his intention to go to Coventry. How then could Edward know of that intention? Our author was led into this impropriety by the old play, where also Edward says: “And now towards Coventry let's bend our course, “To meet with Warwick and his confederates.” Some of our old writers seem to have thought, that all the persons of the drama must know whatever was known to the writers themselves, or to the audience. Malone.

Note return to page 1038 2The sun shines hot, &c.] These lines are formed on two others which are found in the old play in a subsequent scene in the next Act, being spoken by Edward, after the battle of Barnet, and just before he sets out for Tewksbury: “&lblank; Come, let us go; “For if we slack this fair bright summers day, “Sharp winters showers will mar our hope, for haie.” Malone.

Note return to page 1039 3&lblank; at Dunsmore,] The quartos read—at Daintry: i. e. Daventry. Steevens.

Note return to page 1040 4&lblank; at Daintry,] The quartos read—at Dunsmore. Steevens.

Note return to page 1041 5Where slept our scouts?] So, in King John: “O, where hath our intelligence been drunk? “Where hath it slept?” Steevens.

Note return to page 1042 6I'll do thee service &lblank;] i. e. enroll myself among thy dependants. Cowell informs us, that servitium is “that service which the tenant, by reason of his fee, oweth unto his lord.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1043 7The king was slily finger'd from the deck!] The quartos read—finely finger'd. Finely is subtly. So, in Holinshed's reign of King Henry VI. p. 640: “In his way he tooke by fine force, a tower,” &c. Again, p. 649, “&lblank; and by fine force either to win their purpose, or end their lives in the same.” A pack of cards was anciently termed a deck of cards, or a pair of cards. It is still, as I am informed, so called in Ireland. Thus, in King Edward I. 1599: “&lblank; as it were, turned us, with duces and trays, out of the deck.” Again, in The Two Maids of Moreclacke, 1609: “I'll deal the cards and cut you from the deck.” Again, in Selimus, Emperor of the Turks, 1594: “Well, if I chance but once to get the deck, “To deal about and shuffle as I would.” Steevens. An instance of a pack of cards being called a deck, occurs in the sessions paper, for January, 1788. So that the term appears to be still in use. Ritson.

Note return to page 1044 8&lblank; the bishop's palace,] The palace of the bishop of London. Malone.

Note return to page 1045 9&lblank; yet you are Warwick still.] Thus the folio. The old play reads—and yet you are ould Warwick still. Malone.

Note return to page 1046 1&lblank; take the time,] So, in Macbeth: “&lblank; but we'll take to-morrow.” An expression which Mr. Malone would change for—“talk tomorrow.” See vol. xi. p. 137, n. 6. Steevens.

Note return to page 1047 2Nay, when?] This exclamation, expressive of impatience, has already occurred in King Richard II. See vol. xvi. p. 15, n. 3. Steevens.

Note return to page 1048 3The gates are open, let us enter too.] Thus the folio. The quartos read: “The gates are open, see, they enter in; “Let's follow them, and bid them battle in the streets. “Edw. No: so some other might set upon our backs, “We'll stay till all be enter'd, and then follow them.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1049 4Two of thy name, both dukes of Somerset, Have sold their lives unto the house of York;] The first of these noblemen was Edmund, slain at the battle of Saint Alban's, 1455. See vol. xviii. p. 353. The second was Henry his son, beheaded after the battle of Hexham, 1463. The present duke Edmund, brother to Henry, was taken prisoner at Tewksbury, 1471, and there beheaded, (infra, Sc. V.) his brother John losing his life in the same fight. Ritson.

Note return to page 1050 5&lblank; to bid his brother battle;] Here the quartos conclude this speech, and add the following: “Clar. Clarence, Clarence, for Lancaster! “Edw. Et tu brute! wilt thou stab Cæsar too? “A parly, sirra, to George of Clarence.” To bid battle is a phrase that often occurs in ancient writers Thus, in the Batrachomuomachia of Homer, as translated by Chapman: “O frogs! the mice send threats to you of arms, “And bid me bid you battle.” Steevens. This line of the old play, Et tu Brute! &c. is found also in Acolastus his Afterwitte, a poem by S. Nicholson, 1600; and the Latin words, though not retained here, were afterwards transplanted by Shakspeare into his Julius Cæsar, Act III. Malone.

Note return to page 1051 6Taking the red Rose out of his Cap.] This note of direction I restored from the old quarto. And, without it, it is impossible that any reader can guess at the meaning of this line of Clarence: “Look, here, I throw my infamy at thee. Theobald.

Note return to page 1052 7&lblank; to lime the stones &lblank;] That is, to cement the stones. Lime makes mortar. Johnson.

Note return to page 1053 8That Clarence is so harsh, so blunt, unnatural,] This line, (too long by a foot) was, in my opinion, interpolated by the players, who appear the sworn enemies of an ellipsis.—Omit the words—that and is, and no want of them will be felt by such readers as are well acquainted with the ancient language.—“Why, conceivest thou, Warwick, Clarence so harsh,” &c. &lblank;? Steevens. “&lblank; so blunt.” Stupid, insensible of paternal fondness. Johnson.

Note return to page 1054 9To bend the fatal instruments of war Against his brother, and his lawful king?] Thus the folio. The old play thus: “To lift his sword against his brother's life.” Malone.

Note return to page 1055 1&lblank; Jephtha's, &c.] See the book of Judges, xi. 30. Steevens.

Note return to page 1056 2&lblank; passing traitor,] Eminent, egregious; traitorous beyond the common track of treason. Johnson. So, in Othello: “&lblank; 'twas strange, 'twas passing strange.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1057 3&lblank; a bug, that fear'd us all.] Bug is a bugbear, a terrifick being. Johnson. So, in Cymbeline: “&lblank; are become “The mortal bugs of the field.” Again, in Stephen Gosson's Schoole of Abuse, 1579: “These bugs are fitter to fear babes than to move men.” Steevens. To fear in old language frequently signifies, to terrify. Malone. So, in The Merchant of Venice: “I tell thee, lady, this aspéct of mine “Hath fear'd the valiant.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1058 4Thus yields the cedar to the axe's edge, Whose arms, &c.] It were better to read— “Thus to the axe's edge the cedar yields, “Whose arms,” &c. Otherwise “Whose arms” will refer to the axe instead of the cedar. Steevens.

Note return to page 1059 5Thus yields the cedar to the axe's edge, Whose arms gave shelter to the princely eagle, Under whose shade the ramping lion slept, &c.] It has been observed to me, that the 31st chapter of the prophet Ezekiel suggested these images to Shakspeare. “All the fowls of heaven made their nest in his boughs, and under his branches did all the beasts of the field bring forth their young.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1060 6My parks, &c.] Cedes coemptis saltibus, et domo, Villâque. Hor. This mention of his parks and manors diminishes the pathetick effect of the foregoing lines. Johnson.

Note return to page 1061 7&lblank; and, of all my lands, Is nothing left me, but my body's length!] &lblank; Mors sola fatetur Quantula sint hominum corpuscula. Juv. Camden mentions in his Remains, that Constantine, in order to dissuade a person from covetousness, drew out with his lance the length and breadth of a man's grave, adding, “This is all thou shalt have when thou art dead, if thou canst happily get so much.” Malone.

Note return to page 1062 8&lblank; what is pomp, &c.] This and the following line make no part of this speech in the old play; but were transposed by Shakspeare from a subsequent speech, addressed by Warwick to Somerset. Malone.

Note return to page 1063 9Ah, Warwick, Warwick, &c.] These two speeches stand thus in the quartos: “Oxf. Ah, Warwick, Warwick! cheer up thyself and live; “For yet there's hope enough to win the day. “Our warlike queen with troops is come from France, “And at Southampton landed hath her train; “And, might'st thou live, then would we never fly. &mlquo;War. Why, then I would not fly, nor have I now; “But Hercules himself must yield to odds: “For many wounds receiv'd, and many more repaid, “Hath robb'd my strong-knit sinews of their strength, “And spite of spites needs must I yield to death.” Steevens. One of these lines, “But Hercules,” &c. Shakspeare has transposed and inserted in the Messenger's account of the death of the Duke of York. See p. 405. Not being aware of this, I had inadvertently marked that line as our author's, which I ought not to have done. The three following lines have already been spoken by Warwick in a former scene (see p. 425,) and therefore were here properly rejected by Shakspeare. Malone.

Note return to page 1064 1Which sounded like a cannon in a vault,] The old quarto reads clamour, which is undoubtedly right, i. e. a clamour of tongues, which, as he says, could not be distinguished. This was a pertinent similitude: the other absurd, and neither agrees with what is predicated of it, nor with what it is intended to illustrate. Warburton. “Which sounded like a cannon in a vault, “That might not be distinguish'd;] That is, like the noise of a cannon in a vault, which, &c. Shakspeare's alteration here is perhaps not so judicious as many others that he has made. In the old play, instead of cannon, we have clamour, and the speech stands thus: “Thy brother Montague hath breath'd his last, “And at the pangs of death I heard him cry, “And say, Commend me to my valiant brother; “And more he would have said, and more he said, “Which sounded like a clamour in a vault, “That could not be distinguish'd for the sound; “And so the valiant Montague gave up the ghost.” Malone. The indistinct gabble of undertakers, while they adjust a coffin in a family vault, will abundantly illustrate the preceding simile. Such a peculiar hubbub of inarticulate sounds, might have attracted our author's notice: it has too often forced itself on mine. Steevens.

Note return to page 1065 2&lblank; to meet again in heaven.] I have supplied the word— again, for the sake of metre, by the advice of Mr. Ritson, and with countenance from the following line in King Richard III.: “Farewell, until we meet again in heaven.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1066 3Away, away, &c.] Instead of this line, the quartos have the following: “Come, noble Somerset, let's take our horse, “And cause retreat be sounded through the camp; “That all our friends remaining yet alive “May be forewarn'd, and save themselves by flight. “That done, with them we'll post unto the queen, “And once more try our fortune in the field.” Steevens. It is unnecessary to repeat here an observation that has already been more than once made. I shall therefore only refer to former notes, and the Dissertation at the end of this play. Malone.

Note return to page 1067 4Thus far our fortune keeps an upward course, And we are grac'd with wreaths of victory.] Thus the folio. The quartos thus: “Thus still our fortune gives us victory, “And girts our temples with triumphant joys. “The big-bon'd traitor Warwick hath breath'd his last, “And heaven this day hath smil'd upon us all.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1068 5I mean, my lords,—those powers, &c.] Thus the folio. The old play thus: “I meane those powers which the queen hath got in France, “Are landed, and meane once more to menace us.” Malone.

Note return to page 1069 6&lblank; have arriv'd our coast,] So, in Coriolanus: “&lblank; and now arriving “A place of potency &lblank;.” Again, in Julius Cæsar: “But ere we could arrive the point propos'd &lblank;.” Milton uses the same structure, Paradise Lost, b. ii.: “&lblank; ere he arrive “The happy isle.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1070 7Strike up the drum; cry—Courage! and away.] Thus the folio. The quartos have the following couplet: “Come, let's go; “For if we slack this faire bright summer's day, “Sharp winter's showers will mar our hope for haie.” Something like this has occurred in p. 512. Steevens.

Note return to page 1071 8Great lords, &c.] This speech in the old play stands thus: “Queen. Welcome to England, my loving friends of France, “And welcome, Somerset and Oxford too. “Once more have we spread our sails abroad; “And though our tackling be almost consumde, “And Warwick as our maine-mast overthrowne, “Yet, warlike lordes, raise you that sturdie post “That bears the sailes to bring us unto rest. “And Ned and I, as willing pilots should, “For once, with careful mindes, guide on the sterne, “To beare us through that dangerous gulfe, “That heretofore hath swallowed up our friends.” There is perhaps no speech that proves more decisively than the above, that The First Part of the Contention of the Two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster, &c. and The True Tragedie of the Duke of Yorke, &c. printed in 1600, were the production of some writer who preceded Shakspeare; and that what are now called The Second and Third Parts of King Henvy VI. were only a revisal and amplification of those pieces. Here we have a thought which in the original play is expressed in eleven lines, expanded by our author into thirty-seven lines. Malone.

Note return to page 1072 9With tearful eyes add water to the sea, And give more strength to that which hath too much;] See note on As You Like It, vol. vi. p. 383, n. 1. Reed. So, in our author's Lover's Complaint: “Upon whose weeping margent she was set, “Like usury, applying wet to wet.” Again, in As You Like It: “&lblank; Thou mak'st a testament “As worldings do, giving the sum of more “To that which hath too much.” Again, in Romeo and Juliet: “With tears augmenting the fresh morning dew.” So also, Spenser, in his Shepherd's Calendar, 1579: “Thou, plenteous spring, hast lull'd me oft asleep, “Whose streames my trickling tears did oft augment.” Of this thought, which we see Shakspeare has so often expressed, there is no trace in the old play. See note 8. Malone.

Note return to page 1073 1Methinks, a woman, &c.] In this speech there is much and important variation in the quarto: “Prince. And if there be (as God forbid there should) “'Mongst us a timorous or fearful man, “Let him depart before the battles join; “Lest he in time of need entice another, “And so withdraw the soldiers' hearts from us. “I will not stand aloof, and bid you fight, “But with my sword press in the thickest throngs, “And single Edward from his strongest guard, “And hand to hand enforce him for to yield, “Or leave my body, as witness of my thoughts.” Steevens. Our author has availed himself of these lines in former scenes of these plays. Malone.

Note return to page 1074 2If he arise, be mock'd and wonder'd at.] So the folio. The old play thus: “Be hiss'd and wonder'd at, if he arise.” Malone.

Note return to page 1075 3Prepare you, lords, &c.] In the old play these speeches stand thus: “Mes. My lordes, duke Edward with a mightie power “Is marching hitherward to fight with you. “Oxf. I thought it was his policy to take us unprovided, “But here will we stand, and fight it to the death.” Malone.

Note return to page 1076 4K. Edw. Brave followers, &c.] This scene is ill-contrived, in which the King and Queen appear at once on the stage at the head of opposite armies. It had been easy to make one retire before the other entered. Johnson.

Note return to page 1077 5My tears gainsay;] To gainsay is to unsay, to deny, to contradict. So, in A Knack to Know a Knave, 1594: “&lblank; seeing my father grants, “I will not gainsay.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1078 6Ye see, I drink the water of mine eyes.] This phrase is scriptural: “Thou feedest them with the bread of tears, and givest them tears to drink.” Psalm lxxxv. 5. Steevens. So, in our author's Venus and Adonis: “Dost thou drink tears, that thou provok'st such weeping? These passages were probably recollected by Rowe, when he wrote in his Jane Shore: “Feed on my sighs, and drink my falling tears.” So also, Pope, in the Epistle from Eloisa to Abelard: “And drink the falling tears each other shed.” The folio has—eye: but I imagine it was rather an error in the transcriber than an alteration by Shakspeare. The old play reads —eyes. Malone.

Note return to page 1079 7&lblank; Henry, your sovereign, &c.] Instead of this and the following lines, the original play has these: “Henry your king is prisoner in the Tower; “His land and all our friends are quite distrest, “And yonder stands the wolfe that makes all this, “Then in God's name, lords, together crie Saint George.” Malone.

Note return to page 1080 8&lblank; to Hammes' castle &lblank;] A castle in Picardy, where Oxford was confined for many years. Malone.

Note return to page 1081 9For Somerset,] Edmond Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, the second son of Edmond Duke of Somerset, who was killed at the battle of Saint Albans. Malone.

Note return to page 1082 1What! can so young a thorn begin to prick?] This is a proverbial observation, which I find verified in “A Preaty Interlude, called Nice Wanton”— “Early sharpe that wyll be thorne, “Soone yll that wyll be naught,” &c. Steevens.

Note return to page 1083 2And all the trouble thou hast turn'd me to?] This line was one of Shakspeare's additions to the original play. We have almost the same words in The Tempest: “&lblank; O, my heart bleeds, “To think of the teen [i. e. trouble] that I have turn'd you to.” In the old play Prince Edward is not brought forth as here, but enters with his mother; and after Oxford and Somerset are carried off, he is thus addressed by the King: “Now, Edward, what satisfaction canst thou make, “For stirring up my subjects to rebellion?” Malone.

Note return to page 1084 3Let Æsop, &c.] The Prince calls Richard, for his crookedness, Æsop; and the poet, following nature, makes Richard highly incensed at the reproach. Johnson.

Note return to page 1085 4&lblank; charm your tongue.] The quarto reads—tame your tongue. The former is best. So, in Sir A. Gorges' translation of Lucan, 1614: “In hope that thy victorious arme “Their dunghill crowing so will charme.” Steevens. This is the right reading. So, in Cynthia's Revels, Mercury says to Cupid: “How now, my dancing braggart! charm your tongue.” And, in The Taming of the Shrew, Lucentio says: “But I will charm him first to keep his tongue.” M. Mason. The expression which our author substituted, is one that he has often used. See vol. xviii. p. 286, n. 1. The meaning is, I will compel you to be as silent, as you would be, if you were charm'd, if you were deprived of speech by the power of inchantment. Malone.

Note return to page 1086 5&lblank; the likeness of this railer here, &c.] That thou resemblest thy railing mother. Johnson. That is, “thou who art the likeness,” &c. Mr. Rowe and the other modern editors read—thou likeness, and so we should now write; but the other was the phraseology of Shakspeare's time. So, in Julius Cæsar: “The last of all the Romans, fare thee well.” In that passage, as in the present, Mr. Rowe substituted thou for the, though Shakspeare has employed the very words he found in North's translation of Plutarch. Malone. The old copies describe Edward as striking the first blow, and Gloster the next; and, I believe, rightly, for history informs us that Edward smote the Prince with his gauntlet, on which the rest dispatch'd him. The words “sprawl'st thou?” seem evidently to belong to Richard; and I have therefore continued them to him on the authority of ancient editions, in preference to the allotment of modern innovation. See edit. 1765, vol. v. p. 217. Steevens.

Note return to page 1087 6&lblank; with words?] i. e. dispute, contention. So, in a former of these plays: “Some words there grew 'twixt Somerset and me.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1088 7The Tower, the Tower!] The quarto adds—“I'll root them out;” but, perhaps, injudiciously: and yet, without these words the metre is imperfect. Steevens.

Note return to page 1089 8You have no children, butchers!] The same sentiment is repeated by Macduff, in the tragedy of Macbeth; and this passage may serve as a comment on that. Blackstone. The original play reads: “You have no children, devils; if you had, “The thought of them would then have stopt your rage.” This thought occurring also (as Sir William Blackstone has observed,) in Macbeth, “He has no children,” may perhaps be urged as a proof of Shakspeare's being the author of the first draught, as well as of the alterations and additions to it. But how many thoughts and even expressions has he borrowed from preceding writers? Having (as I suppose) greatly enlarged, and almost new-written, this and the preceding play, the thoughts they contain, whether found in the first copy, or his amplification of it, were as likely to recur in a future piece, as any of those which he has employed in one originally written by himself. In his original plays he frequently borrowed from himself. Malone.

Note return to page 1090 9&lblank; you have rid this sweet young prince.] The condition of this warlike Queen would move compassion, could it be forgotten that she gave York, to wipe his eyes in his captivity, a handkerchief stained with his young child's blood. Johnson. But surely it does move our compassion, though that be not forgotten. When we see any of our fellow-creatures involved in deep distress, from a just and tender cause we attend only to their present sufferings, and not to their former crimes. M. Mason.

Note return to page 1091 1&lblank; do thou do it.] The old play reads—kill me to. Malone.

Note return to page 1092 2'Twas sin before,] She alludes to the desertion of Clarence. Johnson.

Note return to page 1093 3&lblank; where is that devil's butcher, Hard-favour'd Richard?] Thus all the editions. But devil's butcher, in others terms, I think, is kill-devil: rare news for the free thinkers, if there were any grounds for depending on it. But the poet certainly wrote—devil-butcher; and the first part of the compound is to be taken adjectively, meaning execrable, infernal, devilish. Theobald. “Devil's butcher,” is a butcher set on by the devil. Either reading may serve without so long a note. Johnson. The folio adds, at the end of this line, the word—Richard. But both the metre and the old play show that it was an accidental repetition by the transcriber, or compositor. Malone.

Note return to page 1094 4What scene of death hath Roscius now to act?] Roscius was certainly put for Richard by some simple conceited player who had heard of Roscius and of Rome; but did not know that he was an actor in comedy, not in tragedy. Warburton. Shakspeare had occasion to compare Richard to some player about to represent a scene of murder, and took the first or only name of antiquity that occurred to him, without being very scrupulous about its propriety. I know not, however, that it is proved, on classical authority, that Roscius, though generally a comedian, was no occasional actor in tragedy. Nash, in Pierce Penniless's Supplication to the Devil, 1592, says: “Not Roscius nor Æsope, those admired tragedians, that have lived ever since before Christ was born, could ever performe more in action than famous Ned Allen.” Again, in Acolastus his Afterwitte, 1600: “Through thee each murthering Roscius is appointed “To act strange scenes of death on God's anointed.” Again, in Certaine Satyres, 1598: “Was penn'd by Roscio the tragedian.” Steevens. “What scene of death hath Roscius now to act?] So, in Acolastus his Afterwitte, a poem, 1600; “What bloody scene hath cruelty to act?” Dr. Warburton reads Richard, instead of Roscius, because Roscius was a comedian. That he is right in this assertion, is proved beyond a doubt by a passage in Quintilian, cited by W. R. [probably Sir Walter Rawlinson] in The Gentleman's Magazine, vol. liv. Part II. p. 886: “Roscius citatior, Æsopus gravior fuit, quod ille comœdias, hic tragœdias egit.” Quintil. lib. xi. c. iii. —But it is not in Quintilian or in any other ancient writer we are to look in order to ascertain the text of Shakspeare. Roscius was called a tragedian by our author's contemporaries, as appears from the quotations in the preceding note; and this was sufficient authority to him, or rather to the author of the original play, for there this line is found. Malone.

Note return to page 1095 5&lblank; misdoubteth every bush:] To misdoubt is to suspect danger, to fear. So, in Humour out of Breath, a comedy by John Day, 1608: “Hip. Doubt and misdoubt! what difference is there here? “Oct. Yes, much: when men misdoubt, 'tis said they fear.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1096 6&lblank; hapless male &lblank;] The word male is here used in a very uncommon sense, not for the male of the female, but for the male parent: the sweet bird is evidently his son Prince Edward. M. Mason.

Note return to page 1097 7&lblank; peevish fool &lblank;] As peevishness is the quality of children, peevish seems to signify childish, and by consequence silly. Peevish is explained by childish, in a former note of Dr. Warburton. Johnson. Shakspeare employs the word peevish in the same sense in Cymbeline, where the reader will find many instances of this use of it. Steevens. This epithet, which Shakspeare has so frequently employed, was one of his additions to the original play. The ordinary signification of peevish in our poet's time was foolish. See Minsheu's Dict. 1617, in. v. Malone.

Note return to page 1098 8&lblank; the office of a fowl? And yet, for all his wings, the fool was drown'd.] The old play reads: “&lblank; the office of a bird? “And yet for all that the poor fowl was drown'd.” Malone.

Note return to page 1099 9Which now mistrust no parcel of my fear;] Who suspect no part of what my fears presage. Johnson.

Note return to page 1100 1Men for their sons, wives for their husbands' fate,] The word—fate was supplied by the editor of the second folio. Malone.

Note return to page 1101 2And orphans, &c.] The word—and, which is necessary to the metre, and is wanting in the first folio, was supplied by the second. Steevens

Note return to page 1102 3The raven rook'd her &lblank;] To rook, or rather to ruck, is a north-country word, signifying to squat down, or lodge on any thing. So, in Chaucer's Knight's Tale, Mr. Tyrwhitt's edit. v. 1310: “What is mankind more unto you yhold, “Than is the shepe, that rouketh in the fold?” Again, in the Nonnes Preestes Tale, ibid. v. 15,232: “O false morderour, rucking in thy den. Again, in the Preface to Stanyhurst's translation of Virgil, 1582: “I cannot devine upon such bookes that happlye rouke in studentes mewes,” &c. Again, in the translation of the fourth book: “Also on the turrets the skrich howle, &c. “&lblank; doth ruck,” &c. Again, in Warner's Albion's England, 1602, b. vii. ch. xxxvii.: “Have lazy wings, be ever lean, in sullen corners ruck.” Again, in Golding's translation of the 6th book of Ovid's Metamorphosis: “The furies made the bridegrome's bed, and on the house did rucke “A cursed owle the messenger of ill successe and lucke.” Again, in the 15th book: “He rucketh downe upon the same, and in the spices dies.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1103 4&lblank; an indigest &lblank;] The folio has—indigested. But the metre and the old play show that it was a misprint. Shakspeare uses the word indigest in King John. Malone. &lblank; rudis indigestaque moles. Ovid. Met. i. 7. Douce.

Note return to page 1104 5And, if the rest be true which I have heard, Thou cam'st &lblank;] Had our editors had but a grain of sagacity, or true diligence, there could have been no room for this absurd break, since they might have ventured to fill it up with certainty too. The old quarto would have led them part of the way: “Thou cam'st into the world &lblank;.” And that the verse is to be completed in the manner I have given it, is incontestable; for unless we suppose King Henry actually reproaches him with this his preposterous birth, how can Richard in his very next soliloquy say: “Indeed, 'tis true, that Henry told me of; “For I have often heard my mother say, “I came into the world with my legs forward.” I can easily see, that this blank was caused by the nicety of the players, to suppress an indecent idea, But, with submission, this was making but half a cure, unless they had expunged the repetition of it out of Richard's speech too. Theobald. “Thou cam'st &lblank;.” Thus the folio. The old play as follows: “Thou cam'st into the world &lblank;. “Glo. Die prophet in thy speech;—I'll hear no more.” Malone.

Note return to page 1105 6If any spark of life be yet remaining,] So, in the 6th book of Ovid's Metamorphosis, translated by Arthur Golding, 1587: “If any sparke of nature do within thy hart remaine.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1106 7&lblank; that Henry told me of;] Namely, that my birth was attended with singular circumstances.—Theobald, grounding himself on this and the two following lines, reads in a former passage— “Thou cam'st into the world with thy legs forward.” for “how,” (says he,) can Richard say, “Indeed 'tis true that Henry told me of,” &c. “unless we suppose King Henry reproached him with his preposterous birth.” But surely Henry has done so in the last ten lines of his speech, though he is at length prevented by the fatal stab from mentioning a further proof of Richard's being born for the destruction of mankind. Theobald's addition therefore to that line, has, I think, been adopted, too hastily by the subsequent editors, and the interruption in the midst of Henry's speech appears to me not only preferable, as warranted by the old copies, and by Gloster's subsequent words, [Die, prophet, in thy speech;] but more agreeable to nature. Malone.

Note return to page 1107 8Let hell, &c.] This line Dryden seems to have thought on in his Oepidus: “It was thy crooked mind hunch'd out thy back, “And wander'd in thy limbs.” Steevens. After this line, we find in the old play the following: “I had no father, I am like no father.” It might have been omitted in the folio merely by accident, (as some lines in The Second Part of King Henry VI certainly were,) but its restoration is not necessary, for the sense is complete without it. Malone.

Note return to page 1108 9But I will sort a pitchy day for thee:] But I will choose out an hour whose gloom shall be as fatal to you. To sort is to select. So, in The Spanish Tragedy, 1605: “&lblank; for they had sorted leisure.” Again, in The Lover's Melancholy, 1629: “We shall sort time to take more notice of him.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1109 1For I will buz abroad such prophecies, That Edward shall be fearful of his life;] The quartos add a line between these: “&lblank; such prophecies, “Under pretence of outward seeming ill, “That,” &c. Steevens. This line is not in the quarto printed by W. W. 1600; but it is in the undated quarto, which in fact was printed in 1619, from that printed in 1600 by V. S. Malone.

Note return to page 1110 2&lblank; like to autumn's corn, Have we mow'd down,] A kindred image occurs in King Henry V. vol. xvii. p. 348: “&lblank; mowing like grass “Your fresh-fair virgins, and your flow'ring infants.” Steevens.

Note return to page 1111 3Work thou the way,—and thou shalt execute.] I believe we should read: “&lblank; and this shall execute.” Richard laying his hand on his forehead says: “Work thou the way &lblank;.” then bringing down his hand, and beholding it: “&lblank; and this shall execute.” Though that may stand, the arm being included in the shoulder. Johnson. The quartos read: “Work thou the way, and thou shalt execute.” I suppose he speaks this line, first touching his head, and then looking on his hand. Steevens. This is the reading of the old play. The folio reads—“and that shalt execute.” But as the word shalt is preserved, the other must have been an error of the transcriber or compositor. Malone.

Note return to page 1112 4Thanks, noble Clarence; worthy brother, thanks.] The quarto appropriates this line to the Queen. The first and second folio, by mistake, have given it to Clarence. In my copy of the second folio, which had belonged to King Charles the First, his Majesty has erased—Cla. and written King, in its stead.—Shakspeare, therefore, in the catalogue of his restorers, may boast of a Royal name. Steevens.

Note return to page 1113 5With stately triumphs,] Triumphs are publick shows. This word has occurred too frequently to need exemplification in the present instance. Steevens.

Note return to page 1114 The following Summary Account* [Subnote: *Mr. Ritson, among his Remarks, 1783, p. 130, has also enumerated the following battles, &c. but as Mr. Malone's subsequent account of the same occurences is the more ample of the two, I have adopted it. Steevens.] of the times and places of the several battles fought between the two houses of York and Lancaster, and of the numbers killed on both sides, is formed on that given by Trussel, at the end of his History of England, a book of little value, but in matters of this kind tolerably correct. I have compared his account with our earliest historians, and in some places corrected it by them. 1. The Battle of Saint Albans, fought on the 23d of May, 1455, between Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, and King Henry VI. In this battle the Duke of York was victorious, and Henry was taken prisoner. Killed, on the royal side 5041, (among whom were Edmond Duke of Somerset, Henry Earl of Northumberland, Humphrey Earl of Stafford, and Thomas Clifford;) on the side of the Duke of York, 600. Total—5641. 2. The Battle of Bloarheath in Shropshire, fought on the 30th of September 1459, between James Lord Audley on the part of King Henry, and Richard Nevil Earl of Salisbury on the part of the Duke of York; in which battle Lord Audley was slain, and his army defeated. Killed—2411. 3. The Battle of Northampton, 20th of July, 1460, between Edward Plantagenet, Earl of March, eldest son of the Duke of York, and Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick, on the one side, and King Henry on the other; in which the Yorkists were victorious. Killed—1035, among whom were John Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, and Sir William Lucy. 4. The Battle of Wakefield, December 30, 1460, between Richard Duke of York and Queen Margaret; in which the Duke of York was defeated. Killed—2801, among whom were the Duke of York, Edmond Earl of Rutland his second son, Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, his base uncles, and the Earl of Shrewsbury. Richard Nevil Earl of Salisbury was in this battle taken prisoner, and afterwards beheaded at Pomfret. 5. The Battle of Mortimer's Cross, in Herefordshire, on Candlemas-day, 1460–1, between Edward Duke of York on the one side, and Jasper Earl of Pembroke, and James Butler Earl of Wiltshire, on the other; in which the Duke of York was victorious. Killed—3800, among whom was Sir Owen Tuther or Tudors, who married Queen Katharine, the widow of King Henry V. 6. The Second Battle of Saint Albans, February 17, 1460–1, between Queen Margaret on the one side, and the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick on the other; in which the Queen obtained the victory. Killed—2303; among whom was Sir John Grey, a Lancastrian, whose widow, Lady Grey, afterwards married King Edward the Fourth. 7. The action at Ferrybridge, in Yorkshire, March 28, 1461, between Lord Clifford on the part of King Henry, and the Lord Fitzwalter on the part of the Duke of York. Killed—230, among whom were Lord Fitzwalter, John Lord Clifford, and the bastard son of the Earl of Salisbury. 8. The Battle of Towton, four miles from York, Palm-Sunday, March 29, 1461, between Edward Duke of York and King Henry; in which King Henry was defeated. Killed—37,046, among whom were Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, and the Lords Nevil, Beaumond, Willoughby, Wells, Roos, Gray, Dacres, and Fitzhugh. The Earl of Devonshire was taken prisoner, and soon afterwards beheaded at York. 9. The Battle of Hedgeley Moor, in Northumberland, April 29, 1463, between John Nevil Viscount Montague, on the part of King Edward IV. and the Lords Hungerford and Roos on the part of King Henry VI.: in which the Yorkists were victorious. Killed—108, among whom was Sir Ralph Percy. 10. The Battle of Hexham, May 15, 1463, between Viscount Montague and King Henry, in which that King was defeated. Killed-2024. Henry Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, and the Lord Roos and Hungerford, fighting on the side of King Henry, were taken prisoners, and soon afterwards beheaded. 11. The Battle of Hedgecote, four miles from Banbury, July 25, 1469, between William Herbert Earl of Pembroke, on the part of King Edward, and the lords Fitzhugh and Latimer, and Sir John Conyers, on the part of King Henry: in which the Lancastrians were defeated. Killed—5009. The Earl of Pembroke and his brother, Richard Widville Earl of Rivers, father to King Edward's Queen, Sir John Widville, John Tiptoft Earl of Worcester, the Lords Willoughby, Stafford, and Wells, were taken prisoners, and soon afterwards beheaded. 13. The Battle of Stamford, in Lincolnshire, October 1, 1469, between Sir Robert Wells and King Edward; in which the former was defeated and taken prisoner. The vanquished who fled, in order to lighten themselves threw away their coats, whence the place of combat was called Losecoatfield. Killed—10,000. 14. The Battle of Barnet, on Easter-Sunday, April 14, 1471, between King Edward on one side, and the Earl of Warwick, the Marquis of Montague, and the Earl of Oxford, on the part of King Henry VI. in which the Lancastrians were defeated. Killed—10,300; among whom were the Earl of Warwick, the Marquis of Montague, the Lord Cromwell, and the son and heir of Lord Say. In a letter which was written at London four days after the battle of Barnet, the total number killed on both sides is said to have been “more than a thousand.” Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 65. Fabian, the nearest contemporary historian, says 1500. The custom among our old writers of using Arabick numerals, has been the cause of innumerable errors, the carelessness of a transcriber or printer by the addition of a cipher converting hundreds into thousands. From the inaccuracy in the present instance we have ground to suspect that the numbers said to have fallen in the other battles between the houses of York and Lancaster, have been exaggerated. Sir John Paston who was himself at the battle of Barnet, was probably correct. 15. The Battle of Tewksbury, May 3, 1471, between King Edward and Queen Margaret, in which the Queen was defeated, and she and her son Prince Edward were taken prisoners. On the next day the Prince was killed by King Edward and his brothers, and Edmond Duke of Somerset beheaded. Killed—3,032. Shortly afterwards, in an action between the bastard son of Lord Falconbridge and some Londoners, 1092 persons were killed. 16. The Battle of Bosworth, in Leicestershire, August 22, 1485, between King Richard III. and Henry Earl of Richmond, afterwards King Henry VII. in which King Richard was defeated and slain. Killed, on the part of Richard, 4,013, among whom were John Duke of Norfolk, and Walter Lord Ferrers; on the part of Richmond, 181. The Total Number of persons who fell in this contest, was Ninety-one Thousand and Twenty-six. Malone. The three parts of King Henry VI. are suspected, by Mr. Theobald, of being supposititious, and are declared, by Dr. Warburton, to be certainly not Shakspeare's. Mr. Theobald's suspicion arises from some obsolete words; but the phraseology is like the rest of our author's style, and single words, of which however I do not observe more than two, can conclude little. Dr. Warburton gives no reason, but I suppose him to judge upon deeper principles and more comprehensive views, and to draw his opinion from the general effect and spirit of the composition, which he thinks inferior to the other historical plays. From mere inferiority nothing can be inferred; in the productions of wit there will be inequality. Sometimes judgment will err, and sometimes the matter itself will defeat the artist. Of every author's works one will be the best, and one will be the worst. The colours are not equally pleasing, nor the attitudes equally graceful, in all the pictures of Titian or Reynolds. Dissimilitude of style and heterogenousness of sentiment, may sufficiently show that a work does not really belong to the reputed author. But in these plays no such marks of spuriousness are found. The diction, the versification, and the figures, are Shakspeare's. These plays, considered, without regard to characters and incidents, merely as narratives in verse, are more happily conceived, and more accurately finished than those of K. John, Richard II. or the tragick scenes of King Henry IV. and V. If we take these plays from Shakspeare, to whom shall they be given? What author of that age had the same easiness of expression and fluency of numbers? Having considered the evidence given by the plays themselves, and found it in their favour, let us now enquire what corroboration can be gained from other testimony. They are ascribed to Shakspeare by the first editors, whose attestation may be received in questions of fact, however unskilfully they superintended their edition. They seem to be declared genuine by the voice of Shakspeare himself, who refers to the second play in his epilogue to King Henry V. and apparently connects the first Act of King Richard III. with the last of The Third Part of King Henry VI. If it be objected that the plays were popular, and that therefore he alluded to them as well known; it may be answered, with equal probability, that the natural passions of a poet would have disposed him to separate his own works from those of an inferior hand. And, indeed, if an author's own testimony is to be overthrown by speculative criticism, no man can be any longer secure of literary reputation. Of these three plays I think the second the best. The truth is, that they have not sufficient variety of action, for the incidents are too often of the same kind; yet many of the characters are well discriminated. King Henry, and his Queen, King Edward, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl of Warwick, are very strongly and distinctly painted. The old copies of the two latter parts of King Henry VI. and of King Henry V. are so apparently imperfect and mutilated, that there is no reason for supposing them the first draughts of Shakspeare. I am inclined to believe them copies taken by some auditor who wrote down, during the representation, what the time would permit, then perhaps filled up some of his omissions at a second or third hearing, and, when he had by this method formed something like a play, sent it to the printer. Johnson. So, Heywood, in the Preface to his Rape of Lucrece, (fourth impression,) 1630: “&lblank; for though some have used a double sale of their labours, first to the stage and after to the press, for my own part I here proclaim myself ever faithful to the first, and never guilty of the last: yet since some of my plays have (unknown to me, and without any of my direction,) accidentally come into the printer's hands, and therefore so corrupt and mangled (copied only by the ear,) that I have been as unable to know them as ashamed to challenge them, this therefore I was the willinger,” &c. Collins. There is another circumstance which may serve to strengthen Dr. Johnson's supposition, viz. that most of the fragments of Latin verses, omitted in the quartos, are to be found in the folio; and when any of them are inserted in the former, they are shamefully corrupted and misspelt. The auditor, who understood English, might be unskilled in any other language. Steevens. I formerly coincided with Dr. Johnson on this subject, at a time when I had examined the two old plays published in quarto under the title of The Whole Contention of the two famous Houses of York and Lancaster, in two parts, with less attention than I have lately done. That dramas were sometimes imperfectly taken down in the theatre, and afterwards published in a mutilated state, is proved decisively by the prologue to a play entitled, If you Know Not Me You Know Nobody, by Thomas Heywood, 1623: “&lblank; 'Twas ill nurst, “And yet receiv'd as well perform'd at first; “Grac'd and frequented; for the cradle age “Did throng the seats, the boxes, and the stage, “So much, that some by stenography drew “The plot, put it in print, scarce one word true: “And in that lameness it has limp'd so long, “The author now, to vindicate that wrong “Hath took the pains upright upon its feet “To teach it walk; so please you, sit and see it.” But the old plays in quarto, which have been hitherto supposed to be imperfect representations of the second and third parts of King Henry VI. are by no means mutilated and imperfect. The scenes are as well connected, and the versification as correct, as that of most of the other dramas of that time. The fact therefore, which Heywood's Prologue ascertains, throws no light upon the present contested question. Such observations as I have made upon it, I shall subjoin in a distinct Essay on the subject. Malone. I have already given some reasons, why I cannot believe, that these plays were originally written by Shakspeare. The question, who did write them? is, at best, but an argument ad ignorantiam. We must remember, that very many old plays are anonymous; and that play-writing was scarcely yet thought reputable: nay, some authors express for it great horrors of repentance.—I will attempt, however, at some future time, to answer this question: the disquisition of it would be too long for this place. One may at least argue, that the plays were not written by Shakspeare, from Shakspeare himself, The Chorus at the end of King Henry V. addresses the audience— “&lblank; For their sake, “In your fair minds let this acceptance take.” But it could be neither agreeable to the poet's judgment or his modesty, to recommend his new play from the merit and success of King Henry VI.—His claim to indulgence is, that, though bending and unequal to the task, he has ventured to pursue the story: and this sufficiently accounts for the connection of the whole, and the allusions of particular passages. Farmer. It is seldom that Dr. Farmer's arguments fail to enforce conviction; but here, perhaps, they may want somewhat of their usual weight. I think that Shakspeare's bare mention of these pieces is a sufficient proof they were his. That they were so, could be his only motive for inferring benefit to himself from the spectator's recollection of their past success. For the sake of three historical dramas of mine which have already afforded you entertainment, let me (says he) intreat your indulgence to a fourth. Surely this was a stronger plea in his behalf, than any arising from the kind reception which another might have already met with in the same way of writing. Shakspeare's claim to favour is founded on his having previously given pleasure in the course of three of those histories; because he is a bending, supplicatory author, and not a literary bully, like Ben Jonson; and because he has ventured to exhibit a series of annals in a suite of plays, an attempt which till then had not received the sanction of the stage. I hope Dr. Farmer did not wish to exclude the three dramas before us, together with The Taming of the Shrew, from the number of those produced by our author, on account of the Latin quotations to be found in them. His proofs of Shakspeare's want of learning are too strong to stand in need of such a support. Steevens. Though the objections which have been raised to the genuineness of the three plays of Henry the Sixth have been fully considered and answered by Dr. Johnson, it may not be amiss to add here, from a contemporary writer, a passage, which not only points at Shakspeare as the author of them, but also shows, that, however meanly we may now think of them in comparison with his latter productions, they had, at the time of their appearance, a sufficient degree of excellence to alarm the jealousy of the older play-wrights. The passage, to which I refer, is in a pamphlet, entitled, Greene's Groatsworth of Witte, supposed to have been written by that voluminous author, Robert Greene, M. A. and said, in the title-page, to be published at his dying request; probably about 1592. The conclusion of this piece is an address to his brother poets, to dissuade them from writing any more for the stage, on account of the ill treatment which they were used to receive from the players. It begins thus: “To those gentlemen, his quondam acquaintance, that spend their wits in making playes, R. G. wisheth a better exercise,” &c. After having addressed himself particularly to Christopher Marlowe and Thomas Lodge, (as I guess from circumstances, for their names are not mentioned;) he goes on to a third, (perhaps George Peele;) and having warned him against depending on so mean a stay as the players, he adds: “Yes, trust them not; for there is an upstart crow beautified with our feathers; that with his tygres head wrapt in a players hyde, supposes hee is as well able to bombaste out a blanke verse as the best of you; and being an absolute Johannes fac totum is, in his own conceit, the onely Shake-scene in a countrey.” There can be no doubt, I think, that Shake-scene alludes to Shakspeare; or that his tygres head wrapt in a players hyde, is a parodie upon the following line of York's speech to Margaret, Third Part of King Henry VI. Act I. Sc. IV.: “Oh tygres heart, wrapt in a woman's hide.” Tyrwhitt.

Note return to page 1115 *&lblank; to show the writer's learning.] This appearance of pedantry, if not assumed in imitation of Greene, &c. (see p. 4,) would only induce me to think that the piece now under considetion might be the work of a juvenile writer; and why not one of Shakspeare's earliest dramatick effusions? The first themes composed by schoolboys are always stuffed with a tritical parade of literature, such as is found in antiquated plays, some of which, our author, while yet immature, might have taken for his model. Steevens. To show how little foundation there is for Mr. Steevens's notion, let this play be compared with our author's earliest compositions, The Two Gentlemen of Verona, and the Comedy of Errors. Boswell.

Note return to page 1116 *It may perhaps appear a minute remark, but I cannot help observing that the second speech in this play ascertains the writer to have been very conversant with Hall's Chronicle: “What should I say?† [Subnote: †“What should I say?” In page 611 of Mr. Malone's [former] edition of King Richard III. vol. vi. this phrase occurs: “What shall I say more than I have inferr'd?” Steevens. The passage quoted is by no means in point. In Richard III. a question is asked; and the words are not as in Henry VI. merely expletives used by the writer as a rhetorical flourish. Boswell.] his deeds exceed all speech.” This phrase is introduced on almost every occasion by that writer, when he means to be eloquent. Holinshed, and not Hall, was Shakspeare's historian (as has been already observed); this therefore is an additionl proof that this play was not our author's. “&lblank; Shakspeare in his Macbeth always uses Hecate as a dissyllable; and therefore could not have been the author of the other piece.” By similar reasoning we might infer that Shakspeare was not author of The Tempest; for in this play Steph&ashort;no is properly accented, but erroneously [Steph&abar;no] in The Merchant of Venice; and that because Prosper occurs in one scene, and Prospero in another, that both scenes were not of Shakspeare's composition. The same might be said of Antony and Cleopatra, in which both Enobarbe and Enobarbus are found. This argument also might lead us to imagine that part of the Iliad which passes under the name of Mr. Pope, was not in reality translated by him; because in one book we have Id&obar;meneus, Mer&ibar;ones, and Cebr&ibar;ones, and in another Id&obar;men, Mer&ibar;on, and Cebr&ibar;on. Most certainly, both Shakspeare and Pope occasionally accommodated their proper names to the structure of their verses. The abbreviation—Hecat' is therefore no proof of our author's ignorance that Hecaté was usually a trisyllable. Steevens.

Note return to page 1117 *See The First Part of King Henry VI. p. 77, and the Second Part, p. 217.

Note return to page 1118 *They were probably reprinted in 1600, because Shakspeare's alterations of them were then popular, as King Leir and his Three Daughters was printed in 1605, because our author's play was probably at that time first produced.

Note return to page 1119 *The first edition of Romeo and Juliet, 1597, is said in its title-page to have been acted “By the right honourable the L. of Hunsdon his servants.” Steevens. It is to be hoped that Mr. Steevens wrote this note in a moment of forgetfulness, and that he did not intend to mislead the reader by what is only a seeming contradiction to what is stated by Mr. Malone, that our author's plays were only acted by the Lord Chamberlain's, or the Queen's, or King's servants: Lord Hunsdon was Lord Chamberlain. Boswell.

Note return to page 1120 *Compare also the account of the death of the Duke of York (p. 405) and King Henry's soliloquy (p. 431) with the old play as quoted in the notes.—Sometimes our author new-versified the old, without the addition of any new matter. See p. 496, n. 7.

Note return to page 1121 *See p. 262, n. 6; and p. 276, n. 8. Compare also Clifford's speech to the rebels in p. 323, Buckingham's address to King Henry in p. 212, and Iden's speech in p. 331, with the old play, as quoted in the notes.

Note return to page 1122 †Also, as it has lately been discovered, by Cuthbert Burbie, in 1596. Reed.

Note return to page 1123 ‡Pavier's edition has no date, but it is ascertained to have been printed in 1619, by the signatures; the last of which is Q. The play of Pericles was printed in 1619, for the same bookseller, and its first signature is R. The undated copy, therefore, of The Whole Contention, &c. and Pericles must have been printed at the same time.

Note return to page 1124 §See An Attempt to ascertain the Order of Shakspeare's Plays, vol. ii. article, King John.

Note return to page 1125 *See p. 549.

Note return to page 1126 †See p. 183, n. 8; p. 219, n. 3.

Note return to page 1127 *See p. 320, n. 4; and The First Part of the Contention, &c. 1600, sign. G 3.

Note return to page 1128 †See p. 196, n. 8.

Note return to page 1129 *Of the odium attached to the name of Machiavel, we have an amusing instance in Gill's Logonomia Anglica, 1621: “Et ne semper Sidneios loquamur et Spenseros, audi epilogum fabulæ quam docuit Boreali dialecto poeta titulumque fecit reus Machiavellus: “Machil iz hanged “And brened iz his buks “Though Machil iz hanged “Yet he iz not wranged “The Di'el haz him fanged “In hiz cruked cluks “Machil iz hanged “And brened in his buks.” Boswell.

Note return to page 1130 *See the Second Part of King Henry VI. p. 183, n. 8; p. 212, n. 1; p. 214, n. 4; p. 215, n. 7; p. 216, n. 8; p. 219, n. 3; p. 220, n. 4; p. 232, n. 4; p. 246, n. 6; p. 248, n. 7; p. 252, n. 6; p. 262, n. 6; p. 269, n. 7; p. 276, n. 8; p. 280, n. 8; p. 289, n. 3 and 4; p. 292, n. 2; p. 293, n. 3 and 4; p. 323, n. 8; p. 325, n. 3; p. 326, n. 4; p. 331, n. 4; p. 334, n. 1; p. 337, n. 7; p. 338, n. 6; p. 339, n. 1 and 2; p. 340, n. 3; p. 341, n. 5; p. 342, n. 7; p. 355, n. 3; p. 350, n. 7; p. 353, n. 4; and p. 358, n. 4 and 5.

Note return to page 1131 *See The Second Part of King Henry VI. p. 169, n. 6; p. 249, n. 8; p. 272, n. 5; p. 273, n. 7; p. 278, n. 2; p. 284, n. 5; p. 291, n. 6; p. 321, n. 5; p. 352, n. 9, n. 1, n. 2; p. 355, n. 8.—Third Part, p. 427, n. 5; p. 438, n. 3; p. 449, 6.

Note return to page 1132 *Hall's Chron. Henry VI. fol. xxix.

Note return to page 1133 *See p. 201, n. 8.

Note return to page 1134 *In Othello both the words—napkin, and handkerchief, may be found. Steevens.

Note return to page 1135 †See p. 496, n. 5; p. 508, n. 4.

Note return to page 1136 *See p. 271, n. 4; p. 298, n. 8; p. 345, n. 3; p. 490, n. 6.

Note return to page 1137 *See Hall, Henry V. fol. lxxix. Holinshed says, “a gentleman of Kent, named Alexander Iden, awaited so his time,” &c.

Note return to page 1138 *See p. 564 of this Dissertation.

Note return to page 1139 †See these several objections stated by Dr. Johnson in the notes at the end of The Third Part of King Henry VI.

Note return to page 1140 *See the Prolegomena to King Richard II. vol. xi.

Note return to page 1141 †Entered on the Stationers' books in 1594.

Note return to page 1142 *This point is established not only by the list referred to, but by a passage in a pamphlet already quoted, entitled Pierce Pennilesse his Supplication to the Devil, written by Thomas Nashe, quarto, 1592: “Whereas the afternoone being the eldest time of the day, wherein men that are their own masters (as gentlemen of the court, the Innes of court, and the number of captaines and soldiers about London) do wholly bestow themselves upon pleasure, and that pleasure they divide (how virtuously it skilles not,) into gaming, following of harlots, drinking, or seeing a play; is it not then better, since of foure extreames all the world cannot keepe them, but they will choose one, that they should betake them to the last, which is Playes? Nay, what if I prove playes to be no extreame, but a rare exercise of vertue! First, for the subject of them; for the most part it is borrowed out of our English Chronicles, wherein our fore-fathers' valiant actes, that have been long buried in rustie brasse, and worme eaten bookes, are revived, and they themselves raised from the grave of oblivion, and brought to plead their aged honours in open presence; than which, what can be a sharper reproofe to these degenerate days of ours?” After an elogium on the brave Lord Talbot, and on the actor who had personated him in a popular play of that time, “before ten thousand spectators at the least;” (which has already been printed in a former page), and after observing “what a glorious thing it is to have King Henry the Fifth represented on the stage, leading the French king prisoner, and forcing both him and the Dolphin to swear fealty,”—the writer adds these words: “In playes, all cousenages, all cunning drifts, over-guilded with outward holinesse, all stratagems of warre, all the canker-wormes that breed in the rust of peace, are most lively anatomized. They show the ill successe of treason, the fall of hasty climbers, the wretched end of usurpers, the miserie of civil dissension, and how just God is evermore in punishing murder. And to prove every one of these allegations, could I propound the circumstances of this play and that, if I meant to handle this theame otherwise than obiter.” It is highly probable that the words, “the miserie of civil dissension,” allude to the very playes which are the subjects of the present disquisition, The First Part of the Contention of the Two Houses, &c. and The True Tragedy of Richarde Duke of Yorke; as, by “the wretched end of Usurpers,” and the justice of God in “punishing murder,” old plays on the subject of King Richard III. and that of Hamlet, prior to those of Shakspeare, were, I believe, alluded to.

Note return to page 1143 *See An Attempt to ascertain the Order of Shakspeare's Plays, vol. ii.

Note return to page 1144 *Mr. Theobald's and Dr. Warburton's idea on which the foregoing Dissertation is founded, had received countenance from the opinion of Dr. Farmer. Mr. Malone, with much labour and ingenuity, has given support to the sentiments of these gentlemen; but, in my judgment, if he proves any thing, it is a position hazarded by me long ago; viz. that our author had as much hand in the present dramas, as in several others that pass under his name; for, as I observed in Mr. Malone's Attempt to ascertain, &c. (article, Macbeth) “a time may arrive, in which it will become evident, from books and manuscripts yet undiscovered and unexamined, that Shakspeare did not attempt a single play on any subject, till the effect of the same story, or at least the ruling incidents in it, had been tried on the stage, and familiarized to his audience;”—a conjecture which in some instances has been already confirmed. Of the first part of these three Histories, however, it is asserted, that in colour of style, &c. it bears no resemblance to the other works of our author. As I think, among the notes on that piece, I have advanced some proofs to the contrary, in this place I shall be content to add, that it as strongly resembles the latter dramas of Shakspeare, as the Dream of Raphael resembles his Transfiguration. Between the first and last performances of great masters, there is often but a small, if any, degree of resemblance. Sir Joshua Reynolds studied under Hudson, and at first imitated his manner; but is a trace of the almost forgotten master discoverable in the mature and applauded works of the pupil? Steevens. Mr. Steevens seems to have been in considerable embarrassment with regard to this Dissertation. He is at first in doubt whether it proves any thing; but if the reader should be convinced that it is well founded, he puts in his claim to the merit of the discovery. It must, however, be obvious, that there is a very great difference between hazarding a general opinion that Shakspeare may have been preceded by other writers in the subjects of his dramas, and proving that this has actually happened in a particular instance. I have mentioned in the Preliminary Remarks that Mr. Malone was in doubt as to the date of the second and third parts of Henry VI. which he formerly placed so early as 1591, but which he afterwards thought might have been as late as 1600. The grounds of this opinion I have only found stated in a few short memoranda. They are as follows. The silence of Meres, in the list he has given of Shakspeare's works, the praise which our poet has bestowed upon these plays in the last chorus to Henry V. which he considered as being inconsistent with his usual modesty, and the probability that the original pieces were republished in 1600, on account of the popularity of Shakspeare's alterations, in the hope that the reader might on that account be more anxious to peruse them. With all my respect for my late friend's opinions, I cannot think any of these reasons conclusive. Meres, in mentioning our author's performances, might not think it worth his while to specify two dramas of which so much belonged to others, as witnessing Shakspeare's excellence: the chorus to Henry V. says nothing inconsistent with the utmost modesty; it merely hopes that the audience will show the same indulgence which they had done before. The reasons assigned for the republication in 1600 might as well be given for their being first committed to the press in 1594 and 1595. In the Essay on the Chronology of Shakspeare's Plays, he has altered his opinion with regard to the original author of the pieces which he took as his groundwork on the present occasion. But as this volume has already grown to an unusual bulk, and that question is immaterial to the great object of this Essay, I have left what he has said upon that point in its former place, and have contented myself with giving here what in its original state was pronounced by the late Professor Porson to be one of the most convincing pieces of criticism he had ever met with. Boswell.

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