PRELIMINARY REMARKS. At the commencement of this volume, I have inadvertently retained Mr. Malone's reference to his Essay on the Chronological Order of Shakspeare's Plays, for a full exposition of the theory contained in the following pages. But, upon further consideration, it appeared to me, that it would be more for the convenience of the reader, if this Essay, like the Dissertation on the Three Parts of Henry VI. should be found in the same volume with the play, of which it not only is intended to fix the date; but which in other respects it is calculated to illustrate. It was drawn up some years ago, by Mr. Malone; and at that time he printed a limited number of copies, which he presented to his friends, and literary acquaintance. One of them, under circumstances which were by no means honourable to its possessor, who has since made himself too well known by a posthumous publication full of falsehood and malignity, but whom the grave shall shelter from further reproach, was sold at an auction, and purchased by Mr. George Chalmers. This gentleman, of whom it may be said, as by Johnson of Jeremy Collier, (I write it without the slightest disrespect) that “contest is his delight,” lost no time in putting together the arguments by which

he thought Mr. Malone's theory might be controverted. I cannot think he was successful in his efforts; but as his pamphlet was privately printed, and bore on its title-page that it was “not published, nor intended to be;” I should not think myself justified in making it the subject of discussion. Boswell.

MR. MALONE'S ADVERTISEMENT.

THE following Account of the circumstances attending the storm by which Sir George Somers was shipwrecked on the island of Bermuda, in the year 1609, which unquestionably gave rise to Shakspeare's Tempest, and suggested to him the title, as well as some incidents, of that admirable comedy, was written some years ago, and shown to a highly valued friend* ^note, whose literary attainments and love of curious inquiry always incline him to lend a favourable ear to the researches of others.

The immediate connexion between Shakspeare's play and the tempest above alluded to, not having been noticed by any preceding editor or commentator, I conceived this discovery, which forms the subject of the following pages, to be exclusively my own; but the Observations on this poet by a learned and ingenious critick† ^note

published within these few days, have shown me my mistake in this respect, the same notion having also struck the author of that valuable and entertaining work. That gentleman, however, whose remarks abundantly evince that his candour is equal to his learning and judgment, I doubt not, will be pleased to find his statement on this subject strengthened and confirmed by authentick evidence, and the true date of this delightful comedy indisputably ascertained.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE INCIDENTS, ETC.

THE TEMPEST, 1611.

In the Essay on the Chronological Order of Shakspeare's Plays, published in 1790, I observed, that probably some particular and late misfortune at sea gave rise to the comedy now under our consideration, and induced our poet to denominate it The Tempest. On further investigation of this subject, and after perusing some curious and very scarce tracts of that time, which I had not then seen, I have no doubt that my conjecture was perfectly well founded, and that the leading circumstance of this play, from which its title is derived, was suggested to Shakspeare by a recent disaster, which doubtless engaged much of the conversation of his contemporaries,—the dreadful hurricane that dispersed the fleet of Sir George Somers and Sir Thomas Gates, in July 1609, on their passage with a large supply of provisions and men for the infant colony in Virginia; by which the Admiral ship, as

it was called, having those commanders on board, was separated from the rest of the fleet, and wrecked on the island of Bermuda. The principal circumstances indeed correspond so precisely, that at the first view it may appear strange, that the true origin of this comedy was not long since found out; but the wonder on that head will cease, when it is considered how very difficult it is to ascertain the minute particulars of an event that happened near two hundred years ago, and that accident alone can furnish us with the volumes which composed Shakspeare's library. Without the aid of those tracts in which the various circumstances of this misadventure were related, the resemblance between certain passages in the play and the archetype on which it was formed, could not be discovered. I may add, that our poet himself also, in some measure, contributed to lead the most sedulous inquirer astray, by very properly making the scene of his piece an island at a considerable distance from Bermuda, in order to give the magical part of his drama a certain mysterious dignity which Bermuda itself, then the general topick of conversation, could not have had. Without having read Tacitus, he well knew that omne ignotum pro magnifico est; that an unknown island would give a larger scope to his imagination, and make a greater impression on theatrical spectators, than one of which the more enlightened part of his audience had recently read a minute and circumstantial account.—Unquestionably, however, the

circumstance of Bermuda's having been considered an enchanted island gave rise to the magick of The Tempest, and was immediately in his thoughts during its composition.

Our poet's great patron, the Earl of Southampton, had early shown a strong disposition to encourage voyages of discovery; in which a principal motive that actuated him and other distinguished persons of those times, seems to have been the hope of civilizing and converting the savages of remote countries to Christianity. In the year 1605, in conjunction with his brother-in-law, Lord Arundel, of Wardour, he had fitted out a ship under the command of Captain George Weymouth, with a view to make discoveries on the coast of Virginia. On what part of the large district which then bore that name he landed, is not exactly known; but a very intelligent writer supposes that he sailed up the river of Connecticut. His stay, however, was very short: for after having for some time explored the country, and carried on some traffick with the natives, from whom he had taken five Indians as hostages during his intercourse with them, finding reason to believe that some treachery was intended towards him, he speedily set sail for England, where he arrived on the 18th of July, after an absence of about three months; bringing with him the Indians above-mentioned. Two of those savages, Namontack and Machumps, lived to sail for their own country with Sir George Somers in 1609; another, named Tantum, sailed for Virginia with Captain

Smith in 1614; and the other two probably died in London, and one of them (or some other Indian) was exhibited as a show after his death, a circumstance to which Shakspeare has alluded in the second act of this comedy, Sc. II.; and which, though then unacquainted with these particulars, I formerly suggested, as likely to contribute some aid in fixing the date of The Tempest: but if even the day of the death of either of them were known, it would only ascertain a time before which the play could not have been composed, unless it were shewn that some Indian had previously died, and been exhibited in London; and I am now not under the necessity of having recourse to such uncertain grounds of conjecture, as I shall be able to point out the precise period when this beautiful comedy was written and first represented.

In 1608, Captain Harlow was sent to Cape Cod by Lord Southampton and some of the inhabitants of the isle of Wight, of which he was Governour, and brought back with him five Indians, one of whom was named Epinew, or Epinow, a man of extraordinary stature and strength, who was exhibited for money in various parts of London.

I have mentioned the voyages of Captains Weymouth and Harlow, because they were undertaken partly at the charge of Lord Southampton, and must on that account alone have attracted our poet's notice, and drawn his attention to the colonial projects that took place at this period. Men's thoughts indeed were then so strongly directed

towards the new world, that the successes and miscarriages of the several adventurers who went there could not but have been a very general topick of conversation, as is evinced by the various publicaon those subjects* ^note

A new charter having been granted in May 1609, to the Company for making a plantation and settlement in Virginia, it was resolved by the Treasurer and Council of that Company to send thither immediately a large supply of men and provisions. Of the disaster which befell the fleet employed on that occasion, the following clear and succinct account

has been given by a very sensible modern historian. To his narrative I shall subjoin the more minute and particular relation of one engaged in this adventure, as well as that printed by authority of the Council; which will fully shew that the incidents attending it suggested to Shakspeare the leading circumstance of this comedy:

“The New Charter,” says the Reverend Mr. Stith, “was granted to the Earls of Salisbury, Suffolk, Southampton, Pembroke, and other peers, to the number of twenty-one; to the Honourable George Percy and Francis West, Esquires; to Sir Humphrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London, and ninety-eight other knights; and to Dr. Mathew Sutcliff, with a great multitude more of doctors, esquires, gentlemen, officers, merchants and citizens, together with many corporations and companies of London. So many persons of great power, interest, and fortune, engaging in the enterprise, and the Lord Delaware with the other gentlemen of distinction being appointed to the several offices [of Captain General, &c.] soon drew in such large sums of money, that they dispatched away Sir Thomas Gates, [who had been constituted by the Council for Virginia, Lieutenant-General,] Sir George Somers, [Admiral,] and Captain Newport, [Vice-Admiral,] with nine ships and five hundred people. These three gentlemen had each of them a commission,—who first arrived to call in the old. But because they could not agree for place, it was concluded that they should all go in one ship, called

the Sea-venture. They sailed from England the latter end of May* ^note, 1609; but the 25th of July the admiral-ship was parted from the rest of the fleet by the tail of a hurricane, having on board the three commanders, an hundred and fifty men, their new commission and bills of lading, together with all manner of instructions and directions, and the best part of their provisions. She arrived not, but was foundered at Bermudas, as shall be hereafter related. A small catch likewise perished in the hurricane; but the seven other ships came safe” [to Virginia.]† ^note.

“It hath been before said (continues the historian) that the Admiral-ship, with Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport, on board was separated from the rest of the fleet in a storm. She was so racked and torn by the violent working of the sea, and became so shattered and leaky, that the water rose in the hold above two tire of hogsheads; and they were obliged to stand up to their middles, with kettles, buckets, and other vessels to bail it out. And thus they bailed and pumped three days and nights, without intermission; and yet the water seemed rather to gain upon them than decrease. At last, all being utterly spent with labour, and seeing no hope, in

man's apprehension, but of presently sinking, they resolved to shut up the hatches, and to commit themselves to the mercy of the sea, and God's good providence. In this dangerous and desperate state, some who had good and comfortable waters, fetched them, and drank to one another, as taking their last leaves, till a more happy and joyful meeting in the other world. But it pleased God in his most gracious providence, so to guide their ship to her best advantage, that they were all preserved and came safe to shore.

“For Sir George Somers had sat all this time upon the poop, scarce allowing himself leisure either to eat or sleep, cunning the ship* ^note, and keeping her upright, or she must otherwise, long before this, have foundered. As he there sat looking wishfully about, he most happily and unexpectedly descried land. This welcome news, as if it had been a voice from heaven, hurried them all above hatches, to see what they could scarce believe. But thereby improvdiently forsaking their work, they gave such an advantage to their greedy enemy, the sea, that they were very nigh being swallowed up. But none were now to be urged to do his best. Although they knew it to be Bermudas, a place then dreaded and shunned by all men, yet they spread all the sail, and did every thing else, in their power, to reach the land. It was not long before the ship struck upon a rock, but a surge of the sea cast

her from thence, and so from one to another, till she was most luckily thrown up between two, as upright as if she had been on the stocks. And now the danger was, lest the billows overtaking her, should in an instant have dashed and shivered her to pieces. But all on a sudden the wind lay, and gave place to a calm, and the sea became so peaceable and still, that with the greatest conveniency and ease they unshipped all their goods, victuals, and people, and in their boats, with extreme joy, almost to amazement, arrived in safety without the loss of a man, although more than a league from the shore* ^note.

“How these islands came by the name of Bermudas is not certainly agreed. Some say, that they were so named after John Bermudaz, a Spaniard, who first discovered them about the year 1522. Others report, that a Spanish ship called The Bermudas was cast away upon them, as she was carrying hogs to the West-Indies; which swam ashore and increased to incredible numbers. But they had been in all times before infamous and terrible to mariners, for the wreck of many Spanish, Dutch, and French vessels. They were therefore, with the usual elegance of the sea style, by many called The Isle of Devils, and were esteemed the hell or purgatory of seamen, the most dangerous, unfortunate, and forlorn place in the world.

“But the safe arrival of this company is not more strange and providential, than their feeding and support was beyond all their hope or expectation: for they found it the richest, pleasantest, and most healthful place they had ever seen. Being safe on shore, they dispersed themselves, some to search the islands for food and water, and others to get ashore what they could, from the ship. Sir George Somers had not ranged far, before he found such a fishery, that in half an hour he took with a hook and line as many as sufficed the whole company. In some places they were so thick in the coves, and so big, that they were afraid to venture in amongst them.—Two of these rock-fish would have loaded a man, neither could any where be found fatter or more excellent fish than they were. Besides, there were infinite numbers of mullets, pilchards, and other small fry; and by making a fire in the night they would take vast quantities of large craw-fish. As for hogs, they found them in that abundance, that at their first hunting they killed thirty-two. And there were likewise multitudes of excellent birds in their seasons; and the greatest facility to make their cabins with palmeta leaves. This caused them to live in such plenty, ease, and comfort, that many forgot all other places, and never desired to return from thence* ^note.”

Such is the narrative collected from authentick papers of those times, and published at Williamsburg,

about sixty years ago, by the historian of Virginia, which I have thought it proper to lay before the reader in the first instance, because it describes this misadventure in a very lively manner, and is extremely well written. But from these facts, it must be acknowledged, no satisfactory and decisive conclusion can be drawn respecting the date of this play, unless it can be shewn that they were known by Shakspeare. I shall therefore proceed to state not only how, but when, he became acquainted with the peculiar circumstances attending this disaster, to which he has alluded in The Tempest; so as by this means, with the aid of other documents, to ascertain precisely the time of its composition.

It has already been mentioned that seven ships of Sir George Somers's fleet got to the place of their destination, Virginia. Having landed about three hundred and fifty persons, they set sail for their own country. Two of them were wrecked and perished on the point of Ushant; and “the rest of the fleet (says a writer of those times) returned to England in 1610, ship after ship, laden with nothing but bad reports and letters of discouragement; and, which added the more to our crosse, they brought us newes, that the admiral-ship, with the two knights and Captain Newport, were missing, severed in a mightie storme outward, and could not be heard of, which we therefore yeelded as lost for many moneths together; and so that virgine voyage, as I may terme it, which

went out smiling on her lovers with pleasant lookes, after her wearie travailes did thus return with a rent and disfigured face, for which how justly her friends took occasion of sorrow, and others to insult and scoffe, let men of reason judge* ^note.”

The account of this disaster probably reached England some time in December 1609, and was brought either by Captain Smith, the former Governour of Virginia, who left it at Michaelmas in that year, or by the first of the five ships that arrived in an English port. To dispel the gloom which this ill news spread among the undertakers who had fitted out the fleet, the Council of Virginia very speedily issued out a pamphlet, which was published either in December 1609, or early in January 1609–10, with a view of preventing the bad effects that any exaggerated reports of this calamity might produce.

In this piece, after stating that Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport, with seven ships and two pinnaces, sailed from Falmouth on the 8th of June [1609], they add, that “in the height of the Canaries, short of the West-Indies 150 leagues, on St. James's day, a terrible tempest overtook them, and lasted in extremity forty-eight hours, which scattered the whole fleet, and wherein some of them spent their masts, and others were much distressed.” Within three days, (they say in substance) four of the fleet met in consort, and

hearing no news of the Admiral, they bore away for the bay of Virginia, and arrived in the King's River on the 11th of August. In eleven days afterwards arrived two more; they having resolved to steer, not for Barwada, (as originally determined in case of separation,) but for that harbour; “which,” (say the Council) “doubtless the Admiral himself did not observe, but obeyed his own directions, and is the true or probable cause of his being cast so far into suspicion; where [whereas] perhaps bound in with winde, or perhaps enforced to stay the masting or mending somewhat in his ship, torn or lost in the tempest, we doubt not but by the mercy of God hee is safe, with the pinnace* ^note which attended him, and shall both, or are by this time arrived at our colony.”

Not long afterwards (this tract informs us) one of the pinnaces arrived in the river or bay of Virginia; making seven out of the nine vessels that had sailed from England. Four hundred persons were landed from the several ships; “who being put ashore without their Governour or any order from him, (all the commissioners and principal persons being aboord him,) no man would acknowledge a superior, nor could from this headlesse and unbridled multitude be any thing expected but disorder and ryot, nor any counsell prevent or foresee the successe of these wayes.”

Still further to dispel the gloom which had arisen

on this failure, after stating the difficulties the Spaniards had experienced in similar settlements, the Council add,—“But to come hence to our purpose: That which seems to dishearten or shake our first grounds in this supplye, ariseth from two principal sources, of which one was the cause of the other; first, the tempest; and can any man expect to answer for that? next, the absence of the Governor, (an effect of the former,) for the loss of him is in suspense, and much reason of his safetye against some doubt; and the hand of God reacheth all the earth.”

They further inform the publick, that to redeem the defects and misadventures of the last supply, they had resolved to send forth the Lord De la Ware as Governor, by the last of January [1609–10]* ^note.

Not content with giving this statement of their affairs, in the month of January or February 1609–10, they issued out a paper, which bears the title of

“A Publication by the Counsell of Virginia, touching the plantation there.

“Howsoever it came to pass by God's appointment that governes all things, that the fleet of eight shippes lately sent to Virginea, by meanes the Admirall, wherein were shipped the chief Governours, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sommers, and Captain Newport, by tempestuous windes and forcible current were driven so farre to the westward, that they could not in so convenient time recover Cape Henrie, and the port in Virginea, as by returne of the same fleete to answere the expectation of the Adventurers, in some measure;

“By occasion whereof some few of those unruly youths sent thither, (beeing of most leaud and bad condition, and such as no ground can hold,) for want of good directions there were suffered by stealth to get aboard the shippes returning thence, and are come for England againe, giving out in all places where they come, (to colour their own misbehaviour and the cause of their returne with some pretence,) most vile and scandalous reports, both of the country it self, and of the cariage of the business there:

“Which hath also given occasion that sundry false rumours, and despightful speeches, have beene devised and given out by men that seeme of better sort, being such as lie at home, and doe gladly take all occasions to cheere them selves with the prevention of happy success in any action of publicke good, disgracing both the action and actors of such honourable enterprises, as whereof they neither know nor understand the true intents and honest ends;

“Which howsoever for a time it may deterre and keepe backe the hands and helpe of many well-disposed men, yet men of wisdome and better resolution doe well conceive and know that these devices infused into the tongues and heades of such devisors, by the father of untruths, doe serve for nothing else but as a cloke to cover the wretched and leaud prancks of the one sort, and the stupidity and backwardness of the other, to advance any commendable action that taxeth their purse, and tendeth not wholly to their own advantage.

“And therefore those of his Majesties Counsell in this honourable plantation, the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, interessed therein, rightly considering that as in all other good services, so in this, much losse and detriment may many waies arise and grow to the due meanes and manner of proceeding, which yet no way toucheth nor empeacheth the action it self, nor the ends of it, which do still remaine entire and safe upon the same grounds of those manifold christian duties,

whereon it was first resolved, are so farre from yielding or giving way to any hindrance or impeachment of their cheerfull going on, that many of them, both honourable and worshipfull, have given their hands and subscribed to contribute againe and againe to new supplies, if need require.

“And further they doe instantly prepare and make ready a certain number of good shippes with all necessaries, for the Right Honourable Lord De la Ware, who intendeth, (God assisting) to be ready with all expedition to second the aforesaid Generals, which we doubt not are long since safely arrived at their wished port in Virginia.

“And for that former experience hath too dearely taught, how much and manie waies it hurteth, to suffer parents to disbourden them selves of lascivious sonnes, masters of bad servants, and wives of ill husbands, and soe to clogge the businesse with such an idle crue as did thrust them selves in the last voiage, that will rather starve for hunger, then lay their hands to any labour:

“It is therefore resolved, that no such unnecessary person shall now be accepted, but onely such sufficient, honest, and good artificers, as

Bricklayers, Mineral men, Bakers, Gun-founders, Fishermen, Plough-wrights, Brewers, Sawyers, Fowlers, Vine-dressers. Surgeons, and

Physicians for the body, and learned Divines to instruct the Colony, and to teach the infidels to worship the true God: of which so many as will repaire to the house of Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer of the Company, to proffer their service in this action, before the number be full, and will put in good suretie to be readie to attend the said Honourable Lord in the voyage, shall be entertained with those reasonable and good conditions, as shall answer and be agreeable to each man's sufficiency in his several profession.* ^note”

In April or May, 1610, Lord De la Ware, with three ships, sailed for Virginia, and arrived at James-Town on the 9th of June. Here first he learned, that Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers were not lost, as had been supposed in England, the two knights having arrived at Virginia about a fortnight before him, in two cedar vessels that they had built at Bermuda, from which they sailed on the 10th of May, after having spent about nine months on that island. Shortly afterwards,

(June 19, 1610* ^note,) the new Governour sent Sir George Somers for a fresh supply of victuals to Bermuda, where he died, Nov. 9, 1610, as appears by an inquisition taken at Dorchester on the 26th of July, 1611† ^note

During a great part of the year 1610, the fate of Somers and Gates was not known in England; but the latter, having been sent home by Lord Delaware, arrived there in August or September, 1610; and before the end of that year, in order to quiet the minds of those who were concerned in this adventure, and to assure the publick of the safety of Sir George Somers, and those who had accompanied him in the Sea-adventure, the Council of Virginia published a Narrative of the disasters which had befallen the fleet that had been sent out in 1609, from materials furnished by Sir Thomas Gates.

Previously however to its appearance, one Jourdan, who probably returned from Virginia in the

same ship with that gentleman, pursuing a course which we have seen practised in our own time, and availing himself of the publick curiosity, anticipated the authentick account by hastily drawing up a narrative of this disastrous voyage, which appears to have been issued out very expeditiously; for his Dedication, which is addressed “to Master John Fitzjames, Esquire, Justice of Peace in Dorsetshire,” is dated on the 13th of October, 1610; but from an apprehension, doubtless, that his publication might have been forbidden by authority, if any previous notice of it had been given, this pamphlet was published without a license, not being entered in the Stationers' Register. It is entitled, “A Discovery of the Bermudas, otherwise called the isle of divels; by Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport, with divers others* ^note.” Though the substance of this narrative has already been given in Mr. Stith's detail of the disaster produced by the storm of July, 1609, it is necessary to repeat some part of it, because here and in the subsequent tract published by authority, it was, that Shakspeare found those materials of which he has availed himself in the comedy now under our consideration.

Jourdan, after informing his reader that he was one of those who sailed from England with Sir George Somers and Sir Thomas Gates, in the Sea-adventure† ^note, proceeds to relate the circumstances

of the storm which happened on the 25th of July, 1609. They were bound for Virginia, and at that time in thirty degrees, north latitude. The whole crew, amounting to one hundred and fifty persons, weary with pumping, had given all for lost, and began to drink their strong waters, and to take leave of each other, intending to commit themselves to the mercy of the sea. Sir George Somers, who had sat three days and nights on the poop, with no food and little rest, at length descried land, and encouraged them (many from weariness having fallen asleep) to continue at the pumps. They complied; and fortunately the ship was driven and jammed between two rocks, “fast lodged and locked for further budging.” One hundred and fifty persons got ashore; and by means of their boat and skiff, for this was “half a mile from land,” they saved such part of their goods and provisions as the water had not spoiled, all the tackling and much of the iron of their ship, which was of great service to them in fitting out another vessel to carry them to Virginia.

“But our delivery,” says Jourdan, “was not more strange in falling so opportunely and happily upon the land, as [than] our feeding and provision was, beyond our hopes, and all men's expectations, most admirable; for the Islands of the Bermudas, as every man knoweth that hath heard or read of them, were never inhabited by any christian or heathen people, but ever esteemed and reputed a most prodigious and inchanted place, affording nothing but gusts, storms, and foul weather; which

made every navigator and mariner to avoid them as Scylla and Charybdis, or as they would shunne the Divell himself: and no man was ever heard to make for this place, but as, against their wils, they have, by storms and dangerousnesse of the rocks lying seven leagues into the sea, suffered shipwracke. Yet did we finde there the ayre so temperate and the country so aboundantly fruitfull of all fit necessaries for the sustentation and preservation of man's life, that, most in a manner of all our provision of bread, beere, and victuall, being quite spoyled in lying long drowned in salt water, notwithstanding we were there for the space of nine months (few days over or under) we were not only well refreshed, comforted, and with good satiety contented, but out of the aboundance thereof provided us some reasonable quantity and proportion of provision to carry us for Virginia, and to maintain our selves and that company we found there:—wherefore my opinion sincerely of this island is, that whereas it hath beene, and is still accounted the most dangerous, unfortunate, and forlorne place of the world, it is in truth the richest, healthfullest, and pleasing land, (the quantity and bignesse thereof considered,) and meerely naturall, as ever man set foote upon.”

On the 28th of July they landed. They all then began to search for provision. In half an hour Sir Thomas Gates took as many fishes with hookes, as sufficed the whole company for one day. When a man stept into the water, the fish came round about him. “These fishes were very fat and

sweete, and of that proportion and bignesse, that three of them will conveniently lade two men: those we called rock-fish. Besides, there are such aboundance of mullets, that with a seane might be taken at one draft one thousand at the least; and infinite store of pilchards.” There was also a great plenty of cray-fish. The country afforded such an abundance of hogs, that Sir George Somers, who hunted them, brought in thirty-two at one time.

“There is fowle in great aboundance in the islands, where they breed, that there hath beene taken in two or three howres a thousand at the least, being of the bignesse of a good pigeon.

“Another sea-fowle there is, that lyeth in little holes in the ground, like unto a coney-hole, and are in great numbers; exceeding good meat, very fat and sweet, (those we had in the winter,) and their egges are white, and of that bignesse, that they are not to be knowne from hen-egges.”

The birds he describes as exceedingly tame: they came so near them, that they killed many of them with a stick. They found great store of tortoises or turtles; prickled pears in abundance, which continued green on the trees all the year. The island, he adds, was supplied with many mulberry trees, white and red, palmits and cedar trees; and no venemous creature was found there.

Having built their new cedar bark* ^note, they set sail

from the Bermudas, May 10, 1610, (leaving, as appears by other accounts, three men behind,) and landed on the coast of Virginia, May 24, when they found sixty persons only living and in distress. On this account they determined to return to England; and accordingly embarked, June 8, 1610, at James-Town for Newfoundland, to get provisions for their voyage; when fortunately, having got half way down the river, they met Lord De la Ware, who arrived from England with three ships. After a while, Lord De la Ware sent Sir George Somers, “a man of sixty years of age,” to Bermuda, for provisions. He embarked at James-Town in the small cedar bark of thirty tons, which he had built at Bermuda, June 19, 1610; and the writer concludes with a hearty wish for his good success and safe return.

To dissipate the gloom and despondency occasioned by the disaster of the former year, and to shew the practicability and probable advantages of settling a colony in Virginia, were the principal objects of the pamphlet published under the authority of the Council in the latter end of 1610; which is written with a vigour, animation, and elegance rarely found in the tracts of those times. Though that part of it with which alone we are concerned, or in other words, which relates to Bermuda, differs but little in substance from the account that preceded

it, relating nearly the same facts and events in much better language, it is yet necessary to be briefly noticed; because Shakspeare assuredly would not neglect to peruse this authentick narrative* ^note

“True it is,” (says this Narrative,) “that when Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Captaine

Newport, were in the height of 27, and the 24th of July, 1609, there arose such a storme, as if Jonas had been flying unto Tarshish: the heavens were obscured, and made an Egyptian night of three daies perpetuall horror; the women lamented; the hearts of the passengers failed; the experience of the sea-captaines was amased; the skill of the marriners was confounded; the ship most violently leaked; and though two thousand tunne of water by pumping from Tuesday noone till Fryday noone was discharged, notwithstanding, the ship was halfe filled with water: and those which laboured to keepe others from drowning, were halfe drowned themselves in labouring. But God, that heard Jonas crying out of the belly of hell, he pittied the distresses of his servants; for behold, in the last period of necessitie, Sir George Summers descryed land, which was by so much the more joyfull, by how much their danger was despairefull. The islands on which they fell, were the Bermudos; a place hardly accessable, through the invironing rocks and dangers: notwithstanding, they were forced to runne their ship on shoare, which through God's providence fell betwixt two rockes, that caused her to stand firme, and not immediately to be broken; God continuing his mercie unto them, that with their long boats they transported to land before night all their company, men, women, and children, to the number of one hundred and fiftie; they carryed to shoare all the provision of unspent and unspoyled victuals, all their furniture and tackling

of the ship, leaving nothing but bared ribs as a pray unto the ocean.

“These islands of the Bermudos have ever been accounted as an inchaunted pile of rockes, and a desert inhabitation for divels; but all the fairies of the rocks were but flocks of birds, and all the divels that haunted the woods were but heards of swine. Yea, and when Acosta, in his first booke of the hystories of the Indies, averreth, that though in the Continent there were diverse beasts and cattell, yet in the islands of Hispaniola, Jamaica, Marguarita, and Dominica, there was not one hoofe, it increaseth the wonder how our people in the Bermudos found such abundance of hogs, that for nine moneths' space they plentifully sufficed; and yet the number seemed not much diminished.—Again; as in the great famine of Israell God commanded Elias to flie to the brooke Cedron, and there fed him by ravens, so God provided for our disconsolate people in the midst of the sea by foules; but with an admirable difference: unto Elias the ravens brought meat, unto our men the foules brought themselves for meate; for when they whisteled or made any strange noyse, the foules would come and sit on their shoulders; they would suffer them selves to be taken and weighed by our men, who would make choise of the fattest and fairest, and let flie the leane and lightest: an accident I take it, that cannot be parallel'd by any hystorie, except when God sent abundance of quayles to feed his Israel in the barren wildernesse. Lastly, they found

the berries of cedar, the palmeto tree, the prickle peare, sufficient fish, plenty of tortoises, and divers other kinds which sufficed to sustaine nature. They found diversity of woods, which ministred materials for the building of two pinaces, according to the direction of the three provident Governours.

“Consider all these things together. At the instant of neede they descryed land; halfe an hower more had buried their memorial in the sea. If they had fel by night, what expectation of light from an uninhabited desart? They fell betwixt a laberinth of rockes, which they conceive are mouldred into the sea by thunder and lightning. This was not Ariadne's threed, but the direct line of God's providence. If it had not beene so neere land, their companie or provision had perished by water; if they had not found hogs, and foule, and fish, they had perished by famine: if there had not beene fuell, they had perished by want of fire: if there had not beene timber, they could not have transported them selves to Virginia, but must have beene forgotten for ever. Nimium timet, qui Deo non credit; he is too impiously fearefull, that will not trust in God so powerfull.

“What is there in all this tragicall-comædie, that should discourage us with impossibilitie of the enterprise? when of all the fleete, one onely ship by a secret leake was indangered, and yet in the gulfe of despaire was so graciously preserved. Quæ videtur pœna, est medicina; that which we accompt

a punishment of evill, is but a medecine against evill* ^note.”

From the preceding statements it appears, that during a great part of the year 1610, it was supposed in England, that the ship containing the Lieutenant-Governor of the settlement in Virginia, and Sir George Somers the Admiral, which had been separated from the rest of the fleet, was lost; but Shakspeare, when he wrote his play, knew that it was safe; a circumstance ascertained by Jourdan's pamphlet, and that issued out by the Council; and therefore this comedy could not have been written till after their publication, or at least the publication of one of them: unless we suppose that our poet had the very earliest intelligence of the arrival of Sir Thomas Gates in August or September in that year: and even on that supposition the play must have been composed subsequently to that period. However that may have been it is reasonable to suppose that it was not produced on the stage till the winter or spring of 1611, and we may safely ascribe it to the early part of that year. That it was performed before the middle of 1611, we have already seen† ^note.

It now remains to shew that Shakspeare, when he wrote The Tempest, had in view the particular disaster of which so ample an account has been given. To fix as nearly as possible the exact time of his writing it, I have said that he knew that the Admiral-ship was safe; and this appears by the following lines, which manifestly allude to that circumstance and several others attending the tempest that dispersed Somers's fleet, and finally wrecked the vessel he was in, in one of the Bermuda islands.